text:
This paper contains what is known of John Maitland and his father, Richard Maitland.
Issue Date: 31/10/2014
Home Page
Footnotes removed before websave.
Hungerford Privateer Letter of Marque
London Land Tax Records, 1692-1932
Sarah Maitland's Loyalist Claim - Notes:
Maitland as Master, Summarised:
Phillippa Privateer Letter of Marque – Richard as Commander
Ship Magna Charta & Phillippa #2
Richard Maitland & the Rebels 1774/5
General Evening Post September 15, 1774
Richard Maitland in Georgia 1775
Florida: Possession by Britain
Letters re Maitland & Laurens Parting
V11/368 Teignmouth, Devon, June 19, 1777
Henry Laurens Extracts: précis in text
Charleston 1773: (Library of Congress)
Richard Maitland, Mark Lane, D 1775
HL V7 P 417, 28 December 1770.
London Land Tax Records, 1692-1932
Ships Built and Registered in Shoreham
Richard Maitland, Jamaica & London, will 1763
A detailed history of St Paul's Shadwell
ESP 952 Richard M letter – 5/1/1777:
ESP 998 Richard M to Wm Chamberlain 30/01/1777
920 – Richard M to Chamberlain - 6/1/1777
924 – Platt to Capt Hughes, Cantaur - 4/12/1776
926: - Admiral Gaydon to M Stephens - 25/7/1776
934-5-6 – Bensted to Chamberlain - 13/1/1777
Ebenezer Smith Platt to the Commissioners
Matthew Ridley to the American Commissioners
To Benjamin Franklin from Elizabeth Wright, 13 February 1777
9. Sarah Maitland's Claim 1784
10. The PARCHMENTS of Southfield Penn
PRO: Cust 47 Appointments & Postings
T 45 Pay last piece ref 10.
Unpublished data and addresses etc as footnotes format i,ii,iii…
Denny Swaby[i]
David Bromfield[ii]
Michael Sandford[iii]
Louise Currie[iv]
These do not appear on the web version of this paper.
Sources as Endnotes format 1,2,3…
London Metropolitan Archives
Genesreunited Newspaper Archive shipping intelligence
The following sources are indicated in superscript; there are so many pieces of data that only the general source is shown: detailed references are on a dedicated list (XL):
NP: http://newspaperarchive.com/ Extensive collection of English (mainly London) 18thC newspapers. Searchable by name.
LL: http://www.maritimearchives.co.uk/lloyds-register.html. Lloyds Register & Lists. Searchable by name.
SCG South Carolina Gazette (SCG) and
SCAG South Carolina and American Gazette,
both found with name indexes in the SC Room, Charleston Library.
Google books extracts & hard copies in the SC Room in
Charleston Library:
Henry Laurens used the Maitlands (Richard and occasionally John) to carry freight and papers across the Atlantic, and was a partner in the building of the Magna Charta with Richard Maitland. His papers were transcribed by the South Carolina Historical Society. Henry & his brother James were sometime part owners of the Magna Charta with Richard Maitland.
Henry Laurens (March 6, 1724 [O.S. February 24, 1723] – December 8, 1792) was an American merchant and rice planter from South Carolina who became a political leader during the Revolutionary War. A delegate to the Second Continental Congress, Laurens succeeded John Hancock as President of the Congress. He was a signatory to the Articles of Confederation and President when the constitution was passed on November 15, 1777.
Laurens had earned great wealth as a partner in the largest slave-trading house in North America (Austin and Laurens). In the 1750s alone, this Charleston firm oversaw the sale of more than 8,000 enslaved Africans.[2] He was for a time Vice-President of South Carolina and a diplomat to the Netherlands during the Revolutionary War. He was captured at sea and imprisoned for some time by the British in the Tower of London.
His son John Laurens, a colonel in the Continental Army and officer on Washington's staff, believed that Americans could not fight for their own freedom while holding slaves. In 1779, he persuaded the Continental Congress to authorize the recruitment of a brigade (3000 men) of slaves, who would be given their freedom after the war. However, when he presented it to them, the South Carolina Provincial Congress overwhelmingly rejected the proposal, and instead voted to use confiscated slaves as payment to recruit more white soldiers. John Laurens was killed in a skirmish in South Carolina in 1782.
I suggest you prioritize as follows (see the hyperlinks for their catalogs):
1 – Daniel Library at the Citadel – being a military college, they have a sizable collection of Navy related publications from the American Revolution era (it's where I obtained the material I previously forwarded you). You can also access many e-journals from there.
2 – SC Room at the Charleston County Library – they have many of the same materials as the Historical Society and your photocopy costs will be much less expensive. They have microfilm of the colonial era and revolutionary era gazettes and better film reader capabilities than the Historical Society. They also have the "Index of Surnames" for the gazettes which will help you. The South Carolina Gazette will have several ship launching announcements that pertain to the Maitlands. Also Nicholas Oldsberg's "Ship Registers in the South Carolina Archives."
3 – Addlestone Library at the College of Charleston – specifically, their copy of "Charleston's colonial boat culture, 1668-1775" which might be of interest. It's a dissertation by Prof. Lynn Harris who is now at East Carolina University. The South Carolina Historical Society catalog is now combined with the College of Charleston library catalog, so be sure to read the "location" information when catalog searching.
4 – the SC Historical Society – I don't see a surname file listed in their catalog for the Maitland family, so they don't appear to have much material that would be uniquely theirs. They will charge you $5 per day plus $35 per photocopy and they restrict what you can carry into the reading room.
5 – the Charleston Library Society – much like the Historical Society but you might find something that is uniquely theirs. It's one of the earliest libraries in America.
(ps: don't hold it against me that my ancestor James helped in the seizing of the Philippa…)
From: Antony Maitland [mailto:firstname.lastname@example.com]
Sent: Friday, March 21, 2014 3:51 AM
To: Charlie Black
Subject: Re: RICHARD MAITLAND AND THE PHILIPPA
Dear Charlie,
Your email comes at a very apposite moment: I am in the middle of reconstructing some of Richard Maitland's marine adventures from Lloyd's Lists and, more revealingly, Henry Laurens Papers, published by the South Carolina Historical Society, extracts of which are on Google books. It turns out that HL & Richard Maitland were at one time partners in the ownership of the Philippa, and there are many references to RM in the papers. Google only has extracts of some volumes on line.
I am conducting a long study of my Jamaican ancestors (RM's son John produced my GGG grandfather by a free woman of colour in Jamaica). I expect to make another research trip to Jamaica in the late summer (I had 3 visits in 2013, so will limit myself this year!) and thought of swinging by South Carolina for a few days to see what may be there on Richard Maitland. In particular, I would like to see the other volumes of Henry Laurens Papers and any other papers that may concern RM's dealings there - he was in Charleston regularly of a number of years before Independence.
Any idea of where I might best go for this. I see that the SC Historical Society is in Charleston - I assume they would have copies. The state archives are elsewhere in Columbia I think?
Any help on this would be much appreciated, as you must have a good idea of where similar records to James Black might be found.
I will read your extract in detail later: as you may have seen, I have copies of all the court papers which were raised in London to do with the English end of the case.
Antony Maitland
On 21/03/2014 01:38, Charlie Black wrote:
I came across your webpage with Richard Maitland and the Philippa while I was researching my ancestor James Black, the shipwright from Beaufort, SC. I thought you might be interested in the attached information concerning the capture of the Philippa.
Charlie Black
Parents: (Probable) Richard & Sarah Maitland – possibly Banf 1735, see below.
Probably Bap Shadwell, as Jno Francis Maitland, 16/10/1745, of King James Stairs, 18 days old, although this seems young to be surgeon of the Hungerford in 1761.
Will: Dated 25 October 1786, proved 24 January 1787,
Inventory: entered 20 May 1787.
Partner: Rebecca Wright.
Issue, St Elizabeth, Jamaica:
1/1. Francis Maitland (ch 25/2/1784),
1/2. Richard Maitland (ch 4/8/1786) (StE PR)
Presumed died between 1789 and 1806 – mentioned in grandmother Patty Penford's will but not in mother's
The link to has parents is specifically described in Sarah's claims for Richard's losses in the War, made in 1784.
At the moment (5/13), there is no proven evidence of his parents. In his will of October 1786, he named his mother as Sarah, but his father is not mentioned, presumably dead by then. The names of his sons can give a clue: Francis and Richard (Francis was probably named after Rebecca's probably father, Francis Wright). It is probable that his parents were Richard & Sarah Maitland of Shadwell, Middlesex; see under Richard Maitland for the reasons. The notice of his death in the London Gazette describes him as "formerly of London but late of Black River Jamaica."
As Richard's will of 1740 mentions no children, it is probable that any children of Richard & Sarah born before that date would have been young. John is unlikely to have been born after 1755 to be a Captain by 1775. If the John shipping as surgeon in 1761 is ours, he is thus unlikely to have been born much after 1741.
He does not appear on the Tax records of London.
The ownership of "Atlantic" indicates a connection between Alexander Rose, John & Richard Maitland: an Alexander Rose was in Jamaica, and has been seen in the deed indices. Rebecca Wright's mother Patty, according to the parish record entry, was a slave belonging to Roderick Rose. Alexander Rose may have been from Inverness. Correspondence between him and John MacIntosh of Inverness exists, one letter of 1791 decrying the abolition of slavery. (Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic world, 1750-1820 By Douglas Hamilton, reference given in this publication [Google books]). Alexander Rose owned property near Giddy Hall in early 19thC. Patty & Rebecca's manumission by the Forbes & Wright families makes the Rose connection look less likely to be correct.
A likely scenario is that John sailed into Black River, settled there, maybe after the loss of the "Hope" in the hurricane of 1 August 1781 and bought several plots of land, including a piece on the shore to the west of Black River town centre (there are a number of early houses along the road, one of which might have been the site of John's first house).
Between 1784 and his death, he bought various plots of land in St Elizabeth.
He seemed to have been a banker, lending money to various people in the area. He had 2 children by Rebecca Wright, a woman of colour whose mother seemed to have been a woman of substance in her own right. His brother-in-law ("common law"!), Hyem Cohen, was in the same business, but in a very much bigger way – most of the local families seemed to owe him money! Hyem's personal estate was about £4.5M in 2008.
An extensive search of the IGI & Scottish OPR's does not reveal any obvious certainties, only the 1735 in Banf looking at all possible. From Richard Maitland's letters and activities, it would seem that he came from a rather higher social background than an ordinary sailor or farm worker. None of the main family trees have a suitable combination of Richard & John and timing.
A John Maitland appears as surgeon on a ship, the
Hungerford, which was granted Letter of Marque in London in May 1761. Richard
Maitland was the master of the Philippa which was also granted Letters of
Marque in April of the same year. This is likely to have been early in John's
career. Hungerford is shown as sailing from Cowes 27 June 1761 in a convoy, she
originated from London and destination Jamaica[1].
June 1761-March 1762
Downes 8/6 remained til 14/6 to Cowes, sailed thence 27/6/1761 for JamaicaLL, via Cowes, June 27. The 24th came down from Spithead, and anchored in Cowes Road, the Prince Edward Man of War, with the following Ships under he convoy...Hungerford, Barford, for Jamaica +21 others.. All sailed to the Westward this Day.
9/6/1761: The Hungerford, Capt. Barford, for Jamaica, sailed from the Down on Tuesday, but was obliged to put back again, the Wind coming about to the South West. Julines Beckford esq, Member for Salisbury, Brother to Mr Alderman Beckford, is gone a Passenger to Jamaica.NA
Obviously took a while to get away on this voyage!
Kingston in Jamaica[2], Aug 15. Sunday arrived the Hungerford, Capt. Barford, from England in 45 Days. Julines Beckford esq; Member for Salisbury, with his Lady and five servants came Passengers, as did several others, and twenty-six SoldiersNA. (Arrived Jamaica rep 19/10/1761LL
Lloyd's List, 19/2/1762: The Esperance, Privateer of 6 guns and 70 men, from Bayonne, is brought into Plymouth by the Aeolus Man of War, Captain Hotham, who has also retaken and sent into Portsmouth, the Hungerford, Barford, from Jamaica for London, who was taken the 3d inst by a French privateer, 300 Leagues to the westward.
Arr Gravesend from Jamaica, (via Portsmouth 20/2/1762[3]), 30/3/1762LL
This appears to be the only voyage of the Hungerford with Barford as master. She appears in Lloyd's Lists under a different master, sailing out of Bristol in 1763.
Hungerford Privateer Letter of Marque
Indexed at /99
These records were on prewritten/printed forms with the relevant details inserted by hand. They are bound in books relating to the nation against whom the letters were granted.
26 May 1761 101
Appeared personally Captain John Barford of Cheapside, London mariner
and produced a warrant from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Executing the Offices of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland for the granting of a Commission or Letter of Marque to him the said John Barford
and in pursuance of his Majesty's Instruction to Privateer made the following Declaration to with that his the said John Barford
his ship is called the Hungerford
That she is a Square Sterned with three masts
and is of the burthen of about Two Hundred and Seventy Six tons
That the said John Barford goeth Commander of her That she Carrys Sixteen Carriage Guns
Each Carrying shot of Six and Four & three pounds weight and
Swivel Guns and belonging to the port of London
Thirty Men Thirty small arms Thirty Cutlasses Twenty Barrels of Powder Fifty Rounds of great Shot and about Six hundred weight of small shot
That the said Ship is victualled for Ten months
hath two suits of sails Five Anchors Four Cables and about Ten hundred weight of spare cordage
That John Castello goes Lieutenant John James Gunner William Green Boatswain Joseph Hickman Carpenter Arthur Morris Cook John Maitland Surgeon of the said Ship and that
Mr Joseph Robertson & Lawrence Boyd of London Merchants
are the Principal Owners and Setters out of the said Ship
Jno Barford
(His signature)
This declaration was made before me
And: Arth. Collier
The like Commission is entered on Irof:2 was granted to John
Barford to set forth the Hungerford of the Burthen of about Two hundred &
Seventy Six Tons and belonging to the Port of London whereof he the said John
Barford goeth Commander Dated the Twenty Sixth Day of May 1761 and in the first
year of his Majesty's Reign.
The London Chronicle, June 27-30 1761, Ship News:
Cowes 27 June: Hungerford, Barford for Jamaica, arrived as part of a convoy of 22 ships from Spithead 24 June, Hungerford originated in London. All sailed westward next day.
This ship was commander for some years by Richard Maitland, operating between the Carolinas and England. When Richard was involved with the building of his next ship, Magna Charta, John Maitland took over.
The first voyage which John Maitland is definitely shown as master was:
October 1770-May 1771
London to South Carolina, cleared out 28 SeptemberNP (poss 15/9/1770 re HL letter about Richard GrubbHL451).
Arr. South Carolina 29/12/1770, John Maitland masterHLV7P451 from London (rep 5/3/1771LL), with stores for the Magna Charta from Richard Grubb, which arrived lateHLV7P453. This seems to be the beginning of the disenchantment with Richard Grubb.
HL letters imply sailed after 23/2/1771, or even 8/3/1771.
Ready to sail about 7th February, windbound 21st February, remaining so util sailing for Cowes the 11th March 1771SCAG, Magna Charta likewise. "On Monday last embarked for England in the Little Carpenter Captain Maitland, Lieutenant Gordon, of His Majesty's 9th Regiment"SCG.
Arr. Portsmouth from S Carolina 26/4/1771, dep 13/5/1771 for RotterdamLL Arr. rep 24/5. Return Portsmouth, arr. 1/7/1771LL – this must have been John Maitland, esp as 7/3/71 reference is specifically "R." Maitland.
July 1771-January 1772
Portsmouth to South Carolina sailed 12/7/1771LL via Falmouth, the 15th.
S. Carolina from Cowes arr 25 October 1771SCAG (rep 27/12/1771LL)
S. Carolina cleared out of Charleston destined for London 5th DecemberSCG, sailed about 12th January 1772SCAG, and was subsequently lost in Antigua. See under John Maitland, who was master at the time.
6 March 1772LL: Maitland from South Carolina for London proved too leaky at sea that she was obliged … West indies. (Notes last line off scanned image.)
The Little Carpenter, Maitland, from South Carolina for London, that was spoke with in great distress, arrived at Antigua the 29th January lastLL.
The Little Carpenter, Maitland, is condemned at Antigua, and the goods reshipped on board the Indian King, Matthews, from London, who was to sail in March from Antigua, the cargo is not much damaged.LL
Plantation News, Charles-Town May 11(1772)... The Ship Little Carpenter, John Maitland, Master, of and from this Port for London, with a Cargo of about 700 Barrels of Rice and upwards of 20,000 lb of indigo, which sailed from this port in January last, having met with bad Weather, was obliged to bear away to the West Indies, and got into Antigua, where the Vessel was condemned, and another taken up to carry home the cargoNA.
26/5/1772: Indian King with the cargo of the Little Carpenter at DoverLL.
John Maitland first appears in Atlantic in June 1773 from S. Carolina. There is no apparent outbound voyage. She is listed in the Register as being built in Carolina in 1773, with J Maitland as master & owner, so this arrival was probably John Maitland returning to England in his new vessel. He remained sailing her until a last arrival at the Downs in November 1779 from Jamaica. There is no doubt that this was John's vessel.
There were a few voyages with others as master, probably referring to her namesake which was involved the Tagus incident:(See later in this volume) and which was not ours – Maitland Atlantic was in Jamaica at the time, and there was a second one listed in the Register built in 1760; a 3rd one is also listed, but built after this incident.
The Atlantic was subject of correspondence following the death of a sailor in a brawl on board in the Tagus River in early March 1776. John Maitland was not then master (see full PRO extracts later in this paper) this may not have been the same ship.
The ownership of "Atlantic" indicates a connection between Alexander Rose, John & Richard Maitland: an Alexander Rose was in Jamaica, and has been seen in the deed indices. Rebecca Wright's mother Patty, according to the parish record entry, was a slave belonging to Roderick Rose. Alexander Rose may have been from Inverness. Correspondence between him and John MacIntosh of Inverness exists, one letter of 1791 decrying the abolition of slavery. (Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic world, 1750-1820 By Douglas Hamilton, reference given in this publication [Google books]). Alexander Rose owned property near Giddy Hall in early 19thC. Patty & Rebecca's manumission by the Forbes & Wright families makes the Rose connection look less likely to be correct.
Lloyds Register 1779-80:
Atlantic S(hip) s(heathed), Maitland, 300 tones, S. Car(olina), (17)73, Capt & C. 8-4 P, 15 (ft draught), London Jamaica C(onstant Trader), 1779: A1.
Atlantic not in 1789 LR.
"Atlantic" was built in 1773 in South Carolina by James Black of Beaufort County (maybe Port Royal, SC), weighed 260 tons and owned by Richard Maitland, John Maitland & Alexander Rose. (P 184 of "The History of Beaufort County, South Carolina: 1514-1861" By Lawrence Sanders Rowland, Alexander Moore, George C. Rogers, Google Books extract – P208 refers to the Philippa incident, but calls it the Little Carpenter) – see below for more on the Atlantic.
Ship Registers in the South Carolina Archives 1734-1780:
Atlantic, ship, 260 tons, Charleston, 2:156; master John Maitland; owners, John Maitland, Richard Maitland (mariner, Charleston), Alexander Rose (merchant, Charleston), Edward Green, Thomas Hubbard (merchants, London); built Port Royal, 1769; registered 4 February 1773
Occasional Maritime Research Papers
Maritime Research Division, South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, USC
......Ships and Schooners
This Port Royal may have been Hilton Head Island, South Carolina.
For evidence of ship design meeting environmental conditions and customer's needs, we turn again to the available ship registers. They show that the Carolina-built, shiprigged vessel was, in general, of moderate size, yet larger than ships being built in the other shipbuilding colonies. South Carolina shipwrights were certainly able to build large ocean-going ships. The 280-ton ship Queen Charlotte, built in 1764 by John Emrie, and Occasional Maritime Research Papers Maritime Research Division, South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, USC the 260-ton ship Atlantic, built at Port Royal in 1773, are two examples. However, shiprigged vessels built in South Carolina during this time averaged 180 tons.....
Also Reference to a store ship Atlantic at Calcutta 1793.
This was probably Atlantic's maiden voyage:
April 1773-June 1773
Arr Gravesend from S. Carolina 17/6/1773LL
Dec 1773 – Aug 1775
Sailed Gravesend to Jamaica 4/12/1773LL
Deal, Dec. 7. Wind N. Came down and sailed, with the outward bound...Atlantic, Maitland...for JamaicaNA.
Arr Jamaica with 15 others (rep 15/4/1774LL)
There is no evidence of Atlantic returning to England during the period December 1773 and 8/8/1775: she was probably trading up and down the East Coast of America, as evidenced by the mention of Philadelphia
Arr Jamaica about 1 Jan 1775 from Philadelphia (rep 24/2/1775LL)
Bruce, William, Buried 26/1/1775, St. Elizabeth, church yard; sailor belonging to the "Atlantic," John Maitland Master. PR checked AM.
Arr Downes from Jamaica 8/8/1775LL
The following ships from Jamaica are arrived in the Downs; the Atlantic, Maitland, the Blue Mountain Valley, Ballyntype, The Earl of Effingham, Curling. The above ships have the greatest quantity of rum on board that any three ships have brought for many years; the makers intending to reduce their stock, as a war is expected to break out between England and Spain.[4]
Nov 1775 – Aug 1776
Downes to Jamaica with 3 others, 16/11/1775LL
Jamaica from London & Rochfort (rep 10/5/1776LL)
Gravesend from Jamaica, arr with 10 others, 8/8/1776LL
December 1776 – Aug 1777
Downes to Cadiz (16/12/1776LL, at Cadiz rep 8/2/1777NA) to Jamaica (arr rep 27/6/1777LL)
Deal, Dec 16 Wind NNW. Came down and sailed with the Lord Amherst armed ship... Atlantic, Maitland for Cadiz...NA
Gravesend from Jamaica, arr with 50 others, 18/8/1777
Lloyd's List 1778 not available
Feb 1778 – Sept 1778
Deal Feb 8 (1778). Wind S. Came down and remain...Atlantic, Maitland for Jamaica...NA
Plymouth, arr from Jamaica 15/9/1778NA with 34 others, arrived in the River 21/9 with 11 others.
The Oxford Journal, 26/9/1778.
This morning the following ships arrived in the River, Part of the last Fleet from Jamaica... the Atlantic, Maitland...
Feb 1779 – Nov 1779
Gravesend to Jamaica 28/2/1779, passing the Downes 3/3/17799LL
Arr St Eustacie (rep 3/8/1779LL)
Downes from Jamaica, arr with convoy of 50 ships, 4/11/1779
This is the last reported voyage of (John) Maitland on Atlantic.
Hope – 6/3/1781-1/8/1781.
Lloyd's Register, 1780 a possibility:
Hope, Sws, Moss, 130, Piscat, 70, J.Mill, 13, LoMtsrrt, E1,77.
A 150 ton vessel, the Hope, of Bristol, was granted letters of Marque in 1777, but it is unlikely that this was the same one[5].
in which he sailed to Jamaica in March 1781, and was
wrecked off Black River 1 August 1781. He was listed as master & owner.
When John died in Jamaica his will described him as a planter and merchant of St Elizabeth with a mother Sarah; he was described as "Captain" in his inventory. This confirmed that he was a mariner sailing to or around Jamaica. He is known to have been the Captain of the "Atlantic" in January 1775 when one of his seamen was buried in Black River.
From newspaper extracts, he arrived back in England from
Jamaica with a large cargo of rum, in August 1775, and also in September 1778
(a late fleet) in the "Atlantic" from Jamaica. He was master of a ship, "Hope",
which was wrecked at Black River in a storm in August 1781 (presumably a
hurricane – there was a devastating one in 1781). Whilst the journey times were
about 6 weeks, the turn round time and sailing seasons meant that the ships
probably only did one round trip per year, waiting for cargo and the weather.
Leaving England mid winter, and the Caribbean about June/July, a likely
schedule would have been:
Winter 1774/5 England to Jamaica, returning about May/June 1775 to arrive London in August.
Winter 1777/8 England to Jamaica, returning mid summer to arrive September 1778
Winter 1780/1 England to Jamaica, sailing (late in the season) late July 1781 and being caught by a major hurricane (see in Jamaica General).
http://www.maritimearchives.co.uk/lloyds-list.html 3/2014
Also http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000057051
Deal, March 5... Remain in the Downs...Hope, Maitland for Jamaica...PS Most of the outward-bound ships are under sail, and the rest are preparing to sail with HMS the Hannibal. Wind NNWNA.
Yesterday advice was received of the following ships arriving at St Eustatia the 25th April. They sailed from Portsmouth the 15th of March, in company with the Grand Fleet; and afterwards proceeede under convoy of the Aetaeon and Lizard men of war, viz... Hope, Maitland, (+12)... They were expected to sail for Jamaica in company with many others on the 1st of May, under convoy of HMS the Prince William, of 64 guns, Capt Douglas, and the Aetaeon, of 44 gunsNA.
6/11/1781, Lloyd's List:
The Hope, Maitland, from Jamaica to London, was lost at Black River in the storm on the 1st of August. Part of the Stores were saved.
Also from the British Newspaper Archive: Thursday 08 November 1781, Derby Mercury.
London (Nov 1781)...Twenty thousand pounds of the money sent for the relief of the Jamaica farmers have arrived, the distribution of which has thrown the whole island into the utmost confusion. Notwithstanding the most equitable caution, partiality is imputed to the gentlemen concerned in the business. The governor, the council, and the assembly, are much censured by discontented individuals, who have excited the rabble to a violence, to suppose which a spirited ex.. became necessary, and several were punished. The remaining twenty thousand pounds are expected every day with the utmost solicitude .. the last hurricane has increased the distress on.. people to a very great degree. e hurricane in Jamaica so soon succeeding the former one which desolated that Island but little more than twelve months before, is a circumstance that has astonished the inhabitants, the oldest of whom never remember two hurricanes happening at either of the West India Islands in less than nearly treble that space of time! Lisr of Ships lost in the violent Storm which happened at Jamaica on the 1st and 2nd of August.... Hope, Maitland, bound for London +15 others. A letter from Kingston in Jamaica says a neutral vessel put in there the 18th Aug., the master of which gives an account, that the 8th, they had a violent hurricane at the Island of Hispaniola, in which seven Spanish men of war were drove on shore, four of which were lost: that all the merchant ships were likewise thrown on shore, but they are in hope of getting most of them off; also that the.. run so high, many men were washed overboard and drowned, and a great deal of damage done on shore, whole ranges of warehouses being blown down. The West India merchants are afraid that the late phenomenon in the tide have been caused by another hurricane in the West Indies, such as lately felt to the destruction of thousands, as .. uncommon flux of the sea happened in the middle? of October, which is the time the hurricanes generally happen in the West Indies[6].
(see in Jamaica General – Hurricane 1 August 1781).
Ten months later, on 1 August 1781, another hurricane struck Jamaica. Governor Dalling reported that the effects were not so dreadful as those of the hurricanes of the previous year, "yet in several parishes and more particularly those of Westmoreland and Hanover, the damage is very great, in the destruction of the Plantain Trees and Corn by which the Negroes are chiefly subsisted; - nor have the Shipping escaped."
Jamaica 1 Aug 1781
Over 120 vessels were driven ashore, a large number of which
are destroyed. Of the vessels lost, 30 are British men of war.
John's will left his estate to Rebecca Wright, her sons Francis & Richard and to his mother Sarah. Dated 25 October 1786, proved in Jamaica January 1787. Humphrey Colquhoun and Hyem Cohen Executors; He is described as a merchant and planter of St Elizabeth.
Note: Rebecca made bequests to nephews and nieces Alexander, Henry, Catherine and Caroline Cohen.
London Gazette
9 June 1787, p2 of 4:
The Creditors of Captain John Maitland, formerly of London, but late of Blackriver, Jamaica, deceased, are desired to send a particular account of their respective Demands to Mr. Robert Steel, Token-house-yard, Lothbury, or to Mr James Sutherland, Notary Public, Birchin lane, Cornhill, in order that the same ay be properly authenticated and transmitted to Captain Maitland's Executors, agreeable to their Request.
15 January 1788, The Creditors of Capt. John Maitland, late of Black River in Jamaica, deceased, are desired to send their accounts against his Estate, proved under the City Seal, to his Executors, Mess Hyem Cohen and Humphrey Colquoun, of Blackriver aforesaid, or to Mr Robert Steell of Tokenhouseyard London, to be forwarded to them, as such of the said Creditors who do not so prove their Accounts, will be excluded from the Dividend of the said Deceased's Effects intended shortly to be made amongst such of the Creditors as have already proved, or who shall forthwith prove and transmit their Accounts as above directed.
John's personal property inventory totalled £6135 (about £680,000 in 2008), of which £1880 was in slaves, £1693 in debts supposed to be good, £617 in debts "supposed to be dubious" and £788 in debts "supposed to be bad".
His inventory includes a Priestley's machine (see later section for full description) an early electrostatic generator, which would have made long sparks, 2 German flutes and 123 books. These items might indicate him as being a man of an educated and enquiring mind.
Rebecca Wright was probably (she was bought and manumitted by him as a baby) the daughter of Francis Wright of the South Jamaican family of that name, a prominent family in of Vere and St Elizabeth, and became a woman of some substance, leaving significant property in her will. Her tombstone is still visible in Black River Churchyard. She was the daughter of Patty Penford, a mulatto slave.
See under Rebecca's file for more on this.
Scottish OPR's:
This is a christening that would have fitted John & Richard's death dates:
1. Banff Nov 7 (1735):
John lawful son of Richard Maitland Excise Officer was baptized Nov 9th Wit: John Ogilvie, Colln John Maitland, Ogilvie Sheriff John Ru??, John Gordon, John Nobb?, John Cruikshank, John Monro and John Duffus Mort?
The witness Colonel John Maitland was probably a son of the 5th earl of Lauderdale, and brother of Charles, 6th Earl. This leads to the question of who this Richard was – he must have been closely connected to the Colonel's family. According to Scots Peerage, this John, a Colonel in the Guards, had 2 uncles, Thomas & Alexander, both of whose succession is unclear in SP – could Richard Maitland have been one of these?? Maybe Richard was an illegitimate son of one of the sons of the 3rd Earl; they seemed to have married rather late in life!
This church seems to have been of some social consequence at the time – the entry above had Lord Bracco as a witness – he became Earl of Fife.
There was a Richard Maitland, born Dundee, 1675, son of John Maitland, collector of Excise in Dundee, of the line of Sir ROBERT MAITLAND – Burd-Alane. The descendants of this Richard Maitland are probably not complete in the Clan Tree. They were of the Pittrichie branch as referred to by Boddington.
This second alternative looks unlikely as our Richard Maitland was in Shadwell by 1740, and does looks too humble for the sort of man Richard Maitland seems to have been.
2. Jan 8th (1740) Richard Maitland in Cowbridgdale had a child baptized named John before witnesses Robert Maitland and FFr Sinclair both in Cowbridge
On same page:
Decr 18 (1739) John Maitland in Oyne had a daughter baptized Beatrix before witnesses John Harper and Jas Anderson both in Kirktown
Apr 1st (1740) The said day Francis Sinclair in Cowbridge had a child baptized named Hugh witnesses Robert Maitland and Wm Milne in Cowbridgdale
Oyne to the North East of Aberdeen.
Also Agnes Maitland of Richard at Oyne, 10/2/1738. Richard Maitland of Parkbras
Also Robert Maitland in Milne of Woothace?? had Helen 10/9/1738
Also in Kingston PR:
William Maitland bapt 25/8/1794, son of Milborough Merchant by John Maitland, mulatto.
IGI has nothing for this line.
only John in right period:
John Maitland, Born 25 FEB 1733.
Christening: 01 MAR 1733 Saint Dunstan In The East, London.
Parents: Thomas & Elizabeth.
IGI etc:
John M s of John & Sarah Maitland, Birth: 26 MAR 1786 Christening: 21 APR 1786 Saint Leonards, Shoreditch, London
Thomas M s of John & Sarah Maitland, Birth: 17 DEC 1788 Christening: 28 JAN 1789 Saint Leonards, Shoreditch, London
John M m. SARAH MOUNTGOMERY 06 MAR 1734 Glasgow, Lanark,
20/4/06: Jamaica PR's searched for John M bth & bur & Rebecca's burial: St E, Kingston, Hannover, Vere, Clarendon, Westmoreland.
327/64 Joseph Ball to John Maitland
Ent 1/6/1784
Joseph Ball of Westmoreland, Gent conveyed to John Maitland, mariner of Jamaica.
£35 for parcel of land situate at Black River Bay, Butting and Bounding Northerly on the King's road 43 feet and East & West on land of John Campbell and Southerly on the sea.
336/130 1785
Between William Gale of St Elizabeth, esq conveyed to John Maitland mariner.
£100 for 75 acres called "Pond Side", bounded Westerly by the Great Pond, North, South and East on land patented in the name of John Banks in St Elizabeth
Pondside shown on Craskel 1763.
This is good cattle country, looks a bit like some of the better bits of Africa. On the direct road from Treasure Beach to Fullerswood.
338/26 29 June 1785
Between John March of St Elizabeth Carpenter conveyed to John Maitland.
£300 for 100 acres bounded south by Humphrey Colquhoun, west by Lewis Robinson, North by Henry Lewis and East by Samuel Foster.
Plat attached did not show anything more.
Deeds in Jamaica, LOS 340/113, entered 26 January 1786:
John Maitland to Samuel Manley or Meanley (??? spelling)
Indenture made 26 June 1783 between John Maitland of St Elizabeth, mariner, and Samuel M. of St Elizabeth, Planter. From JM to SM In consideration of £81, parcel of land containing by estimate 54 1/2 acres lying in the Valle de Vache Savanna, Easterly & southerly on Waldish, northerly on the river called Bridge River and westerly on unsurveyed morass.
A possibility would be what on the 1804 map is Walde Vaca Morass, to the South East of Black River. This is called the Valley Wash in Ogilby's 1671 map.
Harper 1683 shows the Valle de Vache Savanna on the east side of the Great Pond.
Samuel Manley owed Hyem Cohen £18/10/- at HC's death.
Directories, John Maitland:
1783/4, Lowndes London Directory, Merchant Commerce, 79 Basinghall St. Probably not ours.
This ship "Atlantic" cannot have been the Maitland version: John Maitland was in Jamaica at this time from Lloyd's Lists.
She is probably the Atlantic listed in the Register as being of 200 tons owned by J Mather.
LL: Atlantic, Borg, arrived Dover from Lisbon, 23/4/1776.
Item details SP 89/81: Sir John Hort to Viscount Weymouth. Manslaughter of a sailor by the mate of the British ship Atlantic in the Tagus, and steps he has taken in this case. The complaints against the Portuguese brokers, and British seamen imprisoned for seven years without trial, are still unresolved. Spanish naval and military preparations at Cadiz; Ferrol, and elsewhere.
dates 1776 Mar. 9 Lisbon
St James 2 April 1776
Sir John Hort
Your letter to No 1 of this year have been received and laid before the King.
Proper attention shall be paid to the account you have given of the unfortunate Scuffle on board the British Ship Atlantic, Thoms Borg, Master, between Alex Kidd, the Chief Mate, and Robert Jackson, one of the sailors, in which Jackson, by a Blow, or a Jostle of the other was thrown into the Tagus, and was drowned. Notice will be given at the different Ports, that, on the arrival of the Vessel the person of Kidd may be secured, that he may be tried for this offence.
You will please to acquaint me, for his Majesty's Information, what circumstances prevent the Affair of this British Seaman, who has been seven years in Prison, from being concluded in order that such steps may be taken as may procure their trial or their release.
Item details SP 89/82: Affidavit of Thos. Boog and others of the British ship Atlantic, relative to death of Robert Jackson after a scuffle with the mate, Alexander Kidd. 1776 Mar. 2 Lisbon.
No5 Lisbon the 23 May 1776
My Lord,
I acknowledged by the last packet the honour of your Lordships letters of the 23 & 26th past.
We since learn by the Clementine Cat Brown from Philadelphia, that they left in Delaware bay two French armed ships frigate built and three merchant ships of the same nation, all laden with military stores: As this vessel has had a long passage and is several days arrived here, the news she brings will probably have been received in London before this reaches your Lordship; I mention it however, because the armed ships are talked of here as frigates, but thought they are indeed said to be very stout vessels, I am assured they are absolutely private property: I know not with what propriety I signify to your Lordship, that having
Lord Viscount Weymouth
in private conversation on this news, with the French ambassador at this court, hinted my wonder at the impolicy of his masters furnishing succours to the Americas, he assured me very solemnly, that though he would not answer for the boldness of private adventurers, tempted by most advantageous offers of barter, yet he was perfectly persuaded that the present French administration were honestly and thoroughly sensible, that France was interested against the success of the Rebels, and would neither directly nor indirectly give them any assistance.
Within these two days I have seen two English gentlemen just arrived after a short passage from Philadelphia. They ventured to assert, that the Southern colonies as far as New York inclusively, are generally disposed to return to their duty, on what the stile reasonable terms: that the Northern settlements are generally enough understood to mean independence: but would assuredly be abandoned by the others, if equitable conditions were held out by Great Britain; Entering into particulars, these gentlemen said they had been over the greater part of Pennsylvania and discoursed repeatedly and freely with eight of ten particular members of the congress, whose uniform capital article was redress in the matter of taxation, but on my inquiry whether these particular member had annexed any explicit sense to their idea of redress, on that head: the answer was, what your Lordship has doubtless heard a thousand times, that they agreed on the fitness of their contributions to the supplies of the state, but tat unless each colony were permitted to ascertain its own quota, they were not constitutionally Englishmen: In the mean time they say that hardly a boy of sixteen years old is unarmed, through all that province.
Having signified to Mr Walpole your Lordships mention to one of the dispositions in the affair of Alexander Kidd; he has put into my hands and I have the honour of forwarding them to your Lordship with this letter.
I also enclose and affidavit made before the British vice consul in this city, by William Darby and George Jay, two gentlemen on board the merchant ship Turkey frigate, George Jenkins master: these men, not as I understand any others of the crew, were ever upon by their captain to sign their contract for wages; this neglect has been the occasion of many vexatious contests both in the present occasion and in many other cases, I have therefore thought it necessary to lay before your Lordship, in order to prosecution for the penalty of £5 per seaman; which by the Statute 2: George 2, C 36; is forfeited to the use of Greenwich hospital.
I have the honour to be
My Lord
your Lordships most humble
& obedient servant,
John Nort.
This painting is of Wapping, the next parish upstream of Shadwell and is probably what Shadwell looked like at the time of Richard & John Maitland. Shadwell is only a few hundred yards off ot the right of this postion.
A Dockyard at Wapping, Francis Holman, 1780-4[7]
The scene is a small private dockyard on the Thames at Wapping, with h.m.s. 'William and Elizabeth' and h.m.s. 'John' in dry dock. The un-named ship on the left is probably a government vessel since she wears the Royal Naval jack. Lloyd's Lists for 1770–90 include a ship called 'William and Elizabeth' built by Maitland & Co. on the Thames.
The building on the extreme left bears the inscription 'morley sail-maker'.
The sailmakers' firm of John Morley and Son is listed in contemporary directories as being established at 225 Wapping in 1783–84, and at 60 Lower Shadwell from 1785 onwards. As earlier directories are more selective, it is possible that the firm was at Wapping already in the 1770's without being listed.
The earliest known member of our branch of the Maitland family was Richard Maitland, a mariner from Shadwell in the East end of London on the banks of the Thames. There is no indication of his origins, but he was an educated man so was probably of one of the mercantile Maitlands in London at the time. He was not the only Richard Maitland of the time:
The father of John Maitland, our ancestor, was one of three (fairly) contemporary civilian Richard Maitlands, all of whom had connections in the Western Hemisphere in the middle part of the 18thC. All three left wills.
The first of them died in 1763 having been for many years a planter in Jamaica, and died in London in August 1763. He had land in St Elizabeth, possibly left issue there, and returned to England in the late 1750's.
The next one was Richard Maitland of the banking & trading partnership of Maitland & Boddington, who had trading interests all over the Caribbean and perhaps in Florida: they were the bankers for Henry Laurens. He was probably of the Barcaple branch of the Clan, although Boddington suggested he may have been of the Pittrichie branch. He died in 1775.
The last of these three was Captain Richard Maitland, our ancestor, father of John Maitland, and who was master of various merchant ships between the late 1740's until his death in New York in November 1778.
There was also Col Richard Maitland who, as Deputy Adjutant General, died 13/7/1772[8] in New York. He was the son of the 6th Earl of Lauderdale, and ancestor of the present Earl.
Died: New York, 15 November 1778[9].
He is last reported arriving in New York from Cadiz about November 1777, and there is no further mention of the ship Philippa, not to be confused with the Philippa Harbin which appears in February 1778 with Lee as master, heading for Barbados.
The letters of Marque granted to Richard Maitland in May 1777 quote the forthcoming voyage as being London to New York, the West Indies and back to London. For whatever reason, it seems likely that Richard remained in New York after his arrival in autumn 1777, and died there a year later, although he might have been trading between New York and the West Indies.
Said to have died of a broken heart resulting from the Gunpowder affair (Sarah Maitland's claim).
Sarah over 60 at time of claim and very infirm.
From Letter from Henry Laurens to James Laurens
Westminster, 3d March 1774 (P331)
....The Magna Charta is to be dispatched for Charles Town immediately, as Mr. Grubb assures me. If I could depend upon her Sailing hence even in all this Month I would give my sentiments concerning proper provision to be made for Loading your part & mine. But our friend & the Captain are good natured people who propose, or accede to, a Plan, with designs of Executing it, but their good Nature, unaided by proper diligence & fortitude, leads them to accept new proposals from Day to Day, which militate against their first Resolutions & their "Immediate," becomes Time Uncertain. This I fear will be the Case in the present attempt....
James Laurens wrote in his letter to his brother about the tea party: "If Every Man thinks himself at liberty to abuse King, Lords, & Commons, & all who dissent from our System, why should a poor Old Greyheaded Ratling Captain be persecuted with such uncommon Severity for a few unguarded Expressions, if he has dropt such."[10]
Recorded issue of Richard Maitland:
Issue of Richard and Sarah, mariner, ch at St Paul, Shadwell
(PR XO24/128, 1738-1762, London Metropolitan Archives):
1/1. Richard Mateland, 13/5/1744, of King James Stairs, 18 days old.
Probably married Sarah Fenton, Shadwell, 1772, a bachelor mariner[11].
1/2. Jno Francis Maitland, 16/10/1745, of King James Stairs, 18 days old.
This probably our John Maitland, although on the lower age limit to be shipped on the Hungerford as surgeon. That may have been a sinecure by Barford for Richard Maitland.
1/3. Mary Elizabeth Maitland, 28/6/1747, of King James
1/4. Sarah Maitland, 26/12/1751, of Shakespeare Walk.
1/5. Sarah Maitland, 24/1/1757, of Shakespeare Walk.
1/6. Charles Maitland, 19/6/1758, of Shakespeare Walk.
This entry may refer to our Richard Maitland as Richard Maitland of Boddington, was married 1735. The web site has nothing further on this entry.
IGI: Richard Maitland death:
marriage: 20 August 1738 London, England
batch number: A01920-4 IGI batch type code: 1
IGI film number: 177974
It is almost certain that this is the father of our John Maitland because:
1. John's mother was Sarah (John's will).
2. John's sons were Francis and Richard, although Rebecca Wright's father was also Francis.
3. Both Richard and John were mariners, and both Richard & John Maitland were sailing the same ships (Little Carpenter) at the same time & routes in the 1770's.
4. A John Maitland shipped as a surgeon on a privateer a few weeks after Richard Maitland was granted Letters of Marque as a privateer in 1761.
5. A ship, the Atlantic was built in South Carolina, owners Richard & John Maitland & Alexander Rose.
6. Richard Maitland probably had a brother or cousin, Charles Maitland (RN) of Shadwell; A C. Maitland was master of the Edgar between 1764-76, also to the Americas (LL). Richard was a witness at Charles's will and was also mentioned to do with executors. Edgar was between London & New York in 1764, Bermudan of 130 tons, master & owner C Maitland.
At 11/14, there is no indication of the origins of this Richard Maitland. He could have been a Scot (a few Sinclairs were seen in the PR's).
From Richard Maitland's correspondence in the Phillipa case, he was an educated man.
It is quite possible that he was a member of the Dundrennan branch who were in London at the same time as Richard, and were trading in the West Indies. There is "space" for a brother a year or two younger than Robert Maitland of King's Arms Yard. An unidentified Richard Maitland was on the West India Committee in 1769; but this was probably Richard Maitland of Maitland & Boddington.
Captain Richard Maitland was a mariner of Shadwell in London who made a will in 1740 naming his wife Sarah, but it was not proved until 27/2/1779, with administration going to wife Sarah. In the preamble, he mentions the "...fortunes and dangers of the seas...", so it is probable that he made this will early in his seagoing career and soon after his marriage as there is no mention of any children; slightly surprisingly, he never altered this will or made any codicils naming subsequent children.
As the will was proved at Canterbury, Richard must have owned property in more than one diocese, quite possibly abroad. He may therefore have left significant property.
Richard Maitland appears extensively in the maritime records over a period from 1745 to 1778, commanding a series of vessels, mainly on voyages to the Americas; the assumption that these are all the same Richard Maitland is reasonable in the way they all fit together chronologically.
in connection with the sale of a prize ship, the Ann Snow, advertised for sale in April 1745 in Wapping; there is nothing found to show what he might have done in this ship.
The parish records on film at the London Metropolitan Archives have been searched for any children in the period 1732-1760 in St Paul's, Shadwell and in St John, Wapping and St Anne, Limehouse for intervals in that period, all 3 of which parishes are not on the IGI. Marriages were searched for 1736-40 for St George in the East, Shadwell and Limehouse with no success. Marriages for the relevant period do not appear for Wapping. Shadwell & Wapping burials were also checked for Richard's death with no success. See below for Shadwell and Waterman's Stairs. Burials for St George in the East & St Dunstan in the East checked, nothing found.
There are several children baptised in Shadwell to Richard & Sarah, including a son Francis an unusual but not unknown name at the time. There is no John listed. However there are some long gaps with no children appearing. None were found in Wapping or Limehouse for the periods of the gaps. It would appear that Richard was settled in Shadwell as the addresses in Shadwell on the baptismal entries were all close to one another, firstly at King James Stairs and latterly at Shakespeare Walk. As stated above, it is highly likely that our John was the son of this couple; he does not seem to be recorded in the parishes round the Thames docks and so it is possible that he was born on ship or out of England.
Richard Maitland's abode in St James Stairs is interesting as there was a sugar baker's at there at least between 1749-62, and slightly later in Shakespeare Walk. As Richard was a mariner (as opposed to a (Thames) Waterman), he may well have been a deep sea seaman in the West Indian Sugar trade, with his son John following. This would explain how John M appeared in Jamaica as a man of substance.
No sign of Richard Maitland 1690-1717 in the Scottish OPR's.
IGI: Richard Maitland son of Richard Maitland, ch 30/3/1706 Fyvie, Aberdeen, in Woodhead.
Also: Peter 11/3/1700, George 13/4/1702, Jean 20/5/1704, Mary 5/6/1708, Agnes 14/10/1716. Probably not relevant, may be Richard Maitland of Mark Lane & Boddington, looks too early for a death in 1778 and 1st child born 1744.
John son of Richard & Ann Madland, ch St Paul Shadwell, 30/5/1714 & 8/3/1715 of Spring St, Mariner.
A Charles Maitland, a mariner with the Navy, left a will dated 22 June, 1759 and proved in 4 May 1772[12]. Like our Richard, he mentions the perils of the sea.
He made his wife, Rebecca, his heir & executor.
He was a mariner of Shadwell in 1759, and still of Shadwell and master of His Majesty's Ship Aurora in when his will was proved.
Witnesses were Richard Maitland & John Smith.
This Charles Maitland was resident in Shadwell 1760-1771 from tax records.
A C. Maitland was master of the ship Edgar regularly between 1764 & 1769 with a one more entry in Lloyds List in 1776.
No sign of him in the London directories of the 1770's.
One other possibility alternative, based on a John Maitland's baptism in Banf in 1735 with a witness Coln John Maitland, who probably was the brother of the 6th Earl of Lauderdale, is that Richard was an unrecorded son of one of the Earls uncles.
There was a Richard Maitland, born Dundee, 1675, son of John Maitland, collector of Excise in Dundee, of the line of Sir ROBERT MAITLAND – Burd-Alane. The descendants of this Richard Maitland are probably not complete in the Clan Tree. They were of the Pittrichie branch as referred to by Boddington.
London Land Tax Records, 1692-1932
Richard Maitland
Shadwell, RM as tenant:
1751 Rent £8-10, Tax £1-5-6d, Personal £0-3-9. SW
1751 Rent £8-10, Tax £0-17-0d, Personal £0-2-6. SW
1760 Rent £8-10, Tax £1-12-7d. SW
1761 Rent £8-10, Tax £1-14-0d, Personal £0-5-0. SW
1762 Rent £8-10, Tax £1-11-10½d, Personal £0-5-0. SW
Not Capt!
1763 Rent £8-10, Tax £1-11-2d, Personal £0-5-0d. SW
1764 Rent £8-10, Tax £1-14-0d, Personal £0-5-0d. SW
1765 Rent £9, Tax £1-14-6d Personal Est 0-5, Shakespear's Walk
1766 Rent £9, tax £1-13-9d Shakespear's Walk
1768 Rent £9, Tax £1-6-3d SW
1769 Rent £9, Tax £1-6-3d SW
1770 Rent £9, Tax £1-4-0d SW
1771 Rent £9, Tax £1-12-3d SW
1772 Rent £9, Tax £1-4-9d SW
Shakespear's Walk was the site of a Rope Walk established by one John Shakespear in 1642.
Sarah Maitland's Loyalist Claim - Notes:
1. ...deceased formerly Master of the Ship Magna Charta and late of the Philippa in the Carolina Trade
2. .....had an Adventure of his own which he generally sold in the Country part for ready Money, but by far the largest part upon Credit until he should return thither again by which means there were very considerable Sums of Money due to Your Memorialist's said late Husband at the time of his decease from diverse persons in the said respective Provinces.
3. (1774)....was obliged to leave the said Province without collecting any part of the Debts due to him in the said Province or settling with his Attornies there for what they might have received on his Account before during his Absence – nor was he ever permitted by himself or any other person to collect the same nor has any part hereof ever been recovered.
4. 1775...That owing to the violent Treatment the said Richard Maitland met with from the Rebells in Georgia he was likewise obliged to leave that province without obtaining and Settlement of his Affairs there to the very great detriment of his property as well as his Health which after that period declined daily so that he died of a broken heart.
5. That the whole of his Property to a mere trifle being in America at the time of his death and irrecoverable as before stated the Creditors at home have laid hold of what effects he had in England so that your Memorialist (who is now upwards of sixty Years of Age and very infirm) is reduced from a decent State of Affluence to mere want and is only Supported by the donations of some of her late Husbands Friends and Acquaintance.
That for want of her Husband's papers and owing to her Son who is in the Island of Jamaica or on his way hither Your Memorialist is unable to present to subjoin an Estimate of her late Husband's Losses, but verily believes his Loss of Property in America by the Illegal and cruel Treatment he met with far exceeds One Thousand (Sheet 3) Pounds Sterling to ascertain which she hopes to be able to produce Satisfactory Vouchers upon her Son's arrival from Jamaica which she shortly expects. And in the mean time she begs leave to inform Your Honours that Samuel Chollet Esquire of Lime Street and Mr Robert Steell of Tokenhouse yard Merchant (as well as several other respectable Merchants in London) can prove her late Husband's Trading and Circumstances in Life and in a great Measure corroborate the account of the Losses Your Memorialist has ventured to lay before Your Honour
6. Tea shipped by Messrs Neufville & Rolleston & Robert Steele, consigned to James Wakefield & William Donaldson in Charleston, who refused it, saying it was an old order. RM sent in Notary to make a claim. James Wakefield a partner of WD. ....he did not really know they had entered into any general resolutions for the non Importation of Teas, that he imagined they extended no further than the East India Company's Teas because all the spring Ships which had Sail'd before him had carried some. He carried none of his own though he used to.
7. Oliver Bowen of Savannah commanded Schooner in Savannah, also John Joiner of Parris Island & Seth John Cuthbert of Savannah. Joseph Habersham of Savannah, merchant, with order from the Provincial Congress to seize the Powder etc. Powder consigned to James Perrman in Saint Augustine. Schooner belonged to Samuel Price of Savannah (& Richard Weight, not on board), called the "Elizabeth".
8. RM bought in 1764, from Thomas Horsfall, James Noble & Joseph Page a parcel of land in Pensacola, West Florida (passed back to Spain in 1783 Treaty of Paris) for $770.
9. Letter in New York, April 1778: Philippa in Government Service, perhaps going to Philadelphia. Referred to as an Armed Ship.
10. JM in London addressed in letter dated Jan 1781, at Jamaica Coffee House.
11. JM in Jamaica or in transit to England March 1784.
Richard & John Maitland's marine lives have been assembled from a mixture of Lloyd's Lists & Registers, newspaper archives and the Papers of Henry Laurens. The latter was an important merchant in South Carolina in the mid to late 18thC. His papers contain many letters with reference to Richard Maitland and his ships, one of which, the Magna Charta was locally built in partnership with Richard Maitland, Henry Laurens and Richard Grubb of London.
Lloyd's Lists contain shipping intelligence collated by Lloyds of London. Ships names with the master (usually by surname only) and details of arrivals and departures are given for a wide variety of ports, particularly the southern channel ports; it appears that arrivals were better documented than sailings. A varying amount of intelligence was included for foreign ports, with Scandinavia and the Americas being prominent. Understandably, arrivals in America & the West Indies were reported long after the event. There was usually a part column of general notes, reports of ships sighted around the world and of losses. During time of war, there were often prizes being brought into port by naval vessels or privateers. The lists contain a lot of information, but they must only show a proportion of the ship movements.
Many of the vessels from the Americas arrived at the Downes (off Deal) & Gravesend. Of these, many must have gone on up river to the London docks.
Lloyd's Registers were published from 1764 onwards. They contain details of ships known to the organisation and were amended between issues.
Lloyds Reg for 1764 – printed list starts with Albemarle & none in handwritten section. 1768 starts at "M".
Maitland as Master, Summarised:
From Lloyds Lists & Register, there is a plausible sequence of ships of which Richard Maitland was Master. From 1752 to 1777, he is named in several sources as Richard Maitland. John is also mentioned in the later period.
Ships with Maitland as Master:
A slightly rash assumption is that there was only one Richard Maitland sailing merchant vessels in this period.
Carolina: February & September 1744, probably a Scottish based vessel, master James Maitland.
Friendship: July 1746: Barbados to London taken by the enemy and carried into Porto Rico. Probably not RM. (NA)
Good Fortune: 1750-51, Dublin & Barbadoes. The dates for this ship conflict with the Catherine, so cannot be the same master. The probability is that RM was not master of Good Fortune; the master was probably a Scot, later there was a Maitland sailing out of Leith.
Success: only report in the Newspapers arriving in St Kitts 9 December 1763, Lloyd's Register shows the master as W Maitland. Phillippa was in the West at the same time with RM as master.
These are assumed to have been with Richard Maitland as Master:
Ann Snow:
General Advertiser April 22, 1746
April 1746: RM as "late Commander" at the sale in April 1745 in Wapping, but by May it was still for sale with a different Commander. "A French prize" of about 130 tons, this vessel had seemed to have been owned by one Kender Mason, a London trader who went bust in 1745. The Bristol based vessel was taken by the French and then retaken by the Navy in later 1745. She was put up for sale by Samuel Brooks. Lloyd's List coverage is patchy for this period. She appeared in LL in 1740 with Fortesque Vernon as master from Jamaica in one entry, but in Madeira from Boston in another.
Captured ship (1745): Ann snow, of Bristol: master Charles Finlay: transferred to HCA 32/94/6 in 1953
Reference to a storm 9 Jan 1734 in which "The Ann Snow, Kitchenham, for Jamaica, was on shore, but got off again." Probably in the Channel around Southsea[13].
Notice is hereby given to the Officers and Companies of his Majesty's Ships undermentioned, who were at the taking of the following Prizes, viz...Ann Snow, retaken ship...31/12/1744 the same. From The London Magazine, and Monthly Chronologer, Volume 15 (1746): Persons declared Bankrupt...Kender Mason, Bread street, Merchant... KM appears in various sources as a trader in the Americas.
25 September 1745:
The Creditors of Kender Mason, late of Bread Street, London, Merchant (as well those who were present at the Meeting on Friday Night last, as all others his Creditors) are desired to meet on Friday next, the 27th instant, at Five o'Clock in the Afternoon, at the Crown Tavern behind the Royal Exchange, on special ??, and of Capt. Stewart, late Commander of the Ann Snow, bound to Athens? be in Town, he is desired to attend the said Meeting.[14]
PRO HCA 32/94: Ann snow, of Bristol, master Charles Finlay; English merchant ship, captured with others by French warships, and sent with English prisoners of war to a French or neutral port, but retaken from France: two examinations, allegation, claim, appraisement. 1745. Genesreunited papers: Ann Snow 3/1/1741 came in (England?) 7 weeks from St Kitts. Also Lloyd List.
In these papers, the ship is quoted as a burthen of 50 tons, whereas the advertised ship was 130 tons. In one place, the prize papers refer to the ship as "the snow called the Ann of Bristol of burthen of fifty tons or thereabouts, although many other entries are for the "Anne Snow". The papers are all dated about May 1745 or later. It seems that HCA 32/94/6 probably relates this ship, but there is no real proof.
HCA 32/94/6 Prize papers for the Anne Snow:
Translation of a French Paper taken on board the Anne Snow of Bristol
We the undersigned Edward Lee of London living in Shad Thames, Hugh Moorcroft of London living in Shadwell Ratcliff Highway Char: Finlay of Bristol living in Lower Cottage Green having been made prisoners of War yesterday by a Squadron of the King of France commander by Mr Desherbiers de L'Estendnors Head of this squadron of the fleet of his most Christian Majesty which Commander was the Ship Anne Snow with her Cargoe in order to take on board our three Ships and made oath punchially to execute what follows, to go with the said Ship to the first part of France we can make or to the first nonhal Port either Lisbon or elsewhere and being arrived there to put the said vessel and her cargos into the hand of the Intendants or Comissary of the Marines in the Port of France or of the French Consul in the nonhal Ports & shall not in the least meddle with the said Cargoes and that upon these Conditions We shall be set at Liberty with all our Crews, And Desherbiers de L'Estendnors request all who are to be requested to let the said vessel the Anne Snow freely pass with all the prisoners whom we send away and to give no Impediment to their navigation provided they shape their course for one the ports of France or a nonhal Port which they oblige themselves to do for want of which and for the greater Serenity? Prize has been retained for hostage eight persons of the Crews of the said three Ships who are not to be set at Liberty till the obligations mentioned in the present Act and extended and this present Obligation taking place as a ransom Done on board the King's Ship Le Inste at Sea the seventh of April One thousand seven hundred and forty five.
Faithfully translated from the French at London this thirty first of May 1745.
Devon (to Witt) Burrough
Be it known to all whom these presents shall concern that the before named Charles Finlay and Thomas Sanders are were by virtue of a Commission herein before mentioned in my presence produced and brought before and severally and separately examined and interrogated by Robert Hicks Gentleman one of the Commissioners in the said Commission named upon several Interrogatorys hereinbefore mentioned being a copy of the Interrogatorys which are annexed to the said commission and both their sayings and depositions were faithfully reduced into writing by me John Elford Notary Publick substituted and appointed for that purpose by the Deputy Register of the high Court of Admiralty of England in the said commission named and such the sayings and depositions before named persons so reduced into writing are to these presents annexed in order to be transmitted to the Judge of the said high Court of Admiralty on England or his Surrogate as the said commission requires all which do hereby certify under my hand and Notarial Seal at Plymouth aforesaid this four and twenty fifth day of May in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and forty five.
Standing Interrogatorys on behalf of our Sovereign Lord George the second by the grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith to be administered to what so ever witness shall be produced to be examined touching or concerning the capture or seizure of any ship vessel or goods and merchandise as therein seized and taken or which hereafter shall be seized and taken by any of the ships of the fleet of our said Sovereign Lord the King and particularly to the masters pilots and some of the mariners of all and singular the said ships and vessels seized and taken by any of the said ships of the fleet of our said sovereign lord the King and such other person or persons by whom the truth may properly be discovered and brought to Plymouth.
Appears to be a standard list of questions, paraphrased below:
1. place of birth, residence, how long there, where have you lived in the last 7 years, nationality.
2. Where, when and by whom was the ship and lading goods taken, and where was it taken, was there any resistance made or guns fired against the ship who took them & how many shots.
3. was the witness present to the time of the taking, or how and when were they first told. Was the ship taken by a man of war or privateer and what commission did the ship have. Was the ship taken a man of war or merchantman.
4. What pretence was the ship taken, to what port was she carried whether she was condemned and by whom and what authority.
5. Name of master of the ship, how long has the witness known him, who appointed him, where did he take over, who delivered the ship to him, where does the master live with wife and family, and how long and nationality.
6 How many marines on the ship when taken, what nationality, where did they board, had the witness or the marines any part in the ship or goods taken
7. Did the witness belong to the ship, how long known the ship, where first seen, what burthen, how many guns carried, how many men, where built, name, how long under that name, what previous names.
8 Where was the ship from and to.
9. Who was the owner of the ship and goods, how did the witness know this, and what nationality.
10. Was there any bill of sale made to the owners, date, where made, when did the witness see it, and where is the bill of sale.
11. Where was she laden and when, what were the goods, who were they owned by and who consigned to.
12. How many bills of lading were signed for the goods, were they collectable? And what became of them
13. Any bills of lading etc to prove the witness's own property or any one else's property and how owned
14. Time and degree of latitude taken.
15. Any Charterparty signed for the voyage. What were the contents.
16. What papers were on board the ship when taken, and where are they
17. What loss or damage has the witness sustained by the seizing etc, and what value, and have you received any satisfaction for such loss and from whom.
Deposition of witnesses taken 28 May 1745 at the house of Elizabeth Mason? Widow, known by the sign of the Fountain...
Charles Finlay now Master of the Ann Snow of Bristol the burthen of fifty tons or thereabouts
Charles Finlay master of the Ann Snow of Bristol burthen of fifty tons or thereabouts aged twenty five years. Born in Fyfe but lived in Bristol
2. on board .. qty of Bale Goods, Iron Barrs Copper Rods, Musquetts Gun Powder and sundry merchandise at Bristol. Departed 11th February last for Africa and America and on 26th March at about 6 or 7 o'clock in the evening... about 46 latitude and about 11 west of London, taken as prize by 6 French men of war and took deponent and the mate and carpenter hostage, and put on board about 115 English prisoners from English ships called ... and told Deponent as prisoners of war to some part of France .. proceeding there, good fortune to fall in with six English men of War which retook the said snow and ordered to Plymouth.
21 mariners taken from the Snow.
Refers to the said Snow called Ann. & was bound to Africa and America (ie slaver). Daniel Saunders of Bristol was owner. Master had about £100 of wearing apparel as a private adventure. Retaken by squadron of ships of war under the command of Vice Admiral William Martin esquire, about March 1745.
Ship & her Stores etc £252-16-0
Total value of ship & merchandise etc £1674-6-4.
Litchfield, 1747: the only relevant voyage of which arrived in Dover from Antigua, 3/11/1747 (LL). She was then put up for sale in December with RM as commander at Wapping Dock, and about 180 tons, Sale notices in General Gazette: 18/12/1747, 19/12/1747, 23/12/1747, (NA). There are several other entries in Lloyd's List with Wakefield as Commander, the last one being a report of her arriving in Oporto from Newfoundland with Wakefield as Master. Earlier ones have her between Bristol, Oporto, Antigua & Boston. A possible scenario would be for Wakefield leaving the ship in Oporto about October 1747, probably by death and Richard Maitland bringing the ship back to Dover. A subsequent sale might have followed from Wakefield's death. (NB LL 1745-6 N/A)
Katherine/Catherine:, Maitland, with voyages between 30/6/1748-1/11/1751. The newspaper reports generally have the master as Richard Maitland, and the dates coincide well with the Litchfield & Clapham with voyages to Spain, Madeira & Montserrat.
Catherine came down for Madeira and the West Indies, at the Downes 1 July 1748, finally reaching Torbay by the 26th, reported at Madeira in September, Antigua (rep 19/11/1748) and reappeared from Monserrat in the River on the 13h April, 1749.
The next recorded voyage was to Turkey, passing Cape St Vincent on the 3rd May 1750 on the return, arriving from Scanderoon in Gravesend on the 27th, specifically Richard. At about this time, there was also a Maitland sailing between Dublin and Barbados, and a number of other K/Catherine's in 1750.
She then sailed 28 June, 1750 for Cadiz, arriving back in Portsmouth about the 17th September, 1750, moving over to Southampton early October. She sailed from Southampton to the Streights on the 19th October 1750; the next recorded arrival was in the Downes from Cadiz 6th August 1751 – as there are not records of anything between, he may have spent 12 months trading in the Mediterranean. There is a record of a C/Katherine, Maitland, arriving in Gravesend 1st November, 1751 from North Bergen: it is possible that this was in New Jersey, although it looks an unlikely place for an 18th Century port, additionally, the elapsed time would have been short for an Atlantic voyage. A more probable place would be Bergen in Norway, which is a better fit both in time and region.
Richard Maitland next appears commanding the Clapham.
(Scanderoon – the port of Aleppo).
Clapham: RM named at sale in 1756. February 1752-August 1756 – when sold, Richard Maitland of Shadwell listed as master. Mainly on Mediterranean routes. Lloyds List 1754 & 1756 missing, some extras from NA.
Duke: RM named in PRO papers. One voyage recorded only, which ended in loss. Sailed March 1757, lost about June 1757 off Cape Henry, Norfolk, Virginia.
Sharp: RM named in Boston newsletter 1758. 1758-60 between London & New England.
Phillippa #1: RM master in Letter of Marque. – 4/1761-20/3/1764, To the New World.
Edgar: 1764-76: Edgar was between London & New York in 1764, Bermudan of 130 tons, master & owner C Maitland.
Achilles – 23/7/1765-29/7/1766. Customs in & out clearances in Charleston show this voyage as being Richard Maitland and the dates fit between the Phillippa & Little Carpenter, both of which were certainly Richard, and the Achilles begins the Carolina connection. Not in LR – the earlier part of the alphabet for 1764 issue is missing. Achilles is too common a name to find in the newspaper archives.
Little Carpenter – late 1766-3/1772, latterly by John Maitland
Magna Charta – 29/12/1770-20/9/1774.
Phillipa – 2/5/1775-12/1777, Lloyds List 1778 missing, nothing 1779-1780.
There are several mentions of Richard Maitland, which are probably ours, in the National Archives.
Richard Maitland was involved in an incident at the start of the American War of Independence when his ship, The Phillipa, carrying munitions was taken by a rebel armed schooner off Savannah, Georgia in June 1775, following which Ebeneezer Smith Platt was arraigned for High Treason. See full description later in this paper. The collection of papers held at the National Archives have been copied and make interesting reading.
There are several letters written by Richard Maitland, showing him to be an educated man, and one who held strong opinions.
Richard Maitland was also involved in an incident with tea in Charles Town (SC) in 1774.
17, 15/4/1746 Several sales by same broker.
Lloyds Register of 1764 does not list this ship.
There were 2 Clapham's sailing in 1753, Maitland's and one commander by Nastal plying between the Channel Islands and the mainland.
A later advertisement in the Public Advertiser shows Clapham being sold in 1756, Richard Maitland commander.
June 1752 – April 1753:
Turkey, Scanderoon & Smyrna.
Downes (2/6), Falmouth (14/6) to Turkey, via Falmouth (5th-11th), reported at Cartagena (31/7), Scanderoon (11/7), "richly laden", Smyrna, Dover (26/4 from Smyrna), Gravesend (1/5, with Harlequin).
16 May 1753: Turkey Carpet Warehouse, Bred Street. Just imported by the Clapham, Maitland, from Smyrna, several Bales of Turkey consisting of a variety of sizes and lively colours, warranted free from Damage, with the lowest Price fixed on each, for ready Money. N.B. All Sorts of Wilton and Kidderminster Carpeting, with Bedside of different Patterns.
(Scanderoon – the port of Aleppo).
September 1753-June 1754
Downs (4/9, for Turkey), Falmouth (10/9 for Streights), Coast of Portugal (23 Sept, for Naples) Constantinople (reported 22 February), Leghorn (22 April). Leghorn to Smyrna 5 May 1754.
No direct record of any arrival in England from this voyage; it is possible that Clapham stayed in the Mediterranean, but the newspaper entries in the late 1754/55 period are few, and Lloyd's list is not available for 1754.
Off Sardinia (22/2/1756), Gibraltar (27/2 from Smyrna for London).
April 1756: Just imported by the Clapham, Maitland, from Smyrna, and are now opened at the Turkey Carpet Warehouse in Bread Street several Bales of Turkey and Musketta carpets, 28 feet long by 24 feet wide, so down to most sizes under the above, all warranted free from Damage, with the lowest Price fixed on each, for ready Money. N.B. Some fine Segeadya Carpets of curious Patterns, also Wilton and Kidderminster, Grain Colours, with Bedside, and all Sorts of Worsted Carpets ditto..
From the Public Advertiser (London)
26 August 1756:
For Sale by the Candle
At Lloyd's Coffee House in Lombard St
Wednesday, September 1, at Twelve at Noon.
The good Ship CLAPHAM,
Foreign built and sheathed, Burthen 180 Tons more, or less, an excellent sailor, with Ports for 14 Guns, very fit for the Africa Trade, or a Privateer, now lying at Shadwell Dock, Richard Maitland Commander.
Peter Fearon, Broker
Richard Maitland appears to have only made the one voyage on this ship, which ended in loss off Virginia soon after sailing for London. Admiral Coates papers make interesting reading about the convoy.
Pre dates Lloyd's Register (1764).
Admiral Coates to the Secretary of the Admiralty.[15]
HMS Marlborough, Spithead, 7 March 1757. Sends list of ships under his Convoy, with the promise of a more exact account of them at the first opportunity. Enclosure mentions the Loe and the Duke, masters, John Johnson and Richard Maitland, bound for Virginia laden with merchandize. 11 ff.
From the listing of the convoy:
The Duke, Richard Maitland, Ship, (Belonging) London, 20 men, 10 guns 360 tons, From London, to Virginia, Ballast, ordered 7th March 1757.
Convoy 91 ships.
A fuller copy extract from Admiral Coates's reports is in "Maitland Extracts" File.
Finally sailed 17th March from Torbay for Madeira; the weather was bad, especially in the Bay of Biscay. At some stage, Duke must have left the convoy, as Admiral Coates fetched up in Port Royal, Jamaica.
Captain George Watt, of the Christian of Leith, from Virginia...arrived at Liverpool on Saturday last, spoke on the 6th ult (ie 6 June) with the Duke, Maitland from London, Cape Henry in Virginia W four Leagues, there were 12 sail in Company with her....[16]
LL 8/11/1757: The Duke, Maitland, and the Lydia, Teague, from Virginia for London are lost; the former foundered 4 days after she left the Capes, and the latter three days after she sailed, but the crew were saved.
The Duke, Maitland and Lydia, Jackson, from Virginia for London, are lost in a Gale of Wind, but the Crews taken up by the Garland Man of War, who was Convoy to the Fleet (NA).
This date of this entry implies that the loss of the Duke to have been before about mid-late September, quite possibly in a hurricane coming up the US East Coast. George Watt's report puts the loss about 8th June.
A hurricane is listed between Florida & Boston 11 August 1757 "Rain for 3 days; great SW-NW-N gusts" (Wikipedia). An NOAA report mentions October 1757 – HMS Duke of Cumberland lost off Cape Henry about this time.
ref Louis Currie: There is an admiralty record of the Duke just having left Jamaica.
January –December 1758
Downes (25 Jan, a transport, Naval??, no destination; the manner in which it is listed associates her with some men of warLL The Newspapers show 24 transports waiting wind in the Downes until some sailed, probably including Sharp, about 20th February – the destination may have been Jamaica, Sharp is not named again: 5 transports remained until early March, but Sharp was not in the list); Boston (arr from Louisbug mid September, rep 13/11/58LL) arr the Downs from Louisburg with Portmahon, man of war, 9/12/58LL.
It is not evident if Sharp returned to Louisburg from Boston or that the reported origin at the Downs was inexact. This voyage appears to have been a military transport convoy.
Boston Weekly News-Letter, 09-28-1758 P106[17].
Ran away from the Ship Sharp, Richard Maitland Master, on Sunday Night, between the 24th and 25th Instant, a Negro Servant Man named Thomas Morro, about 27 or 28 Years of Age, and about 5 Feet 5 Inches high. He had on Sailor's Cloathing when he left the Ship: He was born at Barbadoes, and liv'd long at Venice in Italy.
Whoever apprehends the said Negro Servant, so he may be delivered to Mr. Nathaniel Taylor, shall receive of him FIVE DOLLARS Reward, and all necessary Charges. Richard Maitland.
N.B. All Persons are forbid harbouring, concealing or carrying off said Servant, as they may depend upon being Prosecuted as the Law directs.
He robb'd said Ship of her Boat.
Mid 1759-mid 1760
Arrived the Downes, 12 July 1759 for Philadelphia.
London-Philadelphia (arr rep 8/11/59), Antigua from Philadelphia (rep 9/2/1760).
February 1760, Guadeloupe from PhiladelphiaLL.
This would put Richard Maitland back in England not before about early summer 1760.
A Sharp commander by Dunlop arrived Glasgow from Maryland about 1 May 1760; another Sharp was in the North Sea in February – it seems likely that these are not the same ship.
Lloyds Register, 1764: John Addis, master, to Oport.&
Car. (Oporto & Caribbean?), 300tons, 6&4 Guns, 18 men, Built - French
1758, Owner - Greg Olive. Addis took over from RM in LL. The tonnage may have
been the net tons, ie payload.
It may be that Philippa was a Prize, taken sometime before April 1761. HCA 32/230/6 on:
Le Philippe.
John Dyer Commander of the Private Ship of War called the Defiance by virtue of a Commission or Letter of Marque granted to him under the Great Seal of the High Court of Admiralty of England by virtue of a warrant from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for the Executing the office of High Admiral of Great Britain against the said Ship called Le Philippe, her Tackle Apparel and Furniture and the Goods therein taken and seized by the said Private Ship of War called the Defiance, whereof the said John Dyer is Commander and brought to Spithead and against all persons in general.
On which day Gostling as lawful Proctor for the said John Dyer by all lawful ways and means and to all effects of law and whatsoever alledged pleaded and articulately propounded as follows, to wit:
War declared 17th May 1756....
That the said ship called Le Philippe whereof the said Francois Le Tellier was master or commander belonging to the French King his vassals or subjects having dicers goods Wares and Merchandise of the French King or his subjects on board was on or about the thirtieth day of the month of May last past by the said Private Ship called the Defiance whereof the said John Dyer then was and now is commander who had a Letter of Marque or a commission for a private ship of war granted to him.... and seized as a lawful prize and afterwards brought to Spithead.. lawful prize.
Depositions taken on 23rd June 1757 at Southampton Town Hall.
Francois Letellier about 34 years old, of Bordeaux...
...Ship taken on 30th May last about 40 leagues SW of Bellisle (southern Brittany), brought to Portsmouth..
Burthen about 330 tons
From Bordeaux to Port au Prince in St Domingo and back, taken on her passage back to Bordeaux, with sugar, indigo and cotton coffee tanned hides and copper.
Phillippa Privateer Letter of Marque – Richard as Commander
17 April 1761 89
Appeared personally Captain Richard Maitland of the Parish of St Pauls Shadwell in the County of Middlesex mariner
and produced a warrant from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Executing the Offices of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland for the granting of a Commission or Letter of Marque to him the said Richard Maitland
and in pursuance of his Majesty's Instruction to Privateer made the following Declaration to with that his the said Richard Maitland
his ship is Called the Phillippa
That she is a Square Sterned Ship Painted Black and Yellow, a Syon Head Painted all Yellow
and is of the burthen of about Three Hundred tons
That the said Richard Maitland goeth Commander of her That she Carrys Sixteen Carriage Guns
Each Carrying shot of Six and Four pounds weight and
Swivel Guns and belonging to the port of London
Forty Men Thirty Six small arms Twenty four Cutlasses Twelve Barrels of Powder Twelve Rounds of great Shot and about Three hundred weight of small shot
That the said Ship is victualled for Six months
hath two suits of sails Five Anchors Five Cables and about Thirty hundred weight of spare cordage
That John Dudley goes Lieutenant John Thomas Gunner William Jones Boatswain Thomas Lee Carpenter Henry Atkins Cook James Long Surgeon of the said Ship and that
Mr Henry Loubert and his Partners Mesrs Leavie and Schweighauzen together with Mr James Bouverieu of London Merchants
are the Principal Owners and Setters out of the said Ship
Richd Maitland
(His signature)
This declaration was made before me
And: Colbeee Ducarel
Surrogate Farrant?
The like Commission is entered on Irof:2 was granted to Richard Maitland to set forth the Phillippa of the Burthen of about three hundred tons and belonging to the Port of London whereof he the said Richard Maitland goeth Commander Dated the Seventeenth Day of April 1761 and in the first year of his Majesty's Reign.
After the granting of Letters of Marque:
May 1761 - April 1762
All LL:
Deal (sailed 5/5/1761) for via Downs, Spain, Santona (reported 16/6), St Eustatia (rep 26/9, from Santona) Monte Christi (N coast of Dominica) by 5 December, due to sail for London, 16 January; arrived Portsmouth 23 March, and Downs 2 April, 1762.
Santona in Northern Spain, between Bilbao & Santander.
December 1762 - March 1764
London – Cork (arr rep 17/12, dep for Gib 18th with HMS AldboroughNA) – Gibraltar (rep 11/2/63 from LondonLL) – Havanna (15 leagues out rep 6/7LL)– Jamaica (from Havanna, rep 1/11LL) – off Havanna (15/1/64LL) – CowesNA - Dover (from Jamaica, 20/3LL). (was Cork to pick up Irish indentured labourers??).
The Caledonian Mercury, 11 July 1763[18]
"By a ship arrived in the River from Jamaica, we have advice that the Phillippa, Maitland, from London, was well within 15 leagues of the Havannah, where she was bound."
The next reported voyage by the Phillippa arrived at Cowes from South Carolina 30/7/1765, master AddisLL. As these voyages took at least 6 months, she must have sailed about January 1765 or earlier.
July 1765 – July 1766
Deal (sailed 18/7/1765NA) – Madeira – S Carolina (arr late autumn 1765, rep 14/3/66LL) – Havana:
Charleston, entered inwards 19th February, 1766, Achilles, Richard Maitland, ship, 260 tons, 20 men, Virginia 1761, London 16 Arpil 1763, John Richardson & Thomas Beswick of London, Sundry British Goods & 9 Cockett, from Havanna.[19]
Charleston (rep from Havanna for London, 19/4/1766), to London (Charleston, cleared 2/6/1766, sailed 20/6/1766), Portsmouth (arr from S Carolina, 25/7/1766, – Gravesend (arr 28/7/1766LL)
Cleared out from Charleston, 7 June 1766[20], with 124 barrels of rice, 527 puncheons of rum, 26 hogshead of Shins?, 43098 lbs of Indigo, 150 tons of logwood, a Charoiotte, 346 logs of mahogany. For London.
A report about Havana 22/4/66 in Charlestown implies that Achilles must have made a voyage from Charlestown to Havana & back in the late winter of 1766 as departure from S Carolina to London post dates the Havana information: "Charles-Town, South Carolina, April 22. By Captain Maitland, from Havana, we are informed, that a new Governor, and several other officers, were arrived there from Old Spain; and that all the British Merchants were ordered to quit that Place by the 16th past - He could not obtain Leave to land his Cargo of Bricks which he carried from hence, although he was under Contract."NP It is about 1000 miles from Havana to Charleston, so a round trip by sail of 4-6 weeks is probable, especially as he could not have spent much time, if any at the port. This was due to the exchange of Florida for Cuba between Spain & Britain.
From Charlestown, S Carolina (rep 29/7 left for London 20 June sailed from within the bar of that place the 20th June, where he had rode out a very hard Gale of wind, at 4 am, his best bower cable parted in the clinch, and she luckily cast the right way, and the pulled her over the bar; she struck twice, but very gentlyLL) to Portsmouth.
This looks to be the only voyage in Achilles by Maitland, assumed to be Richard.
Lloyd's Register 1764-66:
Little Carpenter, master – John Muir, From London-Carolina, 180 tons, no guns, 13 crew, Plantation built 1759, Owner Grub & Co. EG & EG.
From S Carolina shipping records, built Virginia 1759.
Henry Laurens dealt extensively with Grub & Co.
Was this ship named after the Indian Chief Attacullaculla[21] - Supreme Chief of the Cherokee, 1760-1775, Little Carpenter, Peace Chief of the Cherokee, 1730-1797, Cherokee Chief?
Previous master, John Muir, appears in the shipping reports between London & S Carolina for some time before Richard Maitland, his last voyage arrived Gravesend, 11/8/1766.
Customs outbound clearance, John Muir, 24 January 1764, included 30746 lbs Indigo, 714 barrels of rice, and sundry other goods, some of which was consigned to Grub.
Jan 1767-June 1767
Passed the Downes for S Carolina, 25 DecemberNP.
London to S Carolina (Arr with letter dated 24 November 1766HL215 from London.
Charleston, 13/2/1767 [Thurs]: "On Saturday [8 Feb] arrives here from London, the ship Little Carpenter, Richard Maitland, master, with whom came Captain Bolton of the 9th Regt, Henry Gray esq, Mr Walter Mantell and others"SCAG, repeated in London papers later. News rep 7/4/67LL).
Cleared in from London, 10 February 1767[22], Little Carpenter, Richard Maitland, Ship 100 tons, Pensylvania 1759, reg London 23 Oct 1766, Edward Payne, Richard Grubb, James Bordieu, James Chollet, & said master of London, Sundry Goods, 20 Cocketts.
March 1767: For London, the Ship Little Carpenter, Richard Maitland, master, Now lying at Mr Motte's warf, and must certainly sail by the 12th day of April next ensuing, otherwise forfeit freight. For Freight, apply to Motte, Laurens, Motte & Co or said master. Later advert for Laurens & Motte for Linene, silks etc – several Adverts.
Cleared out of Charleston 12 April, 1767 with 35329 lbs of indigoHLP146 but remained windbound until sailing on the 22nd, with an extra passenger, Dr Dundas. -
Cleared outwards 14 April 1767[23] 497 & 25 ½ barrels of rice, 9 bundles of deer skins, 25 tons logwood, 1 barrel of rum.
Portsmouth (Rep 1/6/67, "The Rt Hon Lord Hope as passenger" - Tuesday 09 June 1767, Leeds IntelligencerNA) – Gravesend (7/6LL).
Aug 1767 - Dec 1767
August 1767: London to S. CarolinaNA (arr rep 20/11/1767LL) with letters from Charles Garth.
Cleared In Charleston 27 September 1767[24] from London, owners Richard & Edward Maitland & Richard Grubb of London, sundry British Goods, 7 Cocketts.
Arrived 27 September with passenger Alexander Grey & letters to HLHL317.
"For London (to sail by 5th October) the Ship Little Carpenter Richard Maitland, master, For Freight or Indigo, deer skins etc or for passage, apply to Capt Maitland or Laurens, Motte & Co. Advert"SCAG
S. Carolina: (sailed 12/10/67HL370) Arr Falmouth 4/12/1767 & Gravesend 14/12/67LL
Richard Maitland was lucky/skilful to survive: HL letters were usually sent in duplicate; in this case, the other copy with Whitlock was lost in a storm 16 October.
...The storm began early in the morning of Oct. 16 and lasted until the 18th with strong winds from the northeast and high tides along the coast. A number of vessels were damaged at sea. Gazette, Oct. 19, 26, Nov. 2, 1767. The brigantine Hope, Robert Whitlock (with HL letter), was lost at sea...HL
Storm - PHOTO 1st 26 Sept "The storm mentioned in our last, reports? To have extended from Philadelphia to Georgia, and perhaps further. The Snow Aurora, James Patterson, master, outward bound for London, lying in Rebellion road, was driven on shore, but got off again he.. it is said, has received no damage. The ship Hawke, John Lightenstons master, for London from Georgia, having received much hurt in the Storm, was driven ashore endevouring to get into Sapelo inlet, the vessel and cargo entirely lost; the honourable Daniel Moore, esge, collector of his Majesty's customs for this port, Mr Nathaniel Hall of ???, merchant, who were passengers, were providentially saved and got ashore on Black Beard's Island about three miles from where the vessel struck. The Ferret & Diligence, Men of War for Jamaica, the Little Carpenter, Maitland and Hope, Whitlock, for London, with several other vessels from this port, it is thought, must have met with the gale. Many pieces of wrecks have been ?? along the shore, The force of the storm does not seem from what intelligence we have, as yet, received, to have extended further to the eastwards than the gulf stream.
From HL papers, Hope was lost.
11/12/1767: refers to letter 10/10/67, also to "Indian King" owned by Edward Brice (the ship that later rescued John Maitland from Antigua).
March 1768 – July 1768:
Cleared on of London 21st, Downes to S. Carolina (29/3/1768LL)
Arrived 15 May 1768HLV5P681 with letters for HL (arrival rep 5/7/68LL).
Loading from 25 May 1768,
SCAG, 27 May: "George Thomson: Has just imported in the Little Carpenter, Capt Maitland, from London, A complete sortment of European and India Goods fit for the season, which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms at his store in Tradd Street" Advert.
For London to sail the 10th June, The Ship Little Carpenter, Richard Maitland, master, Having very good accomodation for passengers. For freight of Indigo and Deer skins, or for passage apply to said master or James Laurens (Advert).
Sailed after 6 June 1768[25] with letters from HL.
20 June 1768: "Yesterday morning embarked for London in the ship LC, Capt M, Mrs Mary Harvey, wife of Mr William Harvey"
The LC, Capt M, which sailed for London yesterday, carrid besides the usual commodities shipped for that market, 48 barrels containing 371 bussels of Indian Corn, and 29 barrels containing 144 bushels of rough Rice. News, 27 JuneSCG.
London entered inward from S Carolina 30/7/1768NP
About this period, Henry Laurens was involved in a long legal dispute about a ship, the Ann, impounded by the authorities: Little Carpenter was often mentioned as an example.
1ST AUGUST 1768 -- Captain Maitland's behaviour to the Custom House Officers had been so extreemly gross, and he had so Publickly stigmatized them all under the Exchange in Charlestown.....Captain Maitland had "Publickly stigmatized all the Custom House Officers
1st August 1768 - Re Ann -- .....That this Deponent was informed by Capt. Maitland who clear'd out at the Custom-House the day before Capt. Forten attended to clear out the Ship Ann, That he gave Bond for such Nonenumerated Goods as he had on board the very day on which he Cleared out and not before.
"1st August 1768 - Re Ann -- ....by Fenwick Bull, Esquire who being duly sworn declareth that he became Security for Capt. Maitland in a Nonenumerated Bond at the Custom-House after that Mr. Hatley the Deputy Collector had agreed to clear his Vessel (being the day before his Vessel was finally cleared out) altho' the Nonenumerated Goods were then all on Board the Vessel & further to this Interrogatory the Deponent saith not.
Mr. Bull deposes possitively that Captain Maitland gave a
Nonenumerated Bond after Mr. Hatley had agreed to clear out his vessel, the
Non-Enumerated Goods being all on board, & that only on the very day before
the Ship Ann was seized. Let this be_Hatley evasively deposes above that
Captain Maitland more guarded executed the nonenumerated Bond some time before
his Vessel cleared out, and then Concludes with another Evasion, "
Renovating St. Michael's Clock—America's "Big Ben"
By Peg Eastman
.....The steeple clock was made by Aynsworth Thwaites and is
considered the oldest functioning colonial church clock in the United States.
St. Michael's clock cost £120, a vast sum in those days. The clock and bells
came over on a ship called The Little Carpenter and were shipped gratis
by the company that made them, probably because they were for a church.
HL papers vol 5 ends 31/7/1768.
HL Papers vol 6 not done.
HL Papers Vol 7 1/8/69-9/10/71
November 1768 – May 1769:
Deal for South Carolina 8 NovNA
(Arr SC rep 3/3/1769LL)
23 Jan 1769SCAG: "This day arrived here from London, in the ship Little Carpenter, Richard Maitland, master, the lady of his excellency the Right Honourable Lord William Campbell, Governor of Nova Scotia, the Lady of the honourable John Drayon, esq, Colin Campbell, esq, and his Lady, Mr Hawkins and others".
30 Jan 1769: WILLIAM SIMPSON, Has imported in the Little Carpenter, Captain Maitland, from London, the Betty, from Glasgow, and the Avon from Leith: A Neat assortment of silk breeches, ribbed and plain silk hose, worsted breeches in patterns and web, men and women's cotton hose, ofaaburgs thread, stiching thread from the lowest to the highest numbers, spotted and sprigged knitted lawe, striped and bordered needle work, lawn aprons, a great variety of white blue and green silk and thread pavillion gauze; a large quantity of check handkerchiefs, checks, and croffbar? 3/4 & 7/8 wide, red and blue striped holland, Irish and Scots Heens of all kinds, single and double wool and baked hair matresses, women's callomanco shoes and pumps of different colours, men's stiched and bound shoes and pumps, pgtail tobacco, rappee and plain snuff, 16 and 20 inch pipes tipped and fluted, Bell's beer by the dozen, with an assortment of cutlery. As he has imported a large quantity of each, any merchant wanting to apply may be served on the most moderate terms at his store on Tradd Street.
Advert continue as usual to end March.
20 March 1769: windbound, finally sailed 28 MarchSCAG
London entered inward 31 May from South CarolinaNA. Via Dover 26th.
October 1769 – May 1770
Downs to S Carolina 1/10/1769LL
Arrived 12 DecemberSCAG, Richard Maitland as masterHL257
AdvertSCAG: PHILIP HAWKINS & Co. At their Store in Tradd Streets, lately occupied by Mr John Edwards, & Co, have just opened their GOODs received by the Little Carpenter, Maitland, which with those in Hand, make a large STOCK that will be sold very cheao, with great allowance to those who purchase a Qnatitiy to seel again; A large and compleat Assoortment of LINEN DRAPERY, part of which are a great variety of printed linens, cottons and callicoes; blue, red and chintz furniture cottons; India chinz, printed and whit India callicoes, India ginghams of as extra fine quality. - A great choice of extremely well bought IRISH LINENS and SHEETINGS, Irish tickings, picol lawns, quarter lawns, long lawns, 7-8, 8-8, and 6-4 clear lawns, 7-8 and 8-8 cambricks, flowered lawns; flowered lawns suits of aprons, ruffles and handkerchiefs; plain, striped and flowered muslins; 8-8 and 6-4 hook muslins, spotted ditto, very beautiful tambour worked muslins in suits - very elegant sets of Damask Tabling; 8-4, 10-4 and 12-4 diapers and damasks in pieces 1/2 diaper and damask table cloths, tea napkins, napkining diapers and damasks, garlic, dowlas, britanoirs, sitasias?, seven duck, Russle sheetings, dimothles, frans, checks, and other Manchester Goods etc - A quantity of plain and flowered silk gauzes, ribbons, blond and thread laces - A few peices of handsome plain and striped trffatle? at 45s and 50s the yard - 7-8 India satins, damasks and g(s?)oigaroons at 60, and 70, the yard; flowered India silks and India Persians; two compleat set of nenkeen table chies - A few handsom fine grates and furniture compleat - Also a large assortment of nails, locks, hinges, and every other necessary for Building; carpenters, smiths and workmens tools in general; very best broad hoes and other Plantation utensils.
NB to be sold for ready money, very best Bohea Tea at 20 the lb, very best green Tea at 50 the lb, very best and much approved Hyson Tea at 5l 10s the lb and black pepper at 24s the lb - 4-peny nails at 15s the thousand; 6-peny ditto at 22s 6d. 10-peny ditto at 35s and 10 peny ditto at 52s 6d the thousand. A few anchors and grapnels at 15 the 100lb - a quantity of very fine whalebone at 47s6d the lb, taking 20lb.
31 Jan 1770: advertised to sail by, inter alia, James Laurens.
S. Carolina arr rep 3/2/1770NA
Sailed March 22 1770, David Kinloch, master: Richard Maitland remained behind to supervise the building of a new vesselHL257.
HL 17/3/1770: To Isaac King, London - …200 barrels of Pitch which I have Ship'd on board the Little Carpenter, David Kinloch, Master who is bearer hereof for London consign'd to you.
Captain Maitland had stayed behind to supervise the building of a new vessel. See HL to Richard Grubb, May 8, 1770HLV7P288.
This voyage was referred to in correspondence in August 1772
as not having been paid by Grub.
Arrived Weymouth, 3rd MayNP, Gravesend 8/5/1770 & port of London 9th MayNP, from S. CarolinaLL, David Kinloch masterHL257
October 1770-July 1771
London to South Carolina, Portsmouth, Rotterdam & Portsmouth, master John Maitland (details under his chapter).
July 1771-January 1772
Her last voyage, master John Maitland (details in his chapter), ending condemned in Antigua.
Ship Magna Charta & Phillippa #2
The ship Magna Charta was commissioned in 1769 to be built by a group of owners, Henry Laurens, James Laurens, Thomas Loughton Smith, and Roger Smith of Charleston and James Bourdeaux, Richard Grubb, and Richard Maitland of London. Of these, the brothers Henry & James Laurens and Richard Grubb were certainly known to RM in London; James Bourdeaux appears in Henry Laurens' papers. RM was probably the originator of the deal[26], using the contacts he had built up over the previous 5 or 6 years of sailing into Charleston; he was certainly in charge of the build as the owners' representative. HL had refers several times to his 1/8th share: only seven owners are listed, but it is not known if this was the full list, or if someone had a ¼ share, maybe RM as the promoter of the vessel, described by HL as a fine ship and a cheap one. HL however, in a later letter to RG, implies that he took a share in MC rather against hos better judgement, partly because he could have no influence in generating return (westbound) cargoes[27].
Building was started at Begbie & Manson's yard at HobcawSCAG in December 1769 when she was put on the stocks. RM arrived in the Little Carpenter in Charleston in March 1770, and stayed there to supervise the building (Little Carpenter returned to London with another master, Kinloch, and after that was commander by John Maitland). She was launched on the 23rd November, 1770, but her maiden voyage was delayed until the following March by the late arrival of stores from London; HL later wrote disparagingly about Richard Grubb's tardy behaviour, and estimated that the delay cost the owners £150 sterling. Interestingly, for this first voyage, HL instructed RG not to insure his share of these stores, unless there was a War Risk, but later asked RG to insure his 1/8th part of the bottom for £300 Sterling[28].
A footnote[29] in HL's papers shows his 1/8th share cost £1413/8/-, which he paid in 3 instalments, later selling his 1/8th share to RM 30/3/1771; this does not agree with later papers still referring to his share. According to HL papers, "...The Owners of the Magna Charta, built last year at Hobcaw at £6 sterling per ton, subject to some after bills and many great expenses, which our new Ship will escape, paid £400 Sterling at signing the Contract, £400 more when the Beams were fastened in, and £700 lastly when the Ship was launched...A dilatory Step in sending out the Stores for the Magna Charta cost the Owners £150 Sterling....[30]. These numbers do not seem to add up. A letter in June 1771 from HL mentions his later ship which he was building at a cost of £5 per ton, without the extra costs that appeared on MC.
The launching was reported in the South Carolina Gazette:
"On Friday, Nov. 23, a fine new ship for the London trade, Magna Charta, Richard Maitland, was launched at Begbie and Manson's yard at Hobcaw, burthen 1,200 barrels of rice, "esteemed as complete a Vessel, and as elegantly decorated, as any that has been built in this Province." Gazette, Nov. 29, 1770. The General Gazette, Nov. 27, 1770, said that it was "thought to be the finest Ship ever built in this Province, and compleatly finished with all her carved Work and Decorations in the most elegant Taste. There was a very numerous company of Ladies and Gentlemen, who partook of a cold Entertainment, and afterwards had a Ball."SCAG
She was evidently a well found and decorated ship, as an extract (slightly damaged) from the SCG describes: ....and neatly decorated with carved Work; and is allowed, by good Judges, to be as well...and likely a Ship as ever came off the Stocks in this Province - The Head, is a Bust of Britannia upheld by two Americans; one on the Right, armed for her Defence; the one on the Left, offering her the Horn of Plenty, filled with ...ous Productions of America. The Decorations on the ....e, in the Center a Scroll representing Magna Charta, ...d by Liberty and Justice; on the Right, is FAME, ... a Label with the Word Unanimity, as recommending ... Americans; on the Left, Mercury,as Messenger, ... another Label, with the Word Repealed. Under ... Mars, with his sword in one Hand and a burning ... in the other; and under Mercury, Neptune with his ... in one and a Dolphin in the other Hand. NewsSCG.
Begbie & Manson ceased trading during the forthcoming war, and ultimately went under as a result of backing the Loyalist side[31].
December 29, 1770[32]
[On this date Richard Maitland registered the ship Magna Charta in Charleston. The vessel was a square sterned ship of 200 tons built in South Carolina in 1770. Maitland, who was master and part owner, listed the other owners as HL, James Laurens, Thomas Loughton Smith, and Roger Smith of Charleston, James Bourdeaux and Richard Grubb of London. The registry was made before Lt. Gov. William Bull and Thomas Macdonogh, the deputy collector of customs.]
source: Ship Register, 1765-1780 [1783], p. 213, S.C. Archives.
Quoted elsewhere as 300 tons, which is probably correct – this entry is probably a transcription error.
Lloyd's Register, 1780:
Philippa S s, R Maitland, 305 tons, S Carolina) 70 Bourdieu 14-6 P, 15 Lo Jamaica (1779 survey: E1 77)
Maiden Voyage: March-Sept 1771
Charleston, cleared out 3rd January, ready to sail 14th February, remained windbound until sailing on her maiden voyage, 11th March 1771[33]. "The same day sailed for London, Capt Richard Maitland's new ship, the Magna Charta, having on board 948 Tierces of Rice, 110 Casks containing 41,744 lb of best Indico, besides deer skins and sundry other Articles". NewsSCG
Her departure was delayed by the late arrival of stores sent out from London from Richard Grubb in London, leaving London in the Little Carpenter, 15th September, 1770 and arriving in Charleston 29th December (master John Maitland); HL was concerned about the effect of the long delay in sailing on the quality of his rice, which had probably been loaded early (about 9th January) while the ship lay at Charleston awaiting final fitting out. Other shippers with cargo on her also blamed Richard Grubb; the delay was compounded by Little Carpenter making a slow passage from London, taking about 9 weeks. That being said, HL seemed satisfied with the ship. To quote HL: "...Their Evidence is strong and pretty clear, but I wont judge until I hear both Sides. But be the Cause what it may, the Consequence I may say already is what they insinuate and alledge. However, that must be mended by more diligence and Attention for the future. She is really a fine Ship, and I believe the Captain will do every Thing in his Power to promote the general Interest....."
Rice was a major export from the Carolinas and was valuable: HL's share of this shipment was 142 barrels, valued at £1867/5/3. Compare this with the value of HL's 1/8th share of the MC at about £1400.
Arr Gravesend from S Carolina 29/4/1771LL – maiden voyage.
Dep Gravesend to S Carolina 11/7/1771LL, remained at Deal with HMS Endeavour & several othersNA.
Arr Carolina from London, arr Charleston, 20/9/1771SCAG (rep 19/11/1771LL)
Benjamin Mathews has just imported in the Magna Charta, Captain Maitland, A large and complete assortment of Goods; amongst which are a large assortment of Workman's tools, coffin furniture, etc AdvertSCAG 24/9
26 September 1771SCG: On Friday last...returned, in the ship Magna Charta, Captain Richard Maitland, from London, Sir Edmund Head and Lady, and Mr---Wakefield. On the 6th instant, in latitude 24 Long 80 Capt Maitland met with a Hurricane, which continued all the next day, and was the most violent he had ever been in. It began with him at four in the Afternoon, the wind then East, encreased till Nine the next Morning, continuing at its height til six in the Afternoon, the Gale shifting to the northwards at three, and to the North West at six, when it abated. He supposed it to have been very severe in the West Indies. News
Some of MC's cargo was advertised by Philip Hawkins & Co for sale, consisting of an extensive range of cloths and fire hearths etc, 11 November 1771SCAG (and other weekly entries) See full copy below.
Jan 1772-Jan 1773
Dep Charleston 8th January 1772: for Cowes, she carried 110 barrels and ten half barrels of rice which had been drawn from the crop at Mepkin and which was shipped on HL's own account and risk[34].
RM sold 2 cables for the ship Friendship just before sailing[35], HL's new ship.
Arr Cowes/Gosport from S. Carolina 9/3/1772LL
What was the Polly & Nancy, Maitland, from S. Carolina at Gravesend, 3/3/1772?? Was this Richard's son Charles??
Cargo would seem to have been Deer skins & Rice, market not good![36]
Dep Portsmouth to Amsterdam 5/4/1772LL
Arr Gravesend from Amsterdam 3/6/1772LL
While in port in London, HL was in communication with RM over a couple of matters:
For the return voyage to Charleston HL describes[37] a "Garden Engine" which he buys for brother James, and decides on one made by John Bristow[38] in Ratcliffe Highway "& at last have agreed for one with Mr. Bristow for 18 Guineas on Wheels & 3 Guineas for Pipes to discount 2/2 per Cent & have desired Capt. Maitland to take it on board with as little formality of expence as possible. The smaller size are 12 Guineas but the difference of execution is worth twice the difference of the cost. This will answer all the purposes of a Garden Engine. It is very little heavier, may be carried into a House in case of Fire as well as the smaller, the difference in width being but a few Inches. It discharges 50 Gallons Water in a Minute at full 90 feet."...
"Mr. Laurens presents his compliments to Mr. Bristow & desires him to make one of the very best second Garden Engines to go upon Wheels & to add to it the necessary Leather hose besides the ordinary Suction Pipe, to be ready for putting on board the Ship Magna Charta, Richard Maitland, Master for South Carolina about the 20th or 25 of September, to be painted on some convenient part James Laurens, 1772, in neat small capitals & Figures. As this Engine is to go into a Climate where all Wood Work is severely tried by the heat of the Sun & where Iron rusts & Leather dries & perishes very fast, Mr. Laurens recommends that every Article should be of the best particularly the Wood well seasoned & he hopes that Mr. Bristow will hereafter find a benefit from complying with his request.
Capt. Maitland will call for the Engine when he can receive
it on board. A covering of Matts to keep out the dust will be sufficient. If
Mr. Laurens is in Town he will pay the amount of the Engine, & upon
delivery thereof. If he is not, Mr. Bristow will be pleased to call on Mr.
Richard Grub, Merchant in George Yard, & he will pay such amount on Account
of Mr. James Laurens, Charles Town, So. Carolina. In either case the usual
discount for ready Money will be expected."
A further letter[40]
from HL to RG which, inter alia, passes a message to RM to sell a Brigantine
for £500-700. Presumably this to be done while RM was in port in London. HL
then writes direct to RM about selling "the unfortunate Brigantine has been
intented for my Interest, but I have been so cruelly & ungratefully
requited for acts of kindness in that particular concern from first to last,
that I am desirous of putting her out of my sight & out of my mind, &
would rather sell her for £500 & give something more for another Vessel
than to keep her. Therefore I entreat you continue your endeavours to sell her
for this ensuing Week, & in the mean time you may look round you & see
for a proper Master & be further able to determine if such a freight as you
talk of may be expected, as a dernier resort in case you should be disappointed
in a Sale & you shall hear from me on Wednesday where to direct for me[41]."
P490 Westminster, 5th October 1772 -- I should have told you Mr. Hawkins will Ship your several articles per Magna Charta & I hope the bounty on Leather will nearly pay Charges; Insurance excepted, on which you are silent. Mr. Grubb moved often for that employment but I did not think it would be pleasing to you nor would it have been generous.
Dep Gravesend for S. Carolina 4/11/1772, remained in the Downs, dep Cowes 14/11/1772LL&NA.
Arr Carolina (rep 19/2/1773LL) 13/1/1773SCG with Charles Ogilvie, Edward Rutledge, a barrister to become a judge, Peter LePooleHL536 who left ship some leagues from the Barr, also some seeds for HL.
"Last Sunday landed from on board the Ship Magna Charta, Captain Maitland, from London, the following passengers: vz. Mr Charles Ogilvie, of London, Mr Nathaniel Hall, of Georgia, Mr Andrew Robertson, Mr Edward Rutledge (from the Temple), Mr James McCall, Mr Peter le Poole, Mr Henry Michie, and Master Jacob Shubrick, of this Place." NewsSCG.
March 1773-Oct 1773
28th January 1773 (and other entries)SCG: "For London the Ship, Magna Charta, Richard Maitland, master, who will clear out on or before the 20th of February next. For freight or passage apply to the Captain or Hawkins Petrie & Co. Who request those that intend to favour the above vessel with Freight, to ship as early as possible."
15th February 1773SCG: "The Ship Magna Charta, Captain Richard Maitland, for London, is near loaded, and will be cleared out on Thursday or Friday next at farthest, which those who have INDICO to ship, will please to notice."
P586 Charles Town, 15 February 1773 -- From JL The Magna Charta will be Loaded & Cleared this Week & I hope will carry near 200 Casks Indigo. As Le Pool declin'd Shipping any Rice on your Account you have no other risk but your part the Vessel, & Mr. Appleby's hogshead Rum.
8th March 1773SCG: "Price of Indico best sort 25/- to 27/6 per lb... 92,817 lbs on board the Magna Charta, Captain Richard Maitland, for London, who also carries a Box of RAW SILK, the Produce of this Province."
Dep S. Carolina 14/3/1773SCG for London in company with the Live Oak, Lunberry, the latter for BristolLL16/4. Hawkins, Petrie and Co advertised the ship for London in the Gazette, Jan 28, 1773[42] with 120 barrels of Rice for HL & 200 casks of indigo. Also a hogshead of Jamaica rum, 108 gallons & £124-13s
Arr Gravesend 19/4/1773LL&NA.
Dep Gravesend for S. Carolina 7/8/1773, & the Downs 12/8/1773LL. Carrying letter from HL to brother James Laurens[43].
Arr Charleston:
11th Oct 1773SCG: "Last Friday arrived off this Bar, the Ship Magna Charta, Capt Maitland, from London, having on board the following passengers, Vz. Robert H. Halliday, esq, appointed Collector of the Port, and his Son, Mr McCulloch, Deputy Collector, - Valentine, Lt Hayter, and Ensign Woolls, both to the 145h Regiment, now at St Augustine."[44] News
18th October 1773SCG: The Easterly Winds that have prevailed for more than a week, and still continue, have prevented the Magna Charta, Capt Maitland, from London, coming in, although two Passengers came to Town in a Pilot boat. News
25th October 1773SCG: "Robert H. Halliday esq, and the rest of the passengers that came in Capt. Maitland's ship from London, landed her last Friday evening. The ship came in the next day" News
Arr off Charles Town Bar rep 30/11/1773, and arrival rep 7/12/1773LL.
27th December, 1773SCG Advert:
Hawkins, Petrie & Co.
Have imported in the Liberty, Capt Lasley, and the Magna Charta, Capt Maitland,
A large Assortment of Goods,
Amongst which are...Cloth, Teas, household goods – see below for full copy.
Jan 1774-June 1774
22nd November, 1773SCG: Entered out for London, windbound 27th December.
Dep 7/1/1774 for London[45]
Arr Downs from S. Carolina 13/2/1774, & Gravesend 18/2/1774LL.
HL letters referHLV9P279: 15/2/1774: … Rice Sunk to 55/. I think it must go down a good deal lower. Maitland is arrived with 700 Barrels for carriage of which we Sha'n't receive a penny.… (written from London); in this letter he also comments on the numbers of Revenue Officers in the Colonies.
3rd March 1774, letter re character of RM & RG:"...The Magna Charta is to be dispatched for Charles Town immediately, as Mr. Grubb assures me. If I could depend upon her Sailing hence even in all this Month I would give my sentiments concerning proper provision to be made for Loading your part & mine. But our friend & the Captain are good natured people who propose, or accede to, a Plan, with designs of Executing it, but their good Nature, unaided by proper diligence & fortitude, leads them to accept new proposals from Day to Day, which militate against their first Resolutions & their "Immediate," becomes Time Uncertain. This I fear will be the Case in the present attempt. Therefore I shall proceed no farther than barely saying, I am still of opinion that 50/ per hundred for Rice is as high as we ought to give for Shipping on our own Account, which according to present appearances will not leave a Freight sufficient to keep a Vessel out of debt....."
Other letters of the same date from HL re cargo etc to Hawkins Petrie, concerning cloths.
13 April 1774, letter to JL HL was increasingly frustrated about RM & RG's performance: "...According to my apprehensions early in March So it has happened the Magna Charta is still in the Thames, & as I am informed will not leave the River these three or four days. I have done with her as an Owner. Messrs. Bourdieu & Chollet having expressed a desire to put her upon another Trade & made an offer to buy or Sell at the Rate of £1,800 for the whole Vessel. I have accepted of £225 for my 1/8th part. If you have laid in Store any Rice for loading that part on my Account, Sell it to the best advantage...[46]"
Several letters about price of rice and freight this period. Implication that the "freight" was the value of the landed rice.
Dep Gravesend for S. Carolina 22/4/1774LL. Took 2 attempts to leave Deal – Wind W, finally left Deal about the 26th.
Passengers on the Magna Charta from London to Carolina, April 1774
BELTON, Janet, 20, spinster, London
BLACKETT, Tobiah, 25, Spinster, London[47]
Arr S. Carolina from London 26/6/1774: The ship Magna Charta, Richard Maitland, arrived in Charleston on June 26 with two and a half chests of tea, but the Gazette, June 27, 1774, did not mention that Captain Maitland had brought any pamphlets[48]. (rep 19/8/1774LL).
The arrival in Charleston was marked by Richard Maitland's "Tea Party" – see later in this paper. Including 2 bales of white plain[49]. There was talk of pamphlets with the tea, but some confusion if they were ever on the ship (HL 25 May).
Several SCG entries refer to this arrival and subsequent problems.
A number of Laurens letters were carried on this voyage, some making confirmatory remarks about departure and arrivals.
Aug 1774 – Sept 1774
8th July, 1774: "For London The Ship Magna Charta Richard Maitland Master, Her cargo of Rice is already engaged, and she will sail on or before the 15th July instant; For Freight of Indigo or for passage, apply Captain Maitland, Hawkins Petrie & Co General" Advertisement
Lady Leigh and the eldest daughter sailed for London in the Magna Charta, Richard Maitland, on Aug. 4. General Gazette, Aug. 5, 1774,HL
Windbound from 15th July,
Sailed S. Carolina, 4 August 1774[50] With letters from HL.
Arr Gravesend from S. Carolina 18/9/1774LL.
This was Richard Maitland's last voyage to Charleston.
Late 1774: A long set of letters about Richard Grubb in HL, including his death.
20th September 1774, letter from HL to JL and the Tea Party.
Henry Laurens papers Vol 9 finish here 12/12/1774, and the direct commercial connection with the Laurens's and Richard Maitland, although James held onto his share for a little longer.
A long set of correspondence in the HL papers about the problems between Maitland & Laurens appears here.
Phillippa, formerly Magna Charta:
Cleared out from London 20/4/1775 for GeorgiaNA
Dep Gravesend to Georgia 28/4/1775, remained a while at DealLL.
On arrival in Georgia, Philippa was subject to action by the rebels who took the gunpowder in her cargo. This incident is recounted in a later section.
What the Phillippa's movements between late September 1775, when she was known to be still in Savanna, and November 1776 is not apparent – Lloyd's Lists and the Newspapers make no mention of her in this period. It may be that she remained in the Americas for this time. There is some indication that she was operating on military duties in this period.
Arr Gravesend from Jamaica, 21/11/1776LL.
Dep Downs via Portsmouth to Cadiz 28/5/1777
Arr Cadiz from London (rep 11/7/1777LL)
Arr New York from Cadiz (rep 19/12/1777LL)
Letters from James Laurens in England June 1777 refer to Richard Maitland & letters of marquee. This requires more reading!
HCA 26/60 (P112): Letters of Marque
2nd May 1777
Appeared personally Richard Maitland of Broad Street in the parish of St George in the county of Middlesex mariner
and produced a Warrant from the right hon'ble the Lords Comm'r for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland &c for the granting of a Commission to him the said Rich'd Maitland and in pursuance of his Majesty's Instruction mage the following Declaration to wit that his the said Rich'd Maitland's Ship called the Philippa being Gally built with a Figure Head has three masts, that the said ship in employed in Trade, that she goes in Ballast to Cadiz and there takes in a Cargo of Wines – Salt and other Goods for the use of his Majesty's Army and Navy at New York – that the said ship is of the burthen of two hundred and sixty tons, that the said Rich'd Maitland goeth Commander of her, that she carries fourteen carriage guns carrying shot of four pounds weight no cahorns and six swivel guns thirty five men, twenty stands of small arms, twenty cutlasses, fifteen barrels of powder – thirty rounds of shot and about two hundred weight of small shot, that the said ship is victualled for eight months, has two shuits of sails five anchors three cables and about one thousand Weight of Spare cordage, that George Beverage goes Mate or Lieutenant John Knox Gunner James Thompson Boatswain James Atchison Carpenter John Thompson Cook and Andrew Johnson Surgeon of the said Ship, that the said ship is belonging to the Port of London and that she is bound on a voyage to Cadiz and thence to New York and the West Indies and back to London.
and that James Bourdieu and Samuel Chollet, David Chollet John Nutt merchants of London and the said Richard Maitland are the owners and setters out of the said ship.
Richd Maitland
On the same day This decl was made before me And Collee Ducaret Surrogate
The like Commission as is enterd for 18 was granted to Richard Maitland to set forth the Philippa, of the Burthen 260 Tons, belonging to the Port of London, & whereof he the said Richard Maitland goeth Commr
Dated 2nd May 1777 and in the 17th Year of his Majesty's Reign.
A ship, the Philippa Harbin was also granted Letter of Marque 24th January 1778, but this was not the same vessel[51]. She appears in Lloyd's list between England and Barbados.
Lloyds List for 1778 not available, and nothing is mentioned in the contemporary newspapers before Richard's death in November 1778.
The Philippa, Wallace, from Oporto to New York, was taken by a Rebel Privateer and afterwards lost. LL 23 February 1881.
Richard Maitland & the Rebels 1774/5
NB Phillipa previously called the Magna Carta.
The American Revolution in the Southern Colonies By David Lee Russell Page 46:
When tea arrived in Charles Town harbour aboard the British ship "Magna Carta" in late June (1774), Captain Richard Maitland told local officials that he would return the tea to England. But on rumours that Maitland planned to sell the tea anyway, angry and unemployed men in the port boarded the ship as Captain Maitland quickly exited to take refuge aboard the British man-of-war Britannia. In November the Britannia, which carried consigned tea, landed. The Charles Town General Committee ordered the merchants to dump the tea in the Cooper River to avoid mob violence, which they accomplished. Henry Laurens of Charles Town said these new acts were simply the first of perhaps many laws to "mandate which Ministers Shall think proper for keeping us in Subjection to the task master who Shall be put over is."
James Laurens to HL, 22 July 1774:
....We have just had a disagreable Instance of a rash & Violent attempt in this town of a great body of People or Mob, to take Capt. Maitland out of his Ship with Intent to tar & feather him & tis generally thought had he fallen into their hands it would have cost his Life. The Populace had been in great agitation for several day on account of three half Chests of Tea Imported per the Magna Charta for two houses here who refus'd to receive or have anything to do with it. After laying 20 days on hand, the tea was seiz'd by the Collector of his Majesty's Customs8 & Convey'd to the King's Warehouse. Maitland was charg'd with a breach of Promise made to the Committee9 at his first arrival that the Tea should never be landed, that he would destroy it with his own hands & so forth, & of having on various occasions spoken disrespectfully of this Place & its inhabitants especially of the folks call'd Patriots & their Measures. Whether these charges are just I really cannot tell, tho' I am apt to fear he has been rather Imprudent in letting his tongue run. Be that as it will, the whole Committee as well as the Populace were greatly incens'd against him, & five of the Members1 were requested to go to every Merchant in town & require a Promise that they would never Export any Goods from hence, & give orders to their Correspondents in England to ship no goods from thence, in any Vessel commanded by Capt. Maitland. I was call'd upon in course (Mr. Hawkins being absent from the Province) by the Gentlemen, to whom I answer'd that H.P. & Co. had already wrote to their Correspondents forbidding them to ship them any more goods upon any account whatever, as I had determined to withdraw from business. Therefore there was no Probability of their giving offence by Importing per Maitland. But if I was requir'd to write particularly against Capt. Maitland, I could not in honour & Conscience do it, as It did not appear to me that he offended wilfully & premeditately but rather by accident & Inadvertency, because he had declar'd to me that he knew not of the tea being on board his Ship till he came to Examine his Cocket after clearing at Gravesend, the truth of which I could not doubt because No Man in his Senses would risk the displeasure of a Whole Community where he had receiv'd much Civility without some View of Emolument wherein the present Case he could receive no benefit to himself or his Owners, save the poor trifle of a few Shillings freight. That I was confirm'd further of his Ignorance of the tea being shipp'd by his having brought none on his own Account, as he had heretofore usually done, for fear of giving offence, & for these reasons I could not think him Criminal nor could I think it consistent with my honour to proscribe a Man who had serv'd me with fidelity. The Gentlemen were pleas'd to say my reasons were good, but I know they are very unpopular & as every Merchant as I am Inform'd, save one or two acquiesc'd in their request I expect to meet with Censure from the Unthinking Part. Indeed I am more & more Convinc'd that the Man who will live godly in Christ Jesus, or in other terms, who is obstinately resolv'd never to wound his Conscience to procure the favour or escape the frowns of Men, especially in such times as these, must expect often to meet with unjust reproach, if not severe persecution. I am clear in Opinion that Maitland was not justly blameable for bringing the tea. If he made rash promises & broke them, or rattled disrespectfully of some folks, I blame him greatly for his Imprudence & despise such behaviour, but I cannot approve of such Inhumane resentment for a Crime (if it is one) that we are the most subject to of any people in the World. If Every Man thinks himself at liberty to abuse King, Lords, & Commons, & all who dissent from our System, why should a poor Old Greyheaded Ratling Captain be persecuted with such uncommon Severity for a few unguarded Expressions, if he has dropt such. I love Liberty, Liberty of sentiment. Liberty of Speech, but not so as to Covet it all to myself. I would have others Enjoy it as freely as I do, & by Suppressing it they may make Hypocrites but not Converts....
7 The ship Magna Charta, Richard Maitland, which arrived in Charleston on June 26, remained in port until Aug. 4. Gazette, June 27, Aug. 8, 1774. One whole and two half chests of tea, valued at £70 sterling, were on board, having been shipped by Neufville & Rolleston and Messrs. Robert Steel & Co. of Tokenhouse Yard, London, to James Wakefield and William Donaldson, Charleston merchants.
Memorial of Sarah Maitland, March 25, 1784, AO 13/133* Public Record Office, London.
James Wakefield was a militia officer who fought for the patriots. He was among those the British deported to St. Augustine on Nov. 25, 1780. SCHM, LV (1954), 24. Whether William Donaldson became a patriot or a loyalist has not been ascertained. "Wife of Willm. Donaldson from New York" was buried in St Philip's churchyard on Sept. 20, 1780. Register of St. Philip's Parish, 1754-1810, p. 341.
8 Robert Haliday, the collector of the customs, had arrived from England on Oct. 21, 1773, as a passenger in Magna Charta, Richard Maitland. George C. Rogers, Jr., "The Charleston Tea Party: The Significance of December 3, 1773/' SCHM, LXXV(1974). 162.
9 The General Committee of Ninety-nine, appointed on July 8, 1774, superseded an earlier General Committee. Sarah Maitland referred to "the Committee of the Usurped Power at Charleston" in her memorial.
1 This was a sub-committee of the General Committee of Ninety-nine. A similar committee of five persons had been named in December 1773 to secure signatures to the resolution not to import any tea. Gazette, Dec. 6, 1773.
Laboratory for Liberty: The South Carolina Legislative Committee System, 1719-1776
Book by George Edward Frakes; University Press of Kentucky, 1970. 201 pgs.
Revolutionary Committee Activity, 1774-1776
Extract from p118 (119 not available)
In December, 1773, South Carolinians' concern over British policy shifted from New England to Charles Town Harbor. The problem was the arrival of the ship London carrying a load of East Indian tea. The tea ship docked at Charles Town at a time when South Carolinians and their fellow colonists were protesting against the Tea Act taxes.4 The radicals in South Carolina politics, led by Christopher Gadsden, took advantage of the hostile climate of public opinion toward royal officials. Four days after the London arrived, the South Carolina radical leaders called a general meeting of all citizens at the Great Hall of the Exchange Building to discuss the constitutional issues
A meeting at the Exchange Building was called on December 3 because 257 chests of East India Company tea had arrived in Charles Town two days before in Captain Alexander Curling's ship, the London. George Gabriel Powell was elected chairman of the meeting, and it became apparent in the ensuing debate that most of the citizens present favored absolute non-importation of teas subject to tax. The East India Company consignees, who were present at the meeting, received the thanks and applause of the assembly when they promised not to accept the tea.
General Evening Post September 15, 1774
(Much of the following was also in Saturday 10 September
1774, The Ipswich Journal)
Charles-Town, July 25. Last Tuesday morning the general committee met, in consequence of their adjournment the day before, to see Captain Maitland destroy some tea that had been landed the preceding day: when, upon reconsidering the matter, and that it could not be got out of the collector's custody, without violence or paying the duty, both which the committee were equally disposed to prevent, it was agreed, that the said tea should remain as a seizure, not to be sold in this colony, unless the duty thereon should be repealed. The populace being much enraged in not seeing Capt. Maitland burn the tea, it was impossible to prevent their going in quest of him. He, however, eluded their search, by slipping away, and taking refuge on board HMS the Glasgow, in Rebellion road, whither his ship soon followed him. Capt. Urquart, having brought five chests of tea, upon being informed of what had happened to Capt. Maitland, declared, that he knew nothing of having any on board, til he examined his papers, and saw to whom it was consigned, and promised to bring no more till the act was repealed. In like manner, as at Charles-Town, a provincial meeting of the Pennsylvanians was held at Philadelphia, on the 15th July, which was adjourned from day to day till the following Resolutions were framed and passed: (Several resolutions listed)
Capt Maitland, of the Magna Charta, of Charles Town, South Carolina, who narrowly escaped tarring and feathering, had but eight chests of tea on board, and when he found how disagreeable the landing of it would be to the leading men of the town, and that he should be in danger of going home empty, though a cargo was ready, he agreed not to land it, and they consented he should be allowed to take the homeward cargo on board. Thus far matters appeared amicably settled, but the unfortunate Captain found that he was still just where he was; neither his friends nor his own consciences contributed any way to his advantage, nor could he even take the goods on board that were promised him in consequence of them, as the Custom house could neither clear his ship inwards nor enter her outwards while any gods remained on board. In this dilemma, the poor Captain again had to recourse to his friends, when various advices were given him, but nothing decisive resolved on; the consequence was that the Tea was landed, and put in the King's warehouse as uncleared goods. This was not discovered til the ship was near laden, and ready to proceed on her passage home, when mob arose and went on board with their tar feathers etc to execute vengeance on the poor Captain, but he having information of it, got on board the man of war, where he was safe; the Captain of the man of war sent hands on board Capt. Maitland's ship to bring her under the stern of the man of war, where she might remain safe til she proceeded on her voyage.
Charles-Town, July 25. Last Tuesday morning the general committee met, in consequence of their adjournment the day before, to see Captain Maitland destroy some tea that had been landed the preceding day: when, upon reconsidering the matter, and that it could not be got out of the collector's custody, without violence or paying the duty, both which the committee were equally disposed to prevent, it was agreed, that the said tea should remain as a seizure, not to be sold in this colony, unless the duty thereon should be repealed. But Capt. Maitland being looked upon as a man who, by his conduct, had grossly imposed on and deceived the Committee, and insulted the people, it was resolved to appoint a Sub-Committee to wait on all importers, and request that they would not hereafter ship or receive any goods whatever in any bottom wherein he was or should be concerned; and a Committee was accordingly appointed. The people in general being much disappointed in their expectations of seeing Capt. Maitland burn the tea that day, they were so much inflamed at his conduct, that it was impossible to prevent a considerable number of them going in quest of him that evening. What they might have done had they met with him, it is impossible to tell, but they seemed inclined rather to make a public exhibition of him. Then to do him a bodily injury; however, he eluded their search, by slipping away, and remaining on board HMS the Glasgow, in Rebellion road, whither his ship soon followed him, and now lies windbound, since which he has not thought proper to appear on shore. Capt. Urquart, having bought five chests of tea, one for Mr Tonno, and four for Mess Johnston and Simpson (for Mr Penman at St Augustine) those gentlemen attending the meeting of the General Committee last Wednesday evening, when Capt Urquart declared, that he knew not of his having any on board, til he examined his cockets (dockets??) on the day of his arrival, before he brought his ship up to town, upon being informed of what had happened to Capt. Maitland. He was required to bring none in future, unless the duty should be repealed, and very readily answered he would not. Messrs Johnston and Simpson, and Mr Tonnu, respectively behaved, upon this occasion, as worthy citizens, and declared, that they would not receive and tea, not having ordered any. As the 20 days within which the duty is required to be paid, will expire the 7th of next month, tis presumed the tea will be seized by the Collector, on the 8th, and stored with the rest.
Various sites show:
HMS Britannia was a 100-gun first rate ship of the line of the Royal Navy. She was ordered on 25 April 1751 from Portsmouth Dockyard to the draught specified in the 1745 Establishment. Her keel was laid down on 1 July 1751 and she was launched on 19 October 1762. The cost of building and fitting totalled £45,844/2s/8d. Her main gundeck armament of twenty-eight 42-pounder guns was later replaced by 32-pounders. In the 1790s ten of her quarterdeck guns and two of her forecastle guns were replaced by the same number of 32-pounder carronades.
Britannia was first commissioned in September 1778 (probably not correct – AM), and saw service during the War of American Independence. From 1793–1795 she was the flagship of Vice-Admiral Hotham. She fought at the Battle of Cape St Vincent and at the Battle of Trafalgar, where she carried the flag of Rear-Admiral of the White William Carnegie, Earl of Northesk. She lost 10 men killed and 42 wounded at Trafalgar, and following that battle she was laid up in Ordinary in the Hamoaze at Plymouth in 1806.
The ship was renamed on 6 January 1810 as HMS Princess Royal, then on 18 January 1812 as HMS St George and once more on 2 June 1819 as HMS Barfleur.[1]
She was third of seven ships to bear the name Britannia, and was broken up at Plymouth in February 1825.
She was known as 'Old Ironsides' long before USS Constitution.
Richard Maitland in Georgia 1775
A letter from Charlestown, South Carolina, dated July 22, says, "The Georgia post this day informs us, our people have extorted from the ship Magna Charta, Maitland, all her gunpowder, arms ammunition, etc, which is no small quantity, I assure you; they were sent to Georgia for the use of our domestic enemies"NA
Philadelphia, July 20. Capt Maitland, from London, arrived lately at Georgia, and had on board 13000 weight of powder; the inhabitants boarded her, and took all the powder into their possessionNA.
By the Charles Town mail there is advice, that the provincials had seized seven tons of gunpowder, that was landing from on board Capt Loftus's ship, at St Augustine. Capt. Loftus was freighted by the government to carry stores to the above place, and when at anchor off the Bar, where large vessels usually deliver part of their cargos, in order to lighten them that they may go over safe, she was attacked by some armed boats from Beaufort, Port Royal and other towns in Carolina, that seized 140 barrels out of 500 that the vessel had in all on board, and made the best of their way to Beaufort, before the assistance from St Augustine [Florida] could come up with them, The ship afterwards proceeded to deliver the remainder of her cargo, as the gunpowder was what the armed boats came after, This is the second ship that has been attacked, and had her powder taken by these armed boats, viz. Capt Maitland, bound for Georgia and this vesselNA.
this land was mentioned in Sarah Maitland's 1784 Claim.
CO 5/601 contains 9 town lots in Pensacola granted to James Noble in 1767. It may well be that one of these was that land mentioned in Sarah Maitland's deposition in 1783. The grants were for town lots of about 100 ft frontage and about 150 foot depth. The grants were subject to the plot being fenced and a house built within 2 years of the date of grant.
Henry Laurens also had interests in East Florida, ref HLV5P334, 7/10/1767.
Florida Historical Society Florida Center for Library Automation Gainesville, Florida October, 1943 SN00154113_0022_002
Florida Historical Quarterly, October 1943. (PDF held)
Alleged Spanish Grants in British West Florida
One of the most interesting records of the former Spanish occupation appears in the Minutes of the provincial Council of West Florida under the date January 24th, 1765. On that day 16 petitions were presented to the Council asking confirmation of title in purchases made from departing Spaniards. An elaboration of detail in this matter is well worth the labor. John Kinnion. Esquire, of London, petitioned for an estate called Sanado Mayor which was said to be at the mouth of the river Escambe. The estate was described as being one league square, and the house and outhouses and possibly the entire estate, were said to be in the present possession of Messrs. Bruce and Mease.10 Zachary Bayly, a merchant of Jamaica, petitioned for an estate called Punta de Silio or, alternatively, Arroyo de La Garzona. William Bond, a merchant of London, petitioned for an estate called Jamas Vicjos. Thomas Hossfall (Thomas Horsefall) petitioned for an estate called Punta del Ingles. The Honorable Augustus Keppel (later Viscount Keppel) of England petitioned for an estate called Nostra Senora de La Luz. Marriott Arbuthnot, Esquire, of Weymouth. England, petitioned for an estate called St. Antonio. Samuel Touchet. a merchant of London, petitioned for an estate called El Estero de La Luz. William Michie of Charleston, South Carolina, pe-...
10. From the description of Pensacola on the
arrival of the British in 1763 as but a stockade and village of thatched huts,
it is apparent that these estates were little more than a medium for acquiring
land for speculation. Ed.
...petitioned for an estate called St. Joseph. George Rogers, Esquire, of London, and John Peddar, Esquire, of Lancaster, England, petitioned for an estate called Chicasa de St. Martin. Sir John Lindsay of England petitioned for an estate called El Paso de Arroyo Ingles. William Lance, Esquire, and James Noble of Sandwich in Kent, England, petitioned for an estate called El Estero de la Vighia. Barnard Noble petitioned for an estate called Sta. Clara. George Stothart of Stockton, in the county of Durham, England, together with two other merchants, Richard Maitland and John Elliot, of London, petitioned for an estate called Santiago el Grande. Messrs. Bolton and Horslar (or Horselor) petitioned for an estate called Pensacola le Vieja. Colonel Augustine Prevost petitioned for an estate, which was unnamed in the record of the Council, and also in company with some others, he petitioned for a second estate, which was likewise unnamed in the records of the Council.
Florida: Possession by Britain
The expanded West Florida territory in 1767.
In 1763, Spain traded Florida to Great Britain in exchange for control of Havana, Cuba, which had been captured by the British during the Seven Years' War. As Britain had defeated France in the war, it took over all of French Louisiana east of the Mississippi River except for New Orleans. Finding this new territory too vast to govern as a single unit, Britain divided it into two territories separated by the Apalachicola River: East Florida (the peninsula) and West Florida (the panhandle).
The British soon began aggressive recruiting to attract colonists to the area, offering free land and backing for export-oriented businesses. In 1764, the British moved the northern boundary of West Florida to a line extending from the mouth of the Yazoo River east to the Chattahoochee River (32° 22′ north latitude), consisting of approximately the lower third of the present states of Mississippi and Alabama, including the valuable Natchez District.
During this time, Creek Indians began to migrate into Florida, leading to the formation of the Seminole tribe. The aboriginal peoples of Florida had been devastated by war and disease, and it is thought most of the survivors accompanied the Spanish settlers when they left for other colonies (mostly French) in 1763. This left wide expanses of territory open to the Lower Creeks, who had been in conflict with the Upper Creeks of Alabama for years. The Seminole originally occupied the wooded areas of northern Florida. Under pressure from colonists and the United States Army in the Seminole Wars, they migrated into central and southern Florida, to the Everglades. Many of their descendants live in this area today as one of the two federally recognized Seminole tribes in the state.
Britain retained control over East Florida during the
American Revolutionary War, but the Spanish, by that time allied with the
French who were at war with Britain, recaptured most of West Florida. At the
end of the war, the Peace of Paris (1783) between the Kingdoms of Great Britain
and Spain ceded all of East and West Florida to Spanish control, but without
specifying the boundaries.
Second Spanish period:
Spain regained possession of the Floridas from Britain in the Peace of Paris of 1783, and continued the British practice of governing the Floridas as separate territories: West Florida and East Florida.
After American independence, the lack of specified boundaries led to a border dispute with the newly formed United States, known as the West Florida Controversy. The two 1783 treaties that ended the American Revolutionary War had differences in boundaries. The Treaty of Paris between Britain and the United States specified the boundary between West Florida and the newly independent U.S. at 31°.[26] However, in the companion Peace of Paris between Britain and Spain, West Florida was ceded to Spain without its boundaries being specified. The Spanish government assumed that the boundary was the same as in the 1763 agreement by which they had first given their territory in Florida to Britain, claiming that the northern boundary of West Florida was at the 32° 22′ boundary established by Britain in 1764 after the Seven Years' War. The British line at 32° 22′ was close to Spain's old claim of 32° 30′, which dated to the 1670 Treaty of Madrid.[27] The now independent United States insisted that the boundary was at 31°, as specified in its Treaty of Paris with Britain.
After American independence, Spain claimed far more land than the old British West Florida, including the east side of the Mississippi River north to the Ohio and Tennessee rivers.[28] This expanded claim was based on Spain's successful military operations against the British in the region during the war. Spain occupied or built several forts north of the old British West Florida border, including Fort Confederación, Fort Nogales (at present-day Vicksburg), and Fort San Fernando (at present-day Memphis).[29][30] Spain tried to settle the dispute quickly, but the U.S. delayed, knowing that time was on its side.[28] By Pinckney's Treaty of 1795 with the United States, Spain recognized the 31st parallel as the border, ending the first West Florida Controversy
Extract from Internet Site (unknown, 2008)
One of the most interesting records of the former Spanish occupation appears in the Minutes of the provincial Council of West Florida under the date January 24th, 1765. On that day 16 petitions were presented to the Council asking confirmation of title in purchases made from departing Spaniards. An elaboration of detail in this matter is well worth the labor. John Kinnion, Esquire, of London, petitioned for an estate called Sanado Mayor which was said to be at the mouth of the river Escambe.
The estate was described as being one league square, and the house and outhouses and possibly the entire estate, were said to be in the present possession of Messrs. Bruce and Mease. 10 Zachary Bayly, a merchant of Jamaica, petitioned for an estate called Punta de Silio or, alternatively, Arroyo de La Garzona. William Bond, a merchant of London, petitioned for an estate called Jamas Vicjos. Thomas Hossfall (Thomas Horsefall) petitioned for an estate called Punta del Ingles. The Honorable Augustus Keppel (later Viscount Keppel) of England petitioned for an estate called Nostra Senora de La Luz. Marriott Arbuthnot, Esquire, of Weymouth, England, petitioned for an estate called St. Antonio. Samuel Touchet, a merchant of London, petitioned for an estate called El Estero de La Luz.
William Michie of Charleston, South Carolina,
10. From the description of Pensacola on the arrival of the British in 1763 as but a stockade and village of thatched huts, it is apparent that these estates were little more than a medium for acquiring land for speculation. Ed.
petitioned for an estate called St. Joseph. George Rogers, Esquire, of London, and John Peddar, Esquire, of Lancaster, England, petitioned for an estate called Chicasa de St. Martin. Sir John Lindsay of England petitioned for an estate called El Paso de Arroyo Ingles. William Lance, Esquire, and James Noble of Sandwich in Kent, England, petitioned for an estate called El Estero de la Vighia. Barnard Noble petitioned for an estate called Sta. Clara. George Stothart of Stockton, in the county of Durham, England, together with two other merchants, Richard Maitland and John Elliot, of London, petitioned for an estate called Santiago el Grande. Messrs. Bolton and Horslar (or Horselor) petitioned for an estate called Pensacola le Vieja. Colonel Augustine Prevost petitioned for an estate, which was unnamed in the record of the Council, and also in company with some others, he petitioned for a second estate, which was likewise unnamed in the records of the Council.
All of these petitions were refused by the governor and Council. The Council was, however, not as arbitrary in its actions as it may appear to have been at a first glance. The undoubted object of the Council was to prevent the buying up of huge tracts of land from the departing Spaniards, for purposes of speculation. To have allowed large tracts of land in the province to fall into the hands of speculators would, perhaps, have been to deter settlement in the province. One of the aims most consistently followed by the provincial government and the imperial government seems to have been the settlement of small farmers and artisans in the province as speedily as possible. For this and other reasons the Council on instructions from the home government held that titles granted under Spanish or French jurisdiction did not automatically become
valid under British dominion. At Mobile, Major Farmar, commandant of the occupying forces, issued a proclamation requiring that all sales or transfers of land be registered with him. 11 One of the principle objections of the Council to these sales of Spanish land, aside from the fact that they clearly regarded all of the transactions as an altogether unjustified speculative venture, was that these sales had taken place before the arrival of the British troops of occupation. After the establishment of the civil government in November of 1764 the governor and Council clearly tried to make what adjustments they could for the convenience of individuals. They insisted, however, on the crown ownership of the land on the policy that grants of land made under Spanish and French jurisdictions were not ipso facto valid under British dominion, that new British titles must be granted, and that any adjustment that might be made was made by the grace of the Council and not by the right of the individual.
11th November, 1771 (and other entries)SCAG
At their Warehouse in Tradd Street, Have received in the Magna Charta, Capt. Maitland
A Large Supply of Goods, among which are a great Variety of
Printed Callicoes and Cottons, red and blue Furniture Cottons at 23s 6d the Yard,
very fine and handsome light and dark ground Chients Furoirbie, ditto with
Trimmings to suit, low priced and fine printed Handkerchiefs, plain, striped
and flowered Jackonet Muslins; Suits of worked Muslins very low, and some very
fine and rich; Suits of worked Lawns, 8-8 and 6-4 plain and flowered Lawns,
loom Quiltings, Irish Linens and Sheetings, Counterpaines, Checks, common and
Flanders Bed Ticks, Bed Bunts and Linen Drapery in general.
A Large Assortment of yarn, worsted, cotton thread and silk Hose, some of each very larges Sizes; very fine worsted and silk Breeckes Pieces, Men's and Boy's ready-made Drab, Fustian, Bearskin and Cloth Suits; Sourtouts, Cloaks, Cardinals, and other Slops; Camblets, Calimencoes, Whitnies, Bath Coating and Petticoating; Bed Blankets, some of an extra Quality, a few Pieces of fashionable Broad Cloths, figured Silks, Taffeties and Georgeoons. All bought on the best trems, and will be sold at their usual very low Prices, especially when a Quantity is taken, and for Cash.
Also a great Choice of Fire-Grates and Dogs, Fenders, Sets of Shovel, Tongs and Poker. One elegant Brass Hearth, and Surveyors Instruments, some of the very best Sort ever Imported; Ravens Duck, Bridport, East-Coker, London and Russia Sail Suck, with Sail and best three strand Seine Twine.
N.B. A few Bales of Bristol and London DUFFILS to be sold at Nine for One?
Jackonet was a cotton fabric of light weight, usually finished as cambric, lawn, organdy, voile, etc., used in the manufacture of clothing and bandages. 2. a cotton fabric with one glazed surface, used as a lining for the spines of books.
27th December, 1773SCG Advert:
Hawkins, Petrie & Co.
Have imported in the Liberty, Capt Lasley, and the Magna Charta, Capt Maitland,
A large Assortment of Goods,
Amongst which are
Flannels, Duffils, coloured Plains, Pennissones and long Ells for House Negroes, Worsted Webs and Breeches Pieces of the very best sort; Yarn, Worked, Cotton, and Silk Hose, some of the latter of the Newest Fashion; Scarlet Cloaks and cardinals, from the lowest to the highest Prices; Camblet Cloaks, Cloth Cloaks and great Coats. Surtouts, and low priced Suits of Cloaths of all Sizes, Jackets, Trowsers, and Slops of all Sorts; Stuff and Silk Petticats, List, Scotch, and Wilton Carpeting, rich Table and Bed-side ditto; printed Goods for Winter Wear, Furniture Callicoes and Cottons, with Trimmings; Suits of worked Muslins, and Muslins of every Kind; Suits of worked Lawn, Lawns, Cambricks, and Irish Linens in general; a few Pieces of English and India Damask.
A fresh Supply of mourning Articles; complete Sets of Table and Tea China, Jars and Breakers, and most other Articles of China Ware.
Loaf Sugar; Hyson, Green and Bohea TEAS, a Quantity of the latter, and also black pepper, to sell very low by Wholesale, for ready Money; Brass Hearths, Brass and Princes Metal Grates and Fire Dogs, with Furniture to suit; some of these are the most elegant they have yet imported, and the greatest Variety they have ever had; Brass-Head Dogs, Fenders of all Sorts, Sets of Shovel Tongs and Pokers, Bellows, Footmen, Copper and Iron Tea Kettles, of the best sort; a complete set of pewter Dishes and Plates, of an extra Quality, and the Make of the newest Fashion, with the Article of Pewter in general; Bridport and East Coker Sail Duck, with best Sail and Seine Twine, Window Glass, Paints, Nails, Hinges and Bolts of all sorts, with every building Article, all Sorts of Carpenters Tools of the best Make, Smiths Bellows, anvils, Vises, &c. Hoes, Spades, axes, and all Plantation Tools, Saddlers Tools and Saddlery, among which are some very neat Saddles, a few plated and polished Belts and Stirrups, of the newest Make, with a variety of Whips of the best Sort.
These, with the Goods received by several of the late Vessels, make their Assortment very large, especially of capital Articles, which they will sell on very low Terms, with a much greater Allowance, for ready Money, and to those who sell again, than is commonly made, or than they have hitherto allowed.
Besides the Articles above-mentioned, they have in the Magna Charta, a large values in French and India Goods, viz. Silks, Lawes, Cambricks, Chintz, Ginghams, COunterpains, &c. which have been bought, and will be sold much under their value, for ready money.
Richard Grubb seemed to be HL's principal connection in London in the early 1770's, but was not always satisfactory. As said before, he was slow in producing the stores needed to complete MC, delaying the maiden voyage by many weeks. A letter from HL to RM in March 1772[52] suggesting a meeting at the Carolina Coffee House[53] between Grubb, Maitland & HL on the subject of MC's last voyage about 142 barrels of rice for HL (this must have been the maiden voyage as RM had only just arrived back in London on her second voyage). The returns from the 1st voyage were not what the Laurens's had expected.
A slightly later letter[54] in August to HL's brother, James, expands on Grubb's deficiencies. HL had been "dunning" him for a long time, and refers to RM's unsettled accounts for a voyage in LC, arriving in Charleston in January 1769, and sailing again in March. Grubb's delay with some rice reduced the value from 23/6 to below 20/-; RG also had two parcels of silk in his store, which he had not sold, in spite of instructions to do so.
Another letter of the 18th June 1773[55], from HL to RG, lays down more forcefully th financial difficulties with RG, saying inter alia, about RM, ..."As to my Account with him (Mr. Grubb) he has render'd me no Accounts of any of the Rice ship'd him since May 1768." Five years, and more....
Credit arrangements.
Meeting to pay RM at Carolina Coffee House, 14 March 1772.
Letters re Maitland & Laurens Parting
22/7/1774: from JL to HL Charleston V9/524:
…. We have just had a disagreeable Instance of a rash & Violent attempt in this town of a great body of People or Mob, to take Capt. Maitland out of his Ship with Intent to tar & feather him & tis generally thought had he fallen into their hands it would have cost his Life. The Populace had been in great agitation for several day on account of three half Chests of Tea Imported per the Magna Charta for two
houses here who refus'd to receive or have anything to do with it. After laying 20 days on hand, the tea was seiz'd by the Collector of his Majesty's Customs8 &c Convey'd to the King's Warehouse. Mainland was charg'd with a breach of Promise made to the Committee9 at his first arrival that the Tea should never be landed, that he would destroy it with his own hands &c so forth, &c of having on various occasions spoken disrespectfully of this Place & its inhabitants especially of the folks call'd Patriots & their Measures. Whether these charges are just I really cannot tell, tho' I am apt to fear he has been rather Imprudent in letting his tongue run. Be that as it will, the whole Committee as well as the Populace were greatly incens'd against him, & five of the Members1 were requested to go to every Merchant in town & require a Promise that they would never Export any Goods from hence, & give orders to their Correspondents in England to ship no goods from thence, in any Vessel commanded by Capt. Maitland. I was call'd upon in course (Mr. Hawkins being absent from the Province) by the Gentlemen, to whom I answer'd that H.P. & Co. had already wrote to their Correspondents forbidding them to ship them any more goods upon any account whatever, as I had determined to withdraw from business. Therefore there was no Probability of their giving offence by Importing per Maitland. But if I was requir'd to write particularly against Capt...
7 The ship Magna Charta, Richard Maitland, which arrived in Charleston on June 26, remained in port until Aug. 4. Gazette, June 27, Aug. 8, 1774. One whole and two half chests of tea, valued at £70 sterling, were on board, having been shipped by Neufville & Rolleston and Messrs. Robert Steel & Co. of Tokenhouse Yard, London, to James Wakefield and William Donaldson, Charleston merchants.
Memorial of Sarah Maitland, March 25, 1784, AO 13/133* Public Record Office, London.
8 James Wakefield was a militia officer who fought for the patriots. He was among those the British deported to St. Augustine on Nov. 25, 1780. SCHM, LV (1954), 24. Whether William Donaldson became a patriot or a loyalist has not been ascertained. "Wife of Willm. Donaldson from New York" was buried in St Philip's churchyard on Sept. 20, 1780. Register of St. Philip's Parish, 1754-1810, p. 341.
8 Robert Haliday, the collector of the customs, had arrived from England on Oct. 21, 1773, as a passenger in Magna Charta, Richard Maitland. George C. Rogers, Jr., "The Charleston Tea Party: The Significance of December 3, 1773/' SCHM, LXXV(1974). 162.
9 The General Committee of Ninety-nine, appointed on July 8, 1774, superseded an earlier General Committee. Sarah Maitland referred to "the Committee of the Usurped Power at Charleston" in her memorial.
1 This was a sub-committee of the General Committee of Ninety-nine. A similar committee of five persons had been named in December 1773 to secure signatures to the resolution not to import any tea. Gazette, Dec. 6, 1773.
... Maitland, I could not in honour & Conscience do it, as It did not appear to me that he offended wilfully & premeditately but rather by accident & Inadvertency, because he had declar'd to me that he knew not of the tea being on board his Ship till he came to Examine his Cocket after clearing at Gravesend, the truth of which I could not doubt because No Man in his Senses would risk the displeasure of a Whole Community where he had receiv'd much Civility without some View of Emolument wherein the present Case he could receive no benefit to himself or his Owners, save the poor trifle of a few Shillings freight. That I was confirm'd further of his Ignorance of the tea being shipp'd by his having brought none on his own Account, as he had heretofore usually done, for fear of giving offence, &ca. for these reasons I could not think him Criminal nor could I think it consistent with my honour to proscribe a Man who had serv'd me with fidelity. The Gentlemen were pleas'd to say my reasons were good, but I know they are very unpopular & as every Merchant as I am Inform'd, save one or two acquiesc'd in their request I expect to meet with Censure from the Unthinking Part. Indeed I am more & more Convinc'd that the Man who will live godly in Christ Jesus, or in other terms, who is obstinately resolv'd never to wound his Conscience to procure the favour or escape the frowns of Men, especially in such times as these, must expect often to meet with unjust reproach, if not severe persecution. I am clear in Opinion that Maitland was not justly blameable for bringing the tea. If he made rash promises & broke them, or rattled disrespectfully of some folks, I blame him greatly for his Imprudence & despise such behaviour, but I cannot approve of such Inhumane resentment for a Crime (if it is one) that we are the most subject to of any people in the World. If Every Man thinks himself at liberty to abuse King, Lords, & Commons, & all who dissent from our System, why should a poor Old Greyheaded Ratling Captain be persecuted with such uncommon Severity for a few unguarded Expressions, if he has dropt such. I love Liberty, Liberty of sentiment. Liberty of Speech, but not so as to Covet it all to myself. I would have others Enjoy it as freely as I do, & by Suppressing it they may make Hypocrites but not Converts. After all, I have just reason to hope & believe that the most judicious & Moderate part of our Community disapprove of these outrageous measures, tho' I can say nothing with certainty of the humors of the People as my poor state of health confines me at home.2
2 As Maitland had been in port during the previous December, he was aware of the attitudes of the local inhabitants with reference to the importation of tea. Thus the Charlestonians were surprised that he had brought three chests of tea with him on this voyage. When Wakefield and Donaldson were summoned before the General Committee, they appeared and promised not to receive the tea, explaining that the arrival of the tea was unexpected, the result of filling an old order of eighteen months standing. Captain Maitland himself explained that he did not know the tea was aboard until after he had sailed and was looking over his cockets. He promised neither to land the tea nor to pay the duty. If there was no other way to solve the problem, he himself would throw the tea overboard. Yet on the morning of July 19 the chairman (Charles Pinckney) of the "new General Committee" was informed that the tea had not been destroyed and in fact had been seized by the collector of customs and stored with the East India Co. tea. Maitland, summoned again before the General Committee, explained that at the time of his first statement he had expected to sail for New York, but those plans had been altered. He now promised to burn the tea on the wharf in the presence of the General Committee. On the 19th when the members of the General Committee assembled to see the tea destroyed, it was discovered that the tea could not be obtained from the collector except by violence or by paying the duty. Therefore a sub-committee of five persons was appointed to go among the merchants and make sure no one shipped any goods on Maitland's vessel. The people were incensed. A movement against Maitland was soon "confirmed by the bells of the Great Church being muffled and the Dead peal being rung to assemble the Mob." They ran from all quarters of the town to the Exchange, which was the place of rendezvous, but Maitland escaped to HMS Glasgow in the harbor. Captain Maltby of the Glasgow sent sailors to cut Magna Charta from her wharf and brought the bells of the Great Church being muffled and the Dead peal being rung to assemble the Mob." They ran from all quarters of the town to the Exchange, which was the place of rendezvous, but Maitland escaped to HMS Glasgow in the harbor. Captain Maltby of the Glasgow sent sailors to cut Magna Charta from her wharf and brought her out into Rebellion Road where she remained until she sailed for London on Aug. 4. The account in the Memorial of Sarah Maitland which contains a sworn statement, dated Oct. 12, 1774, at Guildhall, by the chief mate and the second mate, agrees in broad outlines with the account which appeared in the Gazette, July 25, 1774. Memorial of Sarah Maitland, March 25, 1784, AO 13/133, Public Record Office, London. The episode was fully reported in the London Chronicle, Sept. 1-3, 1774, and the Public Advertiser, Sept. 3, 1774.
3 See HL 10 James Laurens, May 12, 1774.
4 The Gazette, July 15, 1774, announced that Philip Hawkins had gone to the northward, and the Gazette, Oct. 21, 1774, told of his return. John Hawkins of London certified on March 25, 1784, that Richard Maitland owed him £1,200 sterling for goods taken to America and for which Maitland had had no returns due to the troubles in Charleston. Memorial of Sarah Maitland, March 25 1784 AO/13/133 PRO London.
22/8/1774: ref to per Magna Charta, Maitland. Sailed 4 August.
1 The Gazette, Oct. 24, 1774, announced that Richard Grubb, "Carolina Merchant," had "died suddenly" on Aug. 11 at his house in George-Yard, Lombard-Street, London. See also HL to John Davies, Aug. 22, 1774. Richard Maitland wrote James Laurens, Oct. 2, 1774, that Richard Grubb had tried to commit suicide twice before. He had grown morose reflecting upon a woman whom he had deluded and promised marriage and who had by him a child. She and her infant had perished through neglect. Grubb had gone upstairs "after Change hours," locked the door, and "with a Cord provided for the purpose Compleated the Horrid deed." John Nutt and Samuel Chollet, Sr., his executors, were called and forced the door and thus revealed the dreadful spectacle. HL Papers, S.C. Hist Soc.
16/9/1774: V9/P554 : ref Maitland expected daily UK 16/9/1774 from Charleston.
HL felt very deeply for his brother James caught between the two extremes in the affair of Captain Maitland and the tea.
P571 Refers to Captain Maitland sending book 22/9/1774
Volume 9 ends 12/12/1774
Volume 10 ran from 12/12/1774-4/1/1776 – not on Google, but there are references to Maitland & Phillippa.
V11/368 Teignmouth, Devon, June 19, 1777
My dear Brother
I wrote you 6th— May by Mr Burt via St Augustine; 15th May by Mr Jn° Neufville via Nantz with Copy of the former— since then as Mr Jn° Hawkins wrote me he could find no purchaser for H.P. & C°'s share of Maitland's Ship3 either at public or private Sale. I writ to Messrs Bourdieu & Chollet who are the principal owners even requesting it as a favor that they wd purchase the Share upon their own terms, intimating that as they had fitted the Ship at so great expense, they doubtless had a view of profit, & knew better than any other person what to do with it_ that at all events I would not hold a concern in a Vessel with a Letter of Marque & fitted for War by this time Maitland (who has never answerd my Letters or writ a Line to me since his first arrival from Jamaica) was ready to sail, & to my great mortification Messrs Bourdieu answer'd me 31st Ult° "That they would not accept of our 1/8, were it tended to them as a present at the same time expressing their concern at my dislike to keep a share in the Vessel, & assuring me that her Voyage was no secret Expedition, but a plain one from hence to Cadiz & New York with a Cargo of Wines &c. with a license from Government for that purpose that with respect to the Letter of Marque their view in giving to Maitland was to obtain the premium of Insurance lower, but at the same time had strongly enjoined the Captain not to make any other use of it than in his own defence."— Utterly unsatisfied with this I repeated my most earnest entreaty to Mr J. Hawkins to sell the 1/8 Share of H P & Co upon any terms whatever, which I hope he has done before this, as the Vessel sailed sometime abt the beginning this Month, before she sailed he obliged Maitland to get a New Register without my name— I have troubled you with this addition to what I formerly wrote on the subject, that you might, if necessary, be able to vindicate my whole conduct in the whole of this matter— which possibly might have been put a final end to sooner, had I had strength to do my own business__ I confess I have felt more uneasiness about this affair, than about any thing that has occured for a long time past, & you will perceive that I have had too much cause for it.
3 Richard Maitland's ship Philippa, formerly Magna Charta, was built in 1770. HL Papers VIII 289n: X.220.
V11/393 not on Google.
P394 15 July 1777
From JL to HL 15/7/1774, Teighnmouth.
appeared not well pleas'd at my determination to Sell out, answered me that they would not accept our Share if I would tender at as a present, & no other purchaser could be found till after I wrote you Last, when Mr Jn° Hawkins disposed of it (say 1/8th-3 the purchaser to pay no part of the Late outfit, 4 for 100 Guineas this was worse than giving the Ship away as we shall have about as much more to pay after sinking our Share— however it was a Sacrifice I was obliged to make to prevent incurring the displeasure of my Countrymen, therefore had the Loss been ten times as much I should have acted as I have done, rather than have risqued the evil consequences that might have ensued notwithstanding Messrs Bourdieus assurances that their Sole View in arming the Ship was to save in Premium & that the Capt has their possitive order to act merely on the defensive— What Maitland & those Gentlemen may think of their conduct in keeping me totally ignorant of their design in Arming & fitting the Ship at so great expence I cant tell but I believe every reasonable Man will think them altogether inexcusable__ thank God I have rid myself of the Concern, & my chief motive in troubling you with so many particulars in this & former Letters, has been to put it in yr: power to acquit me from every degree of censure, should this matter be talk'd of on yr: side by persons ignorant of the true state of the Case_ however unjustly & ungratefully Maitland or his owners have acted towards me in this affair I have no desire to injure them in the smallest respect & would even wish their conduct may not be mentiond, except when necessary to exculpate the Innocent & injured from Blame__
Teingmouth, September 9, 1777
My Dear Brother
The foregoing Copy's of my two Last will inform you how I have been treated by Capt, Maitland & his friends in regard to his Ship & of my having Sacrificed the Share of H.P & Co: in that Vessel rather than risque the displeasure of my Countrymen, I would gladly do every thing in my power consistent with my honor & Conscience I to avoid giving them offence & on that Account I have been so troublesome to you (who I know will excuse me) in this Occasion___
Henry Laurens Extracts: précis in text
Letter to Richard Grubb – insert rest
[Charles Town] 30th March 1769 P421
....Capt. Maitland has talked me into a further concern in Shipping by which you & I shall probably become Partners again. If he keeps close to his original plan the intended Vessel will be a very fine thing & cheap.8 Rice slack Sale at 60/, but so great a proportion of the whole Crop is exported there can be no well founded hopes of bringing the price down this Year. I remain, &a.—
8The ship Little Carpenter, Richard Maitland, arrived from London on Jan. 23 and sailed for the same port on March 30. Gazette, Jan. 26, March 30, 1769. The new vessel was the Magna Charta, 200 tons, Richard Maitland master, which was built in Charleston and registered there on Dec. 29, 1770. The owners would be Henry Laurens, James Laurens, Thomas Loughton Smith, and Roger Smith of Charleston and James Bourdeaux, Richard Grubb, and Richard Maitland of London. SCHM, LXXIV (1973), 243- HL made his first payment for the construction of the vessel on May 2, 1770. Account Book, 1766-1773, p. 321.
HL288-9, 8/5/1770 HL to Richard Grubb.
My Brother4 informs me that Capt. Maitland has wrote to you for sundry necessary Articles for our intended new Ship, 1/8th part of which, I mean the Amount of which 1/8th is to be charged to my Account. But don't Insure my said Part, unless you are involved in or are upon the Brink of a War in either Case insure half of all my Interest in the Ship including the Value of the bottom.5
I hear that we shall have a fine Ship and a cheap one and I have the same Confidence in Captain Maitland's Abilities which you express in your Favor of 5th July, a Favor which I ought to have acknowledged and replied to long ago, but I have been much absent from the Counting House, by Tours in the Country, Attendance in the House of Assembly, and often from downright Laziness, I believe, or something very near akin to it, but I know you are too good to take Exceptions.
4 James Laurens.
5 Capt. Richard Maitland was to supervise the building of the ship Magna Charta at Manson & Begbie's shipyard at Hobcaw for the owners: HL, James Laurens, Thomas Loughton Smith, Roger Smith, James Bourdeaux, Richard Grubb, and Richard Maitland. The ship would be launched on Nov. 23 and registered on Dec. 29, 1770. See HL to James Grant, Nov. 24, 1770, and Registration of the ship Magna Charta, Dec. 29, 1770. On May 2 HL who was to hold one-eighth share made his first payment of £350 to Maitland; on June 30 his second payment of £350; and on Dec. 29 his third payment of £713-8/. On March 30, 1771, he sold his one-eighth share to Captain Maitland for £1,745.5-10, being "for first cost and outfit in this port." Account Book, 1766-1773, pp. 321, 326. 356, 374.
TO JAMES GRANT - re Magna Charta
24TH November 1770
....Jack has shewn me Your Excellency's very polite & obliging Letter to him which he received but late last night after his return from a Launch of a very fine Ship at Hobcaw2.....
2 On Friday, Nov. 23, a fine new ship for the London trade, Magna Charta, Richard Maitland, was launched at Begbie and Manson's yard at Hobcaw, burthen 1,200 barrels of rice, "esteemed as complete a Vessel, and as elegantly decorated, as any that has been built in this Province." Gazette, Nov. 29, 1770. The General Gazette, Nov. 27, 1770, said that it was "thought to be the finest Ship ever built in this Province, and compleatly finished with all her carved Work and Decorations in the most elegant Taste. There was a very numerous company of Ladies and Gentlemen, who partook of a cold Entertainment, and afterwards had a Ball.'SCAG
Last Friday was launched at Hobcaw, a new Ship called the Magna Charta, for this Trade, to be commander by Capt. Richard Maitland, built by Messrs Begbie & Manson, will carry 1100 barrels of Rice, thought to be the finest ship ever built in this Province. and completely finished with all her carved Work and Decorations in the most elegant Taste. There was a very numerous Company of Ladies and Gentlemen, who afterwards partook of a cold Entertainment and afterwards had a Ball. News 27 NovemberSCAG
CHARLES-TOWN, JANUARY 17 (1771).....Sunday a new Ship called the Magna Charta, Burthen about 300 Tons, built by Messrs. Begbie and Manson, for .. Richard Maitland in the London Trade, and launched .. 23rd November, at Hobcaw, and neatly decorated with carved Work; and is allowed, by good Judges, to be as well...and likely a Ship as ever came off the Stocks in this ...ce - The Head, is a Burst of Britannia upheld by two Americans; one on the Right, armed for her Defence; the ...n on the Left, offering her the Horn of Plenty, filled with ...ous Productions of America. The Decorations on the ....e, in the Center a Scroll representing Nagna Chart, ...d by Liberty and Justice; on the Right, is FAME, ... a Label with the Word Unanimity, as recommedning ... Americans; on the Left, Mercury,as Messenger, ... another Label, with the Word Repealed. Under ... Mars, with his sword in one Hand and a burning ... in the other; and under Mercury, Neptune with his ... in one and a Dolphin in the other Hand. ...re large Ship is now building, by the same Messrs Begbie and Manson, for Captain WIlliam West?, also designed fot the ... Trade. And, ...re informed from Port Royal, that Mr Black, has a ... Ship in great forwardness, on the Stocks there, which, ... will be as handsom a Vessel as has been built any ... America. NewsSCG.
Tidecraft, WC Fleetwood, extract: (in the SC Room, supports the newspaper description).
In the Southeast the self-made planters and merchants chaffed under stringent enforcement of customs laws and the Stamp Acts. Tax collection was enforced by a growing presence of Royal Navy vessels and British troops and resulted in some unpleasant incidents. In May 1767, the 15-ton Carolina schooner Active was seized by the new collector of customs at Charlestown when a mob threatened marines inspecting her cargo. Daniel Moore, the Charlestown collector, next seized two sloops belonging to Henry Laurens (Laurens later won a court case regarding this). Various mob actions, ship burnings, and mistreatment of tax collectors occurred throughout the colonies, culminating in the widely publicized 1773 dumping of East India Company tea in Boston Harbor. In retaliation the port of Boston was closed until restitution was made. Other colonies supported the Bostonians; South Carolina sent rice for the relief of the city. Finally, open combat erupted at Lexington in 1775, and eight years of war faced the Southeast and its emergent shipbuilding industry.
Upon the outbreak of war, South Carolina had no armed vessels, and Georgia had only the provincial 10-oared scout boat Savannah, now nearly 30 years old. Since the last war had ended 11 years earlier and the colonies had been under the protection of the Royal Navy, there had been no need for armed craft. Now there was, and control of the intricate waterways of the region, so important in past conflicts, quickly became imperative for both sides.
Carolina and Georgia once again had a hostile territory to the south, as Florida remained loyal to Britain. Both states wasted little time in commissioning armed small craft to oppose the expected British privateers operating out of St. Augustine and Havana. In Georgia the schooner Elizabeth was commissioned as Liberty, under Oliver Bowen and Joseph Habersham, to intercept an expected cargo of gunpowder and arms destined for East Florida. In July 1775, Liberty, with 10 carriage guns and 10 swivel guns, rendezvoused with Captains John Barnwell and John Joyner of Beaufort, commanding 40 men, and together they captured the British ship Phillipa near the mouth of the Savannah River.
The Phillipa was none other than the former Magna Charta, built at Hobcaw by Manson and Begbie in 1770. She had been sold, re-named, and was now carrying a cargo of gunpowder consigned to private colonial interests. This was promptly distributed between Georgia and South Carolina by the captors. About six and a half tons of powder were confiscated, and two and a half tons of this was later shipped north to Washington's army, where it allowed Washington, who had been short of powder, to force the British to evacuate Boston. One wonders whether the Phillipa retained the ornate figurehead that adorned her as the Magna Charta, "a bust of Britannia upheld by two Americans, one on the right, armed for her defense; the one on the left offering her the horn of plenty." The Royal Governor of Georgia, James Wright, in informing Lord Dartmouth of this action, observed, "I begin to think a King's Governor has little or no business here."
At Charlestown, the Council of Safety commissioned the sloop Commerce in July 1775, sending her south under Clement Lempriere to seize a cargo of powder expected off St. Augustine. Lempriere, a Charlestown shipwright and former Royal Navy officer, luckily found the brigantine Betsy at anchor off St. Augustine bar waiting to unload. He took 111 barrels, one half barrel, and 37 small kegs of powder from her hold. The war was still in its more chivalrous stage, for Lempriere gave Betsy's seamen each £100 currency and gave the captain a draft for £1,000 currency drawn on John Edwards of Charlestown. This seizure galvanized the East Florida loyalists. Governor Tonyn (who had replaced Grant in 1774) immediately sent the provincial sloop Florida, with eight guns and 30 infantrymen aboard, in pursuit, but in the race north Lempriere squeaked into....
Ship Registers in the South Carolina Archives, 1734-80 (SC Library)
Magna Charta, ship, 200 tons 2:123; master Richard Maitland; owners, Henry Laurence, James Laurence, Thomas Loton Smith, Roger Smith (all Charleston), James Bourdeaux, Richard Grubb (both London), Richard Maitland (mariner, London); built Charleston, 1770. registered 29 December 1770.
TO RICHARD GRUBB re Magna Charta
[Charles Town] 6th March 1771
Dear Sir,
I wrote to you this morning by the St. Helena, Capt. Arthar, for Insurance of part of my Interest in the new Ship Magna Charta, Richard Maitland Master. This incloses an Invoice and Bill of Loading for the Rice Part thereof, Vizt. 142 barrels amounting to £1,867.5.3 recommend to you to sell the said Rice when it arrives for Cash or short Credit. The Quality was of the very finest when it was ship'd the 9th January last but the Hold of the Ship may have some ill effect upon it, when stowed there so long as this probably will be 4 or 5 months. The delay of our Vessel on this Side will be very detrimental to us who are owners. Every body here blames our Partner Grubb,2 and says he is the Cause of our loosing several hun¬dred, which might have been gained by a timely outset. Their Evi¬dence is strong and pretty clear, but I wont judge until I hear both Sides. But be the Cause what it may, the Consequence I may say already is what they insinuate and alledge. However, that must be mended by more diligence and Attention for the future. She is real¬ly a fine Ship, and I believe the Captain will do every Thing in his Power to promote the general Interest.....
2 Richard Grubb did not send out the stores for Magna Charta until Sept. 15, 1770, which stores finally arrived in the ship Little Carpenter, John Maitland, on Dec. 29, 1770.
TO RICHARD GRUBB re RM & MC
26th June 1771 P 541
...You would not advise me of the Fate of my Rice in Maitland, and you wish that an Importing House had held the Share which I hold in the Magna Charta. Permit me to assure you, my good Sir! that I have often wished the same for your Sake, that I was so far from seeking a Concern in that Ship, that it was with great Reluctance I consented to hold a Share in her after much Solicitation, because I knew it was not in my Power to aid her in Freights outward from London. Nevertheless, I am certain that my Behaviour towards her in her first outset is an earnest of my Intention to do her no harm, and I shall and will at any Time for the Benefit of my Partners, readily transfer that 1/8th which I have paid for, whenever they shall desire it, and point out to whom, upon being reimbursed the Sum which I advanced....
Henry Laurens subsequently built another, larger ship to replace his share in Magna Charta in later 1771.
Richard Maitland, Mark Lane, D 1775
Maitland & Boddington are of interest as, amongst many other interests, they seem to have been the English Banker for Henry Laurens: this raises the possibility that Captain Richard Maitland was related to Richard Maitland of Maitland & Boddington.
Maitland & Boddington had extensive interests in the
West Indies, and possibly in Florida.
Born about 1709 (from death notice in Pedigrees).
The fact that he was buried at Woodford in Essex, and that Woodford Hall was later bought by John Maitland of the Barcaple family, makes it very likely that this Richard was of the Barcaple family. He was probably a brother or cousin of Robert & Alexander Maitland who were in members of the West India Committee.
IGI Scotland: Richard Maitland, b 11th, ch 22nd September, 1711, New Deer, Aberdeen of William & Janet (Grig). Does not look likely.
IGI: Richard Maitland son of Richard Maitland, ch 30/3/1706 Fyvie, Aberdeen.
Also: Peter 11/3/1700, George 13/4/1702, Jean 20/5/1704, Mary 5/6/1708, Agnes 14/10/1716. Looks a bit early.
This is confirmed by the Scottish Old Parish Records. If he was indeed at Marishal College in Aberdeen as claimed by Boddington, this is probably the correct one, in spite of the discrepancy in age. Geographically, this does not tie in with the Barcaple family.
London and Surrey, England, Marriage Bonds and Allegations,
1597-1921, Ancestry.com: P669:
8 December 1735
Appeared personally Richard Maitland esq of the parish of All Hallows Lombard Street, London, Bachelor aged twenty three years and upwards and alleged that he intends to marry with Elizabeth Conche of the parish of St Martin in the fields in the county of Middlesex spinster aged twenty one years and upwards.
And that he knows of no lawful let or imepdim by reason of any presents act Consanguinity affinity or any other lawful means whatsoever or hinder the said intended marriage of ?? he made and oathed pray'd Licence to solomnise the said marriage in the parish church of St Ann and Agnes Aldergate, London,
(signed) Richard Maitland
This is probably his actual signature from the printed form of Marriage Allegation, and is similar to that on a letter from Mark Lane in 1767.
Richard Maitland
Baptism Date: 27 Sep 1738, Saint Martin in The Fields, Westminster,
Father: Richard Maitland Mother: Elizabeth[56]
Thomas Maitland, ch 10/10/1740, St Martin in the Fields.
Mary Maitland, ch 2/2/1746, died 6/2/1746, St Olave, Hart St.
Elizabeth Maitland, ch 1/7/1748, St Olave Hart St, London
Margaret Maitland, ch 9/11/1750, St Olave, Hart St.
In 1763 Maitland & Boddington were listed in the London Directory as West Indian merchants of Mark Lane. Richard Maitland died in 1775 at Hungerford, coming home from Bath. Benjamin Boddington (1730-1791) was his partner. "Will of Richard Maitland," dated Nov. 20, 1774, codicil dated May 1, 1775, proved, Boddington Manuscripts, MS 10823, Guildhall Library, London.
A pedigree of Richard Maitland, died 1775 in "The Pedigree Register vol 1", George Sherwwod, 1908-10 (Society of Genealogists). This is one from Reginald Boddington. See his will in Maitwils.
Newspaper Extracts:
Edinburgh Advertiser November 21, 1775: The council and assembly of the Island of Tobago have appointed John Spottiswood, esq; of Northumberland St, their agent, in place of Richard Maitland esq, deceased. (Newspaper Archive).
Gazetteer And New Daily Advertiser September 22, 1766:
September 11 1765...Aid for distressed inhabitants of Bridge-Town, Barbadoes...Maitland & Boddington £20..
London Evening Post November 10, 1774:
Sale of West Indian estates, Maitland & Boddington, merchants of Mark Lane, joint agent..
Public Advertiser 10/6/1767:
Directors of the Royal Exchange Assurance, elected this Day...Mr Richard Maitland... Not in last Direction.
London Evening Post July 7, 1774
Yesterday the following Gentlemen were chosen Directors of the Royal Exchange Assurance... Mr Richard Maitland
Public Advertiser March 15, 1777:
Mr Richard Maitland, lately a very considerable Merchant in London, gave his Opinion to a Noble Lord....re Plan in Parliament...
London Evening Post 19/9/1772:
Died: Friday... Mrs Maitland, wife of Richard Maitland, esq; of Mark lane.... (Friday 18th)
References Henry Laurens:
Letter May 1763 to M&B
HL V7 P 417, 28 December 1770.
Reference: Alexander, James & Evan Baillie's Bill 20th
November 1770 on Maitland & Boddington London at 60 days sight endorsed to
you for £302.17.8¼ Sterling, my account.
A Richard Maitland & others petitioned in 24/1/1765 the provincial Council of West Florida for confirmation of the validity of his purchase of Estate Santiago el Grande from the Spanish. This may be ours, but also could have been one of the known Dundrennan (King's Arms yard) Maitlands.
A Richard Maitland wrote to Thomas Bradshaw in 1767, but this may one of the King's Arms Yard:
This not our Richard as his wife died 1772 & we know Sarah Maitland was alive when John Died.
Dr Sir,
by the best Information I can get from Grenada, I am pretty certain that neither the Generall, Chief Judge or any other officers, have lately received any of their Salaries, on Account of the Capitation tax not being paid. And what confirms me in this opinion is my having received Letters, with Directions to apply to the Treasury on this Subject.
A have the Honor to be,
Your most obd Servt
Richd Maitland
Mark lane,
11 Nov 1767.
Obituary of Richard Maitland of Mark Lane, 12/5/1775, GM 255.
Jackson's Oxford Journal, Saturday September 26 1772.
The same day (Friday 18t) at Woodford, Mrs Maitland, wife of Richard Maitland, of Mark Lane.
From The Pedigree Register, Vol 1 by George Sherwood 1907:
Richard MAITLAND of Marischal College, Aberdeen, = Elizabeth, Died 18 Sept
M.A., 1729, afterwards of the city of London, West 1772 aged 62, Bur
India merchant. Died at 'The Bear' Inn, Hungerford, Woodford 26th.
Berks., on his way back to London from Bath, 12 May
1775, aged 66. Buried at Woodford, Essex, 19 May.
Will and codicil proved 24 May 1775. (P.C.C.)
I shall be grateful for any information as to this particular family of MAITLAND. I seek specially for the parentage of Richard MAITLAND, and of his wife Elizabeth. Richard MAITLAND took the degree of M. A., at Marischal College, Aberdeen, in 1729, but I learn that there is not anything entered as to his parentage. The suggestion is made that he may have been of the family of MAITLAND of Pittrichie.
Can any one say whether such is the case ? May I also hope to obtain the dates of birth and death of Thomas, who is shewn as the only child of Richard MAITLAND?
WORTHING. September 1908.
The listing from the College records shows nothing more than the name & date, and what is probably the tutor[57].
London Land Tax Records, 1692-1932
1748, Aldersgate
Richard Maitland, personal £1/10s Tax £8/8s
1748, Aldersgate
Richard Maitland, personal £2 Tax £8/8s
1754, Aldersgate Without (6th Precinct):
Richard Maitland & Co: personal 5/- Tax £1-1s
British History on Line extract:
Although Sir Richard Child retained the manor of Woodford, he sold the hall and most of the remaining demesne lands to Christopher Crow, so that by 1838 only about 80 a. in Woodford remained as part of the Wanstead estate. (fn. 41) Crow sold the hall to William Hunt in 1727, after obtaining a private Act of Parliament. (fn. 42) The hall remained in that family until about 1801 when it was bought by John Maitland. (fn. 43) In 1777 the hall, with 56 a. lying behind and a further 92 a., was leased to John Goddard, a Rotterdam merchant, (fn. 44) whose widow died there in 1814. (fn. 45) By 1820 Maitland himself had taken up residence. (fn. 46) He inherited the manor of Loughton in 1825 (fn. 47) and died at Woodford Hall in 1831. (fn. 48) His son William Whitaker Maitland succeeded him and leased the hall first to William Cox, (fn. 49) then, in 1840, to William Morris, father of William Morris the poet and craftsman. The Morris family remained there until 1848. (fn. 50) In 1869 the Woodford Hall estate was sold to the British Land Co. for building development. The house was used until 1900 as Mrs. Gladstone's convalescent home. (fn. 51) It was then demolished and the parish church memorial hall was built in front of the site in 1902. (fn. 52) The chapel of the convalescent home survives as part of a house in Buckingham Road. (fn. 53)[58]
This John Maitland was the 4th son of Robert Maitland of Tongland & Coleman St, London.
Loughton Hall[59]:
....Under the limitations created by her husband's will the manor and advowson passed to Mrs. Wroth's great-nephew, .William Henry, fourth and last Earl of Rochford. In 1745 both were purchased from him by Alderman William Whitaker, in great part with the fortune of his second wife, Anne, whom he had married in 1739, and on whom the estate was settled for life, with remainder over to her issue. Alderman Whitaker died in or about August, 1752, and his widow, Anne, on Sep. 24th, 1770, To her succeeded her daughter, also named Anne, who lived to be eighty-four years old and died unmarried on Nov. 24th, 1825. By her the manor and advowson were devised to a stranger in birth, John Maitland, of Woodford Hall.* He was succeeded by his son William Whitaker Maitland, who, after expending a large sum on the renovation of Loughton Hall, an illustration of which accompanied a preceding part of this paper, had the misfortune to see it perish in the flames on Sunday, December 11th, 1836. A new house was erected on the ancient site in 1879, by his third son and successor, the Rev. John Whitaker Maitland.
Note. — The wills cited in the foregoing paper, with further
details germane to its subject, will be found in a privately- printed book
entitled Loughton in Essex, a copy of which (one of twelve) has been deposited
at the British Museum. Another copy may be consulted at the Guildhall Library
of the Corporation of London. ...
Also mentioned as a reference is Maitland Family: G. R. Harrison (1869).
No references found on Google.
"To the memorie of Sir Charles Maitland of Pittrichie. Who departed this life March 20th 1704".
Verse by Alexander Hill, Nat Lib of Scotland. Who was this??
Jamaica 201/167
Ent 17/3/1764, (a long and complicated document!)
James Gordon, planter of St Ann, to Richard Maitland and Benjamin & Thomas Boddington, merchants of the City of London,
Land in St Ann patented to James Gordon 1756 over 300 acres binding North on John Wilson East on Alexander Grant and South and West on unpossessed land
indenture 1/3/1758 about land bordering on Thomas Blagrove.
Letters of Marque: HCA 26/9/33
Commander: William Cromertie.
Ship: King of Prussia.
Burden: 330 tons, Crew: 30.
Owners: Messrs. Maitland and Boddington, Messrs. James and John Tobin of London, merchants.
Lieutenant: John Pinkham. , Gunner: Cornelius Barg, Boatswain: John Millington. Carpenter: George Carruthers, Surgeon: John Jackson, Cook: Timothy Daub.
Armament: 14 carriage guns.
Folio: 33
Covering dates 1758 February 21
Commander: George Lindsey.
Ship: Ajax.
Burden: 499 tons.
Crew: 99.
Owners: Charles Raymond, Sherman Godfrey, William Briant, Robert Scott, Charles Boehm, John ?Pexsax, Earl of Lauderdale, Lawrence Dundass, Andrew Moffett, George Freeman, William Belchier and John Croucher of London, merchants.
Lieutenant: Patrick Maitland.
Gunner: David Kinnier.
Boatswain: John Denison.
Carpenter: Thomas Cole.
Surgeon: Charles Greenhill.
Cook: John Carpenter.
Armament: 26 carriage guns.
Folio: 166
Covering dates 1759 February 10
T 1/500/95-98 Treasury: papers
Record Summary
Scope and content WEST INDIES: Islands: Antigua: Abstract of the deed of trust from Governor William Young and Messrs Maitland and Boddington to the Crown, regarding estates in Antigua
Covering dates 1774 June
M.k.C.S. ENG. L.R.C.P. LOND.
Volume III
Close Roll, 31 Geo. II., Part 12, Nos. 7 and 8.
Indenture made the 13th Dec. 1757 between William Smith of Nevis, Esq., now residing in London, of the one part, and Martin Kynck van Microp, Richard Maitland, and Thomas Lucas, all of London, merchants, of the other part, witnesseth that in consideration of 10s. William Smith sells to them all that plantation in the Windward Parish in
Nevis called Roundhill, containing 500 acres, bounded
towards the S. by the lands of John Canty, W. and N. by the sea, and E. by the
lands of David Gardiner, and all that other plantation in the Lowland Parish in
Nevis called the Fountain, containing 117 acres, bounded towards the S. by the
lands of Charles Payne, W. by the lands of Dr. William Jones, N. by the lands
of the said William Jones and of William Burt Weeks, and E. by the lands of . .
. . Madding (?), widow, and all that mansion house standing on the last
mentioned plantation, and all that other plantation in the Lowland Parish
called the Lower Grounds, containing 37 acres, bounded S. and E. by the lands
of Matthew Mills, W. by the sea, and N. by the lands of Dr. William Jones, and
also all those 150 slaves, to have and to hold for one whole year. Thomas
Bennett, Jonathan Price, witnesses.
No. 7.
Indenture made the 14th Dec. 1757 between the above. Whereas William Smith is justly indebted to Martin Kynck van Microp in the principal sum of £1230 15s. sterling besides interest, by virtue of a bond dated the 1st Dec. instant in the penal sum of £2461 10s. to be void on payment of the principal and interest on the 10th Dec. instant, and also to Richard Maitland and Benjamin Boddington, merchant of London, in partnership, in the principal sum of £607 15s. lld. besides interest, by virtue of another bond dated the 2nd Dec. instant in the penal sum of £1215 11s. l0d. to be void on payment of the principal and interest on the 10th Dec. instant, and also to Thomas Lucas and William Coleman, sen. and jun., of London, merchants, in partnership, in the principal sum of £913 6s. 8d. besides interest, by virtue of a bond dated the 1st Dec. instant, in the penal sum of £1826 13s. 4d. to be void on payment of the principal and interest on the 10th Dec. instant, and also stands justly indebted by simple contract to several persons whose names are set down in a schedule annexed. Now this Indenture witnesseth that for making a provision for the payment of the said debts herein and in the schedule mentioned, and in consideration of 10s., William Smith grants and sells to Martin Kynck van Microp, Richard Maitland, and Thomas Lucas, in their actual possession being by a lease for a year, all those plantations, etc. (as in No. 8) in trust to sell either entire or in parcels, and after the deductions of their costs, etc., and of such sums not exceeding £300 sterling as they may advance to answer the present occasions of William Smith, and of all incidental expenses relating to the management of the plantations, etc., till sold, and to the execution of the trusts, to pay to William Smith £200 a year for life, and to distribute all residue among themselves and all other creditors, and after all are paid to convey the residue to the use of William Smith. The trustees are to work the plantations and to lay out the money necessary and from time to time to sell the sugars, molasses, rum, and other produce, and they may employ such Attorneys and managers, etc., and allow them out of the trust money such sums for their trouble as they the said trustees shall think fit, and the said plantations are hereafter to be held in trust as aforesaid without any lett, suit, or hindrance from William Smith or any persons lawfully claiming under him or under Michael Smith his
late brother, deceased, or under Michael Smith his late father, deceased, or under any of the ancestors of William Smith, and free from all incumbrances except one annuity of £225 sterling, payable from the said plantations, etc., to Jane Calvert (formerly wife and widow of Michael Smith the brother, deceased), for life and in lieu of dower, etc., and except the right and title of dower of Mary Smith, wife of William Smith, if she should survive him, and except the portions and maintenance which Thomas Smith and John Smith, brothers of William, are entitled to receive from the said plantations, etc., not exceeding £1000 currency and the interest thereon, and lastly for rendering these presents more valid William Smith impowers James Tobin, Esq., and the Rev. Edwin Thomas, Clerk, both of Nevis, to act in all things as his true and lawful Attorneys.
Schedule.—William Smith. Debtor to sundrys.
£ s. d.
To Van Microp, Esq. . . 1230 15
To Coleman and Lucas . . 913 6 8
To Maitland and Boddington . 607 15 11
£2751 15 7di;
Bills Protested.
Ships Built and Registered in Shoreham
Lloyd's Lists for 1770–90 include a ship called 'William and Elizabeth' built by Maitland & Co. on the Thames.
'Ship of War' (sic), two decks, 300 tons, 20 ft mean draft, 18 guns (but 1764 Registers record 6 three pounder guns?). Captain:- Charles Payne, owner Maitland & Co (1764 & 1780) or Mr Maitland (1768). Voyages between 1764 and 1780 were usually between London and St. Kitts in the Caribbean.
Shoreham built -possibly Stone & Barlett,, Carver &
Co, Hamilton & Co, or John Edwardes
226 tons, captain Madgwick, owner R. Maitland. London – Jamaica route 1789.
See Shoreham Shipbuilders at beginning of the index
Lloyds Register
Richard Maitland, Jamaica & London, will 1763
London Chronicle August 1763[60].
Thursday died at his lodgings in the Strand, Mr Richard Maitland, who had resided above 20 years in Jamaica, where he acquired a competent fortune, and returned to England some years ago. He has left the bulk of his fortune to his lady, and £1800 to some intimate friends in legacies, not exceeding £100 nor under £50.
IGI: Marriage of Richard Maitland & Elizabeth Cunningham, St Martin in the Fields, London, 13 May 1759[61].
Inventory Richard Maitland, Sept 1765. PROB 31/504/703
A will of Richard Maitland of Brompton, Kensington, described as a planter of Jamaica, no firm evidence, but looks possible to be the father of Sarah. His will makes no mention of Sarah, but was proved London, 23 August, 1763.
The executors being Robert & Alexander Maitland indicate that he was probably related to them: they were the sons of Robert & Ursula Maitland of Tongland & Bunhill Fields in Essex.
The supposition from his will is that he came back to England later in life and married Widow Cunningham then and had no children by her.
He leaves a legacy to his wife, the widow of Dr Cunningham, but no mention of children. The remainder of his estate is left to his cousins, the Whyte family, mostly local London tradesmen, but also to "...my cousin Mrs Joan Whyte late wife of Mr Archibald Napier Minister of the Gospel at Manchester (?) deceased now residing in Aberdeen.." and "...my cousin Alexr Whyte late of Ard_hill now of the city of London Teacher of Belles Lettres and mathematics..."
"...to her daughters Mary and Joan Napier..."
Ardhill a village on Loch Duich, West Highlands Scotland.
Was this Richard Maitland the father of Mary Maitland, bapt 28/6/1740, a quadroon child of Richard Maitland born of the mulatto slave of Mrs Laws of St Andrew Parish.
Also Sarah Maitland. He was probably the one who owned sugar land in St Elizabeth.
Mary Napier (AFN: 1DM1-C28), ch abt 1732 of Archibald Napier & Jean White at Maryculter, Aberdeenshire, Scotland. Married James Smith 6/7/1732 at Maryculter.
James Smith Birth: Est 1702 Maryculter, Aberdeenshire, Scotland
Death: 6 Nov 1780 Garvnock, Kincardineshire, Scotland
Some transactions recorded as Deeds indicate that A Richard Maitland was trading, maybe financing, in Jamaica in the 1740's. He bought 700 acres of land, 100 in St Elizabeth & 2 parcells of 300 in Westmoreland in 1746 from James & Daniel Grant, to whom it had just been granted, for £J700. He then sold the combined 600 acres in Westmoreland for £150 to Isaac Gale 26/11/1748. He sold the 100 acres in St Elizabeth for £J1108, including some slaves and stock. A further transaction was recorded of Richard Maitland taking a mortgage on 10 slaves from Alexander Dallas for £J700 in 1755. This Richard Maitland is referred to as a planter in one deed, and so was probably resident there at the time.
A Richard Maitland owned property in, amongst others, St Elizabeth to the North East of Lacovia (Biscany) in the 1740's. His will was proved in 1763[62], and makes no mention of offspring and only a wife Elizabeth. As our John Maitland appears to have originated from London, it is very unlikely that this Richard was his father, legitimate or not. It is not impossible that there was a relationship which could explain the St Elizabeth connection, but this is not a very likely scenario as this Richard died long before John appeared in Jamaica. Some of these properties have been traced by Jamaican Plats. He may well have been the father of Mary Maitland:
Mary Maitland, bapt St Andrew, 28/6/1740, a quadroon child of Richard Maitland born of the mulatto slave of Mrs Laws[63].
Other sites suggest the following sibling of John Maitland:
Sarah Maitland, born abt 10/1746, bapt 23/1/1748 – see below under Parchments.
The original LDS index and text films shows her father as Richard Melland. If she were a Maitland, then the father might also have been the above Richard Maitland.
A Sarah Maitland is recorded as owning a negro Creole slave, Fibba aged 65 in 1817 in St Elizabeth. Sarah signed with her mark.
59 & Lloyds Register 1764, & 1768 to 1780
John Bradstreet: http://www.americanantiquarian.org/proceedings/44806545.pdf - references to Richard Maitland D.A.G. New York.
This part is included as part of the research into who Richard Maitland might have been; a John Maitland was born of a Richard Maitland in Aberdeenshire, and Richard being quoted as an excise man. It looks, however very unlikely that this family had any close relationship with ours.
National Archives:
The Excise Board Minute Books in CUST 47, covering 1695 to 1867, can be used to find appointments and postings of Excise men. There are also Excise Entry Papers in CUST 116, covering 1820 to 1870; these have an alphabetical card index in the Open Reading Room. The Entry Papers contain pairs of letters folded together. One letter is a recommendation for appointment, giving details of name, age, place of birth, marital status and a character reference. The other letter is from the excise officer responsible for training of the new recruit, giving details of their abilities. Irish Excise records can be found in CUST 110 and CUST 119.
Pay lists for Excise men in England and Wales can be found in T 44, covering 1705 to 1835. Lists for Scotland are in T 45, covering 1708 to 1832.
Cust 47 Index between 9/1/1721 (vol 100) and 16/4/1739 (vol 170), contained no references to any Richard Maitland – judging from the number of officers, this probably covers England rather than Scotland. Some names reoccurred a number of times, showing that the individuals were moved around not infrequently.
North Britain. Ann Account of the Officers and Employments under the Commissioners of Excise in Scotland existing on 24 June 1708, being the Termination of the first year of their management with the Number of Officers employed at that time and their respective salaries as ordered by the Votes of the Honble House of Commons of 15th February 1779.
Officers within the Office (inter alia):
John Maitland, examiner of the Country Officers Excise Books (one of 4)
Original Salary £40 pa, Present salary £40, joined 25 March 1709.
Richard Maitland does not appear in the lists at £35 pa, but they appear to be as at 1708, probably before his time.
The original establishment had 260 gaugers.
T45/3, "establishment of officers for North Britain for salt duty" had no relevance.
T45/4: 1733 piece 9B
Richard Maitland, gauger, 335, Aberdeen collection, 24 February 1732-3
There is no obvious connection between our Maitlands and the Maitlands of King's Arms Yard and Coleman Street, but it is possible that they were connected: both lines were connected with the West Indies. One possibility is that Richard was a close relative of Robert Maitland of King's Arms Yard in London, who was born in Dumfries in about 1709.
Issue of Richard & Elizabeth Maitland, ch:
Richard Maitland, 27 Sept 1738, St Martin in the Fields.
Elizabeth Maitland, Saint Olave Hart St, London, 1/7/1748
Thomas Maitland, Saint Martin in the Fields, 10/10/1740
Mary Maitland, Saint Olave, Hart St, ch 2/6/1746, d. 6/2/1746
Margaret Maitland, Saint Olave, 9/11/1750.
Marriage: Richard Maitland, 20 Aug 1738, St James, Westminster to Mary Mitchel.
CO142/** Return of Shipping, Jamaica - lists ships masters and owners & cargo etc, to Jamaica. /22 1784.
1783, March 26. Indenture between John Hyde of St. Geo., Han. Sq., Esq., only son and heir and residuary legatee of John Hyde, late of Cornhill, Merchant, and George Healy of the one part, and Ebeneezer Maitland of London, Merchant, of the other, Lease for a year of the Constant Spring plantation by Hyde to Maitland. (Coleman's Deeds.)
(2 found in 1811: St Andrew's and St George's. Constant Spring in St Andrew owned by Hon Geo Cuthbert, 417 slaves and 206 stock)
Constant Spring is now in St Andrew, in hills north of Kingston.
Edmund Hyde Privy Councillor Jamaica 1751 (Jam Gaz).
The Maitlands of Pittrichie have very similar arms to those of the Eccles branch.
This section first uploaded on 17.05.08.
Descended from Robert Maitland was ...
Patrick Maitland of (Auchincrieff and) Pitrichie in Udney, Aberdeenshire
m. Katharine Burnett (dau of Alexander Burnett of Leys)
1/1. Sir Richard Maitland, 1st Bart of Pitrichie (d 22.02.1677,
Senator of the College of Justice, 'Lord Pitrichie')
m. Margaret or Mary Gordon (dau of Robert Gordon of Straloch & Pitlurg)
2/1. Sir Richard Maitland, 2nd Bart of Pitrichie (dsp c08.1679)
2/2. Sir Charles Maitland, 3rd Bart of Pitrichie (d 1700)
m1. Jean Forbes (dau of Sir John
Forbes, Bart of Monymusk, by Margaret Arbuthnott)
3/1. Sir Charles Maitland, 4th Bart of Pitrichie (dsp by 1704)
m. (before 23.06.1703) Margaret Burnett (step-sister)
3/2. Jean Maitland (d 22.10.1746)
m. Alexander Arbuthnott, later Maitland of Pitrichie (d 06.1721)
3/3. Mary Maitland
m. (1707) Thomas Forbes of Echt (d 1738)
3/4. Catherine Maitland apparently of this generation d. 1743.
m. Theodore Morison of Bognie
3/5. Margaret Maitland probably of this generation
m. (1714) Sir Patrick Bannerman, Provost of Aberdeen (d 1733)
3/6. 2 daughters
m2. (1696) Nichola Young (dau of Peter Young of Auldbar, widow of Sir Alexander Burnett of Craigmyle)
2/3. Jean Maitland probably of this generation
m1. Robert Gordon, 7th of
Pitlurg (b 1641, d 22.08.1682)
m2. John Gordon, 2nd of Fechil
2/4. Elizabeth Maitland (d 1719) probably of this generation
m. (mcrt 18.05.1669) Robert Ross of Auchlossin (d c1703)
Thomas Forbes of Knockwane, later of Echt (d 1696)
m. _ Forbes (d 1698, dau of Patrick Forbes of Westerecht)
1/1. Arthur Forbes of Echt (d 1728)
m1. Elizabeth (Janet) Innes (d
1695, dau of Sir Robert Innes, 2nd Bart)
2/1. Jean Forbes (d 21.01.1761)
m. (mcrt 28.04.1704) John Ross, 1st of Arnage (b 04.1665, d 09.1714)
2/2. Thomas Forbes of Echt (d 1738, sold Echt)
m1. (1707) Mary Maitland of
Pittrichie or Pittritchie
3/1. Arthur Forbes Maitland of Pittrichie (b 1708, d 1786)
m. Judith Minoch
4/1. Thomas Maitland (dvp)
5/1. Richard Arthur Maitland of Pittrichie (d 1833)
m2. (1719) Margaret Forbes (d 1752, dau of Sir John Forbes, 2nd Bart of Craigievar)
Arthur Forbes m2. (1696) Katharine Melville ('Lady Gray')
Ratification in favour of Richard Maitland of Pittrichie and protest
Our sovereign lord, with advice and consent of his highness's estates of parliament, has ratified, approved and confirmed and, by this act, with advice and consent foresaid, ratifies, approves and confirms a charter and infeftment granted by his majesty, under the great seal, of the date 6 July 1672, to and in favour of Richard Maitland, younger of Pittrichie, eldest lawful son and apparent heir to Sir Richard Maitland of Pittrichie, one of the senators of the college of justice, his heirs, successors and assignees whatsoever, heritably and irredeemably, without any reversion, redemption or regress whatsoever, of all and whole the lands and barony of Geicht, alias Schivas, with tower, fortalice, manor place, houses, biggings, yards, orchards and teind sheaves of the same, comprehending the towns, lands, mills and others underwritten, namely, the Mains of Gight, the lands of Millbrex, Blackhillock and Swanford, Faddonhill, Little Gight, Meikle Ardo, Mill of Ardo, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, Little Ardo, Auchencrieve, Monlettie, Newton of Schivas, Chapelton of Schivas, mill, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, Skelmonae, Belnagoak, Balquhindachy, mill, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, Middlemuir, Touxtoun, Cairnorrie, Monteith, Newseat, mill of Gight, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, Stanehouse of Gight and cot-town thereof, the lands of Fetterletter,† Monkshill, Lethenty, Bruckleseat, the mains and manor place of Schivas, Newseat, Burnside, with the old and new mills, mill-lands, multures and sequels thereof, the town and lands of Old Townleys, Broadward, Quilquox and Killmachillie,† with all and sundry the teind sheaves thereof, houses, biggings, yards, orchards, mosses, meadows, marshes, commonty, common pasturage, tofts, crofts, outsets, insets, annexes, connexes, dependancies, tenants, tenantries and service of free tenants, parts, pendicles and whole pertinents thereof, all lying within the parishes of Fyvie and Tarves and sheriffdom of Aberdeen; proceeding upon his own resignation, together with the clause of novodamus, and union and new erection of the said whole lands and barony, to be called the barony of Gight; as also, the dispensation anent the sasine to be taken at the manor place thereof, to be sufficient for the said whole lands in all time coming, to be held of his majesty and his highness's successors in taxed ward, for payment of the yearly tax duties underwritten, namely, for the ward and non-entry, the sum of £200 Scots money, at two terms in the year Whitsunday [May/June] and Martinmas [11 November] in winter by equal portions, and the sum of £200 money foresaid for the relief, when the same shall happen, and the sum of £400 money foresaid for the marriage of the heir or heirs, when the same shall fall, for payment of the which sums the foresaid ward, relief, non-entry and marriage are conveyed, notwithstanding that the same lands were held formerly of his majesty for service of ward and relief, together with the precept under the quarter seal with the infeftments following thereon, with the instrument of sasine or sasines taken upon the same. And likewise, with advice and consent foresaid, ratifies, approves and confirms another charter granted by his majesty, under the great seal, of the date 2 May 1678, to and in favour of the said Sir Richard Maitland, and his male heirs and assignees whatsoever, heritably and irredeemably, without any reversion, redemption or regress whatsoever, all and whole the lands of Auchencrieve and Skelmonae, with houses, biggings, yards, orchards, parts, pendicles and whole pertinents thereof, with the teinds thereof, lying within the parish of Tarves and sheriffdom of Aberdeen, and of the salmon fishing thereto belonging in manner therein mentioned, together with the clause of novodamus, union and new erection of the said lands and salmon fishing, to be called the barony of Auchencrieve, and the dispensation anent the sasine to be taken at the manor place of Auchencrieve, to be sufficient for the said lands and salmon fishing in all time coming; to be held of his majesty and his highness's successors in taxed ward, for payment of the yearly taxed ward duties underwritten, namely, for the ward and non-entry, the sum of 10 merks Scots, at the said two terms in the year Whitsunday and Martinmas by equal portions, and the sum of 10 merks for the relief, when the same shall happen, and 20 merks for the marriage of the heir or heirs, when the same shall fall, for payment of which sums the foresaid ward, relief, non-entry and marriage are conveyed, notwithstanding that the same lands and salmon fishing were held formerly of his majesty for service of ward and relief; with the precept of sasine contained in the said charter and instrument of sasine and infeftment following thereon, in all and sundry the heads, articles, clauses and conditions mentioned in the said two charters, precepts and instruments of sasine following thereon; and willing and declaring this present ratification to be as valid and sufficient as if the said two charters, precepts and instruments of sasine were at length herein inserted and engrossed; with the which his majesty, with advice and consent foresaid, have dispensed and, by this act, dispenses for ever.
Protestation the town of Aberdeen against the before-written ratification
Sir George Skene of Fintry, commissioner for the burgh of Aberdeen, protested that the ratification passed this day, in favour of Sir Charles Maitland of Pittrichie, of the barony of Auchencrieve and fishings thereto belonging, should be without prejudice to the said town of Aberdeen of their rights, liberty and privilege in the sands between the two rivers of Dee and Don and salmon and other fishings pertaining to the said burgh, between the said two rivers and about and within the mouths thereof, and upon both sides of the same pertaining and belonging to the said town, and that the foresaid ratification in favour of the said Sir Charles shall not be prejudicial to the said town of any right they have to the said lands and others contained in the ratification.
The Maitlands of Kirkton of Oyne (Aberdeenshire) and some of
Their Descendants - Richardson Dougall. Traces blood descendants, through male
or female lines and through lines both legitimate and illegitimate, of John Maitland
and his wife Margaret Gregor, who were married in Oyne Parish, Aberdeenshire,
in1733. In addition to blood descendants, includes (when information was
readily available) adopted children and stepshildren and their descendants.
Includes the following when appicable: full name, nickname, place and date of
birth or baptism, occupation, military service, university attendance,
information on emigration and naturalization, present address or place and date
of death and burial, place and date of each marriage and divorce, and source or
sources for such information. John Maitland, born in or before 1709, was a
tenant farmer living in the tiny hamlet of Kirkton (or Kirktown) of Oyne. 1999,
8½x11, paper, indices, xvi+424 pp. $40.00 D3638 ISBN: 0788436384"
Minutes looked at on microfilm (MIC915, 16 reels) at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Russell Square. There were many appearances of Maitlands in the early years. Many entries simply refer to "Mr Maitland". Forenames entered were Richard, Robert & Alexander. It appears that Richard was probably the senior, and was chairman occasionally when the regular incumbent, Beeston Long, was absent. Also appearing was Stephen Fuller (the London merchants became Fuller-Maitlands), who was later described as "agent for Jamaica".
The minutes start an April 1769. They were read, but not exhaustively after about 1780. There is little mention of individuals, except as members of the standing committees, and occasionally as members of sub-committees.
1769 members Richard, Robert & Alexander Maitland, not all together. Mr Maitland jnr appears in April 1776, and again June 1779. A cursory inspection gives the impression that the Maitlands disappeared from the committee from 1781 to 1797, when there was an entry.
The minutes of the West India Planters was also briefly examined. There was an E Maitland and Mr Maitland recorded at a general meeting of 9 Feb 1787. Mr Maitland appeared several times in 1805.
In the 1769 list, Robert & Alexander were probably brothers (Robert could possibly be Robert's son b 1744) and sons of John Maitland of Tongland. E Maitland in 1787 would have been Ebeneezer Maitland, who became Fuller Maitland.
Jamaica Deed:
Robert Maitland
310/191 Dated 7/3/1782 Ent 2/7/1782
Stephen Fuller mcht of London
& Robert M, Robert M jnr & Eb M of L mcnts
SF sells ½ of sugar plantation Amity Hall in St T I E 607 acres & 2 other contiguous parcels cont 340 & 300 a & abt 100 slaves
Also Indenture :
btw Stephen & Rose Fuller & the 3 M
Thomas Cussins of London & John C of same place since decd for £18800 Mortgage
Long deeds re mortgages etc.
1772 London Directory: Richard M (dated July 1771) Dir Royal Exchange Assurance
Maitland & Boddington 17, Mark Lane
1774-5: Mullard Pet. Sailmaker Union Stairs, Wapping
1775: Maitland & Boddington present, but not Richard M.
1776: M & B not there.
Kent's Directory of London, 1794.
Maitland Robert, Ebeneezer & John, Merchts., 13, King's-arms-yard, Colemans St.
These are probably the children of Robert Maitland and Ursula, Ebeneezer became Fuller-Maitland and John Whitaker-Maitland. According to Michael Sandford, this is the case: this Robert was 1744-1810.
CARIBBEANA, Volume II, DEEDS RELATING TO THE WEST INDIES JAMAICA
1783, March 26. Indenture between John Hyde of St. Geo., Han. Sq., Esq., only son and heir and residuary legatee of John H., late of Cornhill, Merchant, and George Healy of the one part, and Ebenezer Maitland of London, Merchant, of the other, Lease for a year of the Constant Spring plantation by Hyde to Maitland. (Coleman's Deeds.)
Hyde Connection:
1710+: James Russell 1710 or so, the greatest Maryland
merchants in London are Captain John Hyde, plus his sons, John and Herbert
Hyde. See Jacob M. Price, 'One Family's Empire: The Russell-Lee-Clerk
Connection in Maryland, Britain and India, 1707-1857'., Maryland Historical
Magazine, Vol. 72, 1977. See also: Jacob M. Price, 'The Last Phase of the
Virginia-London Consignment Trade: James Buchanan and Co, 1758-1768', William
and Mary Quarterly, Series 3, Vol. XLIII, No. 1, Jan. 1968., pp. 64ff.; Jacob
M. Price, 'Buchanan and Simson, 1759-1763: A Different Kind of Glasgow Firm
Trading to the Chesapeake', William and Mary Quarterly, Series 3, Vol. XL, No.
1. Jan. 1983., pp. 3ff.; Jacob M. Price, 'The Rise of Glasgow in the Chesapeake
Tobacco Trade, 1707-1775', William and Mary Quarterly, Series 3, Vol. XI, April
1954., pp. 179ff.; Jacob M. Price, (Ed.), 'Joshua Johnson's Letterbook,
1771-1774: Letters from a Merchant in London to His Partners in Maryland'. London, 1979. Jacob M. Price, 'Capital And Credit In The British-Chesapeake Trade,
1750-1775', in Virginia B. Platt and David Curtis Skaggs, (Eds.), Of Mother
Country And Plantations: Proceedings of the Twenty-Seventh Conference In Early
American History. Bowling Green, Ohio, 1971. Jacob M. Price, essay, 'Joshua
Johnson In London, 1771-1775', in Anne Whiteman et al, (Eds.), Statesmen,
Scholars and Merchants, Essays ... presented to Dame Lucy Sutherland. Oxford, 1973.
Later in this site were entries of Hydes going bankrupt in about 1745.
Other Maitlands:
Alexander Maitland, Mate, St Andrews Regt, Ensign, 1784.
Vere Oliver's Carribinaea, Richard Maitland figures with wife Elizabeth in St Kitts, also up til 1780's.
Directories for Richard Maitland Probably the one whose will proved 24/5/1775:
Dates: 1726-1750 Location: Crutched Fryars
Occupation: merchant commerce(s)
Source Date: 1750 Subscribed to The posthumous Works of Jeremiah Seed (Vol. 1), 1750, HALL, Joseph. London, Subject: religion
Dates: 1751-1775 Title: Esq.
Source Date: 1756: Subscribed to The Civil and Natural History of Jamaica, 1756, BROWNE, Patrick. London, Subject: history
Dates: 1776-1800 Title: Esq.
Source Date: 1789 Source Info: Subscribed to The Civil and Natural History of Jamaica. Containing I. An accurate Description of that Island... II. An History of the Natural Productions... illustrated with Forty-nine copper plates... By George Dionysius Ehret. There are now added complete Linnean indexes and a large and accurate map of the island, 1789, BROWNE, Patrick. London, Subject: history
Dates: 1751-1775 Address: Address(es): 17 Mark-lane, London
company: Director(s): Royal Exchange Assurance Director
Source Date: 1763 Listed in Kent's Directory for the Year 1763. 30th edn., 1763, KENT, Henry. London. Printed and sold by Henry Kent at the Printing office in Finch Lane. Also 1765, 1767, 1768, 1772, 1774
Dates: 1751-1775 Occupation: merchant commerce(s)
Address: Mark lane, London
Source Date: 1765 Listed in A Compleat Guide to All Persons Who Have Any Trade or Concerns Within the City of London, and Parts Adjacent. 10th edn., 1765, OSBORN, J.. London
Printed for J. Rivington, R. Baldwin, L. Hawes, W. Clarke, R. Collins, S. Crowder, T. Longman, R. Horsfield, J. Walter
Convict and other ships 1800-1810 to Australia
1804: John Prinsep in London by 1804 laid plans - interesting but premature - to import wool from eastern Australia. The plans involved John Maitland, John Macarthur, Mr. Coles, Mr. Wilson at Monument Yard, Capt. Waterhouse and Mr. Stewart. John Maitland, of Basinghall Street, was an influential wool merchant who had links with Sir Joseph Banks and Macarthur. (See Harold B. Carter, His Majesty's Spanish Flock: Sir Joseph Banks and the Merinoes of George III of England. Sydney, Angus And Robertson, 1964. Harold B. Carter, Sir Joseph Banks, 1743-1820. London, British Museum (Natural History), 1988.) At an 1804 auction of the King's sheep, Maitland was interested in Macarthur's proposal for a company to produce wool in New South Wales and supported it in company with Hulletts, who'd dummy-bought two ewes for Macarthur, and owned the Argo. At the sale, Banks warned Macarthur of the Obstructive Act of 1788 preventing export of sheep. Later, Macarthur suggested to Lord Camden a Treasury warrant be drawn for the export. A company with a capital of £10,000 was proposed, but the plan went awry. By July 1804, John Prinsep was examined in Council Chamber at Whitehall. (See Sibella Macarthur-Onslow, Some Early Records of the Macarthurs of Camden, pp. 92-95.)
1804: 11 July 1804, wool gentlemen meet inc. Hunter and Waterhouse, both RN, Capts Prentice and Townson of New South Wales Corps, William Wilson of Monument Yard, agent for Rbt Campbell and Marsden, and William Stewart Master Mariner of Lambert, Prinsep and Saunders, shipping and East India agents of 147 Leadenhall St, owners of Anne to NSW in 1800. (See also, Sibella Macarthur-Onslow, Some Early Records of the Macarthurs of Camden. [Orig. 1914] Sydney, Rigby, 1973. Pemberton, London Connection, p. 121).
Maitlands (London based merchants trading with WI)
9 Dec 2005 From: Michael Sandford, Abingdon.
Dear Antony,
I came across your website in a search for information on the trading activities of my great great great great grandfather Robert Maitland (1744-1810) who was first located at the Kings Arms yard, Coleman Street, London and later at The Blue Style Greenwich.
I found reference on your site to the West India Committee records At Archives of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies. I was interested to note that the names you mentioned here appear to be those of my ancestor and his relations. I had better follow up your reference to see if I can find out something about their trading interests!
My Robert Maitland (1744-1810) appears in the Maitland gedcom on your website, so you will be able to see where our lines diverged: our common ancestors are Sir Robert Maitland (d 1434) and Marion Aternethy.
You can see my descent from daughter Mary of my Robert Maitland (1744-1810) at http://sandfordfamily.org.uk
I was also interested in your site for what it says about Jamaican history, especially since I have just returned from a month's holiday spent mainly in Mandeville. I have often wondered exactly what the trading was that my Robert Maitland did with the WI. Have you ever come across any dealings between his firm and your own Maitlands in Jamaica?
My Robert Maitland (1744-1810) married Elizabeth Ridge who was the daughter of John Ridge, another West Indies merchant in London. So that is another trading connection.
Michael Sandford
10 Dec 2005
Thank you for your reply. It gets yet more interesting as I delve a bit further into your large website. What a lot of research you have done!
In comparison my Maitland research looks pretty thin. But I am now motivated to some more.
Here are a two points answering your email:
1. I cannot at the moment see how your John Maitland ( - 1786), might fit into the known families of the Kings Arms Yard merchants.
2. I see from your pages that a Pakenhams married a Sandford from Castlereagh. Castlereagh is not far from Tuam and my grandfather and his cousin speculated about the tradition that there was a connection but nothing definitive has been discovered so far. Unfortunately all the early Church of Ireland records in Tuam were destroyed around 1800.
Finally I note from your auto biographical notes that you are a Christ's man. I matriculated at Christ's in 1960. I read maths then physics. However I ended up running a division of engineers working on space research instrumentation at the Rutherford Appleton Laboratory near here. I retired 2 years ago - and so now have time to research family history and to try and write up interesting stories for the younger family members. I am planning to send them a couple of essays at Christmas. The one I finished before my holiday relates how 12 greats uncle was wrongly beheaded by Henry VIII when he was getting rid of Anne Boleyn.
Did you go to the old member's dinner at Christ's in September? The 1960 and 1965 matriculation years were invited. I don't have the seating plan to hand to check if you were there.
Best wishes, Michael
PRO ADM 1/235, Admiral's despatches, Jamaica 1713-1789,
1757-1760 Lists and Indexes, Admiralty XVIII p3.
Marlborough at Spithead, 7th March 1757.
I received their Lordships orders of the 5th Instant this morning, too late to answer by the Post. The two Assistant Surgeons I have ordered on board the Lynn.
Mr Jones Agent for the Hospital at Haslar applied to me this afternoon to take on board the Medicines and Stores for the Hospital at Jamaica and at the same time acquainted me they filled four wagons, it being impossible for me to receive such a Quantity either in my own Ship or Lynn with the Provisions ordered by their Lordships. I advised him to ship them on board some Merchant Ship bound to Jamaica. The Wind is now Eastward of the N and the Convoy from the Downs all at an anchor, though few of the Masters have yet been on board to take orders. I propose sailing tomorrow morning, and give them orders at Sea rather than lose an Opportunity of this Wind.
Inclosed is a List of the Ships under my Convoy, a more exact account of them will be sent you by the first Opportunity.
I am Sir
Your most Obedient Servant
Thos Cotes
Ships listed with:
Ships Name, Master's Name, What Built, Were Belonging, Number of Men, Guns, Tons, From Whence, Whither Bound, lading, When Received Order.
An example:
Duke, Rich'd Maitland, Ship, London, 20, 10, 360, London, Virginia, Ballast, 7th March 1757.
Marlborough at Spithead 10th March 1757.
The 8th Instant in the morning I made the Signall to unmoor, and intended sailing but before I could get my Best Bower Anchor up, the Wind veered to the Southward and from thence to the Westward, which obliged to moor again in the Evening, it has since been variable with Calms, but I hope is now fixed Easterly. I made the Signal to unmoor this morning by break of day and I hope to get the Convoy out to Sea before Night.
Inclosed is a List of Ships who have taken my orders since my Letter of the 7th Instant.
I am, Sir,
Your most Obdt Servant,
Thos Cotes
The Wind at NNE with Snow.
Marlborough in Torbay 15th March 1757.
Since my Letter of the 12th Instant from this Place His Majesty's Ships Newcastle, Lynn and Hornett have joined me and brought in with them the merchant ships that were in the rear of the Fleet. The 13th in the Evening the Wind came to the Northward and I was in hopes of its coming to the Eastward, I immediately made the Signal for getting ready to sail but before we could get a Peak on our anchor, it backed to the Westward and began to blow, and all yesterday it blew very hard at NW and WNW. Last night it was moderate Weather, and this morning it blows very hard at West.
I have wrote to Rear Admiral Harrison at Plymouth to desire a Supply of Beer only to be sent here, if the Wind should continue Westerly and keep us here.
I shall sail as soon as the Wind shifts so that I can get down Channell. Inclosed is the State of His Majesty's Ships under my Command.
I am Sir,
Your most Obedient Servant,
Thos Cotes.
Marlborough in Torbay 16th March 1757 at 1,0'clock pm
The hard gale from the West to NNW that has blown for two days past, ceased this morning, and at 8 the Wind shifted to No when I made the Signal to prepare to sail, that the merchant ships might get up their Yards and Topmasts, and take up one anchor, most of them being obliged to let go two anchors, when it blew so hard; the Wind now appears to me settled at NNE and I am getting under sail, that the Fleet may have time to get one before Night,
I am, Sir,
Marlborough at Sea 8th April 1757.
Latt in 41d 05m N Long 13:35 Wt
Start (Point?) No 38:45 E Dist 230Lg
Finister N54.15E Dist 73 Lgs.
The 17th of March we sailed from Torbay the Wind then blowing fresh at NNE; by night all the Fleet were got clear; and at 8 we took our Departure from the Start, the Wind continued Easterly till the 18th, when it veered to the Westward, and the 20th it blew so hard we could carry no Sail, and were obliged to bring too under a Mainsail; the Merchant Ships who did not take care to bear down lost Company, as we drove much faster than them; The 24th in the Lattitude of 48˚22' Longitude 5˚ 4' from the Start. A Merchant Ship acquainted me, that His Majesty's Sloop Stork had in the late bad Weather in the Night carried away all her Masts, but had got up Jury Masts and was bore away for the Channell, and as the Wind was then at WSW I hope she soon got into some port. We had very bad weather for fifteen Days together in the Bay of Biscay, but have now a good Prospect of making our Passage soon. Very few of the Convoy have lost Company there being now 97 sail in sight.
Inclosed is the State of His Majesty's Ship Marlborough, the Lynn and Hornett bring up the Rear of the Convoy, which prevents my getting their accounts.
I shall this morning part Company with Commodore Stevend and the India Ships as they must Steer more to the Southward than our Convoy lays.
etc, Thos Cotes.
Marlborough in Passage
8th May 1757.
In my last letter of the 8th of April by way of Madeira I acquainted you of my parting Company with Commodore Stevens and the East India Ships. The 10th of April I made the Signal for all Masters of Merchant Ships, and finding only six light Ships bound to Barbados, and sixty to the other Islands, I ordered the Lynn to see them safe to Barbados, and with the remaining Sixty steered for Antigua, where I arrived the 5th Instant, with all the Convoy. The Store ships went into English harbour and the Merchant Ships to their different Ports. I delivered Rear Admiral Frankland his Commission after he had taken the Oaths, and Subscribed the Test, a Certificate of which is Inclosed, I also told him he must direct his agent in London to pay the Fees of the Office.
The 6th I ran? The Ships bound to Montserrat, Nevis and St Christopher to their several Ports, and anchored in this Road to get a Supply of Water and Rum for the Ship's Company, all the Wine we brought out of England being expended by the Length of our Passage, I have been obliged to hire a Sloop to fetch my Water, as old Road is by no means a proper Place for so large a Ship to lay and there is no Water here, the Moment she returns I shall proceed with the Trade bound to Jamaica. The Storeships that stopped at Antigua have some of His Majesty's Stores on board for Jamaica. I have ordered Capt Kirke to call at Antigua to convoy them to Jamaica, and I have desired Adml Frankland to assist in unloading them that the Lynnn may not be detained there.
The Recruits of Colonel Ross's Regiment I sent to the Head Quarters in a Schooner W Frankland lent me, four of them dyed in the Passage of Fevers. The Packetts for Barbados I sent by Capt Kirke, and those for Antigua I delivered to Admiral Frankland.
Inclosed is an Affidavit, that was yesterday made before the Lieutenant Governor of this Island, the Person who made it seemed to me to be very positive as to the facts. I therefore thought it my duty to get an Original to lay before their Lordships.
Inclosed it the State of His Majesty's Ship the Marlborough and Hornett Sloop.
I am etc.
Edinburgh Port Royal Jamaica
7 May 1757 659
Recd 22 June,
Read ditto
Since my last to you of the 24th March, by his Majesty's Ship the Biddeford, I beg leave to Acquaint you, for the Information of the Rt Honourable the Lords, Commissioners of the Admiralty, that his Majesty's Ships Augusta, Princess Mary and Humber, Arrived here on the 7th of last month, from the North sides of Hispaniola, Captain Craven Acquaints me in his Letter of the same day, of his looking into Cape Francois, a Copy of which Letter I have hereby enclosed. His Majesty's Dreadnought, and Shoreham are likewise Arrived, from the South sides of Hispaniola.
I have here inclosed you a Deposition of one Joseph Thurston, Master of the Snow Defiance, giving an Account of his falling in with a Fleet of Ships, Off the Island of Mona, and one of the Ships carrying a White Flagg at the Foretopmast head. As in my former Letter to you, Sir, of the 24th of March, I acquainted you, the French Prisoners, that were taken by one of our Privateers, gave an account of fourteen Sail of French Men of War, Sailing from Brest, And as this Master says he saw these ships off St. Domingo, I immediately dispatched a small schooner up to Port Louis, to look into that harbour, for if they were the French Squadron, they might have put in there, but upon her return, the Officer I sent in the Schooner, Informed me, he saw nothing in the Harbour, bu two small Vessells; I therefore Imagine the Fleet was the Spanish Flota, which is expected every day but as I shall endeavour to gain the best intelligence I can. I have ordered his Majesty's Ship Lively, who arrived here woth the Roebuck and Assistance, with the Trade from ?? on the 25th of last month to prepare for the Seas, and propose as she goes well, to send her up to look into Cape Francois, that I may know if there are any other French Squadron there, except that of Monsieur Beaufremond, and especially as there is some reason to think that the French Squadron that was upon the Coast of Guinea is Arrived there as their Lordships will please to Observe by Captains Wyatts letter to me of this 25th April.
I have ordered his Majesty's Shop Assistance to Carreen, without loss of time, and I am ordering to put the Squadron in the best condition I can, having Stores of any kind, and hope to have some further ?? with the Trade from England, by the time the Squadron is ready for the Sea.
The several Rumours We have had, both from the Dutch and Spaniards, of the French intending an attack on this Island, has occasioned the Lieutenant Governor to declare Martial Law, and they are now putting the Fortifications of this Island into the best postures of Defence they can; I have given them all the Assistance in my power, by mounting their Cannon and repairing such of their Carriages as were gone to decay, and shall continue my Assistances to them, to this Utmost, and hope in a little time to see their Forts in a suitable situation to repulse any Attack that may be made on this Island.
I would further Acquaint you; for their Lordships Information, that Monsieur Bart, the new Governor of Hispaniola, has sent a Flagg of Truce, which Arrived here the 30th of March, to Mr Moore, the Lieutenant Governor, to prepare an Exchange of Prisoners, by which Opportunity I received a Letter from Captain Roddan, with an Account of the taking of His Majesty's Ship Greenwich, a Copy of which I herewith Inclose.
His Majesty's Ship the Wager* is likewise returned to this Port, but am very sorry to Acquaint you of the Death of Captain Preston, and the Surgeon and Purser of that Ship, I have appointed Mr Shurmer, first Lieutenant of the Edinburgh, Captain of the Wager, and Mr Burnett, Midshipman on board His Majesty's Ship Dreadnought, to be third Lieutenant of the Humber, having moved Mr Dumaresque, first Lieutenant of that Ship, to be fourth Lieutenant of the Edinburgh, Whom I hope their Lordships will favour me so far as to Confirm.
I have Inclosed you, Sir, a certain Account of the eight ?? ships that are Arrived at Cape Francois, under the Command of Monsieur Beaufremond, And likewise Captain Moore's Account of the Spanish Ships now laying at the Havanna.
I beg leave to Acknowledge this Receipt of their Lordships Orders of the 3rd January 1757, relating to ?? the time of the Departure of the first and second Convoy, for proceeding to England with the Trade if this Island, which I shall punctually Confirm to, and give the proper Notice thereof.
Captain Weller having Acquainting me, he had appointed Mr John Henry third Lieutenant of His Majesty's Ship Assistance on the Coast of Guinea, in the room of one of the Lieutenants who dyed there, And Mr Henry not having passed for a Lieutenant, Applies to me for an Order of that purpose, which I Granted, and I Inclose you a Copy of the Certificate of his having passed, together with the State and Condition of his Majesty's Squadron under my Command.
I am Sir, Your Most Humble Servant,
Geo Townshend
Sir, since writing the above, Captain Wickham of His Majesty's Ship Augusta, & Captain Forest of His Majesty's Ship Rye having acquainted me they are desirous of Exchanging their Commissions, I have consented to it.
* Wager was later commanded by Frederick Lewis Maitland, who took over from Shurmer.
Miscellaneous in-letters to the Navy Board from W correspondents, described at item level
Record Summary
Scope and content Woolwich Officers. The Earl of Bute, Captain Maitland, from Bengal came alongside the Conquestadore here for want of a tide
Covering dates 3 Mar 1766
Record Summary
Scope and content Sheerness Officers. Account of the several
species of stores issued from HM Yard here, expended on the Bute East India
ship, Honble. Patrick Maitland, Commander
Covering dates 1770 Feb 24
Folio 204 similar
Thursday 05 October 1775 , Stamford Mercury reports:
London, Oct 2 (1775)
By the Charles Town Mail there is advice, that the Provincials had seized seven tons of gunpowder, which was landing from on board Captain Loftus's ship, at St Augustine. Captain Loftus was freighted by Government to carry stores to the above place, and when at anchor off the bar, where large vessels usually deliver part of their cargo, in order to lighten them that they may go over safe, she was attacked by some armed boats from Beaufort, Port Royal and other towns in Carolina, they seized 140 barrels of powder out of 500 that the vessel had in all on board, and made the best of their way to Beaufort, before the assistance from St Augustine could come up with them. The ship afterwards proceeded to deliver the remainder of her cargo, as the gunpowder was only what the armed boats came after. This is the second ship that has been attacked, and had her powder taken out by these armed boats, viz. Captain Maitland bound for Georgia, and this vessel.
This is a possibility of being our Richard Maitland. His will was proved 1779, so he was probably active by then. The fact that later affidavits about the loss were given by his crew in 1777 makes one think that perhaps he was dead or infirm by then, or was he in Jamaica?
University Libraries Faculty Research Texas Tech University Year 2007
Enough Gunpowder to Start a Revolution
Jon R. Huord
Texas Tech University, email@example.com
This paper is posted at eScholarship Repository.
http://esr.lib.ttu.edu/lib fac research/34
NB Phillipa previously called the Magna Carta.
Jon R Hufford
Middle Georgia College
On June 27, 1775, Governor Sir James Wright, expecting interference with British shipping at the entrance to the Savannah River, wrote to Admiral Sir Thomas Graves, commander of British naval forces in North America, entreating him to send a sloop-of-war to defend the approaches to the river.1 His immediate concern was to assure the safe arrival of the merchant ship Phillipa, which had left London on the second of May with thirteen thousand pounds of gunpowder, small arms, and casks of musket balls, a cargo intended for the Indian trade and for British troops and loyalists in Georgia and eastern Florida, the Phillipa was due to arrive in Savannah shortly, so the tone of the governor's letter was urgent. It would have been frantic had the governor been able to foresee events of the next few weeks. The Phillipa's cargo, intercepted by rebels, was destined to play an important role in the initial campaigns of the American Revolution.
Fulfillment of the governor's desire to keep Georgia loyal to England during the rapidly expanding confrontation between mother country and colonies depended to an important extent on continuing the alliance with the Creek and Cherokee Indian nations.2 Captain John Stuart, British agent to the Indians, possessed great influence over them. Wright speculated that, once Stuart's Indian charges had received their share of the gunpowder and shot. Stuart would be in a position to ensure their support of His Majesty's colonial government. Thus far, Georgians had been quiet, if not completely loyal, and Wright had not needed troops and ships-of-war to bring this about. However, Charleston, a hot-bed of rebellion in the southern provinces, was exerting significant influence on the small but growing number of colonial patriots in Savannah. Wright knew that some Georgia citizens were already preparing secretly to overthrow the colonial government and establish a committee of safety and provincial congress in its place.3 He was aware of the serious consequences for England if the cargo should fall into patriot hands and was determined to do all in his power to see that this could not happen.
One week earlier, on June 20th. Wright had written to his administrative superior, William Legge, Earl of Dartmouth, who was Secretary of State for the Colonies, expressing his suspicion that Charleston patriots had plans to seize the Phillipa's shipment. He explained that some South Carolinians feared that when the munitions had been distributed Captain Stuart would incite the Cherokees to attack settlements.4 A few Charlestonians were using this fear to persuade men to enlist in the "Liberty Boys" and assist in an effort to seize the Phillipa. As the governor saw it, everything depended on Admiral Graves' cooperation. The Admiral might very well have sent a sloop-of-war as requested if Wright's letter of June 27th had reached him. However, agents of the Charleston Committee of Safety had intercepted that letter and substituted a forged one explaining that Georgia was peaceful and needed no military assistance.5 A few days earlier a party of about forty Beaufort "Liberty Boys" commanded by Captains John Barnwell and John Joyner had set out in two small barges for Bloody Point and Tybee Island, the landfall for all ships entering the Savannah River.6 Their purpose was to take the Phillipa.
Over Governor Wright's protests, the Georgia Provincial Congress met on the 4th of July at Tondee's Long Room in Savannah. One of its final acts was to offer assistance to Barnwell and Joyner in taking the Phillipa.7 It informed the South Carolinians that a small British armed schooner had unexpectedly arrived at Tybee from Saint Augustine, Florida, and it offered to help take that vessel also. This offer was accepted, and the Georgia Congress dispatched to Tybee its newly commissioned schooner, the Liberty, commanded by Oliver Bowen and Joseph Habersham.8 Thus began a cooperative venture which was to develop into one of the earliest naval operations of the Revolution. No fighting took place and consequently there were no casualties, but the result of this operation was acquisition of a much-needed supply of gunpowder and small arms for the Georgia and South Carolina militias and the fledgling American army then encamped outside Boston.
As soon as the Liberty was discovered approaching Tybee, the British schooner put to sea. Its captain had decided that a fight with this newly arrived opponent, assisted by the smaller vessels which he knew were present at nearby Bloody Point, would be too one-sided.9 Consequently, when on July seventh the Phillipa anchored off Tybee Bar to await its pilot, there was no British naval presence to afford protection. The Liberty was waiting out of sight not far from Tybee and on the morning of July eighth approached to within three or four miles before anchoring in a location the Phillipa would have to pass as it moved upriver.10 That move began in the early afternoon of the same day. Too late the Phillipa's captain, Richard Maitland, spotted the Liberty waiting, full of armed men and mounting ten six-pound cannon ready for action. Before he realized fully what was happening, two warning shots were fired at the Phillipa. After a futile attempt to escape, Maitland hove to and responded to the Liberty Boy's demand to identify his ship.
During a short discourse in which Maitland declined Bowen's offer to act as pilot, a flag with the words "American Liberty" stamped on it was hoisted to the schooner's masthead. There was no longer room for doubt; the rebels had revealed their identity.
Before anything could be resolved, sudden contrary winds followed by an ebb tide forced both vessels to anchor. They remained at anchor until the following morning. Then Maitland had little choice but to obey Bowen's order to accompany the Liberty up the Savannah to Cockspur Island, where there was an encampment of about three hundred armed men.11 Shortly after both vessels anchored there, they were joined by the South Carolina barges. Bowen, Joyner, and Seth Cuthbert of Savannah led a boarding party which forced Maitland to hand over his ship's papers, including the cargo manifest. Then Joseph Habersham came aboard with a written order from the Georgia Provincial Congress which authorized him to seize all the arms, gunpowder, and whatever else was included in the cargo.12 When the unloading had begun, Maitland was allowed to depart for Savannah in order to inform Governor Wright of what had happened. The rebels recognized that there was little else he could do.
An account of events following Maitland's departure can be constructed from the affidavits of Samuel Burnett, the Phillipa's chief mate, and Richard Scriven, her steward, who gave their stories to William Addington. Justice of the Peace for Middlesex, England, almost two years later. All the gunpowder, along with a few kegs of musket balls, was transferred to the Liberty. But there was no room aboard the Liberty for most of the kegs and the small arms, so the Phillipa's crew was instructed to keep her at anchor near Cockspur Island until further notice. A guard was left on board to make sure these instructions were carried out. On July twelfth the Phillipa received instructions from the Georgia Committee of Safety to proceed to Savannah.13 There a second boarding party, led by William Platt, a Savannah merchant, and under the overall direction of the Committee, unloaded the rest of the cargo into boats and transported it to the city magazine for storage. Both the mate and the steward took pains to explain that the entire crew was under duress and obliged to carry out the "Liberty Boys" demands.
Maitland had returned to his ship before July twelfth, aware that British civil and military power was no longer effective in Georgia.14 The Committee of Safety now governed the province. Governor Wright had urged Maitland to leave a deposition with Anthony Stokes, the King's Chief Justice, but he knew that any warrants Stokes might issue were unenforceable. For his part, Maitland prudently put off taking this action until September for fear of reprisal. The necessity of having the cargo's bonds cancelled finally forced him to follow the governor's advice.
Eventually the Phillipa's, cargo was divided. Georgia's share was substantial — nine thousand pounds of gunpowder and most of the small arms. The "Liberty Boys" of Beaufort got the rest. Following the urgent request of the Continental Congress sitting at Philadelphia, five thousand pounds of Georgia's share of the powder was sent to that city. The troops of Richard Montgomery and Benedict Arnold used some of it during their invasion of Canada in November. Much of the rest enabled George Washington's army to drive the British forces under General William Howe out of Boston in March of the following year.15 The Georgia militia found its portion useful later on, when fighting began in the southern provinces. One week after July fourth, 1775, Georgia had shed its loyalist stance and was moving toward active and significant participation in the rebellion.
Notes to Above:
1. In this letter the Governor mentioned another letter sent to him by the Earl of Dartmouth some time earlier which explained that an order had been sent from the Admiralty to the admiral directing him to send an armed ship to Georgia. John Drayton.
Memoirs of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (Charleston, 1821; repr. New York, 1969), 1: 348-50; and Ronald G. Killion and Charles T. Waller, Georgia and the Revolution (Atlanta, 1975), 140, 141.
2. The Indians of Georgia outnumbered white settlers in 1775. Allen D. Candler, comp., The Revolutionary Records of the State of Georgia, 3 vols. (Atlanta, 1908), 1: 300-1.
3. William Harden, A History of Savannah and South Georgia, 2 vols. (Chicago, 1913; repr. Atlanta, 1969), 1: 178, 1.
4. Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps., The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, 26 vols. (Atlanta. 1904-1937), vols. 27-39 manuscripts at Georgia's Department of Archives and History, 38, pi. I: 475-77.
5. This forged letter also commented on the earlier letter from Dartmouth but explained that there was no longer a need for an armed vessel. John Draylon. Memoirs of the American Revolution, 2 vols., supra.
6. William Bacon Stevens, A History of Georgia, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1847-1859), 2: 103.
7. Ibid.
8. The Liberty, formerly the Elizabeth, was owned by Samuel Price and Richard Wright of Savannah. Price cooperated with the Congress acting as ship's pilot following its commissioning. Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps.. The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, 26 vols., vols. 27-39 manuscripts, 38, pt. I: 614, 615.
9. Ibid.
10. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775. Allen D. Candler and Lucian La-mar Knight, comps., The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia. 26 vols., vol. 2 manuscript, 38, pt. 1; 606-614
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. Affidavits of Richard Scriven and Samuel Burnett, 10 January 1777. Old Bailey Sessions Papers, Greater London Record Office, Middlesex Records. London, England. (Reference Number: o17770219-1, re Ebenezer Smith Platt, charged with High Treason on affidavits by RS & SB, AM 11/08).
14. Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps.. The Colonial Records of the Stale of Georgia. 26 Vols., Vols. 27-39 manuscripts. 38. pt. 1: 613, 614.
15. Hugh McCall, the History of Georgia, 2 vols. (Savannah: 1811-1816; repr. Atlanta, 1909). 291; and William Bacon Stevens, A History of Georgia, 2 Vols. 2: 104.
July 9, 1775 at Bloody Point, South Carolina - The South
Carolina Council of Safety learned that a gunpowder shipment was on the way to
Savannah. The gunpowder would be used to supply the Indians. The council sent 2
barges to Bloody Point to intercept the gunpowder shipment. Capts. John Joyner
and John Barnwell, of the 1st South Carolina Regiment, commanded the barges.
When they arrived at Bloody Point, they got a schooner, the Liberty, outfitted
with 10 carriage guns, commanded by Capt. Oliver Bowen, to join the barges. The
British shipment was escorted by the armed schooner, HMS Phillippa, which was
commanded by Capt. Richard Maitland.
Note: no record in PRO of HMS Phillipa, probably not naval.
Robert S. Davis of Wallace State Community College, Hanceville, AL, has sent me an advance copy of an article he has written, to be published in the Georgia Historical Quarterly some time next year. It is about Ebenezer Smith Platt (#132-111, p. 93 in the 1963 Richard Platt Genealogy), b. Smithtown, NY 1753, no death info, m. Elizabeth Lovell Wright. A note in the Genealogy says, "Taken prisoner in Revolution and conveyed to London. His release obtained from George III through intercession of Mrs. Wright, well-known wax-works modeler, whose daughter he later married."
From Rootsweb:
Ebenezer Smith Platt:
The article gives a lot more detail about Ebenezer's exciting life. He was sent to Savannah by his father, Jonas, with a cargo of merchandise and instructions to purchase a plantation. His father joined him and they prepared to enter the slave trade, which enterprise was interrupted by the Revolutionary War. Jonas died soon after. His mother then joined him in 1775, but also died suddenly. Ebenezer then became involved in trade and privateering on behalf of the Georgia rebels. After various adventures, he was captured and taken to London in chains.
The above quote summarizes what happened next. The article seems to be well-documented, and raises some difficulties for us. No death date is given for Jonas5 in the Genealogy, but it has him dying in Smithtown. The article has his death in Savannah about 1774. The death of Ebenezer's mother, Temperance Smith is given in the Genealogy as 21 March 1813, but, as mentioned above, the article tells of her sudden death in Savannah in November 1775. The Genealogy gives the death date of Ebenezer's wife, Elizabeth Lovell Wright, as 23 February 1786, but the article has her death occurring in Bordentown, NJ in 1792. The article also mentions that he had a second wife, name unknown. Also, his date and place of death are unknown, but the article traces him to Baltimore, where he was living in poverty in 1804.
10 July 1775
In early June 1775 the South Carolina Council of Safety
learned of a shipment of gunpowder due to arrive in Savannah, Georgia. The
information was that this was the annual present of gunpowder for the Indians.
Since gunpowder and ammunition were in critically short supply in all the
colonies, the Council of Safety determined to intercept the shipment.1
Two barges were sent from South Carolina, commanded by Captains John Joyner and John Barnwell of the 1st South Carolina regiment,2 with a total of about forty men each. These proceeded to Bloody Point to intercept the powder.3 Bloody Point, on Daufaskie Island, was the landfall for all vessels entering the Savannah River. From Bloody Point new arrivals were visible, as was the town of Savannah.4
Georgia Royal Governor Sir James Wright had anticipated trouble with the shipping in the river. Governor Wright had no military forces available in the colony and had written to General Gage and Admiral Graves for help.5 Help was coming, although not in response to Wright's letter. On 27 June HM Schooner St. John (Lieutenant William Grant) sailed from St. Augustine, East Florida with dispatches for Wright, from Governor Patrick Tonyn.6
St. John arrived off Tybee Island lighthouse on 29 June. At 1400 she was nine to twelve miles south southeast of the lighthouse. Here she stopped a sloop from New Providence and searched her, and apparently kept her for the time being. At 1730 she anchored off the lighthouse, observing a tent on the beach and many men ashore and in boats, and the "liberty flag" flying from the top of the lighthouse. Grant sent a letter to Sir James Wright in the sloop, and went to quarters, where the crew stayed all night. 7 The men ashore were the South Carolinians and, probably, some assorted Georgia "Liberty Boys."
The next day Grant observed boats passing and re-passing to Tybee Island. He sent his master and a boat to find a conveyance for a letter to Sir James Wright at St. Augustine. In the afternoon St. John fired a few shots at a Carolina pilot boat, which refused to stop. St. John stopped another schooner from South Carolina and searched her, but she only had passengers for Georgia aboard. Grant's men then boarded and searched a schooner from St. Vincent. Finally, Grant sent a boat and officer to town with a letter for the governor.8
On 4 July 1775 the Second Georgia Provincial Congress convened, and joined the Continental Association on 6 July. This brought the colony squarely into the rebellion.9 The Georgians had been aware of the presence of the South Carolinians and now blessed the enterprise by co-operating. The Georgians informed Barnwell and Joyner of the presence of the St. John. The schooner Elizabeth, owned by Samuel Price and Richard Wright of Savannah, was taken up and commissioned as the Liberty. Price cooperated with the Provincial Congress acting as schooner's pilot.10 The Provincial Congress authorized Captain Oliver Bowen and Captain Joseph Habersham as commanders of the newly outfitted ten gun schooner. They were ordered to assist Captains Joyner and Barnwell of South Carolina (whose troops were on Tybee Island) in the capture of the incoming powder vessel. A secondary purpose was to nullify the St. John.11 Other reports list this vessel as having eight to ten guns, swivels, and a fifty-man crew.12 The cannon were 6-pounders. [cite]
The merchant ship in question was the 270-ton Phillipa [Philipa, Philippa, formerly the Magna Carta] (Richard Maitland),13 which had sailed from London, England on 2 May 1775 with a cargo of 13000 pounds of gunpowder, as well as small arms, and casks of musket balls. The cargo was intended for the Indian trade and for British troops and loyalists in Georgia and eastern Florida.14
Grant was making every effort to find the powder vessel first. On 3 July he ran down a ship outside the bar, but she was from Barbados in ballast and was released.15 The presence of the Liberty and the two barges may have influenced Grant, and he moved further out to sea. On 9 July two more ships were stopped and searched for powder, but were released.16 Unknown to Grant, he had already missed his chance.
On 7 July17 the Phillipa anchored nine miles from Tybee Point, to await a pilot to take her up to Savannah. The Liberty was anchored out of sight from Tybee, but Bowen and Habersham were no doubt informed of the arrival of a large ship. On 8 July Liberty moved up and anchored in the ship channel about three or four miles from the Phillipa. If the powder ship moved up river it would have to pass the schooner.18 At 1400 a pilot went aboard the Phillippa and she got underway.19
Map of the entrance to the Savannah River. The action
seems to be usually known as "Bloody Point" for no good reason.
As Phillippa moved upriver, Maitland got a closer look at the schooner. "The schooner was full of armed men and had ten carriage-guns mounted." Below her deck several boards had been removed "which were for small arms in close quarters."20 At 1600 the Liberty fired two muskets at the Phillippa as a signal to heave to, and ordered Maitland to identify himself.21 Maitland was suspicious, having had a previous experience in South Carolina, when he had violated the Continental Association and been exposed for it. [cite] Maitland made a futile effort to escape before he hove to.22 Maitland demanded to know who the schooner was.23 Bowen offered to serve as a pilot for the ship, which Maitland declined.24 Bowen then "hauled down their pendant and hoisted at the masthead a white flag with a red border, on the field of which flag was stamped or imprinted in large red letters the word 'American Liberty', and the people on board the schooner said the schooner's name was the Liberty."25
Modern interpretation of the Georgia "Liberty" flag flown by the Georgia Navy Schooner Liberty.
A change in the wind and an ebb tide forced both vessels to anchor. They remained at anchor until the following morning. Then Maitland was ordered to sail up the Savannah to Cockspur Island, with Liberty following. About three hundred men were camped there. Maitland was ordered to anchor, and the two South Carolina barges came out and joined the schooner. Bowen, Joyner, and Seth Cuthbert of Savannah led a boarding party to the Phillipa. Maitland was forced to hand over his papers. Next Captain Joseph Habersham came aboard. He had a written order from the Provincial Congress which authorized him to seize the arms, gunpowder, and whatever else was included in the cargo.26 Maitland was informed that the Americans would "take all the gunpowder, shot, lead, and Indian trading arms."27 When the unloading had begun, Maitland was allowed to depart for Savannah in order to inform Governor Wright of what had happened.28
The Americans were able to take off 16,000 pounds of powder and "seven hundredweight of leaden bullets." They also "took away all the bar-lead, sheet-lead, Indian trading arms, and shot, that were on board." The Carolinians and the Georgians divided the cargo between them.29
All the gunpowder, along with a few kegs of musket balls, was transferred to the Liberty. There was no room aboard the Liberty for many of the kegs of powder and the small arms, so the Phillipa's crew was instructed to keep her at anchor near Cockspur Island. A "prize crew" was put aboard to insure that she stayed put. On 12 July the Phillipa received instructions from the Georgia Committee of Safety to proceed to Savannah.30 There a second boarding party, led by William Platt, a Savannah merchant, and under the overall direction of the Committee, unloaded the rest of the cargo into boats and transported it to the city magazine for storage.31
Maitland met his ship at Savannah and was aboard by 12 July. Governor Wright urged Maitland to file a protest or affidavit with Anthony Stokes, the chief justice of the province. This would have had no effect but to draw more attention to Maitland. The necessity of having the cargo's bonds cancelled finally forced Maitland to file an affidavit on 21 September 1775.32
The very real risk these early rebels ran was exemplified by the case of Ebenezer Smith Platt. Platt moved to Savannah from New York in March 1775. At Savannah, Platt was in the mercantile business.33 Platt became a member of the committee of Savannah, and was among those that boarded the Philippa at Savannah.34 In January 1776 Platt was en route to Saint-Domingue to purchase arms for the Provincial Congress. The prize was taken in to Jamaica. Because the vessel was registered as English, Platt was ordered to sell his cargo, but escaped prison. On his return voyage, in another vessel, Platt was again captured.35 This time he was recognized as a leader in the Philippa affair. Platt was confined aboard a ship of war from March 1776 to January 1777. He was then taken to England, where he was heavily ironed and imprisoned in Newgate, charged with high treason.36 An unofficial British committee working for relief of American prisoners petitioned, in mid-March 1778,37 that he be tried or admitted to bail.38 Platt was released by 3 April 1778 and planned to go to France to return to America.39
Patrick O'Kelley, "Nothing but Blood and Slaughter:" Military Operations and
Order of Battle of the Revolutionary War in the Carolinas, Volume One
1771-1779, Booklocker.com: 2004, p. 32
2 O'Kelley, NBBAS, 1:32
3 O'Kelley, NBBAS, 1:32
4 Hufford, Jon R., "Enough Gunpowder to Start a Revolution," paper. Texas Tech University. 2007, 315. http://esr.lib.ttu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1033&context=lib_fac_research Accessed 1/28/08
5 Hufford, 315
6 NDAR, "Journal of His Majesty's Schooner St. John, Lieut. William Grant, Commanding," I, 766-767
7 NDAR, "Journal of His Majesty's Schooner St. John, Lieutenant William Grant, Commanding," I, 783
8 NDAR, "Journal of His Majesty's Schooner St. John, Lieut. William Grant, Commanding," I, 794
9 http://ourgeorgiahistory.com/wars/Revolution/revolution06.html. 1/24/08
10 Hufford, 316n8. This is from Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps.. The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, 26 vols., vols. 27-39
anuscripts, 38, pt. I: 614, 615.
11Paullin, Charles Oscar, The Navy of the American Revolution, The Burrows Brothers Company: Cleveland, 1906, 459; NDAR, "Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia, to Lord Dartmouth," I, 845
12Paullin, Navy of the American Revolution, 459; NDAR, "Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia, to Lord Dartmouth," I, 845
13Coleman, Georgia, 53; Paullin, Navy of the American Revolution, 460; NDAR, "Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia, to Lord Dartmouth," I, 856; "Henry Laurens to John Laurens, London," I, 885
14 Hufford, 315
15NDAR, "Journal of His Majesty's Schooner St. John, Leut. William Grant, Commanding," I, 812
16NDAR, "Journal of His Majesty's Schooner St. John, Leut. William Grant, Commanding," I, 848
17 Hufford, 317
18 Hufford, 317. Hufford cites the Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775, from Allen D. Candler and Lucian Lamar Knight, comps., The Colonial Records of the Stale of Georgia. 26 vols., vol. 2 manuscript, 38, pt. 1; 606-614
19 O'Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Not on 9 July, as stated, however.
20 O'Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Quotations from Maitland's affidavit.
21 O'Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33
22 Hufford, 317. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775.
23 O'Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33
24 Hufford, 317. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775.
25 O'Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Quotations from Maitland's affidavit.
26 Hufford, 317. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775.
27 O'Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Quotations from Maitland's affidavit.
28 Hufford, 317. Affidavit of Richard Maitland, 21 September 1775.
29 O'Kelley, NBBAS, 1:33. Quotations from Maitland's affidavit.
30 Hufford, 318 and 318n13. Citing the Affidavits of First Mate Samuel Burnett and Steward Richard Scriven, on 10 January 1777. Old Baily
Sessions Papers, Greater London Record Office, Middlesex Records. London, England.
31 Ibid.
32 Hufford, 318
33 Laurens, Henry. The Papers of Henry Laurens. University of South Carolina Press: Columbia, 1999, 413n18
34 Andrews, Charles MacLean. Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain, Volume II: Departmental and Miscellaneous Papers . Carnegie Institute of Washington: Washington. 1914, 268
35 Laurens, Henry. The Papers of Henry Laurens. University of South Carolina Press: Columbia, 1999, 413n18
36 Andrews, Charles MacLean. Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain, Volume II: Departmental and Miscellaneous Papers . Carnegie Institute of Washington: Washington. 1914, 268
37 Laurens, Henry. The Papers of Henry Laurens. University of South Carolina Press: Columbia, 1999, 413n18
38 Andrews, Charles MacLean. Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain, Volume II: Departmental and Miscellaneous Papers . Carnegie Institute of Washington: Washington. 1914, 268
39 The Record of the Celebration of the Two Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of Benjamin Franklin Under the Auspices of the American Philosophical Society Held at Philadelphia for Promoting Useful Knowledge April the Seventeenth to April the Twentieth A.D. Nineteen Hundred and Six. The American Philosophical Society: Philadelphia, 1908. Vol II, 388.
Child of JONAS PLATT and TEMPERANCE SMITH is:
i. EBENEZER SMITH8 PLATT, b. 1753, Smithtown L.I. N.Y.; m. ELIZABETH LOVELL WRIGHT.
A Georgian and a New Country:
Ebenezer Platt's Imprisonment in Newgate for Treason in "The Year of the Hangman," 1777
By Robert S. Davis Jr.
On July 9, 1775, South Carolina and Georgia rebels converged on the British merchant ship Philippa. Unaware that royal authority in these colonies had been supplanted by rebellious Americans, the ship had arrived at Savannah, Georgia with a cargo that included several tons of munitions for southern colonial merchants. A source in Georgia had informed the Carolinians of the pending arrival of a ship laden with powder and shot for the British troops and as presents for the Indians. The Carolinians initiated a plan to seize that vessel but Georgia's new Provincial Congress also participated in the project. The latter purchased a schooner, renamed it the Liberty, and commissioned it as what Georgia historian Charles C. Jones deemed as the first privateer of the American Revolution. They gave command of the ship to Oliver Bowen and Joseph Habersham for the mission.
Flying a white flag, bordered in red that read "American Liberty," the schooner mistook the Philippa for the expected British government powder ship and chased it out to sea before using the threat of ten cannons and numerous swivel guns to force the Philippa to nearby Cockspur Island. There some three hundred rebels, flying their American Liberty flags, used two barges provided by South Carolina to board the ship. Over the protests of the captain, Richard Maitland, who had nearly suffered tar and feathering the previous year for trying to import the banned British tea into South Carolina, the rebels presented their orders from George Walton, secretary of the Georgia Provincial Congress, and seized the private cargo of powder. They also discovered that the ship carried a large quantity of small arms and shot. The Georgia Provincial Congress ordered the vessel brought up river to Savannah, where a committee composed of Mordecai Sheftall, Joseph Spencer, and Ebenezer Smith Platt took charge of the ship and the newly discovered arms and ammunition.
Of far more value to the American cause than the tea and other commercial commodities seized by various rebel groups, the powder and shot of the Philippa's cargo served the American cause well. Georgia, through South Carolina's council, sent 5,000 pounds of their portion of the powder to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia, which with 5,212 pounds of South Carolina's portion, supplied the Americans at the siege of Boston and in the invasion of Canada.
As with all else that occurred on that day, Ebenezer Smith Platt could not know the international ramifications of his presence on the ship. Born in 1753 in Smithtown, Long Island, New York, he came from a prominent family. His uncle, judge Zephariah Platt, founded Plattsburg, New York and served in the Continental Congress. Ebenezer's brother Richard served as an aide de camp to General Richard Montgomery in the American invasion of Canada. In his arms, Montgomery died. In 1774, Ebenezer, by then a New York watch and clock maker, advertised for an apprentice. In March of the following year, however, his father Jonas sent him to the South with a cargo of merchant goods and instructions to purchase a plantation. The younger Platt moved to Savannah, where he sold the cargo and bought some 5,000 acres of land. His father soon joined him and they began a venture to import slaves from Africa when the coming revolution closed British trade. His father died shortly thereafter.
By the time of his mother's arrival and sudden death in November 1775, Platt had embarked on a career as a merchant in the firm of Cuthbert & Platt, while involving himself in the politics of the coming revolution. Savannah's rebels elected him to their newly created Parochial Committee meeting at Tondee's Tavern. He actively worked with the committee to enforce, sometimes violently, the American ban on trade with the British. His activities eventually placed his name on the list of Georgians deemed traitors by Georgia's Loyalist colonial government. In January 1776, Platt loaded two ships to take to St. Nicholas to trade for more munitions for the Georgia rebels. Just outside his destination, the British warship Maidestone captured the vessel that carried Platt. Taken to Jamaica, Platt obtained the release of his vessel as English property with the requirement that he sell his cargo there. He encountered Captain Maitland and the two spent eight weeks together in relative camaraderie. During a drunken party, he left rather than drink "damnation to all Americans." In his absence, Maitland told of Platt's involvement in the Philippa affair. Upon learning what Maitland said, the governor ordered Platt brought before him. After an interview, he had the Georgia merchant released. However, as Platt tried to sail away from Jamaica in March 1776, sailors from the royal navy boarded the ship where he had taken passage and seized him and his black servant. They were imprisoned on the British ship Antelope for his aiding the Georgia rebels. Technically, the naval officers had him impressed as an able bodied seaman as an excuse for his confinement. A Jamaican court ordered him released but British Vice-Admiral Clark Gayton, fearing a law suit from Platt, kept the American imprisoned. Still in chains, Platt found himself moved from ship to ship to prevent his release by writ of habeas corpus. He sold his servant to raise money to pay for his necessities. During his captivity, he even spent time in a British warship in New York harbor. Eventually, he arrived in England, by way of several ships. Using a writ of habeas corpus, Platt finally forced British authorities to bring him ashore for trial on December 4, 1776. By then, he had spent eight months at sea in chains.
After spending two days in London's Clerkenwell Prison, Platt found himself before Sir John Fielding and Sir William Addinginton, justices of the peace of Middlesex County, on January 23, 1777. Witnesses brought to England to testify against Platt fled custody but two were recaptured and made depositions in private against the unlucky Georgian. Addington ordered Platt held for treason in Newgate, the prison that served Middlesex, London, and all courts above local jurisdiction.
Ebenezer Smith Platt had become a legal problem of enormous proportions. Did he stand before the English judicial system as an English citizen guilty of treason or as a civilian prisoner of war? Whichever course the courts took, what would be the consequences in America for loyal British subjects and for Americans later taken as prisoners? Were his actions on the Philippa acts of piracy against a commercial vessel or was he only a bystander engaged in legitimate political dissent or in treason unrelated to the fate of the Philippa? Did his seizure represent a legal arrest or an act of piracy and kidnapping by the British navy? When fully apprised of his rights as an Englishman, even a rebellious one, Platt petitioned the Lord Mayor of London, in lieu of habeas corpus, for trial. The plea brought him a hearing in the adjoining courthouse, known as "Old Bailey," where the court determined that it had no authority to try, release, or grant bail to Platt. An attorney for Platt argued for his trial before the Appellate Court of the King's Bench. The court refused on the grounds that should Platt be found guilty of treason and hanged, the American rebels would retaliate against loyal British subjects. A trial of Platt threatened to expose the scandal that the British navy had received orders in Jamaica to prey upon American commercial shipping months before Parliament legalized such seizures. Parliament had also now limited habeas corpus to requiring the permission of the King's Privy Council for persons held for treason. Platt's attorney argued unsuccessfully that this act exceeded the authority of Parliament.
Platt did not realize the depth of his troubles, despite having already spent months as a prisoner in chains. Newgate Prison's reputation for brutal and unsanitary conditions still finds a place in the annals of the worst prisons, especially for inmates without money and influence. Escapes from the prison frequently occurred but not by men held in chains. At the same time, without a legal means to force his trial or release, Platt risked staying an occupant of Newgate indefinitely. Growing economic and social unrest in England, made worse by the failing fortunes of the British military in America, did not offer him any hope of sympathy from His Majesty's increasingly inflexible authority.
Unbeknownst to the prisoner at Newgate, however, his peculiar situation drew powerful allies to his aid. American gazettes gave him the dubious distinction of being the first American civilian held as a prisoner for the civil crime of treason rather than as a captured prisoner of war. The press widely reported his plight. What had happened to him technically could happen to hundreds of thousands of Americans who provided any form of aid to the rebellion. The Georgia delegates to the Continental Congress successfully petitioned the Congress to request that Benjamin Franklin, the American representative in France, work for Platt's release.
Patience Lovell Wright, American wax worker (artist making busts), spy for the rebels, and high ranking socialite (she referred to the King and Queen by their first names), worked on behalf of Platt and the cause of all Americans being held in English prisons. Undoubtedly with her help, Platt used the major tool of the era for drumming up popular support. He issued a pamphlet promoting his cause. Wright also started a fund for supporting all American prisoners held by the British, although Platt appeared as the only named beneficiary. She wrote to her friend Benjamin Franklin, not yet contacted by Congress, with letters on Platt's behalf. By Platt's own admission, the governor of Newgate treated him well but even as powerful a political leader as John Wilkes failed to persuade the prison officials to take off his chains.
Franklin no doubt acted out of his friendship for Wright, but the same issues of the American papers that carried the news of Platt's arrest also reported on British attempts to have Franklin arrested and extradited to England. Except for French intractability, Franklin might well have joined Platt at Newgate. Aiding in this cause started Franklin on the road to obtain the freedom of all Americans held in English prisons.
" Wright's influence, pressure by critics of government policy in Parliament, and Franklin's efforts finally persuaded the Privy Council to allow Platt a release on bail. Platt married Wright's daughter Elizabeth on March 26, 1778. She had regularly visited Platt in jail, while accompanied by her mother, and had helped in winning Franklin's help in his cause. The couple then fled to France, where Franklin gave them thirty guineas with which to return to America. En route to the new United States, a British privateer captured Platt's ship, the New Friends of Charleston. He spent several months in Scotland as a prisoner on parole. By the end of 1778, he reached Philadelphia where he unsuccessfully petitioned the Continental Congress for the 100 pounds he had heard they had voted him as compensation for his troubles.
Platt's story does not have a particularly happy ending. He lived in New York for a time before, in 1785, being reported by his legal ward as having "absconded." He moved back to Georgia, but stayed only briefly before moving to Kentucky in the late 1780s where, by 1792, he worked as a clock and watchmaker in Lexington. His wife, a prominent wax worker in New York since 1787, died in Bordentown, New Jersey in 1792, leaving a will that made no mention of Platt. By 1804 he was bankrupt. Three years later, by then a resident of Baltimore, Maryland, he unsuccessfully petitioned Congress for a pension based upon his months of imprisonment. Old, sick, and impoverished, Platt also had a failed memory. Among his many errors, he referred to the ship that began his troubles as the "Magnacharta," the previous name of the Philippa. His date and place of death remain a mystery.
The tale of Ebenezer Smith Platt and his time at Newgate Prison raised issues in England and America on the rights of citizens and the definition of treason before English common law. The growing conflict in America still lacked legal definition when Platt found himself entrapped in the English legal system. Through the services of Patience Wright and her daughter, he won release by arguing his cause on justice rather than legalities. He thus saved himself from indefinite confinement in Newgate while the English legal system evolved in dealing with a conflict in America that grew from civil strife to armed rebellion to a world war between independent nations. His sufferings for the American cause earned him passing references in the early histories of Georgia and, in recent times, in the studies of Benjamin Franklin's relationship with Patience Wright. For most of the years since he unknowingly put himself in jeopardy by boarding the Philippa, he and his story became largely forgotten, even as an example of the complexities of his revolution.
In the 13th century, the area was known as Scadflet and Shatfliet[1] – derived from the Anglo-Saxon fleot, meaning a shallow creek or bay – the land was a low lying marsh, until drained (by order of Act of Parliament, after 1587) by Cornelius Vanderdelf.[2] A spring, issuing from near the south wall of the churchyard was dedicated to St Chad, and filled a nearby well.[3] The origin of the name is therefore confused, being associated with both the earlier use and the later well.
In the 17th century, Thomas Neale became a local landowner, and built a mill and established a waterworks on large ponds, left by the draining of the marsh. The area had been virtually uninhabited and he developed the waterfront, with houses behind as a speculation. Shadwell became a maritime hamlet with roperies, tan yards, breweries, wharves, smiths and numerous taverns, which built up around the chapel of St Paul's. Seventy-five sea captains are buried in its churchyard, while Captain James Cook had his son baptised there.
By the mid-18th century Shadwell Spa was established, producing sulphurous waters, in Sun Tavern fields. As well as medicinal purposes, salts were extracted from the waters; and used by local calicoprinters to fix their dyes.
The modern area is dominated by the enclosed former dock, Shadwell Basin, whose construction destroyed much of the earlier settlement – by this time degenerated into slums.[2] The basin once formed the eastern entrance to the then London Docks, with a channel leading west to St Katharine Docks. It is actually two dock basins - the south basin was constructed in 1828-32 and the north basin in 1854-8.
Unlike nearby Limehouse Basin, few craft larger than canoes can be seen on Shadwell Basin, which is largely used for fishing and watersports - and as a scenic backdrop to the modern residential developments that line it. The basin, however, is still connected to the Thames and the channel is spanned by a bascule bridge.
Parish church
St. Paul's Shadwell with St. James Ratcliffe, is traditionally known as the Church of Sea Captains. In 1656 the church was established as a Chapel of Ease, from St Dunstan's, at Stepney. In 1669, it was rebuilt as the Parish Church of Shadwell, and it was the last of five parish churches rebuilt after the Restoration. In 1820, it was again rebuilt as a 'Waterloo church'.
Captain James Cook was an active parishioner and John Wesley preached in the church from time to time. Isham Randolph, one of Thomas Jefferson's grandfathers and son of William Randolph, was married in St. Paul's church. Jefferson's boyhood home was named Shadwell after the parish.
Watermen's Stairs were semi permanent structures that formed part of a complex transport network of public stairs, causeways and alleys in use from the 1300s onwards to access the waters of the tidal River Thames in Great Britain. They were used by Watermen, who taxied passengers across and along the river in London.
Stairs were used at high tide and causeways were used at low tide, built down to the littoral water level from street level, their location was memorized during a Watermen's apprenticeship. Stairs were recognized by custom and practice, as safe plying places to pick up and put down passengers and were a valuable aid to rescue should anyone be unfortunate enough to fall in to the river as they were often built adjacent to a public house
King James Stairs & Sugar:
There is evidence of a sugar baker's in King James Stairs between 1749 & 1762 (Sun Insurance records via Mawer).
Shadwell - St. Paul's Church - board records baptism of Cook's son, James, there.
Shadwell - 340 The Highway - plaques marks site of Cook's house at 126 Upper Shadwell from 1762 to 1763.
A detailed history of St Paul's Shadwell
Internet: http://www.stpaulsshadwell.org/Group/Group.aspx?id=47149 10/2009.
By Alan Baxter and Associates
1 The beginnings
The remains of a guard tower suggest that The Highway, on the higher ground above the flood-prone area to the south, formed a main approach to Roman London from the east, but it seems unlikely that there was any significant settlement in the area up until the 16th century. The name 'Shadewell' was recorded as early as 1223, and could have derived from Shady (or Poisoned) Well, Shallow Well, or perhaps a corruption of St Chad's Well. Despite such early records, the area was sparsely inhabited, and in Tudor times it was covered with ditches feeding a tidal mill.
Shadwell developed as a notable settlement from around 1600. It was in this year that it was first mentioned in the baptism registers of St Dunstan's, Stepney, and its rapid growth is shown by its frequent recurrence in the registers thereafter. Its position was ideal for further growth, as Ratcliff immediately to the east was the nearest landfall downriver of London with a good road to the capital, and was a place of embarkation and disembarkation for travellers and sailors alike.
The majority of the land in Shadwell, from the site of the present Church in the west to the borders of Ratcliff in the east, and from the line later marked by Cable Street to the river, was owned by the Deans of St Paul's, who were inactive landlords. Nevertheless, in the early 17th century there was a considerable growth in marine industries and trades in the area, which caused a great increase in population and led to a house building boom. Over 60 fines were levied on Shadwell houses built illegally in the 1620s and 1630s along The Highway and the riverfront, and beside Fox's Lane which ran between them just east of where the present Church now stands.
By the time the Commonwealth government surveyed the Dean's lands in 1650 there were 703 houses in Shadwell, excluding the area west of Fox's Lane not owned by the Dean. Around 60% of the householders made their living on the river, as mariners or watermen etc, while another 20% were in trades reliant directly on shipping, such as shipbuilding or supporting crafts. 32 wharves lined the 400 yards of riverfront, while roperies, timber yards and smithies filled much of the land behind.
In a few decades Shadwell had developed piecemeal into a considerable settlement through speculative building, which had created a sprawl of houses and industries with no defined centre and little social organisation. At around 3% of the population, the 'middle class' in Shadwell was extremely small in comparison to the other Stepney hamlets. As late as 1640, the parish of Stepney had 41 officers, but there were none responsible for Shadwell. The area desperately needed social leadership and physical improvement.
2 Thomas Neal and urban development
Thomas Neal (or Neale) was a speculative builder, responsible for Neal Street and the Seven Dials area of the West End. In 1656 he built a chapel in Shadwell (described in 3 below), fulfilling the wishes of many local residents who felt that, with a population of around 6,000 people, the area needed a focal point for the community. His activity in Shadwell brought him into close friendship with William Sancroft, the Dean of St Paul's who had recovered the land after the Restoration, and who later became Archbishop of Canterbury. This close relationship allowed Neal to obtain the lease of Shadwell on extremely favourable terms in 1669, and he set about improving the area in the hope of increasing its value.
One of Neal's first successes was in 1670, when his influential friends allowed him to overcome numerous objections to splitting up the huge parish of Stepney. In spite of other previous and much more practical proposals for four equal parishes to be created, he gained separate parish status for the Shadwell Chapel. The new parish church, serving an area only 910 by 760 yards, was rededicated to St Paul in honour of the Dean of St Paul's who had been so favourable toward him. This victory gave Shadwell its own social structure centred around the parish church, with its own organisation of churchwardens to look after the community, ensure law and order, and levy rates to fund local improvements.
Neal's commitment to the area continued until his death at the end of the century. In 1673 he rebuilt over 100 homes after they were destroyed by fire, replanning the area with wider streets and building a new quay along the river. In 1682 he rehoused over 1500 families after a massive fire in Wapping and Shadwell, laying out Dean Street as a new thoroughfare. Neal also obtained a charter to hold a market, which he built in 1681-82, so that his tenants did not have to travel to the City to buy and sell, the nearer Ratcliff market having foundered. In 1684, he opened a water works that pumped water from the river to houses from East Smithfield to Stepney, and lasted until it was bought up by the London Dock Company in the early 19th century.
Thomas Neal's achievement was to turn the ramshackle, amorphous grouping of houses into a real community with a religious and social centre in its parish church, and a commercial heart surrounding its market. He greatly improved the attractiveness of the area, paving the way for it to become famous as a residence of sea captains during the 18th century.
3 The first church
The Chapel was built between 1656 and 1658 on land just outside the Dean of St Paul's estate, along The Highway on the high ground that never flooded. It was a relatively simple building, still owing much to the medieval past in its triple-gabled nave and aisles layout, though the individual features such as the round-headed windows were classical.
Some important elements of this original Church still survive in the present building, most notably the font. The pulpit was thought to be original by some historians, but a different type is shown on illustrations of the old interior. There also remain considerable items of furniture and plate from the old Church.
4 The eighteenth century
Shadwell continued to grow in the early part of the 18th century as most of the spare land was developed. A survey in 1732 noted over 1800 houses in the parish, many of which had degenerated into slums. Unskilled people flocked to the parish from as far afield as north east England and Ireland, looking for casual labour on the docks and wharves. The continuing increase in seaborne trade and naval expansion contributed to a growth in marine industries, including the roperies with their typical long, narrow sheds and walks, so evident on early maps.
Shadwell was famous for its many master mariners; over 175 were registered as living in the parish at one time or another. By the end of the century, St Paul's was known as 'the Church of the Sea Captains', and 75 were said to be buried in its vaults. Captain Cook was perhaps the most famous parishioner, though Thomas Jefferson's mother was also a regular worshipper before emigrating to America. The Church was the centre of community life in Shadwell, and attracted considerable bequests for its charitable works. Although not one of the more missionary churches in the area, it was nonetheless the scene for five of John Wesley's sermons between 1770 and 1790, including his very last.
Shadwell's maritime connections opened it up to the successive waves of immigrants that came to Britain from the later 17th century. Huguenots were among the first to arrive, and planted the ancient mulberry tree which still survives in the Rectory garden for their silkworms. Spanish and Portuguese Jews arrived later, and were known for their skills in metal working and casting. Germans and Scandinavians were also a strong presence in Shadwell, being mainly concerned with the timber trade and related businesses. The area was also notorious for its many taverns and brothels, which did extremely well out of the sailors passing almost continuously through the area.
The industrialisation of the area slowly led to a decline in the social status of the inhabitants, and in their living conditions. J P Malcolm described Shadwell in the following terms in 1803:
Thousands of useful tradesmen, artisans and mechanics, and numerous watermen inhabit Shadwell, but their homes and workshops will not bear description; nor are the streets, courts, lanes and alleys by any means inviting. …[the Church] is a most disgraceful building of brick totally unworthy of description.
The fabric of the Church suffered from the inability of the parishioners to pay adequately for its upkeep. The unstable south wall was rebuilt in 1735, but by the end of the century the local people could not raise enough money to perform vital repairs. When part of the ceiling fell down in 1811, the Church was declared unfit for use, and was closed for all services except christenings and burials.
Reference article continues on the present day.
TS 11/1057 – Trial papers of Ebenezer Smith Platt – all
T 1/509 ff174-177 - Letter from East India Company re tea losses in Georgia. Copies, but N/A.
HCA 26/12/87 – Registers of Declarations for Letters of Marque against France for Richard Maitland
HCA 26/12/101 – John Maitland surgeon on privateer.
PRO 30/29/3/5 – 17 copy letters, background only.
In the mid-eighteenth century, an interest in electrostatics was very fashionable. The well-off would not only attend lectures but buy the books and equipment to copy the demonstrations they had seen in the lectures.
Take a good look at this engraving, from a book by William Watson (1748). A simple hand-driven machine provides the electrical charge.
A very popular demonstration was to hang small boys by silk ropes and charge them electrically. Their hair would stand on end and sparks might fly to anyone who stood near. In the background are two bells that would ring under the influence of electricity. The young girl also receives electrical charge. Another popular demonstration was to let charge build up in a young girl and invite members of the audience to experience and 'electrical kiss'.
The whole thing became 'the latest trend', and good money could be gained by electrifying people in fair grounds. People thought that being electrified was good for their health.
In the picture above, a man turns the handle on the machine which turns a glass globe. The woman assistant holds her hand against the spinning globe to 'produce' static by the action of friction. The boy's feel also appear to rub against the globe.
What happens when the boy and girl touch hands? Why is the girl standing on a barrel? What is the girl looking at?
Study the picture then try our matching exercise.
the machine shown below was designed and built a little later than the scene above and for a much more serious study of electricity.
The need for an assistant has been dispensed with. Instead a pad is used to rub against the glass. We now know that electrons would have been rubbed from the glass onto the pad, making the glass positively charged and the pad negatively charged. Of course this was a long time before electrons were known about, but the words positive and negative were used.
However what makes the machine so very special is not so much its construction but that it was almost certainly designed, commissioned and used by a most remarkable scientist: Joseph Priestley. A man who made huge contributions to science.
The machine would have been made at about the time that Priestley wrote 'History and Present State of Electricity'. In this book he describes a timeline of discoveries in the area of electrostatics and suggests a few ideas of his own. To find out more, read about Static history or Priestley's story.
September 10, 1775 Captain Oliver Bowen and Major Joseph Habersham are ordered to Tybee Island to watch for a ship bringing powder for the Royalists
September 17, 1775 Capt. Bowen, Capt. Barnwell, (SC) Capt.
Joyner (SC) and Major Joseph Habersham seize an armed British schooner off
Tybee Island under the command of Captain Maitland.
Cafe culture in London is nothing new. The last ten years may have seen a proliferation of places to buy a latte and flick through the daily papers, but the real coffee revolution was in the late 1600s and early 1700s, when as many as 3,000 coffee houses played host to caffeine-fuelled debate, wheeler-dealing and gossip-mongering on London's streets.
Britain's first coffee shop opened in Oxford in 1650. Two years later, a Greek servant named Pasqua Rosee brought the new drink to the capital, opening a shop in St Michael's Alley, Cornhill. It was an overnight success and others were quick to copy. Previously, men had gathered in taverns to do business and exchange ideas. But they were often unpleasant, rowdy and – thanks to the ale – unproductive venues. Coffee, on the other hand, "will prevent drowsiness and make one fit for business".
Soon, intellectuals, professionals and merchants thronged to the coffee houses to debate, distribute pamphlets, do deals, smoke clay pipes and, of course, consume a drink said to resemble "syrup of soot and essence of old shoes". Newsletters and gazettes (the precursors of newspapers) were distributed in coffee houses and most functioned as reading rooms and notice boards announcing sales, sailings, and auctions to the businessmen who frequented them.
The best-known began to attract a distinct clientele. In 1688, Edward Lloyd's coffee house on Tower St earned a reputation as the place to go for marine insurance. It later evolved into world-famous insurance market, Lloyd's of London. In 1698, the owner of Jonathan's coffee house in Exchange Alley began to issue a list of stock and commodity prices called "The Course of the Exchange and other things": so starting of the London Stock Exchange. Auction houses Sotherby's and Christie's have their origins in coffee houses.
Physicians used Batson's coffee house in Cornhill as a consulting room. Chapter in Paul's Alley was the chosen rendezvous for publishers and booksellers. Scientists like Sir Isaac Newton and Professor Halley preferred the Grecian on the Strand. While the wits of the day, including the playwright Dryden, gathered at Will's in Russell Street, Covent Garden. Not everyone was in favour of the coffee houses – or 'penny universities', as they had become known. Women, in particular, objected to the amount of time their husbands spent in such establishments. In 1674, the Women's Petition Against Coffee was launched, stating in a pamphlet that coffee, "made men as unfruitful as the deserts whence that unhappy berry is said to be brought". Despite earning substantial revenues from the sale of coffee, King Charles II tried to ban the establishments, condemning them as, "places where the disaffected met, and spread scandalous reports concerning the conduct of his Majesty and his Ministers". But the outcry was such that he was forced to withdraw his proclamation almost before the ink was dry.
By the mid 18th century, coffee shops began to wane in
popularity as the nation's tastes turned to tea drinking. Those that remained
began to cream off a more aristocratic clientele by charging membership fees.
The Gentleman's Club had been born.
From the 1819 Horwood Map of London:
Broad St, St Georges in the East is probably Reardon St, E1.
Stair Street (leading up from King James Stair) becomes Monza Street.
Shakespeare Walk disappeared under Shadwell Dock Basin between Monza Street and the Churchyard.
ESP 952 Richard M letter – 5/1/1777:
I presume the bearer Mr Richd Scriven who is now Master of the Ship Pilippa, and was on board when the transaction wherein Platt was concerned hapend Together with the Chief mate Samuel Burnett, will be sufficient Testimony, to go to Portsmouth on this occasion as their Evidence must be more particular than mine, they being Constantly onb(oar)d whilst Platt was there and I most frequently Onsh(o)r(e), if this will do Shall wait on you Early with them tomorrow morning which will be Saving time both to you and me not taking me from My Business, you pleased to Note yr approbation and bearer to me.
I am Sir your most obdt humble Servant
Richd Maitland,
N.B. your pleased remember Sufficient protection for them.
Broad Street St Georges in East
5 Jany 1777-11 AM.
ESP 998 Richard M to Wm Chamberlain 30/01/1777
I now Inform you that I Now am, thank god, able to go out about Business, and if I am to appear Against that wretch Platt, please to signify to me the Time. But would wish for reasons you may guess that I Could be served with an other Summons, if it can be done with Propriety; Scriven is not yet Come out of the County, Burnett is out on an other Ship to which I Can Direct your So that ??? to give me a days notice that I may not be other wise Engaged-
I am Sir your most obdt humble Servant
Richd Maitland,
Broad Street St Georges in the East
30 Jany 1777
To Wm Chamberlain Esq.
920 – Richard M to Chamberlain - 6/1/1777
To Chamberlaine esq,
Garth (Gauth/Gorth) Square, Fleet Street
Captain Maitland's letter recd 6th Jany 1776 ¼ after 11 forenoon.
I find its uncertain whether a Protection can be had for Samuel Burnet or not, upon the Business to Portsmouth. There were six Examinations Taken at Jamaica, I may Say Seven, for one was taken from me by the Clerks of the Peace, another by the same Officer at the request of Mr Harrison the Attorney General which no doubt has been sent to Administration.
Three of the six were sent home with the Prisoner two of which three I offered Admiral Gayton Security for, Barring Mortality. By what means they let them Slip I am no Judge of, but their friends who came to me with Power to Receive their Wages told me the first moment that had leave to go on Shore for Asking, The taking of these three men brought me under an Expence of Thirty Pounds Sterling to get men in their rooms to bring my Ship home.
Now Sir if Admiral Gayton has sent a Prisoner home without force enough to bring him to Tryal, or if he has made any mistake after having three Widenis in his Possesion why should I be made the dupe of to commence
a New prosecution and I have to have been called upon momently since I have been at home, to have appeared against this man and am ready and willing to prosecute every rebel or Enemy that his Majesty know, and more so upon this occasion but why are not the Crown Officers who made their Escape from Georgia who I dare say must know this man Platt personally and can give a good Account of him and the opposition he made against the Crown in Georgia. Why are not the Proprietors of the Property that was pirated out of my Ship calld upon to prosecute, but all those People are to be Screen'd, and must I be exposed to the Prejudice of American Fools here, and the Property that have been laying in that Country may be for ever lost, and in Case of a Settlement with those Rebels, If I was to go there to look after my property, might be Sacrificed for being too Busy in this Affair, Altho' it is well known in this Town that I have suffered a great deal in America for my Attachment to Government for I have every honourable Opinion of you that one Gentleman can have for another, but until I am more Clear in what I am doing, and Regularly Call'd upon by a Proper Summons I will take no hand in it ---- I am pretty Clear that my Second Examination at Jamaica, by the Request of the Attorny Genrl
was to Strengthen Admiral Gayton's hands for holding the Prisoner against some Mistakes that was made on the first Detention And am sorry the same thing is to be done over again, I say again Sir, I am very Ready and Willing to bring Platt to Justice, and will call Stronger Widines there myself, that know his Situation in Georgia, and I dare say can positively convince you whether he was a Member of the Provincial Congress or Committee. I have caught a very great Cold or would have waited you this morning according to Promise.
I am etc,
Rich'd Maitland
Broad Street, St Georges in the East,
Jany 6th 9 AM.
924 – Platt to Capt Hughes, Cantaur - 4/12/1776
4th December 1776
Copy of a letter from Ebenezer S Platt to Capt Hughes of the Centaur
(No 10)
In the Lords of the Admly's Decr 9 1776.
I humbly beg your permission for leave to send for an attorney on board that I may lay before him a State of my Case, in order to have the benefit of the habeas Corpus Act, as I have been detained a Prisoner then eight months upon the accusation of one Captn Maitland and want nothing but to be tried by the Laws of my King and Country.
Ebenezer S Platt
4th Decr 1776.
926: - Admiral Gaydon to M Stephens - 25/7/1776
25 July 1776.
Admiral Gayton to M Stephens
(No 61)
In the Lords of the Admly's Decr 9 1776.
Copy of a Letter from Vice Adml Gayton Commr in Chief of His Majt Ships and Vessels at Jamaica, to Mr Stephens dated the 25th July 1776.
I be leave to inclose their Lordships the several affidavits relative to William Platt, who I have sent to England in the Pallas to take trial for the Crime he has committed, which I hope their Lordships will approve.
2 copies, slight changes between them (copied without all the "saids":
The information of Richard Scriven late Ships Steward and mow Master and Commander of the ship Phillippa now lying in the Thames whereof Richard Maitland was Master taken before me William Addington Esquire one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace in and for the said County this 10th day of January 1777.
Who being upon Oath Saith that in the month of March or April in the year 1775 the Ship Phillippa Sailed from the River Thames under the Command of the Richard Maitland having on board among Sundry other Goods, Gunpowder, Arms and Lead and several Casks of Bullets Consigned to different persons in the provinces of Georgia and East Florida in North America
And this Deponent further Saith that the Ship on or about the Seventh day of July then next following arrived on the Coast of Georgia and came to Anchor off Tyhee bar where she was hailed by a Schooner full of Armed Men which had hoisted at the Mast Head a White Flag with a Red Border on the Field of which Flag was Stampt in large Red Letters the Words "American Liberty" and that some of the men on board the Ship gave orders that the Ship Phillippa should follow the said Schooner up the River Savanna and bring to in Cockspur Road which she accordingly doing.
Three persons from the Schooner attended by about forty armed men then came on board the Ship Phillippa and took by force all the Gun powder out of the Ship and a few kegs of the musket Balls and carried them on board the Schooner at the same time declaring they would then have carried with them all the musket balls and the Small Arms if they could have got at them but gave Orders to the Mates of the Ship Phillippa not to land any of the Small Arms or Musket Balls at their peril but to Remain in Cockspur Road until they should receive further orders from the Committee at Savannah
And this Dep't further Saith that Orders were received on board
the Ship Phillippa on the twelfth day of July aforesaid from the Committee to bring the ship up to Savanna which was accordingly done and upon her Arrival Three persons (One of whom was named William Platt – otherwise Ebenezer Smith Platt and whom this Informant hath heard and Verily believes to be a prisoner on board one of his Majesty's Ships at Portsmouth came on board the Ship and declared they were sent by the Committee to see that the Small Arms and Musket Balls were not landed according to the Bills of Lading Signed by Richard Maitland but to take the same into their possession as the same should come to hand in unloading the ship and to send them to the Committee and accordingly did take into their possession against the Will of Richard Maitland all the Small Arms and Musket Balls in the Ship as the same came to hand in unloading and caused the same to be put into two Boats and Ordered the people in the boats to carry the Small Arms and Musket Balls to Savanna and then Platt and the other two persons embarked themselves in another boat and followed
And this informant further Saith that Richard Maitland and his Officers and Mariners were afraid to make any resistance to Platt and his Company because from the Time the Ship Phillippa was so detained until the Time this Deponent left the Colony of Georgia there was a Rebellion in the Colony and the Course of public justice thereby totally Obstructed And his Majesty's Governor in the Province deprived of all power and Authority which was usurped by an Assembly of Men at Savanna aforesaid Stiling themselves the provincial Congress or Committee under whose Authority divers people were in Arms to oppose his Majesty's Government and to carry all the Orders of the Committee if opposed into Execution by force
And which armed force Platt and his Companions (who were willing actors in the sd Rebellion) this Deponent knew could command and therefore any Resistance made to their Orders might be attended with the utmost Danger to the lives of Richard Maitland his Officers and Mariners
Richd Scriven
Sworn before me
January 10 1777
W Addington.
934-5-6 – Bensted to Chamberlain - 13/1/1777
Mr Bensted 13th Jany 77
Wm Chamberlaine Esq,
Solicitor of the Treasury,
Gough Square,
Portsmouth 13th Jany 1777
Captn Milbank is in London, we have heard nothing of any Habeas Corpus, but Platt about two days ago writ a Letter to Sir James Douglas requesting that he might be discharged, to which the Admiral gave no answer.
Persons are not confined, in general, by a written order in a military Way. The fact was that Adm Gayton at Jamaica sent home in the Pallas a Lieutt and eight Seamen of an armed Schooner called the Independence besides Platt and the three witnesses, Sir James Douglas in his Hurry writes the Admlty of the arrival of a Lieut and 12 men of an Armed Schooner at Spithead, the Admlty by their Secretary acquaint Sir James that Lord Suffolk had directed that they should be detained till further Order. This is the true mode of their detention but the only way Capt Hughes of the Centaur can form a Return is as follows:
"That he detains Ebenezer Platt on Bd his majesty's Ship Centaur under his Command by virtue of a (vessel) order from Vice Adml Sir Jas Douglas Knt Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Ships and vessels at Spithead and Portsmouth, who acquainted him Capt Hughes that the said Ebenezer Platt had been sent home from Jamaica in Irons by Vice Adm Gayton commanding there by sea, to Spithead in His Majesty's Ship Pallas, on a Charge of having been guilty of High Treason at of near Georgia in America.
Capt Hughes proposes if he should be found with a Habeas Corpus to send a midshipman and another man in a Post Chaise to Town with Platt, but is anxious to know how he is to be repaid the Expense of the Chaise.
I am, Sir
Your most Obdt Servant,
Thos Bensted.
Mr Chamberlain esq, Colton
Mr Platt is now confined in double Irons. Its in your power at least to prevent this Extrutiating Torment – Humanity I hope will direct you to write to Mr Aikerman (how my uncle and men are not acquainted with) to alleviate this Torture – I shall proceed in the Petition for Tryal as expeditiously as possible – I'm Jo? For Whittaker and self,
Your most hble Lord,
G Colton,
Symonds Inn,
25 Jan 1777.
Copy Ebenezer Smith Platt
Woldlesxto wit??
To the Keeper of His Majesty's Gaol of Newgate or his Deputy.
These are in His Majesty's Name to authorise and require you to receive into your Custody the Body of Ebenezer Smith Platt herewith sent You charged before me upon the Oaths of Richard Scriven and Samuel Burnett with High Treason at Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in North America and You are to keep him safe until he should be delivered by due course of Law and for so doing this shall be your warrant Given under my Hand and Seal this 23rd day of January 1777.
W Addington.
To Wm Chamberlayne Esq
Ant Charmier?
St James's 13th Dec 1776
I have just sent the Attorney General and am to desire You will take no steps respecting Platt Till you receive further Directions
I am
Your most Obed ...
Robt Charmier
Document much crossed out – looks like a draft of a statement.
... The Town of Savannah and there moored and that after his arrival there One schooner and two other persons under the Authy of the Committee came on board the said Ship Phillippa and remained on board her during the time she was unloading which took up in all abt...
To ----- Chamberlain Esq
Gough Square
Fleet Street
FF Mr Scriven.
(Also contains some corrections)
Side note (partial image): Dec 1776 Copied this – and sent in by express – Mr Bistead Hon – Law Portsmouth.
By some Depositions that were taken before the Judge of the Admiralty Court in Jamaica that the Ship Philippa whereof Richard Maitland was bound from the port of London to Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in New England and having on board a Considerable Quantity of Gun Powder and some Chests of Small Arms and several Kegs of Musket Balls to be delivered at Savannah "afd" for the Use of the Indians Friendly to the British Government and for the Use of his Majesty's Forts and Fortifications there and elsewhere
about the Seventh day of July 1775 Arrived at the Mouth of the River Savannah in Georgia that soon after her arrival She was hailed by a Schooner full of Armed Men some of whom Gave Orders that the said Ship Philippa should follow the Schooner up the River Savannah and bring to in Cockspur Road that the said Ship Philippa did proceed to
Cockspur Road aforesaid and there came to an anchor during all which time the said Schooner kept Close to her Course to an Anchor near her Port
soon after three Persons (Supported by and Armed force which came off in Boats from Cockspur X
Side Note: X Island where there appeared to be an Incamp ???? Tybee.
came from the Schooner on board the said Ship Philippa and Demanded and took from the Master all the Ships Papers and Manifest of her Cargo
947 N/A (crossed out)
and that the Colony of Georgia were shown in Open Rebellion and that an Assembly of Men at Savannah Stiling themselves the Provincial Congress of the Province Georgia or Committee had illegally Userped the Government of the said Colony and had seized and inbodied? A great number of Men in Order to oppose his Majesty's Government there and who were daily ??ined with Colonists that while
The said Ship lay at Cockspur Island and great number of Armed Men under the Authority of the same Congress or Committee came on board the said Ship Philippa and took out of her Hold and Carried away agst the Will of the Master and Mariners a great Quantity of Gunpowder and Lead and a few Kegs of Musket Balls and Declared they would have Carried away all the said Musket Balls and all the Fire Arms if they those could have got at them
and gave Orders to the Master of the Ship Philippa not to Land any of the said Musket Balls or Small Arms at their peril but to Remain in Cockspur Road until they should Receive further Order from the said Committee
that and Order afterwards came from the Committee that in Obedience thereto the said Ship Philippa was on an/or...
Wm Chamberlayne Esq
Solicitor of the Treasury
Gough Square
Sent Express to Portsmouth 10 Dec
Do 6th January 1777
I had the Favor of your letter this morning by Express relative to Ebenezer Platt, and have fixed with Adml Sir James Douglas to have the Witnesses brought on Shore to morrow morning at nine O'clock, when Your Directions shall be pursued, I am
Sir Your most Obedt Servant
Thos Binsteed.
Captain Cornwallis Sir
M Stephens
26 Dec 1776
Pallas, Portsmouth Harbour, 25 Decr 1776
In answer to your letter of the 23rd Inst relative to the Evidences against Mr William Platt having made their Escape, I beg you will be pleased to acquaint their Ldps that I intended to send them on board a Guardship before we went into the Harbour, it was late in Evening when the Pilot came on board, and we had no Opportunity, the Men had been detained a long time and turned from Ship to Ship, I therefore thought it rather hard to put them in Irons as they had always behaved remarkably well, and I had not the least Reason to suppose they intended to get away, I believe they made their Escape in the night. The Philippa, Maitland, the merchant Ship they were taken out of is now in the River, I apprehend it would not be difficult for him to procure Evidence. I did not give them Leave to go on Shore, not do I think they had leave from any of the Officers.
I am etc
W Cornwallis.
Philip Stephens Esq
Mr Stephens to Sir Stanier Posten?
Admiralty Offices, 26th Dec 1776.
Admiralty Office 26th Dec 1776
Lord Weymouth having in his Letter of the 21st Inst, transmitted to my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty a Copy of one from Mr Binsteed, giving an Account that the three witnesses against Platt, the Committee man of Georgia, who were sent to England with hime in His Majesty's Ship Pallas, had made their Escape from her, their Lordships directed Capt Cornwallis late Commander of the said Ship, to let them know why he suffered them to go on Shore, and whether he can give them any Information where they are or may be heard fo, which he having done in his Letter of the 25th Inst, I am commanded by their Lordships to send you the inclosed Copy these for Lord Weymouth's Information, and am etc,
PW Stephen.
Their Lsps understand that Mr Maitland, who is mentioned in
the inclosed Letter may be heard of at the Jamaica Coffee House.
Sir Stanier Posten villa??? Ld Weymouth to find out Captain
St James's 29th Dec 1776.
Lord Weymouth has directed me to transmit to you herewith copy of a Letter from Mr Stephens, and one to him from Captain Cornwallis late Commander of the Pallas Frigate, and his Lordship desires you would endeavour to find out Captain Maitland who may be heard of at the Jamaica Coffee House and as his ship Phillippa is said to be still in the River, it may be in his Power to get other Witnesses to supply the place of those escaped from the Pallas, and in case any Witnesses might be forthcoming, his Lordship desires You would direct without loss of time the examination to be taken in the manner at first intended, acquainting me for his Lordship's Information, with the result of you Inquiries thereupon.
I am,
your most obedient
humble Servant,
Stanier Posten,
William Chamberlayne Esq.
The ?? here of Mr Sam'l Burnett and he is accomponyed by W'm Scriven the former late Chief Mate of the Cutter late Ship Steward and mow the Master & Commander of the Ship Philippa who I hope will arrive fine enough with you to Stop Mr Platt's Journey, Mr Burnett I myself have Examined and have Di?? Out his Examination which accompany's them whereby it fully appears the part he took in the Rebellion certainly amounts to High Treason I understand Mr Scriven's Evidence will be as Strong and that he will Confirm Burnett in every particular but when you take his Examination you will know that, I myself have not been able to take it.
As it behoves him to ?? Captain Milbank of his Changes as soon as Possible I Submit to you whether it would not loosing time to get a Warrant from the Magistrate for Apprehending Plat and bringing him before him upon the Verbal Information (taken upon Oath) of the Witnesse and then you may at Your Leisure desire Mr Scriven's Information and Copy Over Mr Burnett and make any alterations therein as you may think necessary, I formerly sent you the Form of a Warrant of Commitment
I flatter myself to hear Plat is Committed to Winchester Gaol instead of coming to London which I convince he would never have thought on if he had not if he had not read the Witnesses sworn ?? story,
I am, Sir (etc)
Wm Chamberlayne,
London, Sunday Night,
You will please not to forget to ?? Examination taken in W???
7 January 1777,
Sir Stanyer Postern.
St James's Tuesday 7 January 1777,
On receipt this morning of your Letter of last night, I lost no time in laying it before Lord Weymouth by whose Directions I am to acquaint you, that although it appears necessary that the Informations should be taken here from Captain Maitland, the Mate Samuel Burnett and the young mand returned from Northamptonshire, or from any two of them, hes his Lordship wishes You would stake the whole to the Attorney General and receive his Sentiment thereupon.
I am (etc)
Stanier Posten,
W Chamberlayne.
5 January 1776 (7??)
Sir Stanyer Postern
abt Protestation
St James's Sunday 5 Janry 1776
Sir, I waited all yesterday in expectation of receiving from the Admiralty the Protection for Samuel Burnet, as Mr Seddon assured me it would be sent to me in the afternoon. As soon as I received your letter this morning, I lost no time in writing to Mr Stephens how essentially necessary it was that we should have the Protection this day, and as I know he has dispatched a Messenger to Lord Sandwich to get it signed, I make no doubt but you may depend on my sending it to you this evening, and Burnet should set off to morrow morning for Portsmouth.
I am Sir etc
Stanier Posten,
W Chamberlayne esq.
7th January 1777,
Mr Binstead
Portsmouth 7th January 1777
I had the favour of your Letter by Express, but we have heard nothing here of any Habeas Corpus, but from your Letters, Sir James Douglas removed Platt to the Centaur on Sunday last, where he now is, whenever the Habeas is Seinged you shall hear further from me by Express of the time that Plat will arrive, in the meantime as I may mistake the mode of a Return to the Habeas in print form, be so good as to Lend me one, and the Cause assigned for receiving and detaining him here shall be fully set forth in that Return,
I am etc,
Tho Binsteed.
W'm Chamberlayne Esq,
Solicitor of the Treasury,
Gough Sq,
10 January 77 Binsteed
Portsmouth 10th January 1777
your favor of last night was received, I have seen Sir James Douglas this morning, who as not heard any thing of Habeas Corpus. If any had been served he would have heard it, We know nothing of Platt or his friends, having no Communication with the Ships at Spithead, whenever the Habeas is served you Directions shall be pursued, in the mean time I think that the Removal again to the Barfleur would seem ????
I am etc,
Thos Binsteed.
Mr Eden with Plat in Petition.
Davies Street January 17th
I am directed by the Earl of Suffolk to transmit the inclosed paper to you and to desire that you will, as soon as you can, see the Att(orney) and Sol(icitor) General with regard to it – Here is a Disposition in his Majesty to set the Petitioner at Liberty in Consideration of all the Circumstance attending the Case and Confinement – but it should be previously ascertained that there is no Design to abuse this Clemency by bringing actions against the Justice etc, and on this point Mr Whitaker the Solc(itor) for the Petitioner can give Information and having an excellent Character in his possession may be relied on – The next point is as to the form of Release, We are without any precedent in our offices upon a Case exactly like this, but the Att'y and Sol'r G. will possibly think it legal and right that we ?? give the King's Warrant reciting in General "Circumstances laving been represented and "therefore" "is pleased to order the said E.P. to be discharged"
It is much wished that this matter may not be delayed.
I am with Esteem and regard,
W. Eden,
W Chamberlayne.
County of Southampton
for the Information of Samuel Burnett Chief Mate of the Ship Philippa now lying in the River Thames taken upon Oath before me
Who being upon Oath Saith that in the month of March or April in the year of our Lord 1775 the Ship Philippa Sailed from the River Thames with Sundry other Goods on board Consigned to different persons residing in the provinces of Georgia and East Florida in North America and amongst the Goods were Gun Powder Arms and Lead Shipped by Licence of His Majesty or the
And this Deponent further Saith that on the Second day of May then next following the said Ship sailed from the Downs and Came to an Anchor off Tybee Bar on the Coast of Georgia on the Seventh day of July then next following and that two days after a Schooner which had hoisted at the Mast Head a White Flag with a Red Border on the Field of which Flag was Stampt or Imprinted in large Red Letters the Words "American Liberty" and Carrying Ten Guns kept Close to the said Ship until the said Ship ran within Tybee Point and that then the people on board the Schooner ordered the Pilot on board the Ship Phillippa to run the said Ship to Cockspur Island and Anchor her there And this Deponent further Saith that he saw an Incampment of Armed Men in Tybee Point and also on Cockspur Island the number of whom in the whole appeared to be about Three hundred besides what were in the Schooner and that immediately on the Ship Philippa being Anchored
The Greatest part of the Armed Men that were on Shore came off in Boats and Surrounded the said Ship and then three persons unknown to this Deponent on of whom appeared to be the Commander of the Schooner and several other Persons came on board the Ship Phillippa and Demanded and took from Richard Maitland all the Ship's Papers and manifests & ??? and this Deponent being unable to resist delivered the same and this Deponent further Saith that just at that instant Joseph Habersham of Savannah Merchant came on board the said Ship and produced and Order of an Assembly of Men Styling themselves the Provincial Congress of the Province of Georgia Signed on the left hand side "George Walton Secretary" requiring them to take all the Arms and Ammunition out of the said Ship wherever they found her or Words to that effect and that in Pursuance of such Order the said Armed Men did take out of the Hold of the said Ship and against the Wish and Consent of Richard Maitland and his Mariners Six Ton and a half of Gun Powder as nearly as this Deponent can at present Conjecture and about Seven hundred Weight of Lead and Bullets and Declared they would have then Carryied away all the Musket Balls and Small Arms if they could have come at them but gave Orders to him this Deponent and the other master of the Ship (Richard Maitland having gone on Shore) not to land any of the Small Arms and Musket Balls on board the Ship at their peril and to remain in Cockspur Road until they should Receive further Orders from the Committee sitting at Savannah
And this Deponent Saith that Orders were received on board the Ship from the said Committee
Laws and Customs of England these follows the Commandant to the Sherriff to Summmon the ???
Commission of Gaol Director??
George &C
Know ye that We have Constituted you or any two of you our Justices to Deliver our Goal of Newgate of the Prisoners therein being And therefore We Command you that at certain Days and Places which you or any two of you shall appoint for their purpose You must at the ?? City or Sub?? Of the same to Deliver that Goal being therein what to Justice appertains according to the Laws and Customs of our Kingdom of England Saving to the American ?? and other things to the form there answering for the Command of Sherriff of London and Middlesex that at certain days and places which you or any two or more of you shall appoint they ??? all the Prisoners of the same Goal and therein Atte?? Before you or any two of more of you those to Come "In Witago??"
George etc
To our Trusty ?? Granting
Know you that We have assigned you or any two or more of you our Justices to inquire most fully the truth by the Oath of Good and lawfull men of our County of Middx and by other ways and Means and Methoda by which you shall or may better know (with in Liberty) without by whom the Truth of the Matter may be better known of all Treason Misprivion?? of S?? Insurrection Rebellion And of all matters Felony etc all other Evil Doings Affairs and Injuries whatsoever and also the A??? of them within the County afsd (or well within Liberty or without) by whomsoever and in what manner soever has committed perpetrated and by whom and to whom wheresoever and after what manner and of all other Articles and Circumstances concerning the ??? and every of them or any of them in any manner whatsoever ?? the viz Treason and other ?? to have and determine according to the Laws and Customs of England
And therefore ?? Command you that at certain days and places which you or any two or more of you shall appoint foir their purpose
You make Deligent Inquiry about the prosecutes and having Determined all and singular the personal day fulfil therein form afd doing therein what to Justice apportain according to the
27th jan 1777
Copied for the Atty Genrl
Ebenezer Platts Case
On this 7th of July 1775 The Ship Phillippa Capt Maitland Master Laden with Gun Powder Arms and Lead conveyed to different persons in the Province of Georgia in America came to an anchor off Tybee Bar on the Coast of Georgia.
On the 9th of July a Schooner hoist a White Flagg with a Red border with the words American Liberty summounted – 10 guns came up with the Phillippa at Tybee Point and the Peoples on board this Schooner immediately orderes the Pilot on board the Phillippa to run her to Cockspur Island and Anchor there – At this time there was an Encampment of about 300 Armed Men on Tybee Point and on Cockspur Island who immediately after the Phillippa was
who charged him in his Majesty's Ship Pallas to England where he arrived about the month of December 1776.
4th December 1776 Platt applied to the Commander of the Ship where he was a Prisoner for leave to send for an attorney in order to advise about applying for a Habeas Corpus.
4th January 1777 Lord Mansfield Allowed a Habeas Corpus but before the Writ was delivered to the Attorney who had him in Custody summoned Burnett and Richard Scriven two of the Officers of the Phillippa went before Sir John Field ? and charged the said Platt with the Several? Articles of High Treason before Stated and Sir John having granted his warrant through and Attorney???
Was sent to Portsmouth who having got the warrant backed by the Mayor of that place took Platt into his Custody and brought him before Mr Justice Addington who on the 7th of Jan 1777 Examined Platt committed him to Newgate for High Treason at Savannah in Georgia.
At the Justices? At the Old Baily after Hil? Term 1777 Platt Petitioned the Court to be tried but upon this matter being solemnly argued the Court were of Opinion they had no Power either to Try Bail or Detain him.
On the 1st day of Easter Term 1777 Platt petitioned this Court of King's Bench paryd to be either Bailed or Discharged but this Act of Parliament having just passed the Court were of Opinion that they had no discretion in this matter.
10th April 1776
Attorney General of Jamaica to Sir basil Keith
In Vice Admiral Gayton's letter to Mr Stephens of the 13th June 1776
(no 4.)
In the Lords of the Admiralty December 9 1776.
In obedience to your Excellency's command signified to me by your letter of yesterday I have perused the Admiral's Letter and the Affidavit therein inclosed. The Affidavits I have submitted to the consideration of the Judge of the Admiralty, and we are both of opinion, that the Offence therein charged being committed by a person coming from shore while the Ship lay off Savannah, which is within the body of the Province of Georgia arises out of the Admiralt jurisdiction and is not cognizable thereby, or by any other criminal jurisdiction of this Island. The forcibly taking away Stores, belonging to, or intended for the use of the King's Forts, with intent to afrest?, carrying on hostile measures then on foot against His Majesty, raises the Offence from Robbery to High Treason, which being committed in Georgia, is cognizable there on the 25th Edward the 3rd or in England by that Statute and the Jurisdiction given by the 33rd and 35th of Henry 8th. But the State of Georgia, wherein the Administration of civil and criminal Justice, is silenced by Arms, makes in Effect this Offence triable, for the present in England only. Under those circumstances I am of Opinion, that William Platt cannot be in such proper and safe custody, as that of the Admiral, who, if he shall judge proper may send him to England, there to be dealt with according to Law. Had William Platt been apprehended by any civil Magistrate, I do suppose the Admiral would have been applied to, through your Excellency to take him under his charge, and send him to England for the purpose aforesaid. I am with the greatest respect,
Sir etc
Tho Harrison
April 10th 1776.
His Excellency the Governor.
To the right Honourable the Earl of Suffolk one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State
My Lord,
Your Lordship having by His Majesty's commands transmitted to us for our most immediate consideration, a Letter from the Lords of the Admiralty to Your Lordship, together with ten more enclosures, and informed us, that one Ebenezer Platt, late a Committee Man of the Province of Georgia, has been sent to England, as a rebel Prisoner, together with three Witnesses to support against hum the charge of his having forcibly taken some Gunpowder belonging to His Majesty, in order to carry it to a part of His Majesty's subjects in actual Rebellion, and that he now desires to be allowed an Attorney, in order to claim the benefit of the Habeas Corpus Act; And your Lordship having been pleased to desire out opinion under the whole circumstances of the Case in what manner it may be advisable to proceed. We have taken the same into Our consideration accordingly.
it does not appear from the inclosures at what time Mr Gayton's Letters were received respectively, but,as the notice of sending Platt over to England to be tried was dated so early as the thirteenth of June, We presume, It was His Majesty's Pleasure, that He should be so sent to be tried, and not be detained in America, as other Rebel Prisoners have been, some of whom were even remanded for that purpose. Supposing this to be decided, nothing remains to be considered but the quality of their offence, and the method of proceeding upon it.
It does not appear to us, upon what ground Platt is charged, in your Lordships Letter, and also in that form (frfom?) the Lords of the Admiralty to your Lordship, and also in Mr Gayton's Letter of the thirtieth of March 1776 to the Lords of the admiralty, with having seized His Majesty's Gunpowder, and carried it to the Rebels; or as your
Lordship supposes, in order to carry it to the rebels. The Depositions don't charge Him with being one of the number of these, who seized the Gunpowder, or even with being upon Cockspur Island, the place where that crime was committed. The charge upon him by the Deposition of Maitland (the Master of the Phillippa) is, that, returning to his Vessel, He founf Platt, among other Inhabitants of Svannah (where the Vessel then lay) on board, and that Platt told him, He came there to secure and carry away the shot and small Arms, which they could find, as the same came to hand. The other Depostions, speaking of Platt, Levi and Shafto, add, They declared, that this was done by order of the Committee.
The violence imputed to Platt and the rest at the Town of Savannah will amount to High Treason, if the Committee, under whose orders they professed to Act, can be proved to conduct the rebellion in Georgia, is it is understood, by report, that in fact they do; or, if his violence can be referred in any other way, to a connection with the treasonable
force, which is in Arms within that province.
Supposing that to be the case, It will be proper to commit him for trial in the ordinary course; namely, by taking the Information of the witnesses, issuing a Warran thereupon to bring him to be examined, and, if the charge appears well founded commitment.
The temper of our Laws certainly required, that every Prisoner should be allowed the means of suing out a habeas Corpus. But it seems fitter to proceed to His examination, and to discharge Him, if nothing appears in proof against Him, or to commit Him regularly if a sufficient foundation be laid for that,
We are etc,
E Thurlow,
Al. Wedderburn,
10th Dec 1776.
Dec 10th 1776
Mr Attorney & Mr Solicitor General.
990 & 2 (2 copies)
Copy of a Letter from Clark Gayton Esq Vice Admiral of the White & Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Ships and Vessels at Jamaica dated Antelope, Port Royal, March the 30th 1776.
I am to acquaint their Lordships that I have seized one Mr Platt he was a Committee Man at Georgia and is the mand that Boarded the Philippa, one Maitland, Master, of Georgia last year and seized all the Government Gun Powder and carried it to the Rebels
I have had him some days in Irons, but could not get the Idenity if this Person sworn to until this afternoon, which was from the Above Maitland and his people that was with him when the Powder was seized and is now here loading with sugar and as I have seized the Above Platt at Port Royall, I presume he must be tried on this Island for the Robery and Executed on this Island, I shall let his Excellency Sir Basil Keith now about him tomorrow morning, and shall inform their Lordships by the next Packet what is done by the said Platt.
Copy of a Letter from Vice Admiral Gayton Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Ships and Vessels at Jamaica to Mr Stephens, dated 30th March 1776.
(no 1)
In the Lords of the Admiralty December 9th 1776.
10th April 1776
Sir Basil Keith
Clark Gayton, Esq.
In Vice Admiral Gayton Letter for Mr Stephens of the 3 June 1776
(no 3)
Spanish Town, 10th April 1776
As your Letter of yesterday's date comprehends Questions of Law wherein it is my duty to be advised by His Majesty's Attorney General, I directly sent it with the Dispatches accompanying it to W. Harrison for his Guidance and at the same time desired him to lose no time in furnishing me with his written Opinion on the Matter and Advise what part I ought to take in its as Governor of this Island. Inclosed I send you his Answer by which I conceive myself precluded from any interference in this affair. This being the case I return to you the Depositions of the Evidence against Platt,
I am etc
Basil Keith
Copy Clark Gayton.
Mr Stephens Letter with Protection
D Sir,
I sending on herewith the Protection you desired and am very sorry it has ?? been in any person to forward it to you sooner, I am with the etc
W Stephen,
5th January 1777
Wm Chamberlayne Esq,
Gough Sq,
Fleet Street
30th January 77
Captain Maitland.
998 30/01/77
I now Inform you that I Now am, thank god, able to go out about Business, and if I am to appear Against that wretch Platt, please to signify to me the Time. But would wish for reasons you may guess that I Could be served with an other Summons, if it can be done with Propriety; Scriven is not yet Come out of the County, Burnett is out on an other Ship to which I Can Direct your So that you'l please to give me a days notice that I may not be other wise Engaged-
I am Sir your most obdt humble Servant
Richd Maitland,
Broad Street St Georges in the East
30 Jany 1777
To Wm Chamberlain Esq.
Severn days and collected and sent away all the Musket Balls and Small Arms as they came to hand in the Course of the Unloading of the said Ship and every other Article which they conceived to be for his Majesty. These ?? that Richard Maitland, the Master of the Vessel and her Officers or Mariners could not make any Resistance against these Boardings of the said William Platt and his Companions Bording??
Page 9
1000 - Notes?
Matyes Government House,
Was Totally Supported Public Justice Obstructed X
X and his Majesty's Governor in the said Town of Savannah had no power to Inforce the Evacuation of the Law or to protect such Persons as were Obnoxious to the ? Armed People which Maitland and his men certainly would have been if they had made any Opposition to Plats Demands
Under whose Order the said William Plat and his Companions Acted and justified their actions in what they did and who in Case of any
Page 10
resistance could and would have called forth a part of the Military force carried? By the said Assembly to their support which would have been to the Manifest Danger of the lives of the afd Mr Maitland his Officers and Mariners
Plat was afterwards apprehended and has been sent home by Admirl Gayton and is now a Prisoner aboard Captain Stephens Ship in Your Harbour, and there are I understand aboard the said Ship three Persons who have
been likewise sent home to give Evidence against him. I would know of the Evidence now on board the Ship now Capable of Securing to the to the several facts before stated particularly that there was a Rebellion, that the King's Governor had Enforce the Execution Of the Law that his Authority was ??? by an Assembly of Men Stiling themselves a Committee or Congress, that an Armed force was ?? and ??? under their Authority that the Ship was plundered in the manner before stated that Plat assisted that which the said men under the Authority of the ?? with this full and intense approbation thereof or if he in any support whatsoever I h?? his approbation of the three aforemnd? Authority by
approbation thereof or if he in any ??part whatsoever I ?? his approbation of the three aforenamed
by Masing? Or associating himself with the armed force of the Committee or the Officers thereof it no doubt makes him a Principal in the rebellion and Guilty of High Treason. I beg the favour of you Sir therefore to send for the three witnesses and take their Examinations in writing separately as to all the several facts before stated or any other what ever to the Rebellious Proceedings at Savannah and particularly to Attend if the facts will warrant that the Examination
Warrant? To se securing ???? and part?? Subation? To Plat ? is possible that should his Conversation within or with the Rebellious Assembly or with the Armed force acting under the Assembly's Authority or his approbation thereof or his being an instrument in those hands with his own knowledge and approbation and of any Declarations he made relative therefore for from thence to Collected his guilt of High Treason You will please then to get the Examination or Informations Sworn by the men before the Mayor or Portsmouth or some other ??
Magistrate that you may approve of and if after they are sworn the Magistrate and you shall be of the Opinion that there is sufficient Evidence of Rebellion and that Plat was privy thereto and approved thereof and in any Shape Ordered and Assisted therein You will get the Mayor;s Warrant for Plat and send for him from on board the Shi and take his Examination in Writing and Pray his Commitment to the County Goal for High Treason (the Form of the Warrant I send you herewith) but if after you have taken the Information of the Witnesses any doubt should remain with the Magistrate whether he can
Commit Plat for High Treason, I must then beg of you not to send for Plat but to forward the Information to me by Express and you shall then hear further from me.
The Witnesses are on board the Pallas the Captain wereof has earned directions from the Admiralty to bring them in shore and Carry them back as you shall direct. I give you their Trouble on the Recommendation of Mr Wallace the King's Counsel, I doubt not therefore of your case and your charges in the business shall be thankfully paid to your credit ,
I am etc Wm Chamberlayne
Gough Square,
London 18th December 1776
Note at bottom of page:
A pacquet addressed to Mr Elliot Containing Mr R Maitland's Charges to the Grand Jury delivered 15th December 1775 with his Letter dated 20th January 1776 and a Porsin? Affd.
I A.B. in the written Writ named do humbly certify and return to our Sovn Ld the King that the within named C.d. is not nor at the time of the coming of the sd Writ to me was nor at any time since hath been in my custody or Power wherefore I cannot have the body of the sd C.d. before our Sd Ld the King at the time and place written ??? as by the said within commanded.
The answer of A.B. within named.
In the King's Bench
The King agst Ebenezer Smith Platt
Take Notice that this honourable Court will on Monday next be moved that the said Ebenezer Smith Platt may be discharged out of the Goal of Newgate upon special Bail and that John Hurford of Thames Street in the City of London Coal Merchant Guy Bryant of Vine Court Spitalfields in the County of Middlesex Silk Dyer William Rogers of No 16 White Chappel in the County of Middlesex Builder James Hill of Tower Hill in the City of London Undertaker and Patience Wright of Cundall Court Pall Mall in the County of Middlesex Widow and Wax Modalor will at the same time attend the said Court and become Bail for the said Ebenzer Smith Platt
Yrs Whittaker and Colton,
Symonds Inn,
9th May 1777
To Mr Chamberlaine.
Saturday next after fifteen days from the feast Day of Easter in the seventeenth year of King George the third
It is ordered by the Court that the Petition of Ebenezer Smith Platt now a Prisoner in his Majesty's Goal of Newgate committed on a charge of High Treason alleged to be Committed at Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in North America now presented to this Court be received and filed.
On the motion of Mr Alleyne
By the Court
Monday next after the Morrow of the Ascension of our Lord in the Seventeen Year of King George the Third
The King
Ebenezer Smith Plat
The Defendant Ebenezer Smith Plat brought here into Court in Custody of the Keeper of his Majesty's Goal of Newgate by virtue of his said Majesty's Writ of Habeas Corpus And it appearing by the Return to the said Writ that the said Defendant stood charged with high Treason at Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in North America and upon hearing of Council on both sides It is Ordered that he the said Defendant be now remanded to the Custody of the Keeper of the said Goal of Newgate to be by him kept in safe Custody until he shall be from thence discharged by due course of Law
On the Motion of Mr Attorney General
By the Court
And these Deponents further Saith that from the time the said Vessel was so ?? as aforesaid until the time these Deponent left the said Colony the People there were in ?? to Oppose his Majesty's Government and Carried Standards with the Words American Liberty Written thereon and were every day ?? ?? for ?? and the Course of Justice was totally Obstructed and the Rebellion got to ?? ?? that his Majesty's Government had no power to inforce the Execution of the Law and that the afd E.S. Plat was Ordering and assisting in the said Rebellion and very active therein in Inforcing the Orders of the afd Committee ?? ?? the unloading that Ship and Carefully Serving all the Ammunition ? on board for the ?? to be at the Disposal of the afd Committee
And this Dpt further saith that and believed the said E.S. Plat was one of the said Provincial Committee and He this Deponent the rather believes the same because the sd E.S. Plat justified his being on Board this Deponent's Ship under the Orders of the said Congress and was frequently in Company with several of the persons in the said Town o Savannah who had assumed the Government thereof and was several times very active in carrying many Orders of the said Congress into Execution tending to the oppression of some of the Inhabitants of the said Town who were suspected of being friendly to his Majesty's Government
For the Crown
Qu whether he may not be remanded on the late ? to the New Goal?
The King
Agst BRIEF
To oppose the Prisoner being bailed
Mr Atty Gen'l
A Consultation is desired with
Mr Solic't Gen
Mr Wallace
Mr Mansfield
Mr Boarcroft
Mr Buller
The King High Treason at Savannah
agst in Georgia
Ebenezer Smith Plat
The Prisoner was apprehended at Kingston in Jamaica and sent home in one of his Majesty's Ships at Portsmouth from whence he was brought up to London and examined before William Addington Esqr one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace on the 23rd January last and by him committed to Newgate upon the following warrant of Commitlment
Middlesex to wit
To the Keeper of his Majesty's Goal of Newgate or his Deputy
These are in his Majesty's Name to authorise and Require you to receive into your Custody the Body of Ebenezer Smith Plat herewith sent you Charged before me upon the Oaths of Richard Scriven and Samuel Burnett with High Treason at Savannah in the Colony of Georgia in North America And you are to keep him safe until her shall be delivered by due course of Law And for so doing this shall be you Warrant. Given under my hand and seal this 23rd day of January 1777
W Addington
All Hilary Term passed without the Prisoner making any application to the Court of King's Bench under the Habeas Corpus Act to be Bailed Tried or Discharged (which he might have done) but at the subsequent sessions at the Old Bailey the prisoner having sent a sort of petition to the Lord Mayor which the Court was pleased to entertain as a petition under the Habeas Corpus Act, the matter was solemnly argued when the Court being of Opinion that it had no jurisdiction either to Try, Bail, or Discharge him, he remained in Custody.
Soon after an Act passed Intitled "An act to empower his Majesty to secure and detain persons charged with or suspected of the Crime of High Treason committed in any of his Majesty's Colonies in America or on the high seas or the Crime of Piracy" Whereby after reciting that a Rebellion had been carried on in certain of His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America and that many persons had been seized and taken who were expressly charged or strongly suspected of such Treason and that many more such persons might be
then after so seized and taken and Reciting that such persons had been or might be brought into this Kingdom and that it might be inconvenient in many such cases to proceed forthwith to the Tryal of such Criminals and at the same time of evil examples to suffer them to go at large
It was therefore Enacted that all and every person or persons who had been or should be then after seized or taken in the act of High Treason committed in any of His Majesty's Colonies or Plantations in America or who were or should be charged with or suspected of the Crime of High Treason committed in any of the said Colonies or on the high seas or who had been or should be Committed in any part of His Majesty's Dominions for such Crime by any Magistrate having competent authority in that behalf to the Common Good should and might be thereupon detained in safe Custody, without Bail of Mainprize(?) intil the first day of January 1778 and that no Judge or Justice of Peace shall Bail or Try any such Person or persons without Order from his Majesty's most honourable Privy Council Signed by six of the said privy Council until the said first day of January 1778 any Law Statute or Usage to the contrary un any wise notwithstanding
Notwithstanding the above Statute the Prisoner on the first day of this Term presented a petition to the Court of the King's Bench praying that he might be either Tried Bailed or discharged, and the Court, on the motion of Mr Alleyne made a Rule for receiving and filing the same, but reserved for a future Day the taking the Prayer into consideration.
It would have been difficult to have found out upon what ground the Prisoner's Council made the forgoing application considering the above Statute had he not informed the Court that he was aware thereof and meant to argue that the Words "No judge or Justice of Peace shall Bail or Try" could not control the Court of King's Bench with which Court a discretionary power to Bail was still left and meant to be left, notwithstanding that statute.
In answer thereto We have procured the several Statutes passed in 1715 an 1745 for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act and find Words in the Enacting part of those Statutes exactly corresponded with the Words in the present Act and although the Court of the King's Bench in nay one instance presumed to Bail a prisoner comprehended within the perview of those Statutes
In Sir William Wyndham's Case it was objected against his being Bailed that he had lain still so long without making any application – as a Reason for that omission he say'd the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and though the suspension did not extend to his particular Case yet the Chief Justice in giving his Opinion on that Case say's the Reason given was of some weight in determining the discretion of the Court for the Gentleman might think himself included and be mistaken, which speaks very clearly the Sentiments of the Chief Justice that is Sir William had not been mistaken there would have been no pretence for an application as his omission would have been justified.
But in Michaelmas Term 9th Geo:1st The very objection now taken was insisted on, and it was overruled and an Habeas Corpus denied in the Case of the King and the prisoners in the Tower and the rather because the Habeas Corpus was denyed in Layer's Case for the Court would not try hum till they had an Order from the King oas the Act directs v.s Moder 98 Michas 9 Geo.
Be pleased therefore to oppose the prisoner being bailed.
To the Right Honourable Henry, Earl of Suffolk and Berkshire, One of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, and one of the Lords of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council
The humble Petition of Ebenezer Smith Platt, a Prisoner in Newgate
Most Respectfully sheweth
That your Lordships Petitioner was in the Month of March, 1776, made a Prisoner at Kingston in Jamaica on a charge of High Treason against the King and Government of Great Britain
That your Lordships Petitioner was from that period closely confined on board Several Ships of War until the Month of January 1777, at which time he was by virtue of an order, brought from Portsmouth to London
and Committed to the Goal of Newgate where he noe remaine a Prisoner
That you Lordships Petitioner is totally void of every Family, Friend or Connection in this Kingdom, that he is Laden with iron and that he finds his health materially affected, by his long confinement.
Your Lordships Petitioner therefore most humbly solicits your Lordship, as in your Lordship's judgement may seem proper that you will be pleased to direct that he may be either brought to his Trial to answer such charges as may be adducted against him, or that he may be Admitted on Bail, to make his Appearance on such charges at any future Period.
Old Bailey Proceedings supplementary material, Ebenezer Smith Platt, 19th February 1777.
On the First or Second Day of the Sessions, a Petition was presented to the Court from Ebenezer Smith Platt , a Prisoner in Newgate, under the following Warrant, praying the Benefit of the Habeas Corpus Act.
Long text doc of arguments.
Ebenezer Smith Platt to the Commissioners
Docno: PJA06d038[64]
Author: Platt, Ebenezer Smith
Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris
Recipient: JA
Date: 1778-04-21
Paris 21st. April 1778
To the Honourable Commissioners of the United States of America.
The humble Petition of Ebenezer S. Platt Most Respectfully Sheweth,
That your Petitioner is a Native of America, and was a resident in the Province of Georgia, in the year 1775, And was Chosen a Member of the Parochial Committee of Savannah,(1) in said Province.
That in the month of July 1775, A Certain Ship Called the Philippa, whereof one Richard Maitland, was Master, Arrived off Savannah Harbour (Laden with Dry Goods, together with Nine Tons of Gunpowder, Four Hundred Stand of Arms, and some Lead, and Musket Balls) Where she was met by an Armed schooner, fitted out by Congress for that Purpose, who Boarded said ship at Sea, and took out all the Gunpowder, and Deposited it safe in the Magazine at Savannah. The Arms, and Musket Balls still remaining onboard, and for fear they should fall into the hands of People who were Inimicable to the Liberty of America The Provintial Congress of said Place, (then sitting) thought Proper to send Persons Onboard to Protect the same, And accordingly your Petitioner, with two others of said Committee, {p. 45} were by them appointed and received a Written Order therefore Signed by the President.
That in the month of Jany. 1776 Your Petitioner Freighted two Vessels for Cape Nicholas Mole,(2) With Intent to Purchase War-like Stores, and by Permission of Congress, Embarked onboard one of them himself, which unfortunately was taken within a few Leagues of her Destined Port, by his Majesty's Ship Maid-stone Capn. Gardner, and Carried into Kingston in Jamaica. Where she was restored to your Petitioner again on Account of her being English Property; tho' they obliged him to sell his Cargo.
That your Petitioner in Consequence thereof sold his Cargo, and Purchased a Vessel with Intent, to Proceed back to America, When on the 28 day of March as your Petitioner was Proceeding to Sea, his Vessel was Boarded, and Taken, by a Boat from Onboard the Antelope, Ship of War,—Your Petitioner Carried onboard said Ship, and Confined in Irons, upon an Information laid by Capn. Maitland, of his having been onboard his Ship at Savannah in Georgia by Order of Congress.
That your Petitioners Ship in Consequence thereof was Sold Without any Account being given thereof to your Petitioner. After which your Petitioner was removed by Habeas Corpus, before the Court at Kingston, Tryed, and Acquited, but for fear of his recovering Damages of the Admiral, was again remanded by the Cheif Justice onboard the Antelope as an Able Bodied Seaman.
That your Petitioner remained three months longer onboard the Antelope, in Irons, and then was Removed onboard the Boreas, Frigate, And from thence onboard the Palas, Frigate, in which he was Caried to England,(3) and sent onboard the Centaur, and from thence to the Barfleur, and from the Barfleur back again to the Centaur, And from onboard the Centaur sent onshore, and up to London, and Committed to Clerkenwell Bridewell, for two Days, When he was Caried before Sr. John Fielding, and One Justice Addington, and by them Committed on the 23 of Jany. 1777 to Newgate, where he remained fourteen Months in Irons—Destitute of every Family Friend or Connection, and Depending for his Daily support, upon the Charity of a few Humane People.
That at length through the Interposition of the Committee for the Support of American Prisoners(4) Your Petitioner was set at {p. 46} Liberty, in a Strange Country, Destitute of Money, and every Means of returning to his Native Country. And was by said Committee sent to Paris, Relying upon the Commissioners of America, for Assistance to Enable him to Return Home.
Your Petitioner therefore hopes you will be Pleased to take his hard Case into Consideration And allow him such Assistance as you in Your Wisdom shall think Fit.(5)
Ebenezer Smith Plat
RC Adams Papers ; docketed: "Mr Platt"; in another hand: "Ebenr platts petition Paris 21 Apl. 78."
1. In 1775, with the breakdown of the royal government, the Parochial Committee of Savannah had assumed the powers and functions of local government for the town and surrounding parish. Among other things, it enforced the Association, embargoed locally needed merchandise, and appointed a lay preacher when the local Church of England minister was banned by the Provincial Congress (Kenneth Coleman, American Revolution in Georgia, 1763–1789, Athens, Ga., 1958, p. 63). Although Platt, as a shopkeeper and supporter of the Revolution, would have been a logical choice for membership on the Parochial Committee, no mention of him in that capacity has been found (Ronald G. Killion and Charles T. Waller, Georgia and the Revolution, Atlanta, 1975, p. 219).
2. Cape St. Nicholas Môle is at the northwest corner of St. Domingue (now Haiti).
3. For additional information about Platt's detention at Jamaica and subsequent transportation to England, see Naval Docs. Amer. Rev. , 4:588–589, 761, 794; 5:517–520; 7:807–808. The index of vol. 5 gives Platt's forename erroneously as William.
4. No specific reference to a committee of this name has been found. Functions like that described by Platt were, however, performed by such bodies as the relief committee headed by Rev. Thomas Wren and a London committee which, in December 1777 and January 1778, raised £3,700 for the support of American prisoners (Catherine M. Prelinger, "Benjamin Franklin and the American Prisoners of War in England during the American Revolution," WMQ , 3d ser., 32:264, 268 [April 1975]; NEHGR , 30 [1876]:348, note 1).
5. On 26 Aug. 1777 the congress had, in response to a letter from Platt from Newgate Prison, voted to supply him with £100 and seek his exchange, and in Dec. 1777 Platt had apparently received money from Benjamin Franklin ( JCC , 8:676; Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S. , 1:326; Prelinger, "Franklin and the American Prisoners of War," p. 265–266). Platt probably never received the former sum, but, as a result of this petition, the Commissioners gave him 30 guineas for his return to America. Platt's passage was not uneventful, for the New Friends of Charleston, on which he and his wife sailed from France, was captured by the British privateer Leveller. On 6 March 1780, after finally reaching his destination, Platt petitioned congress for the £100 voted him in 1777 as compensation for his "exertions and sufferings" (K. G. Davies, ed., Documents of the American Revolution, 1770–1783, Shannon and Dublin, 1972– , 13:321; London Chronicle, 30 July–1 Aug. 1778; JCC , 16:230; PCC, No. 41, VIII, f. 100).
Cite web page as: Founding Families: Digital Editions of the Papers of the Winthrops and the Adamses, ed.C. James Taylor. Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 2007.
Matthew Ridley to the American Commissioners
ALS: American Philosophical Society
April the 3d: 1778
Honorable Sirs
The Bearer of this is Mr. Ebenezer Platt; with whose sufferings in the cause of America you are not unacquainted. He has lately got released from his confinement in consequence of a Petition from the Committee for American Prisoners. Mr. Platt is desirous of returning to his Country; and every mode but the one through France being stop'd I have taken the liberty of giving him a Letter to you; not doubting you will find him an Object of consideration and that you will do all in your Power, to further his design.
Mr. Platt since his release is married to a Daughter of Mrs. Wrights, who goes with him And who I believe is not unknown to Dr. Franklin.
I hope you will excuse the Freedom I have taken and believe me Honorable Sirs Your most Obedient and most humble Servant
Mattw: Ridley
Addressed: To / The Honorable Commissioners / of the United States of America / Paris
17 April 1761 89
Appeared personally Captain Richard Maitland of the Parish of St Pauls Shadwell in the County of Middlesex mariner
and produced a warrant from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Executing the Offices of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland for the granting of a Commission or Letter of Marque to him the said Richard Maitland
and in pursuance of his Majesty's Instruction to Privateer made the following Declaration to with that this the said Richard Maitland
his ship is Called the Phillippa
That she is a Square Sterned Ship Painted Black and Yellow, a Syon Head Painted all Yellow
and is of the burthen of about Three Hundred tons
That the said Richard Maitland goeth Commander of her That she Carrys Sixteen Carriage Guns
Each Carrying shot of Six and Four pounds weight and
Swivel Guns and belonging to the port of London
Forty Men Thirty Six small arms Twenty four Cutlasses Twelve Barrels of Powder Twelve Rounds of great Shot and about Three hundred weight of small shot
That the said Ship is victualled for Six months
hath two suits of sails Five Anchors Five Cables and about Thirty hundred weight of spare cordage
That John Dudley goes Lieutenant John Thomas Gunner William Jones Boatswain Thomas Lee Carpenter Henry Atkins Cook James Long Surgeon of the said Ship and that
Mr Henry Loubert and his Partners Mesrs Leavie and Schweighauzen together with Mr James Bouverieu of London Merchants
are the Principal Owners and Setters out of the said Ship
Richd Maitland
(His signature)
This declaration was made before me
And: Colbeee Ducarel
Surrogate Farrant?
The like Commission is entered on Irof:2 was granted to Richard Maitland to set forth the Phillippa of the Burthen of about three hundred tons and belonging to the Port of London whereof he the said Richard Maitland goeth Commander Dated the Seventeenth Day of April 1761 and in the first year of his Majesty's Reign.
Indexed at /99
26 Mary 1761 101
Appeared personally Captain John Barford of Cheapside, London mariner
and produced a warrant from the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Executing the Offices of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland for the granting of a Commission or Letter of Marque to him the said John Barford
and in pursuance of his Majesty's Instruction to Privateer made the following Declaration to with that this the said Richard Maitland
his ship is Called the Hungerford
That she is a Square Sterned with three masts
and is of the burthen of about Two Hundred and Seventy Six tons
That the said John Barford goeth Commander of her That she Carrys Sixteen Carriage Guns
Each Carrying shot of Six and Four & three pounds weight and
Swivel Guns and belonging to the port of London
Thirty Men Thirty small arms Thirty Cutlasses Twenty Barrels of Powder Fifty Rounds of great Shot and about Six hundred weight of small shot
That the said Ship is victualled for Ten months
hath two suits of sails Five Anchors Four Cables and about Ten hundred weight of spare cordage
That John Castello goes Lieutenant John James Gunner William Green Boatswain Joseph Hickman Carpenter Arthur Morris Cook John Maitland Surgeon of the said Ship and that
Mr Joseph Robertson & Lawrence Boyd of London Merchants
are the Principal Owners and Setters out of the said Ship
Jno Barford
(His signature)
This declaration was made before me
And: Arth. Collier
The like Commission is entered on Irof:2 was granted to John Barford to set forth the Hungerford of the Burthen of about Two hundred & Seventy Six Tons and belonging to the Port of London whereof he the said John Barford goeth Commander Dated the Twenty Sixth Day of May 1761 and in the first year of his Majesty's Reign.
Commander: John Barford.
Ship: Julines and Elizabeth. .
Burden: 600 tons.
Crew: 111.
Owners: William Green, Julines Beckford, Solomon Ashley and David Trinder of London, merchants.
Home port: London.
Lieutenant: Arthur Campbell.
Gunner: Andrew Slocombe.
Boatswain: John Knowles.
Carpenter: Solomon Wade.
Cook: James Dunn.
Surgeon: William Cranford.
Armament: 6 carriage guns.
Folio: 89
Covering dates 1759 August 10
Front Cover of the Book:
Letter of Marque or Reprisals against France from 20th day of June 1760.
I am ordered by the Court of Directors if the East India Company, to transmit to you the accompanying memorial, and to entreat you would be pleased to lay the same before the Right Honrble. The Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury,
I am, Sir,
Your most Obedient Servant, Michell
East India House, the 16th February 1774.
To the Right Honourable The Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury
The Humble Memorial of the Court of Directors for the Affairs of the United Company of Merchants of England, trading to the East Indies.
That you Petitioners on the month of September last shipped on board the Ship London, Captain Alexander Curling, Two hundred and fifty seven Chests of Tea, and consigned the same to Mr Roger Smith and Messrs Leger and Greenwood of Charles Town, South Carolina, Merchants, to be there legally imported, subject to the American duty, and to be sold on the Account of the East India Company.
That on the Arrival of the said Ship at Charles town on the 2nd of December last, several meetings were held by the Inhabitants to consider of means to prevent the Landing of the said Teas, and the Agents appointed by your Memorialists were so intimidated by the said Resolutions made, and menaces thrown out, that they dared not attempt to Land the Teas and execute their Commission.
That the Ship London having laid Twenty days in the said Port, after which Period the Collector of His Majesty's Customs there is obliged by Law, and by his Instructions
Instructions, to seize Goods liable to pay Duty, the said Collector seized, landed, and stored the said Teas as being confiscated for want of Entry and payment of the Duties due thereon. Under these Circumstances your Memorialists humbly pray that your Lordships will be pleased to issue orders to His Majesty's Governor of South Carolina, or his Officers of the Customs there, for Sale of the said Teas by public Auction, or in such manner as shall be thought most expedient, and that the produce thereof, after deduction of the duty of Customs, and incident Charges, may be paid to your Memorialists, or their order, for the use of their Constituents the East India Company, or that your Memorialists may have such other relief in the premises as to your Lordships in your great wisdom shall seem meet.
And your Memorialists shall ever
India House, London
10th February 1774.
Background to the above:
The Royal Colony of South Carolina
The Tea Act and its Consquences in the Carolinas
May 1773
In 1773, citizens of Charles Town met in the Great Hall to protest the Tea Act. Rather than watching the tea get dumped in the harbor as had happened in Boston, British authorities seized the tea and locked it up in the cellars of the Exchange Building. Later, American patriots took possession of the tea and sold it to benefit the cause of liberty.
A meeting at the Exchange Building was called on December 3 because 257 chests of East India Company tea had arrived in Charles Town two days before in Captain Alexander Curling's ship, the London. George Gabriel Powell was elected chairman of the meeting, and it became apparent in the ensuing debate that most of the citizens present favoured absolute non-importation of teas subject to tax. The East India Company consignees, who were present at the meeting, received the thanks and applause of the assembly when they promised not to accept the tea.
If this had been the full extent of the meeting's historical importance, it would be an interesting, but hardly remarkable event. Strangely enough, however, the present government of the state of South Carolina traces its lineage to this anti-tea rally. As historian David Duncan Wallace points out, the colonial Assembly was the predecessor, but not the parent of the modern legislature. The meeting of December 3 led without a break to subsequent meetings and then to the General Committee, the Provincial Congresses, and finally the state General Assembly.
On December 22, 1773, Robert Dalway Haliday, the collector of customs for Charles Town, had the tea shipment seized, unloaded, and stored in the warehouse under the Exchange Building for non-payment of duties. Since the consignees refused to receive the tea, it became liable to seizure by the Crown after twenty days in port. A second meeting of the citizens on December 17 had resolved that the tea should not be landed, and Captain Curling received several anonymous letters threatening damage to his ship unless it was moved away from the wharf.
When Lieutenant Governor William Bull was informed of the threats, he called an emergency meeting of the Council at his home. The sheriff was instructed by the lieutenant governor to assist the collector of customs if necessary, and to arrest anyone who attempted to obstruct the landing of the tea. Accordingly, the customs officers began moving the chests into the Exchange Building warehouse at sunrise on December 22, and at noon their task was almost finished. The patriots were taken completely by surprise, but they declared themselves satisfied as long as the unpopular merchandise remained under lock and key.
The tea remained in the Exchange Building until the
government of the province fell into the hands of the patriots, and it was sold
in 1776 to provide funds for defence against the British.
A meeting at the Exchange was called on December 3 because 257 chests of East India Company tea had arrived in Charlestown two days before in Captain Alexander Curling's ship, the London. George Gabriel Powell was elected chairman of the meeting, and it became apparent in the ensuing debate that most of the citizens present favoured absolute non-importation of teas subject to tax. The East India Company consignees, who were present at the meeting, received the thanks and applause of the assembly when they promised not to accept the tea.
If this had been the full extent of the meeting's historical importance, it would be an interesting, but hardly remarkable event. Strangely enough, however, the present government of the state of South Carolina traces its lineage to this anti-tea rally. As historian David Duncan Wallace points out, the colonial Assembly was the predecessor, but not the parent of the modern legislature. The meeting of December 3 led without a break to subsequent meetings and then to the General Committee, the Provincial Congresses, and finally the state General Assembly.
December 22, 1773. Robert Dalway Haliday, the collector of customs for Charlestown, had the tea shipment seized, unloaded, and stored in the warehouse under the Exchange for non-payment of duties. Since the consignees refused to receive the tea, it became liable to seizure by the crown after twenty days in port. A second meeting of the citizens on December 17 had resolved that the tea should not be landed, and Captain Curling received several anonymous letters threatening damage to his ship unless it was moved away from the wharf. When Lieutenant Governor William Bull was informed of the threats, he called an emergency meeting of the Council at his home. The sheriff was instructed by the lieutenant governor to assist the collector of customs if necessary, and to arrest anyone who attempted to obstruct the landing of the tea. Accordingly, the customs officers began moving the chests into the Exchange warehouse at sunrise on December 22, and at noon their task was almost finished. The patriots were taken completely by surprise, but they declared themselves satisfied as long as the unpopular merchandise remained under lock and key.
The tea remained in the Exchange until the government of the province fell into the hands of the patriots, and it was sold in 1776 to provide funds for defense against the British.
Unlike the Boston Tea Party protest in which tea was thrown overboard, a large shipment of tea was seized in 1773 and held in the cellar of the Old Exchange until 1776 when it was sold for funds to defend against the British.
Cruising Vessels under the direction of the Board of Excise for Suppressing Smuggling Etc
A Brigantine the Royal Charlotte
Duncan Aire Commander /annum 50
1st Mate 40
2nd Mate 25
A Commander of a detached boat 25
A Carpenter 22-16
A Boatswain 20
A Gunner 18
24 men at £15 pa each 360
32 men's subsistence of 9.75d per day 474-10
A sloop the Royal George
John Ogilvie Commander per annum 50
1st mate 40
2nd mate 25
A clerk 25
A Carpenter 22-16
A Boatswain 20
A Gunner 18
19 men at £15 pa 285
26 men's subsistence and 9.75d/day 385-10-7.5
A Brigantine the Princess Royal
John Macpherson Commander /annum 50
1st Mate 40
2nd Mate 25
3rd Mate 25
A Clerk 25
A Carpenter 22-16
A Boatswain 20
A Gunner 18
42 men at £15 pa each 630
50 men's subsistence of 9.75d per day 741-18-1.5
James Ramsay Agent Correspondent to the Yachts 60
Adam Pearson his Clerk 40
John Hepburn Accomptant 25
Dr Sir,
by the best Information I can get from Grenada, I am pretty certain that neither the Generall, Chief Judge or any other officers, have lately received any of their Salaries, on Account of the Capitation tax not being paid. And what confirms me in this opinion is my having received Letters, with Directions to apply to the Treasury on this Subject.
A have the Honor to be,
Your most obd Servt
Richd Maitland
Mark lane,
11 Nov 1767.
to Thos Bradshaw, Esq. (257 in pencil)
Granville Papers
Provincial Georgia::
Sir James Wright in his letter of the 1st Febry, acquaints Lord Dartmouth, that he had met the Assembly in January, expecting their being allowed to sit would have prevented their sending Deputies to the General Congress, in which he was disappointed. That the Carolinians had set every Engine to work to draw the Georgians into their Marines?, and threatened Blood and Devastation if they refused; which, had raised the Spirits of the factions, and those who were well disposed were born away by the Torrent of Party. That he had reason to think there was a Design to seize upon him as a Hostage for such of the Faction as might be taken up for their treasonable practices, but that
at present the people behave towards him with decency, yet complains of a total want of Land and naval forces.
In his Letter of the 24 Febry he gives and account of a Riot at Savannah, in consequence of the Collector having seized several Hogsheads of Sugar and Molasses, and set a watch to guard them; that a Number of armed people came to beat the Watch away, (one of whom, fell overboard and was drowned), and carried off the Hogsheads.
The Governor had issued a Proclamation upon the occasion which had no other effect than exposing the weakness of Gover't.
Before these Advices were rec'd Lord Dartmouth had in his Dispatch of the 1st Febry acquainted Sir James Wright, that orders were given to Admiral
Graves to station a Sloop of War at Savannah, and to Gener'l Gage to send a Detachment of 100 Men from St Augustine.
Sir James on the 24th April write, that by his Management the departure of the three Deputies appointed by the Assembly to join the intended Congress at Philadelphia was delayed. That the Carolinians continue to threaten to cut the throats of the People of Georgia, if any Blood was spilt in New England, which extravagant Idea he thinks flows from the Congressional Resolve of making Reprisals. He speaks of a few Fanatics in the Parish of Saint John's who had sent a Deputy to the Congress, and states the necessity of sending him some Soldiers, as well as Powder to supply the Indians.
In his Letter of the 12th May he says, that the night before the King's Gunpowder Magazine was robbed of about 600 lbs of Powder, and that not more than 300 lbs remained of the King's, and about the same amount of the Merchants.
That he had issued a Proclamation with reward for discovering the Offenders, but had no hope of its success. That things wore a gloomy Aspect, and he has no prospect of a change for the better.
On 25th May he says the people were thrown into a great ferment by the account of the Skirmish near Boston of the 19th April accompanied with copies of this Letter laid before Parliament which had been very
prejudicial to himself and the King's affairs. That now a few Soldiers would only serve to irritate the people, as there is an appearance throughout the Colonies of a Spirit of universal Rebellion, and therefore declines to make use of the order he had received from General Gage for the Detachment of the 100 men from St Augustine. That his only hope is in the Moderation of the Continental Congress.
In his Letter of the 9th June he thinks his Life is exposed to danger, and fears Georgia will be invaded by the People of Carolina, and therefore begs his Majesty's permission to return home in the Spring. That several proscribed friends to Govern't had been required to quit the Province in a few days and on the 17th
he writes that 3 or 400 Liberty folkd had assembled to drive off the proscribed persons, some of whom had departed and others pacified the Mob. That it had been debated to shut up the Courts of Justice, but that Design was laid aside for some time. They had entered into an Association and adopted the Resolve of the continental Congress without Opposition from the Friends of Government, who finding no Support were afraid to be exposed to the insults of the Rabble, that the Council were of opinion that no public notice should be taken of their illegal practices, as it would only serve to expose the Weakness of Government, and exasperate the People. And he states in another Letter of the same date the
necessity of having a Body of 500 Men to restore Government with a Fortress erected on the Common suitable to contain them. He says they pretended to have account of Mr Stuart endeavouring to bring down the Cherokees upon the Inhabitants, and under that colour they had resolved to raise 300 men. That Mr Stuart had been pursued by armes Boats from Carolina, but had effected his Escape, and that the Boat has pillaged a Ship coming into Savannah of a quantity of Gunpowder she had on board for the Indian Trade
(ie the Phillippa)
Lord Dartmouth having learned that Admiral Graves had not sent a Sloop to Georgia in his Letter of the 2nd Aug't acquaints Governor Wright that the Admiralty had
Orders to send one of His Majesty's Ships of War hence to the Mouth of the Savannah River, and at the same time sends Him the King's Leave to return to England
In his Letter of the 8th July he says, that a number of people carried away some of the King's Guns and Carriages from Savannah; that the Commer in Charlestown, or Council of Safety, had appointed 3 managers of Indian Affairs in the Creek Country and 3 in the Cherokee Country. That the party who had boarded the Ship had taken about 6 Tons of Gunpowder and opined the Letter returning such as they did not find for their purpose to keep.
Upon receipt of these advices, Mr Pownell in the absence
of Lord Dartmouth in a Letter of 4th October gives the Governor to hope, that an Expedition in the open part of the Winter might possibly effect a Change in the State of Affairs in Georgia, and therefore that the friends of Government should not despair; and sends several Gazettes containing Addresses to the King from several Counties expressing the Resolution to support His Majesty in extinguishing the Rebellion in America. Mr Pownall likewise acquaints the Governor that the Packets are changed to Advice Boats, as occasion requires, and that Admiral Graves will give facility
to the Conveyance of public Dispatches.
The Provincial Congress having met, the Governor says, in his Letter of the 18th July, that they had charged him with not allowing the Assembly to sit, and with having misrepresented the State of the Province, and that he had laid their Address before the Council, who had refuted their Charges; that the Assembly becoming refractory and proceeding without Order, the Governor by Advice of the Council, thought fit to prorogue them; that two Persons from Charles town and of the Council of Safety there, had prevailed on the Congress to
let them have 5000~weight of the Gunpowder, when out of the Ship, which they carried away with them and a Brass field piece belonging to His Majesty; that he understands the Congress have agreed to send the Indians 2000 weight of Gunpowder as a present from the people, not from the King and Government, which he fears may have a bad tendency. That they had appointed a Council of Safety who had proposed to raise 350 Men, but, it was carried in the Negative. That Carolina offered to assist them with 1000 Men.
He says in his Letter of 29th July, that the Council of Safety had forbid the Rector of the Parish, (who had disobliged them by not officiating on their fast day.) to preach in the Church; that the Mob had tarred and feathered Mr Hopkins a Pilot, for having spoken disrespectfully of the Congress: that the Delegates were gone to Philadelphia and that he Committee admitted Vessels, or made them depart, as they pleased: that issued £10000 in Paper bills for defraying the Charges of their Military and Committees. One McCarthy having been committed to Gaol by the Chief Justice for inlisting Men to
serve against the King, he was released by the Mob, who, after taking possession of the public Magazine, set a guard of 20 Men over it. And by threat and menaces compelled many people to sign the Association; Under pretence of the Militia chusing their own Officers
they had attempted to wrest the Command of the Militia out of the hands of the Governor. In his Letter of the 27th August, he gives a further detail of the rebellious proceed of the People. That they had appointed one Sheftall, a Jew, Chairman of the parochial Committee, who had taken upon
to issue Orders to the Captains of Vessels in the most despotic manner. And that the Rebels assuming uncontroulable Authority treat the few friends of Government they cannot force into their Association with great Barbarity.
1. Précis of letters from lord Dartmouth to the Plantations General 7 feb- 4 Oct (1775)
2. 13 Feb-24 July (1775), Précis of correspondence between Lord Dartmouth and Mr Grey Johnson (Superintendent of Indian Affairs) and Mr John Stuart
3. 20 january – 16 October 1775 Minutes of Lord Dartmouth's correspondence into other Officers and King's servants.
4 1st Feb-15 Oct 1775 Advices and communications to Lord Dartmouth from other offices.
5 18 Nov 1774-25 Sept 1775 Précis of correspondence between Governor Carleton and Lord Dartmouth on the affairs at Quebec.
6 30 Oct-20 Aug 1775 Précis of correspondence between General Gage and Lord Dartmouth (Massachusetts Bay)
7. Précis of correspondence between Governor Wentworth and Lord Dartmouth (New Hampshire)
8. 1st March-7 Aug 1775 Précis of correspondence between Liet Governor Colden, Governor Tryon and Lord Dartmouth (New York)
9. 6 Dec (1774)-12 july (1775) Précis of correspondence between governor Franklin and Lord Dartmouth (New Jersey)
10 14 March-2 Aug (1775) Précis of correspondence between Lord Dumore and Lord Dartmouth (Virginia)
11 30 Dec 1774-5 July 1775 Précis of correspondence between Deputy Governor Eden and Lord Dartmouth (Maryland)
12 6 Dec 1774-5 Sept 1775 Précis of correspondence between Deputy Governor Perrin and Lord Dartmouth (Pennsylvania)
13 3 jan 1775-3 july (1775) Précis of correspondence between Governor Wonton and Lord Dartmouth (Rhode Island)
14 10 March 1775 Précis of correspondence between Governor Trimbull and Lord Dartmouth (Connecticut)
15 7 Apr-15 Spet (1775) Précis of correspondence between Governor Martin and Lord Dartmouth (N Carolina)
16 20 jan- 20 jul (1775) Précis of correspondence between Lieut Governor Bull and Lord Dartmouth (S Carolina)
17 1 feb – 29 July (1775) Précis of correspondence between Sir James Wright and Lord Dartmouth (Georgia)
To Benjamin Franklin from Elizabeth Wright, 13 February 1777
From Elizabeth Wright6
als: American Philosophical Society
Pall mall London Febuy. th 13 1777Honourd Sir
Your known Goodness of Heart and Generosity in Releiving and Suckouring the injured or oppres'd has Emboldned me to trouble you with the Case of Mr. Plat now a Prisoner in Newgate, On a charge of High Treason Comitted in America, that thro your Means or influence his Frinds may be made acquaintd with his Situation in order that they may take some Precautions for his being acquited, or at least, that he may Receive some Remittances for his Support in His Disagreable Unhappy Confinement, which I am apprehensive will be of some Continuence, as I fear this new Act that is now passing,7 is made allmost on Purpose to Detain Him with Several Others Nearly in the same Situation, Without Bail or Tryall as Prisoners of Warr, to be Confined in the Severeest Maner, in Goals, or Dungeons, as Criminals and God only knows where it may End, Perhaps Hang'd. Wee was intimately Acquainted with Mr. Plat in New York of Which Place He is A Native. His Father was A Merchant There a Man of Fortune and unspotted Reputation and He Himself is a very Amiable young Man, and A Credit to His Country. His Uncle of the same Name, no Doubt Sir, you are Acquainted with, As He is One of the Members of the Congress.8 About 3 years Ago Mr. Plats Father setled Him in Georgia at His own Request, where he Purchased 5000 Acres of Land, intending to turn Planter, but meeting with some Obstructions with Regard to Negros to Stock His Farm He Entred into Trade And became much known and Esteemed in Georgia as A Worthy Young Man. His Father Came from New York to see him and unfortunately Died whilest on the Vissit. His Mother A Brother and two Sisters are now on Long Island and have not heard from Him since He wrote them an Account of his Fathers Death. The 13th of Jully 1775 there Arived A Vessel in Savanah Harbour Commanded by A Captain Maitlord,9 Laden with Goods and some Powder and Arms from Merchants in England Consignd to their Correspondents, Merchants in Georgia. The People of Georgia at that Time had just formd a Congress amongst themselves and began as well as the Other Provinces to be Divided into Liberty and tory Partys. The Merchants to whom the Goods were Consigned were of these different Oppinions. A Stoppage of Trade then takeing Place and Goods being rather Scarce the Congress Previous to the Arival of the Vessel Purchased the Goods of the Merchants at An Advanced Price, but rather against the Will of those of them who were in the opposition to the Congress, in Consequence of which the others fearing there might be any obstruction to the Landing the Goods or that Possibly a Mob might be Rais'd to Destroy or Prevent the Congress from obtaining them, applied to Mr. Plat with two other Gentleman to go on board the Vessel which Lay some Miles off and see that She was safe brought up to the Town and that none of the Goods should be Landed till Her Arival There. They gave them an order to the Captn. and Mate to Receive and Entertain them in the best Maner on Board. But they seeing the Captn. aterwards in Town shew'd Him the order, and as He was not going on Board again just then He gave them an order to the Mate, much to the same Purpose as the other, viz., to Receive and treat them well, and was very Polite and Friendly. But by what hapned afterwards it appears that He was rather Averse to the Congress haveing the Cargo. They staid on Board 6 Days, saw the Vessel brought up to the Town and Nothing Landed Except some Horses for Governor Campbell at Charlestown south Carolina. They then went on shore thought no more of it and Another Commite was sent in their stead, who Landed the Cargo. After Captn. Maitland had Cleard his Vessel in Georgia he set sail with a Cargo from thence for Jamaica and soon after Mr. Plat went as Merchant in a Vessel of His own which He had fitted out for the same Port leaving his Partner to superintend his Business and Property in the Mean time. After his Arival in Jamaica He saw Captain Maitland There who was Exceeding Friendly to Him and invited Him to Make His home on Board His ship whilest He staid in Kingston. This offer He Declined but they frequently fell in Company with Each other and allways upon the footing of Friendship for about 8 weeks when they hapned one Evening to Meet in A Coffee House in a good deal of other Company amongst which was Captain Miller of New York, with several other Captains. Some of them had got a little heated with the Liquor and one Amongst the rest, gave as a Toast "Damnation to all Americans" to which Mr. Plat Reply'd, that No Gentlemen of Honour or Goodness could drink such a Toast as it was Repugnant to the Rules of Society, on which the other grew warm as well as some of the Company, and Mr. Plat fearing A Quarrel imediately Withdrew. Captain Maitland who by this time had grown warm with the Liquor and Conversation soon after His Departure, Cryd out "That Damnd fellow was one of them on Board my Ship at Georgia with an order from the Congress and Landed the Powder and Arms for them." Most of the Company was Exceedingly Pleasd at the Discovery and the next Day Reported it all over the town, not omiting the Governor Sir Bassil Keith1 who imediately sent word to Captain Maitland that He ought to come and Exhibit an information against Mr. Plat. The Captn. having grown sober again was Exceedingly Sorry for what he had said and sent word to Mr. Plat that He wish'd he would absent Himself or Leave the Place. Elce He must be obliged to Comply with the Governors Comands. Mr. Plat Amazed, tho' indiffirent, at his information returnd Answer that His Business did not suit him to leave the Place at that Time, that He had nothing to dread from any information He Could make against Him, and that He was at liberty to act as he thought Proper in the Case. Mr. Plat was at that Time haveing Disposed of his Vessel and Cargo fitting out another for Turtling and fishing before His Return to Georgia. As He Lay off in the River Prepared to Sail the Admiral's Boat Came allong Side and Askd for Mr. Plat the Captain Reply'd that He was on Board on which they imediately seiz'd the Vessel and Crew alledging it was on account of An information of Captain Maitlands against Mr. Plat, before the Governor. Mr. Plats Captain and Crew were set at Liberty about 3 weeks afterward, but Mr. Plat was Confind in Irons and for a fortnight Debard from Seeing or writeing to Any of His Friends, and treated with the greatest insolence and indignities by the Sailors. He was afterwards Permited to write to His Friends on shore who Procured for him a Habeas Corpus on which He was brought to Trial on the affadavit of Captn. Maitland His Mate and 3 of His Men who deposed that he had been on Board their Vessel in Georgia with an order from the Congress and Landed for them the Powder and Arms which the Governor Deem'd Rebelion and Treason but finding it rather Difficult to Prove He Deliverd Him intirely into the Admiral Gaytons Hands2 who was both His Prosecuter and Goalor. Mr. Plat had a Negro Boy which with his own Cloaths they had when His Vessel was seiz'd Permitted Him to keep. Him He was oblidged to sell in order to defray the Expences of His tryal. Mr. Plats Council Pleaded that at the Time these goods Arived in Georgia that Province was not Declared in Rebelion, as this hapned in July and that Declaration was not made till in the fall and that as to Seizing His Vessel, the Act3 intitled them to Seize American Privateers and did not Extend to A Private Vessel which had been cleard out for Turtling and Fishing. The admirals Council made their Cheif Plea wich was addressing themselves to the Judge, Pleas your Honour if your Honour should set the Prisoner at Liberty it will cost the Admiral 6000 Pound Damages for falce imprisoment to which the Judge Reply'd "Well I acquit the Prisoner of the Charges laid to Him but Return Him on Board as an Able Bodied Seaman to do Duty in Consequence of a late Act that all Masters and Mariners so taken, should serve on Board His Majestys frigates in His Majesty's Service. To this it was answerd that Mr. Plat was neither Master nor Mariner but Merchant on Board His own Vessel, that this the Captain and crew could Prove. But this Assertion was Evaded and he was again Caried on Board the Admirals Ship and from thence Remov'd to several others and after some time sent home by the Admiral under Pretence of tryal in England in order Chiefly to Secure Himself from Prosecution, which He fear'd had Mr. Plat been set at Liberty. He arived at Portsmouth after having been A Prisoner 10 Months and sent to London for A Habeas, obtain'd it but there was the greatest Precautions taken in order to Render it inefectual. He was Remov'd with the greatest Expedition into Another Vessel, but He still Persisting in desire to be Brought to Tryall, 2 of Sir Johnfeildin[g's4 Men?] Was sent for Him to Portsmouth. He wa[s brought] to Town and Carry'd before Him but He not ch[oosing] to Medle with so intricate a Cause He was Carryd before another Majistrate and Comanded to Prison, with a charge of Treason tending to Piracy on the written affadavit of two of Captn. Maitlands Sailors Previously Prepared by Council and not appearing to Confront Him in a new, and diffirent Maner from that at Jamaica. A Copy of it Refused Him, and the Comitment wrote in such a Maner that his tryall Cannot be brought on till the Kings Pleasure wich no doubt according to this New Act will not be during the Warr unless He could be Exchanged for some English Prisoner. I could not help wishing you sir and his Uncle knew his situation, as it Distresses us Exceedingly tho he himself is Exceeding chearful under it and says that if it can in any respect conduce to the good of his country he shall bear it with Pleasure Even tho his Life was Required of him. If you Sir approve of it, I should Esteem it as a Favour if you would send this to his Uncle or whatever you think best. I Reman with the greatest Respect
Elizabeth Wright
My Mother Brother Sister and Self desire our best Love and duty to You.
Addressed in another hand: Doctor Franklin
[Note numbering follows the Franklin Papers source.]
6. The daughter of Patience Wright (above, xix, 93) joined her mother in London at some time before November, 1775, and became like her a modeler in wax. London Mag.…, xliv (1775), 555–6; Charles C. Sellers, Patience Wright, American Artist and Spy … (Middletown, Conn., [1976]), pp. 90, 225–6.
7. An act regarding arrest for treason or piracy, 17 Geo. III, c. 9, passed on Feb. 17: Public Advertiser, Feb. 19, 1777.
8. Young Platt was born on Long Island in 1753; Elizabeth presumably had a more than charitable interest in him, for after his release from prison in 1778 she married him: Sellers, op. cit., pp. 105–6, 118. A slim pamphlet, The Case of Mr. Ebenezer Smith Platt, Merchant of Georgia, Now Confined in Irons in Newgate, on a Charge of High Treason ([London, 1777?]), is now among bf's papers in the APS; it must have been enclosed with this letter or with Patience Wright's below of March 7, for in Platt's letter of March 10 he assumes that it is in bf's hands. The uncle, Zephaniah Platt, was at this time a member of the N.Y. provincial congress: Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1744–1961 ([Washington, D.C., 1961]), p. 1464.
9. Capt. Richard Maitland, in the Philippa, had left Deal on May 1: London Chron., April 29–May 2, 1775.
1. Sir Basil, the brother of Sir Robert Murray Keith, British Ambassador to Vienna, was governor from 1774 until his death in 1777; see George Metcalf, Royal Government and Political Conflict in Jamaica, 1729–1783 ([London], 1965), pp. 182–98.
2. For Clark Gayton, commanding the Jamaica squadron, see the DNB.
3. The Prohibitory Act.
4. Fielding (1721–80) was the half-brother of
Henry Fielding, and succeeded him as magistrate after his death: DNB; Ronald
Leslie-Melville, The Life and Works of Sir John Fielding (London, [1934]).
The Memorial of Sarah Maitland of Mile End Old Town in the County of Middlesex Widow of Richard Maitland late of London Mariner deceased formerly Master of the Ship Magna Charta and late of the Philippa in the Carolina Trade
Humbly Herewith
That your Memorialist's said late husband Traded for many Years as Master Mariner from the Port of London to Charlestown and Savannah in Georgia.
That in every voyage the said Richard Maitland had an Adventure of his own which he generally sold in the Country part for ready Money, but by far the largest part upon Credit until he should return thither again by which means there were very considerable Sums of Money due to Your Memorialist's said late Husband at the time of his decease from diverse persons in the said respective Provinces.
That in the Year 1774 the said Richard Maitland being then Master of the Ship Magna Charta he sailed from London with a Cargo of divers Goods Wares and Merchandise for Charlestown and having unfortunately a Chest and two half Chests of Tea on board Shipped here with Licence, the Committee of the Usurped Power at Charlestown to his Landing the said Tea and insisted that he should destroy the same in their presence which he promised to do; but could not accomplish because the Officers of His Majesty's Customs at Charlestown seized the same as stated in he sworn narrative hereunder annexed.
That the same Committee finding the said Richard Maitland had not fulfilled his promise in regard of his destroying the said Tea as had been commanded they caused the Bells of the Great Church to by muffled and rung in that State by which means a Mob assembled who were proceeding to destroy the said Richard Maitland's Ship and take his Life had he not made his escape on
.... (line missing).
That owing those violent proceedings, the said Richard Maitland was obliged to leave the said Province without collecting any part of the Debts due to him in the said Province or settling with his Attornies there for what they might have received on his Account before during his Absence – nor was he ever permitted by himself or any other person to collect the same nor has any part hereof ever been recovered.
That in the Year 1775 the said Richard Maitland sailed as Master of a certain Ship or Vessel called the Philippa from the Port of London bound to Savannah in Georgia loaded with sundry Goods consigned to divers persons in that province amongst which Goods were Gunpowder, Arms and Lead Shipped by Licence at London. And information having been given to the Rebells of the destination of the said Ship Philippa and the Cargo she had on board an Armed Schooner lay in wait for her off Tybee point and carried her to Cockspur Island where they forcibly took out all the Gunpowder and Ammunition and absolutely refused to make any Compensation for the same – And used violent Threats to the said Richard Maitland for offering to set forth their unjustifiable proceedings in his protest as appears by the annexes document under the seal of the said province of Georgia.
That owing to the violent Treatment the said Richard Maitland met with from the Rebells in Georgia he was likewise obliged to leave that province without obtaining and Settlement of his Affairs there to the very great detriment of his property as well as his Health which after that period declined daily so that he died of a broken heart.
That the whole of his Property to a mere trifle being in America at the time of his death and irrecoverable as before stated the Creditors at home have laid hold of what effects he had in England so that your Memorialist (who is now upwards of sixty Years of Age and very infirm) is reduced from a decent State of Affluence to mere want and is only Supported by the donations of some of her late Husbands Friends and Acquaintance.
That for want of her Husband's papers and owing to her Son who is in the Island of Jamaica or on his way hither Your Memorialist is unable to present to subjoin an Estimate of her late Husband's Losses, but verily believes his Loss of Property in America by the Illegal and cruel Treatment he met with far exceeds One Thousand (Sheet 3) Pounds Sterling to ascertain which she hopes to be able to produce Satisfactory Vouchers upon her Son's arrival from Jamaica which she shortly expects. And in the mean time she begs leave to inform Your Honours that Samuel Chollet Esquire of Lime Street and Mr Robert Steell of Tokenhouse yard Merchant (as well as several other respectable Merchants in London) can prove her late Husband's Trading and Circumstances in Life and in a great Measure corroborate the account of the Losses Your Memorialist has ventured to lay before Your Honour
Your Memorialist therefore humbly prays Your Honours will be pleased to take her case and Distresses into Your Serious Consideration in order that Your Memorialist may be enabled under Your Report to receive such Aid or Relief as her Losses and her Situation may be found to deserve
And Your Memorialst as in duly bound will ever pray etc
Sarah Maitland
London the 25th March 1784.
I do hereby certify that Captain Richard Maitland named in the foregoing memorial in consequence of his Losses Disappointments and Ill Treatment in America was at the time of his decease indebted to me in the sum of £1200 and upwards from Goods sold and delivered by me to him, and which he carried with him to America and for which I verily believe he had no returns owing to the unhappy disturbances in that Country. Witness my hand this 25th day of March 1784.
£1200 John Hawkins, Friday ...
(Philip Hawkins, merchant in Charleston had sold goods imported by Richard Maitland, Mr Hawkins often referred to by Henry Laurens)
I do hereby certify that the late Captain Maitland named in the above Memorial was at the time of his decease and is still indebted to me in the sum of Three hundred Ninety Six Pounds Seventeen Shillings and two pence, Witness my hand this 25th day of March 1784
Samuel Chollet.
(also appears in Henry Laurens papers).
I do hereby certify that the late Captain Maitland named in the within Memorial was at the time of his decease and is still indebted to me in the sum of Seventy four pounds Ten shill and ten pence on our Bond
London March 25 1784
Jim Curtis
I do hereby certify that the late Captain Maitland named in the above Memorial was at the time of his decease and is still indebted to the Estate of William Wilton in the sum of Two hundred Pounds on a Bond from 5 May 1777 with all the Interest from that Time
London March 25 1784
John Spear,
?? to the Executors of the said Mr William Wilton, deceased.
I do hereby certify that the late Captain Maitland named in the above Memorial was at the time of his decease and is still indebted to me in the sum of forty two pounds one shilling on Note of hand for goods sold & delivered.
London, 25 March 1784
David Richard jun, No 72, Wapping, London.
By these Publick Instruments of Probate hereby known and manifest to all Persons when it doth shall or may concern; on this date being the fifth day of July 1774 and in the fourteen year of his Majesty's Reign – at the request of Richard Maitland, master of the Ship Magna Charta from London, now riding at anchor within the Bar and Harbour of Charles Town, I Fenwick Bull one of his Majesty's Justices assigned to keep the Peace, and a Notary Publick by lawful authority appointed, duly admitted and sworn, dwelling and ?? in Charles Town and Province aforesaid merchant, and for and in the name of the said Richard Maitland did inform the said William Donaldson, that there was some Tea brought in the said Ship Magna Charta for him the said Richard Maitland was ready to deliver it, the said Tea to him the said William Donaldson, or his order.
To which the said William Donaldson gave for an answer, that "he could not receive it, it was disagreeable to the sense of the People, and that he would have nothing to do with it". Therefore I the said Notary at the special Instance and request of the said Richard Maitland do hereby and by these Presents make and enter his Probate against the said William Donaldson by whom the order the said Tea was shipped – and also the Shipper of the said Tea, and all other concerned, be whom they may, for all losses cash, charges donations, figures, and so forth, hitherto suffered and sustained or that may hereafter be sufferd and sustained, by reason or the premius – The same not happening through the said Richard Maitland or any of his People, but by the said William Donaldson refusing to take the said Tea – to be an allowed and received in time and plea convinced, and then presents to serve and ?? for the purpose as occasion may be or acquired. Thus was this .... Town aforesaid. In Testimony of the truth whereof said Richard Maitland hath hereunto set his hand and I the said Notary, have also set my Hand and affixed my seal of Office the Said Month and Year first and before written.
Richard Maitland
Fenwick Bull,
Notary Publick
Fenwick Bull of Charles Town, Notary Publick, doth hereby Certify, that at the request of Captain Richard Maitland, he did this day go to the Store of William Donaldson to acquaint him, that if he would give an order to the Collector for the Port of Charles Town, to deliver the (his) Tea (which was then seized and on the King's Stores) to him Captain Maitland that he would then re deliver it to him the said Captain – and then and there meeting with him the said William Donaldson, the requintin? Was made, as above written – and to which he James Wakefield answered, He would make mo other reply than which he had before made on the 5th Instant.
Given under my hand this 19th Day of July 1774 and in the 14th Year of his Majesty's Reign.
Fenwick Bull, JP.
Notary Publick
Charles Town 1774.
.... for taking one whole and two half chests of Tea at London of the value of about £70 that were shipped by Messrs Neufville and Rolleston & Messrs Robert Steele & Co to the address of Mt James Wakefield and Mr William Donaldson.
The day after Captain Maitland had reported his Ship at the Customs house the Committee of Resolutions sent for him and after a short prefatory address, they reprimanded him severely for carrying over Teas. The Captain excused himself by observing that he did not really know they had entered into any general resolutions for the non Importation of Teas, that he imagined they extended no further than the East India Company's Teas because all the spring Ships which had Sail'd before him had carried some. He expressed his concern for having innocently given any offence to the province, and as a proof of his sincerity in that respect he observed that he had not ship'd any on his own account, tho' he formerly used to make it the principal article of his private Adventures. The Committee asked him what he intended to do with the Teas. he referred them to the Proprietors of them for an answer to that question, as being more directly concerned than himself, who was only the Carrier, and of course not responsible for the Consignees. He was then told that they denied having any concern in the affair, because the Shippers had executed an old Order of 18 months standing, which they the Consignees had not expected and therefore would have nothing to do with the Teas nor did they care what became of them. for theses reasons the Committee look'd upon him as the principal owner, for the future disposal of the Teas, which they said should not be landed. Thus was Captain Maitland by an Act of powers made responsible for what he had no concern in directly or indirectly, to exculpate the Consignees who alone had been the cause of the Teas being Ship'd. He observed to the Committee if they would point out any means for his disposing of the Tea without incurring any penalty by a branch of the Revenue Act, he would comply with it. Captain Maitland will not mention the answer that made to him upon the occasion out of respect to the Province, and not to inflame matters between the Mother Country and America. He will only advert that one of the proprietors of the Teas was very nearly allied to a very sanguine member of the Committee, who at all events was determined to extricate his relation by sacrificing the Captain. The Committee pres'd for a promise, as he regarded the good will of the Province, not to land the Teas. He told them he was bound to New York, and should sail in a few days, that he could not fix upon any plans for the disposal of the Teas without exposing himself and his ship to future danger. They continued to insist he should not suffer the Teas to be landed, which left Captain Maitland no alternative and involved him in great difficulty's, first to get rid of the Teas legally, in order that the ship might not by stopped from proceeding on her voyage to New York, 2ndly if the Inhabitants should destroy the Teas he would have been under the necessity of entering a formal Protest against the Province and mentioning names. It occurred to him that the Teas were of no great value and the duty small, for which reason he resolved to pay the duty privately to the Collector, and either destroy the Teas or on his departure for New York to have them deposited privately on board his Majesty's ship Glasgow for the benefit of the Proprietors, or whomsoever they might concern. This was Maitland's determination in order to keep peace with the Colony, who in consequence told the Committee he would not land the Teas; he added further that sooner than incur their displeasure, he would destroy the Teas, altho' he should have to pay for them himself. Here it must be remarked that Timothy the Printer of the Carolina Gazette has published that Maitland had promised upon his honour he would (destroy) the Teas and pay no duty which is an absolute falsity, for the Committee never question'd? the circumstance of Duty in any shape nor could there be any occasion for it as they has tied him down not to land the Teas, there could be no duty demanded. Maitland confesses his pledging his honour they should never hear any more of the Tea from him, He begs leave to remark that he was left to himself singly, against the Committee without any advisor of assistance and although one of his Owners was upon the spot and a member of that Committee he was silent upon this occasion. This is the real matter of fact of what passed at the first conference when every thing seemed to be settled to the satisfaction of the Committee. Maitland went immediately and gave security to the Collector for the Duty as the sim did not exceed seventy Guineas, whatever might have been the fates of the Teas he thought t was not an object to involve his ship and himself into difficulties, he sent a Notary Publick to the Proprietors of the Teas to acquaint them whatever happened to the Teas he should proceed legally against them. some time afterwards Captain Maitland had an advantageous offer made to him to load his ship for London which he accepted and by that means the destination of the Ship was altered altho' the destination of the Teas continued the same with respect to Maitland that is to say Captain Maitland meant to destroy the Tea after paying the Collector the Duty, or on his departure to deposit it on board the King's Ships for the benefit of the Owner or whomsoever it might concern. One of the Owners (a member of the Committee) told him in a conversation upon the subject, that he had had occasion to converse with several of the Members about the Teas and named some of the provincials among them, who were of opinion that they ought to be ceuzed for the Duty and deposited with the East India Company Teas. This was repeated to him by the same Gentleman in several conversations; upon hearing this from one of his Owners a Member of the Committee, he thought it absolved him from any former engagements which he had entered into about the Teas. When the time came round for their being seized for the Duty, the Committee met and whilst they were debating about it, the King's Officers went on board and seized the Teas, Maitland was immediately sent for by the Committee and escorted by six of their own members he met with a very severe reception from the whole body. He pleaded what his Owners at Carolina had often told him and called upon some other members with whom he had also conversed and who had been of the same opinion, but he could not be heard nor make any impression. They humanely observed to him that he ought to be hanged and ordered him to withdraw; he was soon called in and told by the Chairman, that the Committee had resolved that he should repossess himself of the Tea by the best means he could and destroy it publickly in the morning of the next day in the presence of the Committee which Maitland agreed to, but observed that it was but reasonable he should have his Bills of Loading delivered up if he destroyed the Tea, which occasioned an uproar in the House, and it passed nem. Con. that he should not have them. A motion was then made by a relation of the proprietor of the Tea that Maitland should pay him for it after it was destroyed, the motion was seconded by one or two but dropped and the business ended by appointing the Committee to meet to see the Tea destroyed the next morning. Captain Maitland begged leave to observe that there were but two ways to repossess himself of the Teas, the one was by paying
09 continues
The King's duty, the other by breaking his lock and stealing it. The next morning, he tendered the duty to the Collector begging to be put in possession of them who told him he would very readily aqcquiesce, but as he knew the Tea was not Maitland's property he must have an order for so doing from the proprietors. Maitland sent a Notary Publick to them to demand the order which they refused to give, he hen applied to the heads of the Committee who were then assembling and told them he was ready to destroy the Tea, provided he had an order from the Owners to the Collector to deliver up the Teas to him, he begs the assistance of the Chairman who presided the day before in getting that order, the Committee asked him by what means the Collector intended to put him in possession of the Teas, he answered by paying the Duty, they objected to that modes, insisted that no duty should be paid three and retired up stairs where Maitland expected to be sent for and waited many hours for that purpose without success. He endeavoured to persuade them before they withdrew that his paying the King's Duty could be no reflection upon the Americans because he was considered as a European, a transient person, who did it to relieve himself and Ship from the penalties of the Law, plain and obvious as this reasoning was the Committee would not hearken to it, they at length came to a determination to prohibit all communication with Maitland and deputed a number of the Committee to go round the downs the next day to proscribe him, which they charitably undertook and succeeded in; he was afterwards warned by some of his Friends to withdraw from the Town for that something was mediated against him which was very soon confirmed by the bells of the Great Church being muffled and the Dead peal being rung to assemble the Mob, (it) ran from all quarters of the Town to the Exchange the place of rendezvous. Maitland was persuaded by many of his Friends to leave the Ship which might be the means of saving his life and his property. By that time their march to the attack, which out of delicacy to the province Captain Maitland will not publish, he had his Boat ready along side and as they advanced towards the Stage that led from the Warf to the Ship, he by persuasion of many of his Friends went into the Boat and rowed on board the ship Britons who had arrived that day from London where in about an hour afterwards he received the following Letter from his Mate.
Sir your life and mine are intended to be made a sacrifice and they are now consulting in what manner they shall destroy the Sip. I think it would be the best way to get the Ship down to the Road. There is no time to loose. I inte4nd to hawl her from the Warf, every body that wishes us well wishes we could get the Ship away down into the Road, pray send me some assistance. I dare not go on Shore myself.
Captain Maitland went immediately on board his Majesty's Ship Glasgow and applied to Captain Maltby for assistance, who sent an officer and a men up just in time to cut the Ship from the Warf and save her from the destruction intended. For want of a Pilot she would be got but a short half Mile from the Town and obliged to remain there all that day and the next Night. During that time Captain Maitland had certain and repeated intelligence sent from many Friends that a Schooner was prepared with Men and Arms to attack him that night and that nothing would appease them but the destruction of the Mate and him .. injunction to remain on board the ....for their own lives. The Ship at that time not being got under the protection of the Man of War's Guns by a Mile and a half, providence prevented the intended attack by the Schooner getting aground. The next day Captain Maitland procured a Pilot with difficulty and got the Ship under the protection of the man of War and fort.
John Fullerton, chief Mate, and Wm Agar, second Mate on board the Ship Magna Charta, Richard Maitland, master, in his late voyage from London to Charlestown South Carolina and back to London severally make Oath and say that in respect of the Teas carried in the same ship in her said voyage from London to Charlestown which consisted of one whole chests of Boher and two half chests of Hyson consigned to Wm Donaldson and Francis Wakefield, the said Richard Maitland never did either directly or indirectly give or cause to be given any order direction or hint or intimation to these Deponents or either of them to Land or of his Intention to Land the said Teas at Charlestown clandestinely to deceive the inhabitants of that place or by any means smuggle such Tea on Shoar on account of the Owners thereof of on any other account whatsoever, neither had these Deponents or either of them any order from the said Richard Maitland or others to be aiding or assisting to the Officers at Carolina in the seizure of the said Tea or in conveying the same on Shoar but on the contrary that the said Richard Maitland gave positive orders to both of these Deponents neither to aid such Officers relative to the said Tea or to permit or suffer any of the said Ship's Company to give the said Officers any assistance whatever on respect thereof and that such the Orders of the said RM were ?? obeyed as not one person belonging to the said Ship so much as put a hand to the said Tea on the seizure thereof by the said Officers. And this Deponent John Fullerton for himself saith that he requested and endeavoured to persuade the said Officers to stop their removal of the said Tea for a few Minutes until this Deponent had sent a message on Shore to the said RM to acquaint him of their situation but that they the said Officers without paying any attention to such this Deponents request immediately untied the said Ships Hatches, went down below, seized said Tea and landed at Charlestown.
Sworn the 12th Day of October 1774 before me at Guldhall, London Chas Asgill
John Fullerstone & Wm Agars.
By His Excellency Sir James Wright Baronet Captain General Governor and Commander in Chief of His Majesty's said Province of Georgia Chancellor and Vice Admiral of the same
To all whom these presents shall come Greeting
Know ye that the Honorable Anthony Stokes esquire who hath Certified the Copy of the Record hereunder annexed is Chief Justice of this his Majesty's said Province of Georgia
And Therefore all due faith and Credit is and Ought to be had an Given to such his Certificate
In Testimony Whereof I have hereunto set my hand and Caused the Great Seal of this his Majesty's said Province to be put and affixed
Dated at Savannah the Thirteenth day of November in the year of Our Lord One thousand seven hundred and seventy five and in the sixteenth year of his Majesty King George the Third.
By His Excellency's Command
Tho Moodie?
By the Honourable Anthony Stokes Barrister at Law Chief Justice of His Majesty's Province of Georgia
To all to whom these Presents shall come be seen made known Greeting
A Stokes (sig)
Know ye that Henry Preston and Charles Bryce the Younger who have Certified the annexed Shock of paper to contain a true Copy of the Deposition of RM John Fullerton and Samuel Burnett are Joint Clerks of the Crown and Peace in and for the Province aforesaid
Therefore all due faith and credit is and ought to be had and given to such their Certificate as well in Court as out of Court.
In Testimony whereof I have hereunto set my Hand and caused the Seal of the Superior Court of the said Province to be affixed at Susannah this Thirteenth day of November in the year of our Lord One thousand Seven Hundred and Seventy five, and in the Sixteenth Year of his Majesty's Reign.
The Information of Richard Maitland, master of the Ship Philippa, belonging to the Port of London, but now lying in the River Savannah, Of John Fullerton first mate of the Ship Philippa, and of Samuel Burnett, second mate, of the said Ship, taken on the twenty first day of September, One thousand seven hundred and seventy five, before Anthony Stokes, Barrister at Law, Chief Justice of the said Province of Georgia.
The said Deponents being duly sworn, on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God make Oath and say that in the month of March or April last the said Ship Philippa Sailed with Sundry other Goods in the River Thames for different persons in the provinces of Georgia and East Florida, amongst which Goods were Gun Powder Arms and Lead Shipped by Licence from His Majesty or the Officer acting under his authority.
that the said Ship sailed from the Downs on the Second day of May last and Came to an Anchor off Tybee Bar about nine miles without Tybee point, on the Coast of Georgia on the Seventh day of July last past and there waited for a pilot to carry the said ship into Savannah River.
And these Deponents further say, that as the said Ship was lying at anchor off Tybee Bar as aforesaid, they these Deponents saw a Schooner coming out of the Savannah River, on the eighth day of July, with an Ensign and Pendant hoisted, which Schooner went out to Sea as far as or further, than where the said Ship lay, which Schooner kept hovering round the said Ship but did not come nearer to the said Ship, on the said eighth day of July, than three or four Miles.
And these Deponents further say, that at ten of the Clock of the forenoon of the said eighth day of July a Pilot came on board the said ship, but the said Ship did not get under way, until between One and Two of the Clock in the afternoon of the said eighth of July for want of wind.
And these Deponents further say, that when the said Ship got under way, they stood out to the Eastwards in Order to open the Channel of Tybee Bar, and when the said Ship was about Four leagues distant from the Bar, the said Schooner stood right athwart the said Ship, and then the said Deponent was full of armed Men, and had ten carriage Guns mounted which these Deponents too to be six pounders, and the said schooner, had also several pieces cut out of her second Streak under the quarter deck, which were for small Arms in clos quarters,
And these Deponents further say, that about half and hour after four of the Clock, in the afternoon of the said eighth day of July, when the said Ship and schooner were at sea about Four Leagues without Tybee Point, the said Schooner fired two muskets at the said Ship with an intention as these Deponents believe, to bring the said Ship too, and the said People, on board the said Schooner, seemed as if they intended to board the said Ship, but the said Ship veering up large prevented the said Schooner from boading her as they believe, that the said Schooner then bore up after the said Ship, and hailed her, and being satisfied what ship it was and where she was bound to, the Deponent Richard Maitland, asked the people on board the said Schooner, where she belonged to, and who Commanded her, to which one Oliver Bowen a person board the said Schooner, answered that he commanded her.
And these Deponents further say, that before the said Deponent Richard Maitland, hailed the said Schooner the said Oliver Bowen, said, they would pilot the said Ship into Savannah River and would answer the Consequences, but the said Deponent RM told the said Oliver Bowen, that he had a pilot on board. Notwithstanding which the said Oliver Bowen, and others on board the said Schooner, continued to give the Pilot, on the said Ship, what course to Steer.
And these Deponents further say, that after the people on board the said Schooner had spoke to the people on board the said Ship, they the people on board the said Schooner hauled down their pendant, and hoisted at the mast head, a white flag with a red border on the field of which flag was stamped or imprinted in large red letters, the words, "American Liberty" and the people on board the said Schooner said the Schooner's name was the "Liberty" and that Oliver Bowen Commanded her as before mentioned.
And these Deponents further say, that seven of the clock in the evening of the said eighth day of July, a Calm and an Ebb tide, obliged the said Ship to anchor about four or five miles without Tybee point, and that when the said Ship anchored the said Schooner anchored also, and lay close by the said Ship all night, and the people on board the said Schooner kept Centinels all night and frequently passed the words "Alls Well".
And these Deponents further say, that about five of the Clock in the morning of the ninth day of July last, when the said Ship weighed anchor also, and the said Schooner kept close to the said Ship, until the said Ship ran in, within Tybee Point, and then the people on board the Schooner ordered the Pilot on board the said Ship to run the said Ship to Cockspur Island and anchor her there, altho' the said ship was bound to Savannah and have proceeded immediately, had she not been stopped by the said Schooner, the wind being then at East and a fold tide coming on.
And these Deponents further say, saw an Incampment of Armed Men in Tybee Point and also on Cockspur Island the number of whom in the whole appeared to be about Three hundred, besides what were in the Schooner and that immediately, on the said Ship being Anchored, The Greatest part of the Armed Men that were on Shore came off in Boats and Surrounded the said Ship and then Oliver Bowen who appeared to be Captain of the said Schooner, and who is a resident in the Town of Savannah and a Lieutenant in the Militia as these Deponents have Heard and believe, together with John Joiner of Parris Island near Beaufort, in the Province of South Carolina and Seth John Cuthbert of Savannah, together with several other persons not known to the Deponents, came on board the said Ship.
And the said Richard Maitland for his part saith, that when the several persons last above mentioned, were in the Ship's Cabin with this Deponent, they Demanded the Ship's Papers, and the said Deponent, not being in a Condition to dispute matters with them, he produced the Cockets and Bills of Lading of the several Goods on board the said Ship, and when the said Bowne, Joiner and Cuthbert found there were Gunpowder and Shot on board the Ship, they told the Deponent Richard Maitland, that they would take all the Gunpowder, Shot, Lead and Indian trading Arms out of the said Ship.
The said Depnoent Richard Maitland further saith that at that Juncture Joseph Habersham of Savannah Merchant came on board the said Ship and produced an Order from the Provincial Congress of the Province of Georgia Signed on the left hand side "George Walton Secretary" requiring them to take all the Arms and Ammunition out of the said Ship wherever they found her, or Words to that effect, that the said Bowen and other persons, told the said Deponent Richard Maitland, that they had been looking out for the said Ship, three weeks, that the Deponent Richard Maitland told them that the Order from the Congress was nothing to him, and he could not deliver Goods until he had seen the Proprietors, and had their Orders for so doing, that thereupon the said Bowen and the other persons said, he might see whom he pleased, And immediately a great number of the said Armed people out of the Schooner and from on Shore, went to work and against the will of the said Richard Maitland and his mariners, they, the said Armed Men, took out of the Hold of the said Ship about Six Ton and a half of Gun Powder as nearly as this Deponent can at present Conjecture, and about Seven hundred Weight of ...
Lines missing, from other copy:
Lead and Bullets and Declared they would have then Carryied away all the Musket Balls and Small Arms
...the said Ship was unloading her Cargo, several people by order of the Congress attended the unloading of the said Ship and took away all the Bar Lead, Sheet Lead and Indian Trading Arms, and Shot that were on board, but eh particular quantity this Deponent cannot ascertain not knowing the Weight of the Lead.
And the said Deponent Richard Maitland further saith that he earnestly begged the said Oliver Bowen, and the other persons who first came on board, and took the Gunpowder away by order of the Congress aforesaid, to leave the Gunpowder on board that was consigned to James Perrman, merchant, in Saint Augustine, but they answered "If it was the King's, they would take it!.
And the said Richard Maitland further saith, that on their beginning to take the Gunpowder away, he immediately went to Savannah, and acquainted his Excellency Sir James Wright therewith, who this Deponent believes, had it not in his power to take any measure, or even enforce the Laws.
And that the said Deponent Richard Maitland further saith, that he did not make any application to the Chief Justice until the Evening of the eighth of September Instant from an apprehension, that some injury might have been offered to his person or property, And also thinking from the Circumstances of the times, ...
Page Torn.
...Saith that, in conversation had with the said Joseph Habersham, and others whom he knows not, on the Eleventh day of July last, the said persons who were in Company with the said Joseph Habersham, and this Deponent at that time, asked the said Joseph Habersham if he would suffer his name to be entered in a protest, on the above occasion, to which the said Joseph Habersham, replied "He asked he could see the man that dared do it", or words to that effect, and from and several other hints given to this Deponent, the protests are drawn in general terms and individuals are not mentioned in them, and the Deponent Do pretty sure that had it not been with a view to get the Powder Bonds cancelled, it more than his life was worth to have entered a protest of for a Notary to have taken it from him, there being no Civil Military power sufficient to protect him.
And the said Deponent, Richard Maitland, for his part further saith, that the Schooner above mentioned belonged to Samuel Price of Savannah (and one Richard Weight who was averse to the service she was on) but that the said Samuel Price was actually on board the said Schooner, and acted as Pilot and master of her...on the above Device that the said ... called the "Elizabeth", and there ... she was on the above...
Page torn
...the said Docherty at Cockspur Island, as this Deponent has been informed and believes.
And lastly, the said Richard Maitland for himself saith, that some of the People that were on the said Schooner, acknowledged to him, that there seventy men on board the said Schooner, besides the armed men on Tybee Point, and Cockspur Island, but this Deponent could not reckon more on board the said Schooner, than forty five.
Richard Maitland, (he signed, the others not)
Jno Fullerton
Asml Burnett,
before Anthony Stokes.
Bond payable 25th March 1765 Hard Dollars 770
Interest on that to this day 25th march 1778 13 years at 5% 495-½
Power of attorney with the City Seal, postage at 5 Gns 24-3/8
(note by AM: this does not add up! The £/hard dollar rate comes to 4-7/8 – later version does!)
On demand I promise to pay to Captain Richard Maitland or Order ten pounds ten shillings British Sterling Value Rec'd of him Kingston Jamaica, 20th Dec 1775.
£10-10 William Pountny.
Received 30 Decr 1773 from Captain Richard Maitland 3 packages Containing Sundry Chintz Pattern and Handkerchiefs Amounting to Invoice £342-9-1 Sterling which I promise to Sell to the best advantage and account with him on Messrs Bourdieu & Chollet of London for the Proceeds.
Samuel Chollet,
Charlestown, South Carolina.
Havanna Isl.
Know all men by these presents, that we Thomas Horsfall James Noble and Joseph Page, have received from Richard Maitland the sum of seven hundred and seventy Spanish Dollars in full for a parcel of land bought for him by his Order at Pensacola in West Florida and oblige ourselves by these presents, that on or before the twenty fifth day of March next ensuing to make him a just and lawful title to the said land, in failure of such just and lawful Title being made, and within the time limited aforesaid, we oblige ourselves or either of us, our Heirs or Assigns, to repay and return to the said Richard Maitland his Heirs or Assigns the above mentioned sum of seven hundred and seventy Spanish Dollars, or the full Value thereof in Sterling Money
Given under our Hands and Seals in the Havanna, this tenth day of September, in the year of our Lord, One thousand, seven hundred and sixty four.
(see above for Florida history – explains the dates etc of this)
New York 10th April 1778
Captain Richard Maitland
The Ship Phillippa, being in Government Service, you will follow such Orders as you may receive from the pro per Agents. Inclosed is a Letter to my Friend at Philadelphia which deliver as soon as you can, make my respects to Mr Gallway, His Majesty's Superintendant at the Custom House, let him know that the little Salt you have in, was allowed by the Commissary, who took you into the Service to remain on board as Ballast, as you had a Licence for it. He will tell you if you can land it, if you find it can be sold, if it cannot be landed or sold, get leave still to keep it as Ballast. Shew your Licence and let Mr Galloway know you are an Armed Ship. I hope you'l get leave to land it and sell it. You know it will not sell here. And no getting stores to put it in.
We expect you'l be continued in the Service of the Ordinance, or taken into the Transport Service, for which we have wrote to several Friends We wish you safe here.
Your most humble servants
of the Ship Phillippa.
Hugh & Alen Wallace.
New York 23 Janry 1781
Mr John Maitland
We received your favr Cth of Septr and are sorry your Father has left his widow Distressed on his death. We got his affair and accompts all settled, and what effects he had here sold and remitted to Balance of his Accots to Messrs Bourdieu and Chollett as he desired. A copy of which Accomt you have inclosed. Capt Wallace who took the Command of the Phillippa, paid for the sundry articles he had and they were included in the Acct of Effects sold at Vandue. Captain Wallace had the misfortune to be taken in the Phillippa, on his voyage from Oporto to New York last Fall and carried into Boston.
As to the Demand on Mr Page, there was an Agreement made between Captain Maitland and him that Mr Page would pay 1000 Dollars, he was to have a free discharge of the Debt & Interest but we were never secured for the payment, we only had Captain Maitland's Power of Attorney to receive it agreeable to an Accot. Copy of which is at Foot. Mr Page never received any Part of the money from Captain Maitland, it was his Partner's Horsfall & Page who reminded him when Captain Maitland was here. Mr Page had employment in the Barracks Office and in a way of being able to pay the money, but he has since lost his Emplyment and disable at present, Perhaps he may again be employed and enabled to pay it.
After Captain Maitland's Accnt were sent to Messrs Bourdieu & Chollett had received 20/- for a jar of Olives, he had sold Captain Road of the Navy which we credited Messrs B&C for in Accont
Your most Hble Sevt
Hugh and Alen Wallace
Mr John Maitland,
Jamaica Coffee House, London.
Hard Dollars
Horsefall, Noble & Page Bond pay 25th March 1765 770
Interest to 25th march 1778 13 years at 5% 499-½
Power of attorney with the City Seal, postage at 5 Gns 24-3/8
Captain Maitland agreed to take 1000 Dollars for the Full of the within Accot provided it is paid in 12 months from this 10 day of April 1778.
A True copy Present Hugh Wallace.
South Carolina 5th of July 1774
£ s d
A balance of my acct with Hawkins, Pettre & Co was 2731 6 1
Different Accompts Pd by Mr Pettres which
they were to Receive
for me vizt:
John Lewis Geroay 98 4 0
Darby Prendergraff 431 1 9
John Gyles 600 6 0
William Glenn 514 10 6
Mansell & Corbett 87 13 6
Doctor Hayley 48 0 0
Rowland Rugely 139 16 9
Mrs Ramage 20 0 0
Jas Bolton 147 0 0
Edward oats & Co 168 6 7
Major Butler 50 0 0
2304 17 1
Carolina Currency 5036 3 2
Est at 7 for one Sterling 719 1 0
By Bills Recd 450 0 0
Ball due R M 269 1 0
London 4th May 1777 Richard Maitland.
South Carolina in July 1774:
Sundry Goods left in the Hands of Sam's Chollett to sell for my Accompt:
One Case first cost Pauillion sauses? 60 9 2
One Trunk Pedurnpusses & two pr Ind Taffety 57 8 6
To my Bill remitted him from Georgia in his favr upon
Mess Oats & Russell for £1525 Carolina Currcy at 7 for one 217 0 10
£334 18 6
London 24 May 1777, Richard Maitland
Goods in the Hands of Allen Horn to Sell for my Account in July 1774 in South Carolina:
21 Hampers best old port wine 4 dozen in each at 14 64 8 0
2 Crates of Queens Ware at 80 each 8 0 0
Sterling 72 8 0
London 24 May 1777, Richard Maitland
Accompt due to Richard Maitland in South Carolina & Georgia
Saml Chollet 334 18 6
Hawkins Petrie & Co 269 1 0
Msrs Horn 72 8 0
Geo House to Georgia 428 18 5
1105 5 11
Captain Richard Maitland of the Ship Phillippa to George Houston Dr
July 14
To ½ Quire of letter paper 0/0/7
To 4 pr of Men's thread Hoes 6 1/4/0
To 4 lb of Sail Twine 2/3 0/9/0
To 2 lb Seine Twine 2/6 0/5/0
½ Bushel Salt 2/6 0/1/3
½ Bushel Salt 2/6 0/1/3
1 pair Gloves 0/2/0
2 Trips of Schooner Sapito Pkt from the Ship 9/0/0
2 pr Oznabrigs Trousers 4/- 0/8/0
1 Oznabrig Frock 0/4/0
1 Pair Gloves 0/6/0
Cash pd fre't of Schooner Rakes Delight 5/5/0
from 4 Mile Point
1 Curry Comb & Brush 3/6 19 & 1Pt Mug 2/6 0/6/0
2 pt tumblers 3/- 2 ½pt tumbers 2/- 0/5/0
1 Pr of Glasses salts 3/0 6 stone plates 3/3 0/6/9
1 doz wine glasses 4/- ½ Bush; salt 1/3 0/5/3
1 Penkniffe 0/1/0
Cash paid for 100 lb corn blades 0/14/9
Sep 1st
1 Check Shirt 6/6 1 pair Trousers 4/- 0/10/6
4 25 ln of Brimstone at 5. 5th 25 lb f Brimstone 5/- 1/0/10
7 ½ bushels salt 2/6 0/1/3
8 Cash paid yourself 25/0/0
14 1 Busehl salt 0/2/6
Jas Penman draft on you £14-1-3
Exchange on do 8 per Cent £1-2-6 15/3/9
30th 1 pair Mens shoes 8/6 1 frock 4/6 0/13/0
½ Gross Corks 3/6 0/5/3
Oct 11th
Cash paid yourself 50/0/0
13 1 Bushel Salt 0/2/6
2 pr Trousers 8/1 Frocks 4/6 0/12/6
1 Pair Mens shoes (Jas Orchard) 0/8/6
Car'd Over 112/1/2
1785?? Amount Brought Over 1/3/6 112/1/2
Oct 13th
13 One Blanket 1/-, 1 Frock, } Saml Watts 0/14/6
4 ¾ lb of Leaf Tobacco } 6 0/2/4½
1 Blanket 10/- p pr Shoes 8/6 Geo Downtown 0/18/6
1 Pr Shoes Paul 0/7/6
1 Grid Iron 4 1 Funnel 2/6 0/6/6
20 Cash pd Yourself 30/0/0
31 Cash Pd your order to Jas Mathews 5/5/0
2 1 Blanket 10/ 2 pr Trousers Wm Morgan 0/18/0
4 Cash Pd yourself 30/0/0
8 Your order in favour of me Chas Hamilton 8/3/4
6Lb Brown Sugar } 0/3/0
1 Cutteau Knife } for Thos Davies 0/0/6
1 lb Tobacco } 0/0/6
6 ditto 0/3/0
1 Handkerchief } Geo Downtown 0/2/0
6 lb sugar } 6/ 0/3/0
6lb Sugar 6 0/3/0
1 Hat 2/9, ½ Twine /2 Jas Orchard 0/3/11
4 lb Tobacco 6 0/2/0
1 Pair Shoes for ye Carpenter 0/7/0
1 pr Shoes 0/7/0
1 pr Buckels 0/1/0
6 lb sugar 3 6lb tobacco 3/ Sam Watts 0/6/0
½ Lb Twine 0/1/2
6lb sugar } 6 0/3/0
1 Chest Lock } Paul Normanton 0/1/6
12 lb sugar for Allanda 6 0/6/0
2 Log Lines 4/ 1 deep sea line 10/ 0/14/0
1/0/0 11/10/11
Your order on me in favour of Jno Bowls 8/1/0
Your order on me in Dr Yonges favr 22/13/6
" in Mr Tondees " 3/6/0
" in Jas Vanaes " 5/0/0
carried over 232/8/5½
Brought Up 232/8/5½
1775 Nov
13 Your order in favour PJ Coker 7/13/4
Your Order in favour of Mrs Wylly 3/6/0
Your Assumption on Acct of the estate of Hes Sinclair 50/6/10
Your order in favour Jas Lusera 9/3/0
Your order in favour of Houston & ??
50 Ocam 0/15/0
2 Bush'l Salt 2/6 0/5/0
A bag for " 0/2/0
1 Side Sole Leather 0/8/0
16¼ days Hire of Jemmy 2/ 1/12/6
10 days Hire of Frank 2/6 1/5/0
9 days Hire of " 2/ 0/18/0
Balance due by me to Richd Maitland 428/14/5½
By amount of Sundry Goods bo't of you pr Bill 761/14/7
Errorx Excepted
Savannah 14 Nov 1775
Geo Houston
Mr George Houston Savannah 20th Aug 1775
Bo't from Richard Maitland
Sundry Articles on G Invoices to pay on or before 1st of January 1776
no 1 d £/s/d £/s/d
1 pr ¾ Ticking 67Yd at 11½ 3/4/2
2 " 7/8 " 1 132 13 7/3/0
1 " " " 2 66 14 3/17/0
1 " " " 3 52 19 4/2/4
2 " 4/4 Cotton Check 70 ½ ells 15/2 4/11/1
2 " Brown Holland 80 ¼ Yd 9¾ 3/5/2
4 " 5/4 Irish Sheeting 151 yds 12 7/11/0
2 " ¾ Huccaback 16 36 3/12/0
1 " " 24 44 2/4/0
1 " ¾ Diaper 41 35 15½. 2/5/3
2 " 10/4 " 42 12 5/3 3/3/0
2 " 43 12 6/ 3/12/0
1 5/4 Irish Sheeting 1 49 16½ 3/7/4
1 " 2 46 19 3/12/10
1 " 6 41 2/6 5/2/6
10 7/8 Irish Cloth 110 245 13½ 13/15/7
3 " 28 62 15 3/17/6
2 " 23 45 2/- 4/10/0
2 " 24 46 2/1 4/15/10
1 " 25 24 2/2 2/12/0
1 " 26 22 2/3 2/9/6
6 " 5 171 15 10/13/9
1 doz 6/4 Cloths 28 1/8/0
1 11/4 " 30 2/17/6
1 pr white Selicia 361 14½ 2/4/1
1 best linen wrapper 12 7 0/7/0
1 Case containing
4 pr 7/8 Irish Cloth 14 99 14½ 5/19/7
4 " " 15 95 15½ 6/2/7
4 " " 16 96 16½ 6/12/0
4 " 17 90 18 6/15/0
4 " " 18 88 20½ 7/10/4
11 " 4/4 " 275 14½ 16/12/3
Car'd up £160/1/2
Bro't Up 160/1/2
d £/s/d £/s/d
3 pr 4/4 Brown Linen 68 yds at 8 2/5/4
3 fine " 72½ 10 3/0/5
5 Best Quadruples 30 7/10/0
4 5/4 Irish Sheeting 154 12 7/14/0
2 4/4 White Scotch 29 8½ 1/0/6
1 4/4 best linen Wrappers 12 7 0/7/0
case 0/4/0
No 3 1 case Containing
2 pr 4/4 Irish Cloth 295 50 19 3/19/2
2 pr " 296 49 20 4/1/8
2 " 297 50 21 4/7/6
2 " 298 47 22 4/6/2
2 " 67 49 2/7 6/6/7
2 " 68 50 2/9 6/17/6
2 " 69 50 3/- 7/10/0
2 " 70 49 3/3 7/19/3
2 " 71 46 3/6 8/1/0
3 Long Lawn 3 45/- 6/15/0
3 " 4 50/- 7/10/0
4 Burdetts 83½ 3/3 13/11/4
2 ¾ Irish Cloth 47 9½ 1/17/2
6 7/8 " 147 10½ 6/8/7
2 5/4 Irish Sheeting 75 12 3/15/0
1 7/8 Bro'd Holland 77 9 2/17/9
2 White Buckrams 30 9½ 1/3/9
5 Clear Lawns 1 50 10½ 2/3/9
5 " 2 50 11½ 2/7/11
4 " figur'd 3 51¼ 14 2/19/9
4 " 4 40 14 2/6/8
4 Plain Gause 5 40 11½ 1/18/4
3 Ps Launette " 27 20 2/5/0
1 Strip d'Laure 10 15½ 0/12/11
3 doz white border'd handfs 10/9 1/12/3
4 pr 4/4 white Scotch 71½ 14½ 4/6/4
1 4/4 white scotch wrsp 15 8½ 0/10/7
Case 0/4/0
Car Up 305/6/2
Bro't Up 305/6/2
d £/s/d £/s/d
1 Bale containing
8 pr 7/8 best Linen 690 yds at 7 20/2/6
4 " sheeting 385 8¾ 14/0/6
4 9/8 " 270½ 11¼ 12/16/4
Wrapper 0/5/8
No5: 1 Bale containing
15 pr Brown Oznabrughs 1904 4½} 36/3/9
1 Wrapper inside 26}
Wrapper 0/1/8
No 6: A Bale Containing
12 pr Brown Oznabrughs 1584 4¾ 31/7/0
Wrapper 0/1/8
Entry & Shipping 1/16/0
Insur of £430 & policy 8/17/6
No 1 I Cask containing
10 doz Mens fine Shoes at 50(/-) 25/0/0
8½ Mens Coarier 36 15/6/0
cash 0/3/0
Cart. Warf & Clearing 0/2/6
Ins of $40 at 2½ per Cent 0/16/0
No 2 A box containing
14½ doz shoes at 50 36/5/0
Box 0/5/0
Shipping Charges 0/3/0
Freight Primage etc 0/9/6
Premiums £40 an 2 per Cent 0/16/0
No1 2 Hogh'd Sugar Containing
176 Single lovet'd 2230 lb at 56 62/8/9½
3 Hds 0/12/0
cartage 0/4/6
car'd Over 573/10/0½
Bro't Up 573/10/0½
d £/s/d £/s/d
No1 1 Bale Containing
12 pr Flaxen Oznabrugh 1534 yds at 5¾ 36/15/0
1 pr Wrapper 23 4½ 0/8/7
Packing 0/7/0
In a Deal Box & Cord 0/1/3
6 mens brown Beaver Hats,
laced gold buttons & loops at 19/- 5/14/0
6 mens riding hats laced with Gold 17/- 5/2/0
Advance at 30 per Cent 186/7/1½
Deducted for what 19 the Advance 5/8¼ 1/4/8¼
EE Susannah 25th Aug 1775.
Richard Maitland
Sundry Packages deliver'd Oats & Russel to be sold at Vandue
Richard Maitland
1 case of Girls and Boys dress'd Toys etc 5/9/3
No4 Mh
2 ditto of Irish Linen Sheeting etc 169/12/5
3 Bales of Brown & Pomerania Linnen 32/9/3
Richard Maitland
28 Bottles Linceed Oyl Barketts etc 16/2/0
3 Crates Queens Ware 15/15/3
Sterling 239/8/2
1. ...deceased formerly Master of the Ship Magna Charta and late of the Philippa in the Carolina Trade
2. .....had an Adventure of his own which he generally sold in the Country part for ready Money, but by far the largest part upon Credit until he should return thither again by which means there were very considerable Sums of Money due to Your Memorialist's said late Husband at the time of his decease from diverse persons in the said respective Provinces.
3. (1774)....was obliged to leave the said Province without collecting any part of the Debts due to him in the said Province or settling with his Attornies there for what they might have received on his Account before during his Absence – nor was he ever permitted by himself or any other person to collect the same nor has any part hereof ever been recovered.
4. 1775...That owing to the violent Treatment the said Richard Maitland met with from the Rebells in Georgia he was likewise obliged to leave that province without obtaining and Settlement of his Affairs there to the very great detriment of his property as well as his Health which after that period declined daily so that he died of a broken heart.
5. That the whole of his Property to a mere trifle being in America at the time of his death and irrecoverable as before stated the Creditors at home have laid hold of what effects he had in England so that your Memorialist (who is now upwards of sixty Years of Age and very infirm) is reduced from a decent State of Affluence to mere want and is only Supported by the donations of some of her late Husbands Friends and Acquaintance.
That for want of her Husband's papers and owing to her Son who is in the Island of Jamaica or on his way hither Your Memorialist is unable to present to subjoin an Estimate of her late Husband's Losses, but verily believes his Loss of Property in America by the Illegal and cruel Treatment he met with far exceeds One Thousand (Sheet 3) Pounds Sterling to ascertain which she hopes to be able to produce Satisfactory Vouchers upon her Son's arrival from Jamaica which she shortly expects. And in the mean time she begs leave to inform Your Honours that Samuel Chollet Esquire of Lime Street and Mr Robert Steell of Tokenhouse yard Merchant (as well as several other respectable Merchants in London) can prove her late Husband's Trading and Circumstances in Life and in a great Measure corroborate the account of the Losses Your Memorialist has ventured to lay before Your Honour
6. Tea shipped by Messrs Neufville & Rolleston & Robert Steele, consigned to James Wakefield & William Donaldson in Charleston, who refused it, saying it was an old order. RM sent in Notary ro make a claim. James Wakefield a partner of WD. ....he did not really know they had entered into any general resolutions for the non Importation of Teas, that he imagined they extended no further than the East India Company's Teas because all the spring Ships which had Sail'd before him had carried some. He carried none of his own though he used to.
7. Oliver Bowen of Savannah commanded Schooner in Savannah, also John Joiner of Parris Island & Seth John Cuthbert of Savannah. Joseph Habersham of Savannah, merchant, with order from the Procincial Congress to seize the Powder etc. Powder consigned to James Perrman in Saint Augustine. Schooner belonged to Samuel Price of Savannah (& Richard Weight, not on board), called the "Elizabeth".
8. RM bought in 1764, from Thomas Horsfall, James Noble & Joseph Page a parcel of land in Pensacola, West Florida (passed back to Spain in 1783 Treaty of Paris) for $770.
9. Letter in New York, April 1778: Philippa in Government Service, perhaps going to Philadelphia. Referred to as an Armed Ship.
10. JM in London addressed in letter dated Jan 1781, at Jamaica Coffee House.
11. JM in Jamaica or in transit to England March 1784.
This family is included because of the supposed connection with the Maitland family via a Sarah Maitland who had children by Richard Parchment (b 1747).
St Elizabeth parish, Jamaica, West Indies, and the American-born Loyalist ANDREW BROMFIELD....
The following is a composite of several sources:
Outline from Parchment family notice board
A tree from Louise Currie (LC)
Extra information from Denny Swaby (DS).
Land Grant indices.
the original immigrant, was granted land in Jamaica eleven years after the island was taken from the Spanish and made a British possession. Between January 1666 and July 1685, 1070 acres of land was deeded to him. (Plat Book 1B/11/2/15) There is also a Richard Parchment who owned land in York County, Virginia, and who had been a resident there from 1654. (N. Nugent, "Cavaliers and Pioneers, vol I, 497; also... Fleet, "Virginia Colonial Abstracts, vol 25, 323) It is not unreasonable to assume that both were the same man, since this particular section of the island was settled by "sundry mariners, vagabonds and settlers" (Calendar of Colonial Papers, 1670) according to one Governor of the island, who also described Virginia as "the bolthole of Jamaican debtors." In his will, dated "ye 27th day of December, in the Year of Our Lord 1686," Richard Parchment describes himself as being "in perfect sense and memory, but very weak and ill." He named his beloved wife Jane as executrix of his entire estate, which he charged her to administer on behalf of his children. From the records, he appears to have had at least two children:
1/1. Richard, who by 1700 had inherited the land granted his father,
1/2. Rebecca, who married William Legister, 17 Mar 1708/9 (Register No 1B/11/8/6 vol:1)
in 1984 who sent me some pages about Parchments taken from typed work called "Whose Child Are You" by Carolee Elliott Mitchell, in which she discusses the Parchments from Jamaica. Here is a transcript of the pages:
Jamaica Plats for Richard Parchment, St Elizabeth:
3/1684-5 500A St E Vol10
5/4/1674 150A St E V5
married MARY, and they were the parents of
1/1. John, bapt 28 Nov 1708/9
1/2. Jane, bapt 8 Feb 1705 (Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 1)
LC: Baptism: November 28, 1708, St. Elizabeth, by Josiah Tookerman, rector (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 2.)
married RUTH,
The name Parchment appears in the St Elizabeth Indices several times. In 1802, this family owned land SE of Black River.
1/1. Richard, bapt 27 May 1749, at age 1 year and 6 months
LC: Baptism: May 27, 1749, St.
Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St.
Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 7.)
Appears to have worked as overseer of his sea-captain father's estate of Southfield Penn (penn = ranch). There is no record of his marriage, and his children are listed in the section of the register headed "Baptisms of Persons Not White." It has been suggested that the mother of his children, SARAH MAITLAND, was of the family of John Maitland. With Richard Parchment as the "reputed father", Sarah had a family listed as 'mulatto' and as 'quadroon'. Antony Maitland's research makes this look very unlikely, even if she really was named Maitland.
Ref DS:
was "set" to inherit his parents estate on the condition (stated in his father's will) that he should marry only a "white" woman.
Richard Parchment had children with 'Sarah Maitland' who according to one 'researcher' was 'non-white'. Consequently the 'Parchment' estate passed to his sister "Mary Parchment" who married my ancestor "Andrew Bromfield - Lt. Colonel St. Elizabeth parish Militia, Jamaica".
Several sources quote a Sarah Maitland being baptised in St Elizabeth in 1748, but the parish records as they now exist, show this Sarah as being Sarah Melland: in the beginning pages of the St Elizabeth and other registers, the minister was sometimes recording only the name of the fathers. At other times he listed the wife's name. Occasionally he noted "and his wife".
Here there is no mention of the mother, or of the father's marital status.
Actual record in LDS Microfilm has Richard MELLAND as father. Index has Melland (original in Jamaica). It is entirely possible that this is a transcription error as the extant records look to be later (19thC?) copies of the originals.
Age: Bapt January 23, 1748, 15 months, thus born abt October 1746[65].
A Mary Maitland was baptised in St Andrew, 28/6/1740, dau of Richard Maitland born of a mulatto slave of Mrs Laws. This was probably a (half) sister of Sarah, if she was indeed Maitland, not Melland.
Later from Louise Currie (22/3/2003) Sarah Maitland's father Richard could have been the one who died of Kensington, planter of Jamaica. His will makes no mention of Sarah of any children, but was proved London, 23 August, 1763, mentioning a wife. This looks the most likely, as he did not marry until later in England. This Richard Maitland is known to have been commercially active, and probably resident, in Jamaica from about 1740; deeds and land grants show this.
One source (Carolle Mitchell) says she was a Yamasee Indian. Yamasee were an Indian tribe assimilated into the Seminole and Creek tribes in Florida in the first half of the 18thC., but originally from near Charleston, SC. An outside possibility is that, if a Yemasee, our Richard Maitland, when in Charleston, could have fathered her, but this a vanishingly small probability!
Our Richard Maitland of Shadwell, the probable ancestor of the Maitlands of Giddy Hall, had daughters ch in Shadwell 10/1745 and 6/1747 making it unlikely for him to have been this Sarah's father by his wife, even if the PR transcript was wrong. It is also probable that Richard & Sarah Maitland of Shadwell were pure white, and Sarah, Richard Parchment's partner was supposedly non-white.
A Sarah Maitland owned one elderly female slave, Fibba (65, Creole) in the returns of 1817. Was this her or possibly a daughter of our Richard Maitland of Shadwell??
Issue of Richard & Sarah Parchment:
2/1. Elizabeth, born 19 Aug 1772, bapt 1 Aug 1773
LC for this line:
Baptism: August 01, 1773, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 35.)
1773 August 1, baptised, Elizabeth M., reputed daughter of Richard Parchment by Sarah Maitland, born 19 August 1772, non white .
Burial: June 07, 1833, New Burial Ground, Spanish Town, St. Catherine aged 55 of Spanish Town, by the Revd. William Broadley (Source: B0024 Jamaica Parish Register Burials I & II, 1826-1844, I, p. 125 #39.)
Race/nationality/color: Free quadroon.
Partner: Mr McKenzie: Race/nationality/color: White (by calc.)
3/1. Marianne5 McKenzie, born Bef. June 03, 1797.
Baptism: June 03, 1797, St.
Catherine (Source: B0080 St. Catherine Parish Register BMB I & II,
1669-1825, II, p. 107.). Race/nationality/color: Free mustee
She met Alexander Grant Bef. 1812, son of David Grant and Ann Hitchman. He was born March 31, 1790. Addressed as: 1816, Esquire
Baptism: January 07, 1791, Kingston (Source: B0061 Kingston Parish Register Baptisms I & II, Marriages I, 1721-1825, Bap. I, p. 424.)
Occupation: 1836, Gentleman. Residence: 1836, Kingston
Both Single: Bef. 1812
4/1. James Grant, born July 13, 1812.
Baptism: November 01, 1813, Kingston (Source: B0061 Kingston Parish Register Baptisms I & II, Marriages I, 1721-1825, II, p. 264.)
4/2. Alexander Green Grant, born October 18, 1815.
Baptism: July 06, 1816, Kingston
(Source: B0061 Kingston Parish Register Baptisms I & II, Marriages I,
1721-1825, II, p. 301.)
In Jamaica in the early 19th century the child of a white and a mustee would have been deemed "white by law," with "the same rights and privileges as British subjects, born of white parents, with certain restrictions." (They did not have the right to vote).
3/2. Elizabeth Anna McKenzie, born September 14, 1798.
Baptism: December 21, 1799, St. Catherine (Source: B0080 St. Catherine Parish Register BMB I & II, 1669-1825, II, p. 119.)
2/2. William, born 28 Aug 1775,
LC: Baptism: 1785, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 51.)
2/3. Richard, born 14 Dec 1779, (mulatto/quadroon)
Baptism: 1785, St. Elizabeth
(Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 51.)
Race/nationality/color: 1824, Free person of color Residence: 1824, St. Elizabeth
Marriage Notes for Richard Parchment and Mary Bromfield: It is not certain the Richard Parchment who married Mary Bromfield was the same Richard who had several children by Camilla Parchment.
M. (1) Camilla Parchment.
Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 130.). Race/nationality/color: Black
Issue of Richard Parchment and Camilla Parchment:
3/1. Arabella Parchment, born Bef. August 20, 1807.
Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, p. 130.)
3/2. Priscilla Parchment, born Bef. August 20, 1807.
Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 130.)
3/3. John Maitland Parchment, born Bef. August 20, 1807.
Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 130.)
3/4. Benjamin Brady? Parchment, born Bef. August 20, 1807.
Baptism: August 20, 1807, Mrs. Bromfield's, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 130.)
Married (2) daughter of Andrew
Bromfield and Rose Reynolds MARY BROMFIELD, by banns 29 Jan 1824. (Register No.
1B/11/8/6 vol 1)
Race/nationality/color: Free person of color
Residence: 1824, St. Elizabeth
Sterling Binns has these 2 and several others as children of Richard & Mary Parchment, but not the children listed above, on his web site:
3/1. Richard Elmers Parchment, bapt 31 Dec 1818 D 1893.
(Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 1)
M. Mary Ann Falconer.
4/1. Simeon Kieth Parchment, 1851-1953, M. Jane Elizabeth Nicholson
5/1. Adelaide Eugene Parchment, 1880-1947, M. Richard DeSouza Binns
3/2. Evalina Maitland Parchment, born 6 Jan 1825, bapt 2 Oct 1831
(Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 5)
2/4. John born 12 Feb 1782,
LC: Baptism: 1785, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, p. 51.)
2/5. Nicholas, born 2 Sept 1785, all four bapt 19 Oct 1785
LC: Baptism: 1785, St. Elizabeth
(Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 51.)
Ref DS:
3/1. Henry Gale Parchment,
The following from Mark Bishton
baptized 30 Dec 1818 in St. Elizabeth Parish married Sarah Amelia Gordon (Baptized 5th Dec. 1830, Mustee, Sarah aged 3 1/2 years, parents Larchin and Ann Frances Gordon, married, Abode: Happy Retreat, by Rev. J Waters.) 01 Nov 1844 at St. Elizabeth Parish, Jamaica:
From St Elizabeth Yahoo Group, Rhona Panton
moved to West Bay Grand Cayman along with 4 children including Cecelia Clementine.
4/1. Mary Maitland Parchment, G grandmother of Denny Swaby.
ch 22/2/1846, b 7/12/1845 of Providence, Settler.
4/2. Joseph Alexander Parchment
born 30 Apr 1847,
4/3. Cecilia Clementina Parchment born 20 Apr 1849,
4/4. Henry Elmore Parchment born 20 Aug 1851.
Henry Gale died about 1859 & Sarah remarried to Joseph David Yates a widower who already had 5 children. They had 4 children together including my great grandmother:
4/1. Benjamina Yates, who married William Atkin Jackson
(Jacksonville, Isle of Pines, Cayman was named for Atkin).
2/6. Sarah, born 15 jan 1780, bapt 3 Mar 1780
(Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 1)
1/2. Elizabeth, bapt 12 Aug 1753
LC: Baptism: August 12, 1753, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, p. 9.)
1/3. John, bapt 28 July 1759, at 14 months
LC: Baptism: July 28, 1759, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 19.)
1/4. Jean, about 4 yrs old,
LC: Age: November 1765, About 4
Baptism: November 1765, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 27.)
1/5. Mary, about 1 yr old, both bapt in Nov 1765
LC: Baptism: November 1765, St.
Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825,
I, p. 27.)
Married Andrew Parchment, as 2nd wf after Rose Reynolds.
1/6. Nancy, born 28 Aug 1769, bapt in July 1770
(Register No. 1B/11/8/6 vol 1)
LC: Baptism: July 1770, St. Elizabeth (Source: B0037 St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, p. 31.)
Andrew Bromfield & Rose Reynolds Issue (from David Bromfield web site:
1/1. John Frederick Bromfield b 1777 M. Mary Mullings
2/2. William Mullings B m. Ellen Caroline Hutchinson
3/1. David Hutchinson Bromfield M. Margaret Elizabeth Clacken,
4/1. Vida Ella Orbel Bromfield
2/1. John Mullins Bromfield & Lucy Facey Seaton
3/1. Mary Ann Bromfield & Christopher Bromfield
4/1. David Christopher Bromfield & Vida Ella Orbel Bromfield,
5/1. Albert Winston Bromfield
& Sigrid Hazel Agatha Gray
6/1. David Michael Hurlstone Bromfield
Descendants of Nicholas Maitland Parchment
Generation No. 1
1. Nicholas Maitland Parchment was born Abt. 1811.
Married Sarah Yuil (Parchment).
She was born Abt. 1811.
Occupation: 1836, Planter of Comfort
Issue (many more listed on PR):
2/1. Margaret Parchment, born June 14, 1836.
Baptism: December 30, 1836, St.
Married Herbert Gordon May 19, 1858, St. E by banns
born April 08, 1838, Baptism: July 13, 1838, St. Elizabeth
2/2. Isabella Bonniella b. 15/11/1845, ch 2/1846
of Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife of Comfort, Settler.
2/3. Thomas Ewell - b 4/10/1847 ch 30/1/1848
of Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell
2/4. Ezekiel b 28/4/1850 ch. 1/2/1850
of Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife/ Comfort/ Settler/ W. Forbes/
The name Parchment appears in the St Elizabeth Indices
several times. In 1802, this family owned land SE of Black River.
St Elizabeth PR from Jamaica Web site:
269 / 1846 February ?/ ? Isabella Bonniella - 15th November 1845/ Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife/ Comfort/ Settler/ W. Forbes/
? / 1846 February 22nd/ Mary Maitland - 9th December 1845/ Henry Gale Parchment & Sarah Amelia his wife/ Providence/ Settler. W. Forbes/
290 / 1846 April 24th/ Henry - 1st February 1846/ Henry Gale & Rebecca his wife/ Greenvale/ Settler/ Thos. P. Williams/
155 / 1848 January 30th/ Thomas Ewell - 4th October 1847/ Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife/ Comfort/ Settler/ Forbes/
468 / 1850 April 28th/ Ezekiel - 1st February 1850/ Nicholas Maitland Parchment & Sarah Ewell his wife/ Comfort/ Settler/ W. Forbes/
MANY other Parchments listed.
See Maitland Private more on Sarah Maitland
Information from David Bromfield, (5/2001):
I am descended from 'Andrew Bromfield & Rose Reynolds'. Andrew Bromfield had later married "Mary Parchment" daughter of John & Ruth Parchment. John & Ruth had a son "Richard Parchment" who was "set" to inherit his parents estate on the condition (stated in his father's will) that he should marry only a "white" woman. Richard Parchment had children with 'Sarah Maitland' who according to one 'researcher' was 'non-white'. Consequently the 'Parchment' estate passed to his sister "Mary Parchment" who married my ancestor "Andrew Bromfield - Lt. Colonel St. Elizabeth parish Militia, Jamaica".
Mary Bromfield, born 1785, St E, dau of Andrew & Rose (Reynolds) Bromfield, married 29/1/1824, Richard Parchment son of Sarah Parchment
DENNY SWABY Correspondence:
Denny Swaby[iv]
I know the names of my paternal grandfather as well as great grand father and mother. I have passed this information to the Registrar General Department in Jamaica to see what they can find. I remember hearing various family stories when I was a child about the Swaby that started the lineage in Jamaica. One of the things that I remember was this original Swaby was a military officer. He was either German or English. The Jamaican records if they exist will verify lineage. I'm not sure of the extent of your research on Joseph Swaby, but thought it best to ask a few questions. Do you know if there were generations of Swaby's in Jamaica prior to Joseph James Swaby? If Joseph Swaby was the first Swaby in Jamaica, are you also aware of his place of birth?
Sat, 21 Feb 2004 16:48:47 -0500
Thank you for responding to my e-mail. I have a good understanding of my Swaby ancestry at this point. Since I live in the Cayman Islands I was able to visit the Registrar Generals Department in Jamaica.
I wanted to let you know that I found a Maitland connection through my paternal grandmother. My great grandmother was Mary Maitland Parchment. Mary's father was Henry Gale Parchment. Henry was baptized in 1819 in St. Elizabeth Jamaica. His parents are not listed and he is baptized with numerous other Parchment children. I did not have enough time to complete my research on Henry, but he appears to be descended from Richard Parchment and Sarah Maitland.
dcswaby wrote: 6/2005.
Hi Antony,
It's been some time since we've communicated.... I was in Jamaica earlier this week and came across a will for John Maitland....
The will I found for John Maitland stated that is mother was Sarah Maitland. John left his estate to Rebecca Wright and two children Frances and Richard. This appears to be part of the Maitland family identified in on your site. Are they descended from Francis Maitland and who was Sarah Maitland?
Best Regards Denny Swaby
From: Antony Maitland [mailto:firstname.lastname@example.com]
Sent: Friday, June 24, 2005 5:06 PM
To: dcswaby
Good to hear from you, even is your information throws my earlier ancestry in grave doubt!
Did you by any chance take any details of John Maitland's will? (even a reference number so I can get hold of it either when I next go to Jamaica or via and agent): It sounds very much as though he is my GGGG grandfather - Francis and Richard were his sons and Rebecca their mother.
On the subject of your family, I had a couple of emails from a Swaby from St Elizabeth recently, which might interest you:
The sender is:
Jean Prytyskacz
Hi Antony- I'm writing you to find out more information on the history of the Swaby family in Jamaica. My maternal grandmother was Anice Swaby from Santa Cruz, St. Elizabeth Parish. She was married to Wilfred Charles Hendricks (from England) my grandfather who was a planter in Greenvale, Mandeville during the 20's,30's and 40's. He was also the postmaster of the Mandeville Post Office. Anyway, I would like to know who was the earliest Swaby on the island? I know there were several Joseph James Swabys. There was a Horatio Swaby that my grandmother was related to, but I don't know if there were more than one. Or if Horatio was a son or grandson of one of the Joseph James (Swaby). Did the Swaby's own any farms or estates in Yorkshire where they are originally from, besides having Jamaican property? I hope you could answer my questions. I enjoy reading your web site very much.
Thanks, Jean
7 Nov 2005
Good to hear from you. Interestingly enough I was scheduled to go to Jamaica on business tomorrow, but had to cancel as my wife caught a virus. On business trips to Jamaica I try to schedule some time at the Registrar General's as well. I was looking forward to this trip as NCR had offered to show me around St. Elizabeth. I'm hoping I can go again in a week or two. If I find anything else I'll let you know. The Jamaican deeds and wills seem to be the best key for connecting families.
I was able to connect my maternal grandmother (Mary Maitland Parchment) to Richard P and Sarah M. It appears that Mary was descended from Sarah Maitland's son Nicholas. I have a copy of Richard Parchment's will as well as the will of his father John Parchment.
Thanks for keeping in touch. It will be interesting to see what you find on your visit to the West India Committee.
Posted by: Stephanie Binns Date: May 15, 2001 at 19:36:26 In Reply to: Re: Southfield Plantation, Saint Elizabeth by Robert Hodgson
Thanks for your reply.
I want to start by making things a bit more confusing. John Parchment had two sons, Richard and John, but he also had several daughters, Elizabeth, Jean, Mary, and Nancy. I failed to mention the daughters because I incorrectly assumed that the land was being passed from father to son.
Mary Parchment married Andrew Bromfield. He also had relations with Rose Reynolds and Amy Bradford. I descend from his relation with Rose Reynolds. I hate to say he wasn't original but they also had a child Mary Bromfield. His child with Mary Parchment was Mary Pringle Bromfield.
John Parchment's son Richard had several children with Sarah Maitland (of whom I have found almost no information) and they had a child names Richard. Richard married Mary Bromfield (daughter of Andrew and Rose Reynolds). So, Andrew Bromfield was not only Richard's father-in-law but the husband of his aunt. Confused?
A bit of clarification, please? Who lived at Berry Hill Andrew Bromfield and Rose Reynolds or Andrew Bromfield and Mary Parchment?
Okay, you asked if all of the information I have is from my aunt. I have researched here in the United States and have looked only at parish registers. I have not seen anything with properties actually mentioned unless they were on a baptism as a place of residence. I will call her and see if she as copies she could send me of her research. I will also send you a copy of the information she gave me. There maybe information you get out of it that I may not yet. I have only been researching about a year and a half and will not have the opportunity to travel to Jamaica for these types of documents for at least another year. She has documents sited but I don't have the hard copies, nor have I seen them.
You asked about the Mayfield school. I am guessing that this may be the school at Berry Hill. My grandmother, granddaughter of Richard E. Parchment, the "school master" went to the Mayfield school. She said it was a one room school house. Note that she went to school in the early 1900s. Sadly she died before I was old enough to really start asking her questions. I will ask my aunt who grew up there.
Lastly, the Binns/Parchment family you mentioned. I would really like to find out more. There are two Binns/Parchment families I know of. One of them is my grandparents, both were born in 1901. The other family is Richard Binns and Adelaide Eugene Parchment. I don't have dates but she is the daughter of "old man Simeon" so I am guessing she was born earlier.
I will be in touch soon. Please keep me posted with your research.
Andrew Bromfield
Andrew Bromfield was a great, great grandfather of Mass Teddy. One of six children, he came from a rich Scottish family that owned Estate's in Berwickshire and Roxburghshire. He was born in 1741 and baptised 1744 at Eccles Parish Church, Berwickshire, Scotland.
The Bromfield siblings consisted of three boys and three girls. All six of them eventually resided at their own properties in the town of Kelso which was just over the border in Roxburghshire.
Andrew Bromfield and his two brothers all joined the British Army and later became Officer's of their Regiment. His eldest brother, Stephen became a Colonel. He and his brother John were Captain's in the same unit, the 40th Regiment of Foot. Great Britain had owned Jamaica now for just over 100 years and many English and Scots had become extremely rich after moving there. Andrew must have had thoughts of owning a Plantation in Jamaica too. Sometime between the years of 1770-1773 he decided to go to Jamaica. Still a member of the Army he borrowed money from his eldest brother Stephen who had become the wealthiest of the brother's. I have heard that there is apparently a Stephen Bromfield document which states something like this about Andrew "My brother is wasting away and desperate to seek his fortune in Jamaica!"
In 1772 a Newspaper article appeared in the Scottish, Kelso Chronicle showing Andrew had purchased an African Slave. He and his brother John sailed to Jamaica. Andrew or both of them owned land in the parish of Clarendon which was then adjoined to Saint Elizabeth. Incidentally, Mass Teddy's son Leslie once said to my father that two brother's had come over from Scotland and that one of them went to Clarendon, the other one moved to Saint Elizabeth. He also said nobody knows what happened to the other brother. It is almost certain that these were those Bromfield brother's, not the Hodgson's
Around 1784 he was named as a signed witness to the will of a man named John Parchment who was the owner of the land of 'Southfield Penn' in Saint Elizabeth. Just one year after John Parchment's death, Andrew married his daughter Mary Parchment in 1785. She had inherited from her father and was now the owner of the land and slaves of Southfield Penn. Andrew and Mary's marriage appeared in the Saint Elizabeth church register under the heading "Marriages of White Persons in 1785"
Prior to his marriage, Andrew had children from "relationships" with two of his slaves, one was a Quadroon and the other a "Person of colour" On the day of his wedding, they were all baptised and given their freedom. A descendant of one of them, David Bromfield once kept in touch and gave me much information concerning the Bromfield's.
Twelve years after his Marriage and with a growing family including our 3 year old Amelia Bromfield, he and his brother John both went AWOL, "Absent Without Leave" from their British Regiment, their positions being replaced by other soldiers. It was 1797 and was probably the time that Andrew officially left Britain. He became a Lieutenant Colonel in the Saint Elizabeth Militia Army instead whilst also owning Southfield Plantation and 80 slaves.
His brother moved back to Scotland where he married and raised a legitimate family of three daughters there. When the brother died at Kelso in 1821, his occupation was listed as a Coffee Planter/Merchant "sometime of Jamaica" It appears that he was probably involved in Andrew and Mary's Coffee Plantation Business at Southfield. There is evidence that John and a sister once sailed to Southfield, became ill and had the Doctor's bill paid by their wealthier brother Colonel Stephen Bromfield of Kelso.
The future would not prove to be as fruititus as the Bromfield's and other Planters thought because in England the "Abolition of Slavery" movement had been operating slowly in the background since 1788 and was gathering momentum at Parliament. It would ultimately play a part in the death of Andrew Bromfield.
Southfield Plantation was now an established business and is shown on a Jamaican property map of 1804 showing the Bromfield and Parchment Properties at Southfield and Yardley Chase. The map also shows their neighbours, the Bent's of Top Hill, Johnson's of Belle Vue and the Ebanks of Flagaman.
In 1807 the abolition Bill was to be passed on the outlawing of the Slave Trade. It was something that all Colonial's including the Jamaican Planters were all strongly opposed to because it would mean the demise of their once highly profitable business. Many Jamaican Planters would be ruined so they petitioned and sailed to London from their Jamaican Estates to try to overturn the ruling which was to be chaired at the House of Commons, London. Andrew Bromfield was in Central London during that Month and died on the 11th March 1807 aged 66. His death occurred just two weeks before the Bill was passed on the 25th March 1807. Although there is no certain proof as to why he was in London, it does seem very obvious that it was connected to the Abolition. He was not buried in the Bromfield Monument at Eccles Parish Church, due to his death occurring outside of Scotland, therefore his place of burial must be in London, but has yet to be found. Because he was a British Gentleman, his death was announced in several English and Scottish Newspapers and publications;
This chapter is very interesting and relevant to an event that was celebrated and noted in England this year 2007, the Bi-Centenary (200 years) of the Abolition of the Slave Trade which occurred on the 25th March 1807. It is also 200 years since the death of Andrew Bromfield.
William Maitland was born Abt. 1799, and died February 1834, aged abt 35. Partner: Susan Gladstone.
Burial: February 01, 1834, Carawina Estate, Westmoreland, by Thomas Stewart, rector. Occupation: February 1834, Planter, Residence: Bet. 1829 - 1834, Carawina Estate
Children of William Maitland and Susan Gladstone are:
Three children were baptized on the same day by Thomas Stewart, rector. Their residence was Carawina, Baptism: September 04, 1829, Westmoreland:
2 i. James Gladstone Maitland, born December 09, 1824.
3 ii. William Russell Maitland, born December 17, 1826.
4 iii. Margaret Maitland, born September 25, 1828.
Mate, Alexander Maitland
14/3/2008: edited and Jamaica visit results.
21/6/2008: added Admiralty dispatches, intro.
17/10/2008: Richard Maitland issue etc.
3/12/2008: More on Richard Maitland
19/1/2010: small changes
10/4/2011: Combined Pro Docs ref Savannah
17/1/2013: Small changes
31/10/2014: Extensive additions of Shipping
[1] London Chronicle 27 June 1761, from Google Books, William Fuller Maitland
[2] Whitehall Evening Post Or London Intelligencer November 3, 1761
[3] London Chronicle February 20, 1762
[4] The Oxford Journal, 12 August 1775.
[6] Edinburgh Advertiser listed on NA as August 9, 1781 but in fact 13 November.
[7] https://www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/holman-a-dockyard-at-wapping-t01763/text-catalogue-entry
[8] Ancestry.com - http://search.ancestry.com/search/db.aspx?dbid=15395
[9] General Advertiser And Morning Intelligencer December 29, 1778, NewspaperArchive.com
[10] James Laurens to HL HL 22 July 1774
[11] Original data: Marriage Bonds and Allegations. London, England: London Metropolitan Archives. Ancestry.com.
[12] Prob 11/977 Nat Archives – PDF held
[13] The British observatory, April 1734, Google Books.
[14] London Daily Advertiser September 25, 1745
PRO ADM 1/235, Admiral's despatches, Jamaica 1713-1789,
1757-1760 Lists and Indexes, Admiralty XVIII p3.
[16] Public Advertiser July 27, 1757 (NA)
[17] Escaping Bondage - A Documentary History of Runaway Slaves in Eighteenth-Century New England, 1700-1789 2012 P106
[18] Genesreunited Newspaper Archive, 5/2013
[19] CO 5/511, Register of Shipping
[20] CO 5/511, Register of Shipping
In May 1759, following a series of attacks by settlers and Cherokees against each other, Attacullaculla joined a delegation that went to Charleston to try to negotiate with South Carolina authorities. Governor William Henry Lyttleton seized the delegates as hostages until the Cherokees responsible for killing white settlers were surrendered. Having raised an expeditionary force, Lyttleton set out for Fort Prince George with the hostages in tow and arrived with 1700 men on December 9, 1759. Though freed soon after, Attacullaculla returned to Fort Prince George to negotiate for peace, but his efforts were thwarted by the more hawkish Oconostota. The Cherokees gave up two individuals and negotiated the release of a few hostages including Oconostota, who soon after lured Lt. Richard Coytmore out of the fort, waving a bridle over his head, and incited Cherokee warriors hiding in the woods to fire upon and kill Coytmore; white soldiers inside the fort then proceeded to murder all the Cherokees inside, and hostilities continued between the Cherokees and Anglo-Americans.
He was actually a rather small man, not much over 5 feet. Most of the modern American History books contain the name of this man as having fought with the Americans in the American Revolution. His son, Dragging Canoe fought on the side of the British, the Chickamagua Cherokees.
[22] CO 5/511, Register of Shipping
[23] CO 5/511, Register of Shipping
[24] CO 5/511, Register of Shipping
[26] 30th March 1769 P421 HL to Richard Grubb
[27] HL V7 P542 26th June 1771
[31] HLV9 P338 footnote: William Begbie and Daniel Manson, shipbuilders, had launched the ship Magna Charta on Nov. 23, 1770, and the ship Carolina Packet on Nov. 12, 1771, at their shipyard at Hobcaw. HL Papers, VII, 407m SCHM, XXI (1920), 22. In June 1777 John Besnard, former commander of the ship Carolina in the London trade, sued to recover on a £1,000 sterling performance bond inasmuch as Begbie & Manson had promised on July 24, 1775, to build and launch a vessel by Oct 1, 1776, for Besnard and his backers. Thomas Corbett swore an affidavit to that promise on June 25,1777. In March 1778 Begbie & Manson entered a demurrer to the charges claiming that an invasion of S.C. in June 1776 had made it impossible for them to deliver according to schedule. The suit itself was apparently interrupted after Edward Rutledge entered a joinder in behalf of Besnard in March 1778. Judgment Rolls, 1777, No. 28A, S.C. Archives. Begbie and Manson both supported the king during the American Revolution and were forced to leave Charleston during the summer of 1778. Begbie, a Scotsman, went to Jamaica and Manson to New York. They resumed their business in Charleston during the occupation of the city by the British. After their estates were confiscated by S.C. in 1782, Manson, who was at Deptford in England in January 1784, tried to recover for himself and his partner (then in East Florida) from the crown on the basis that they had a business which had brought in an income of £1000 sterling per annum on the eve of the Revolution and which was ruined because of their loyalty to the Crown. Loyalist Transcripts LV, 293-325
[36] 28th May 1772 HLV8 P342
[37] HLV8 P424 19 August 1772
[38] John was an engineer who designed and built fire engines, from premises on Ratcliff Highway close to the church 'opposite Cannon Street [Road]'; he also bought out the firm of Newsham and Rags at 18 New Street, Cloth Fair, West Smithfield - Richard Newsham had patented the first commercially-produced fire engine in 1725. Bristow's 'floating engine' was made in nine different sizes, and advertised both for firefighting and for watering gardens.
[39] Westminster, 20th August 1772 V8 P437
[40] Bristol, August 29th, 1772 V8 P445
[41] 458 5th September 1772
[44] Also referred to in HLV8 P535 HLV9 HL138
[47] http://files.usgwarchives.net/sc/ships/1774ship.txt
[51] HCA 26/61 – photographed, not transcribed
[52] 14 March 1772 V8 P217
[53] The Carolina Coffee House was to be found in Birching Lane (now known as Birchin Lane) in the centre of the City of London, then as now the business centre of the city. The Carolina Coffee House specialised in trade and communications with the Carolinas. (http://www.thelovens.co.uk/hyrne/html/carolina_coffee_house.html)
[56] Ancestry.com. England, Select Births and Christenings, 1538-1975
[57] Archive.org: Fasti Academiae Mariscallanae Aberdonensis : selections from the records of the Marischal College and University, MDXClll-MDCCCLX (1889)
[58] A History of the County of Essex: Volume 6, 1973, W.R.Powell (editor). Extract from British history on line.
[59] Transactions the Essex Historical Society, Vol IX, Pt 1 1903.
[60] Newspaper Archive internet.
[61] Ancestry.com. England, Select Marriages, 1538–1973 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2014.
[62] PROB 11/891/186 – on file in maitwills.
[63] LDS film 1291698
[64] http://www.masshist.org/publications/apde/portia.php?id=PJA06d038#PJA06d038n2
[65] St. Elizabeth Parish Register I & II, 1707-1825, I, p. 7