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Noam Chomsky on the Global Economic Crisis, Healthcare, US Foreign Policy and Resistance to American Empire
Democracy Now!, April 13, 2009
AMY GOODMAN: Today, a conversation with one of the most important dissident intellectuals of our time, Noam Chomsky, on the global economic crisis, healthcare, the media, US foreign policy, the expanding wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and resistance to American empire. Noam Chomsky is a world-renowned linguist, philosopher, social critic, and Institute Professor Emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Among his many books over the past few decades are Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, Profit over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order, and Human Rights and American Foreign Policy. There's a great collection of his work, just out now, edited by Anthony Arnove, called The Essential Chomsky.
I spoke to Noam Chomsky earlier this month when we were on the road in Boston. This is Part II of our conversation. I began by asking him to talk about the current economic meltdown.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, let's start with G20. If you look at the Financial Times, the world's major business journal, the day before the G20 meeting, they had a section on it, and they pointed out, I think correctly, that the main purpose is to present a picture of harmony and agreement. It doesn't matter what you do, but make it look as if we're all together on this. Now, there are sharp splits about how to approach the issue, but you have to make it look as if we're all together. That's pretty much what happened.
Now, in the communiqué, which you read before, the crucial word was "voluntary." So, the countries there are supposed to voluntarily choose to do x, y and z. Well, that means we couldn't make an agreement. So we'll call it voluntary agreement.
Now, there was one point on which they agreed: a sharp recapitalization of the International Monetary Fund; pour a lot of money into the IMF. That's a pretty dubious move. I mean, the record of the IMF has -- the IMF is more or less a branch of the US Treasury, even though it has a European director. Its past role has been extremely destructive. In fact, its American US executive director captured its role when she described it as "the credit community's enforcer," meaning if a third world dictator incurs a huge debt -- people didn't, but the dictator did; say, Suharto in Indonesia -- and then the debt defaults, the lenders, who have made plenty of money because it was a risky loan so they get high interest and so on, they have to be protected, meaning not by the dictator, by the people of Indonesia, who are subjected to harsh structural adjustment programs so that they can pay back the debt, which they didn't incur, so that we can be compensated, rich Westerners can be compensated. So that's the IMF, the credit community's enforcer, a very destructive role in the third world. Now it's to be recapitalized.
Now, there's discussion about this, and it's interesting. You can read it in the financial pages. The supporters of the recapitalization say, "Well, the IMF has changed its spots. It's going to be different from now on. We realize that it had this terrible role, but now it's going to be different." Well, is there any reason to believe it will be different? In fact, if you look today, it's quite striking to see the advice that the Western powers are following, the programs that they're following, and compare them to the instructions given to the third world.
So, say, take Indonesia again. Indonesia had a huge financial crisis about ten years ago, and the instructions were the standard ones: "Here is what you have to do. First, pay off your debts to us. Second, privatize, so that we can then pick up your assets on the cheap. Third, raise interest rates to slow down the economy and force the population to suffer, you know, to pay us back." Those are the regular instructions the IMF is still giving them.
What do we do? Exactly the opposite. We forget about the debt, let it explode. We reduce interest rates to zero to stimulate the economy. We pour money into the economy to get even bigger debts. We don't privatize; we nationalize, except we don't call it nationalization. We give it some other name, like "bailout" or something. It's essentially nationalization without control. So we pour money into the institutions. We lectured the third world that they must accept free trade, though we accept protectionism.
Take the "too big to fail" principle, which the House committee is discussing today. But what does "too big to fail" mean? "Too big to fail" is an insurance policy. It's a government insurance policy. Government means the public pays, which says, "You can take huge risks and make plenty of profit, and if anything goes wrong, we'll bail you out." That's "too big to fail." Well, that's extreme protectionism. It gives US corporations like Citigroup an enormous advantage over others, like any other kind of protection.
But we don't allow the third world to do that. I mean, they've got to privatize, so that we can pick up their assets. Now, these are happening side by side. Now, here's the instructions for you, the poor people; here's the policies for us, the rich people. Exactly the opposite. Is there any reason to think the IMF is going to change it?
AMY GOODMAN: Do you think President Obama is any different than President Bush when it comes to the economy? And if you were in the Congress, would you have voted for the bailouts and the stimulus packages?
NOAM CHOMSKY: He's different. I mean, first of all, there's a rhetorical difference. But we have to distinguish the first and the second Bush terms. They were different. I mean, the first Bush term was so arrogant and abrasive and militaristic and dismissive of everyone that they offended, they antagonized even allies, close allies, and US prestige in the world plummeted to zero. Now, the second Bush administration was more -- moved more toward the center in that respect, not entirely, but more, so some of the worst offenders, like Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and others, were thrown out. I mean, they couldn't throw out Dick Cheney, because he was the administration, so they couldn't get rid of him. He stayed, but the others, a lot of them, left. And they moved towards a somewhat more normal position.
And Obama is carrying that forward. He's a centrist Democrat. He never really pretended to be anything else. And he's moving towards a kind of a centrist position. He's very popular in Europe, not so much because of him, but because he's not Bush. So there is the kind of rhetoric that the European leaders and, in fact, the European population tend to accept. In fact, you know, even in the Middle East, where you'd think people would know better, they accept the illusions. And they are illusions, because there's nothing to back them up. So, yes, he is different from Bush.
Same -- on the economy, well, you know, the current Obama-Geithner plan is not very different from the Bush-Paulson plan. I mean, somewhat different, but circumstances have changed. So, of course, it's somewhat different. But it's still based on the principle that we have to -- somehow, the taxpayer has to rescue the institutions intact. They have to remain intact, including the people who, you know, destroyed the economy. In fact, they are the ones who Obama picked to fix it up.
AMY GOODMAN: Explain.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Like Larry Summers, for example, who is now his chief economic adviser. I mean, he was Secretary of Treasury under Bill Clinton. His great achievement was to prevent Congress from regulating derivatives, exotic financial instruments. Well, that's one of the main factors that led to the crisis.
His kind of senior adviser, one of the first, was Robert Rubin, who was Secretary of Treasury right before Summers. His main achievement -- many achievements, like what he did to Indonesia and the third world, but here, his main achievement was to lead the way to revoke the Glass-Steagall legislation from the New Deal, which protected commercial banks from risky investments. It broke down those barriers. Immediately after having done this, he left the government, joined Citigroup as a director, and they began to make huge profits, including him, from picking up insurance companies and so on and making very risky loans, relying on the "too big to fail" doctrine, meaning if we get in trouble, the taxpayer will bail us out, which is just what's happening, taxpayers now pouring tens of billions of dollars into rescuing Citigroup.
Well, these are the advisers who were supposed to fix up the system. Tim Geithner was right in the middle of this. He was head of the New York Federal Reserve, so, yes, he was supervising these actions. Now, you know, you can argue about whether they're doing the right thing or the wrong thing, but are these the people who should be fixing up the system?
Actually, the business press just had some interesting things to say about this. Bloomberg News, you know, main business press, had an article in which they reviewed the records of the people who Obama invited to his economic summit. I think it must have been last November or December. They just reviewed the record. I think there were a couple dozen of them. People on the -- you know, people like, say, Stiglitz, Krugman, they were never even allowed close to it, let alone anyone from the left or labor and so on, given token representation. So they went through the records, and they concluded that these people should not be invited to fix up the economy. Most of them should be getting subpoenas because of their record of accounting fraud, malpractice and so on, and helping bring about the current crisis.
AMY GOODMAN: Professor Noam Chomsky. We'll continue the conversation in a minute. If you'd like a copy of today's show, you can go to our website at democracynow.org. Stay with us.
AMY GOODMAN: We return now to my conversation with Noam Chomsky about the economic crisis and how the Obama administration is handling it.
AMY GOODMAN: Why do you think Obama chose to surround himself?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Because those are his beliefs. I mean, his support comes from the -- his constituency is basically the financial institutions. Just take a look at the funding for his campaign. I mean, the final figures haven't come out, but we have preliminary figures, and it seems to be mostly financial institutions. I mean, the financial institutions preferred him to McCain. They are the main funders for both -- you know, I mean, core funders for both parties, but considerably more to Obama than McCain.
You can learn a lot from campaign contributions. In fact, one of the best predictors of policy around is Thomas Ferguson's investment theory of politics, as he calls it -- very outstanding political economist -- which essentially -- I mean, to say it in a sentence, he describes elections as occasions in which groups of investors coalesce and invest to control the state. And he takes a look at the formation of campaign contributors, and it gives you a surprisingly good prediction of what policies are going to be. It goes back a century, New Deal and so on. So, yeah, it can predict pretty well what Obama is going to do. There's nothing surprising about this. It's the norm in what's called political democracy.
AMY GOODMAN: Would you have let Citibank, would you have let Citigroup, would do have let the AIG fail?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, there are other possibilities. So, the government could just take over the viable parts. And parts of them are functioning; parts are dysfunctional, like the toxic -- what they call the toxic asset parts, you know, the financial manipulations.
Well, one thing you could do, which has been suggested by a number of economists like Dean Baker, just take over the good parts, essentially nationalize them, put them under public control. And "nationalize" means public control, at least if you have a democracy. Not here, but if you had a functioning democracy, it would mean let them be under public control, and the parts that are responsible for the huge losses, just let them go off by themselves. In fact, that would be the way of taking care of the AIG bonuses that everyone's screaming about. In fact, as Baker pointed out, just spin off the parts that were involved in financial manipulations and caused the crisis, let them go bankrupt and let the executives try to get the bonuses from a bankrupt firm, OK, with no legislation necessary. That's what should be done with Citigroup.
And in fact, it's interesting, it's kind of happening. You know, after the breakdown of Glass-Steagall, they did bring in -- they made use of it, under Rubin's direction, among others, to take -- bring in insurance companies and other risky investors. Now they're divesting them. And they're going in the direction of becoming, you know, commercial bank.
Now, incidentally, this is not the first time this has happened. Paul Volcker is on the news today, you know, saying, "Let's slow down," and so on. Well, he's the one who, under Reagan, who helped bail out Citigroup last time they crashed. At that time they were Citibank. They had followed World Bank and IMF instructions and lent huge amounts of money to Latin America and were assured by the World Bank that it's all fine, you know, markets will take care of it, etc. Well, in a crash, Paul Volcker came in. He raised interest rates very sharply. Third world countries, whose payments are tied to US interest rates, couldn't pay their debts. The IMF moved in, took care of it, and essentially recapitalized Citibank. That's the way the system works: you make risky loans, you make a lot of money, and if you get into trouble, we're here to bail you out, namely the taxpayer.
AMY GOODMAN: And how do the Republicans differ from the Democrats in this? What do you make of -- do you see it as just a minor footnote that Republicans, or some of the governors like Palin, like Jindal --
NOAM CHOMSKY: There's a difference.
AMY GOODMAN: -- are saying they're not going to take stimulus money?
NOAM CHOMSKY: There's a difference. I mean, we basically are a kind of a one-party state. I think C. Wright Mills must have pointed this out fifty years ago. It's a business party, but it has factions -- Democrats and Republicans -- and they're different. They have somewhat different constituencies and different policies. And if you look over the years, the population has -- the majority of the population has tended to make out better under Democrats than Republicans; the very wealthy have tended to make out better under Republicans than Democrats. So they're business parties, but they're somewhat different, and the differences can have an effect. However, fundamentally, they're pretty much along the same lines.
So take, say, the current financial crisis. Actually, it began under Carter. The late Carter administration is the one that began -- was pushing for financialization of the economy, you know, huge growth of speculative financial capital, deregulation, and so on. Reagan carried it much further, and Clinton continued it. And then, with Bush, it kind of went off the rails.
So there are differences, but differences within a pretty narrow spectrum. And anyone who's a little off the spectrum, like Nobel laureates in economics who are a couple of millimeters off the spectrum, they're basically on the outside. You can interview them, but they don't show up at the economic summit.
AMY GOODMAN: How does the global economy and our own economy relate to the issue of war and US foreign policy?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, actually, you had a pretty good interview with Joseph Stiglitz about that a couple of months ago, in which he discussed the relationship of -- he was talking about the Iraq war. And as you'll recall, he pointed out correctly that the Iraq war, which, first of all, is going to cost trillions of dollars, also had the effect of sharply increasing the price of oil, predictably. And as he pointed out, we could sort of paper that over for a while by a housing bubble, so there was a huge housing bubble which anyone with eyes open could see. I mean, for a century, housing prices had sort of tracked the economy, GDP; then, all of a sudden, they shot way beyond the trend line, which means there's a bubble, and it's going to burst, and you get into trouble. But the housing bubble, which was supervised by Alan Greenspan and with the Democrats -- actually, it started under Clinton -- it replaced the tech bubble under Clinton, and it gave an illusion of prosperity, which -- so you didn't see the effects of the rise in oil prices, which went very high. But if you trace all the connections, yes, there's a clear connection, as he pointed out, between the war and the economic crisis.
And in fact, it's deeper than that. The US is just in a class by itself in military expenses. It basically matches the rest of the world, and it's far more advanced. Well, that's drawn from somewhere. You know, that's money that's not being used to develop the economy.
Now, in fact, you have to add a footnote here, because part of the very high level of US violation of free trade principles is that the economy itself is based on military spending to a substantial extent. So the modern information revolution -- computers, the internet, fancy software and so on -- most of that comes straight out of the Pentagon. My own university, MIT, was one of the places where all of this was developed under Pentagon contracts in the 1950s and the 1960s.
In fact, that's another critical part of the way the economy works. The public pays the costs and takes the risk of economic development, and if anything works, maybe decades later, it's handed over to private enterprise to make the profits. And that's a core element of the economy. Of course, we don't permit the third world to do that. That's considered a violation of free trade when they do it. But it's the way our economy works. And it's kind of complementary to the "too big to fail" doctrine of protectionism for financial institutions. But the general -- we do not have a capitalist economy. We have kind of a state capitalist economy in which the public has a role: pay the costs, take the risks, bail out if they get into trouble. And the private sector has a role: make profit, and then turn to the public if you get into trouble.
AMY GOODMAN: Would you extend that to healthcare?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, healthcare is a dramatic case. I mean, for decades, the healthcare issue has been right at the top of domestic concerns, for very good reasons. The US has the most dysfunctional healthcare system in the industrial world, has about twice the per capita costs and some of the worst outcomes. It's also the only privatized system. And if you look closely, those two things are related. And the privatized system is highly inefficient: a huge amount of administration, bureaucracy, supervision, you know, all kinds of things. It's been studied pretty carefully.
Now, the public has had an opinion about this for decades. A considerable majority want a national healthcare system, like other industrial countries have. They usually say a Canadian-style system, not because Canada is the best, but at least you know that Canada exists. Nobody says an Australian-style system, which is much better, because who knows anything about that? But something like what's sometimes called Medicare Plus, like extend Medicare to the population.
Well, up until -- it's interesting. Up until the year 2004, that idea was described, for example, by the New York Times as politically impossible and lacking political support. So, maybe the public wants it, but that's not what counts as political support. The financial institutions are opposed, the pharmaceutical institutions are opposed, so it's not -- no political support. Well, in 2008, for the first time, the Democratic candidates -- first Edwards, then the others -- began to move in the direction of what the public has wanted, not there, but in that direction.
So what happened between 2004 and 2008? Well, public opinion didn't change. It's been this way for decades. What changed is that manufacturing industry, a big sector of the economy, has recognized that it's being severely harmed by the highly inefficient privatized health system. So, General Motors said that it costs them over a thousand dollars more to produce a car in Detroit than across the border in Windsor, Canada. And, you know, when manufacturing industry becomes concerned, then things become politically possible, and they begin to have political support. So, yes, in 2008, there's some discussion of it.
Now, you know, this is very revealing insight into how American democracy functions and what is meant by the term "political support" and "politically possible." Again, this should be headlines. Will a proposal come that approaches what the public wants? Well, we're already getting the backlash, strong backlash. And what private healthcare systems are claiming is that this is unfair. The government is so much more efficient that they'll be driven -- there's no level playing field if the government gets into it, which is true.
AMY GOODMAN: If you had a public and a private plan.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Yeah.
AMY GOODMAN: If it were like Medicare.
NOAM CHOMSKY: If you had them side by side --
AMY GOODMAN: Most people go for Medicare --
NOAM CHOMSKY: -- they will.
AMY GOODMAN: -- but if you wanted to go for a private plan, you could.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Yeah, if you could. But they're not -- they say, "Well, we can't compete." For good reasons. I mean, in every country except -- industrial country except the United States, the government uses its massive purchasing power to negotiate drug prices. That's one of the reasons prices are so much higher in the United States than in other countries. Well, they could -- the Pentagon can use purchasing power to negotiate prices for, you know, paper clips or something, but, by law, the government is not permitted to do that in the case of healthcare. Well, if you had Medicare Plus, they would, and that would drive down drug prices, and the private industries can't compete.
AMY GOODMAN: FAIR, Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, did a study of the week leading up to the White House healthcare summit of the networks and how they were covering single payer, the issue of like Medicare Plus, and I think they found that absolutely -- that almost -- there was almost no representation in the media of a single-payer advocate --
NOAM CHOMSKY: Yeah.
AMY GOODMAN: -- and almost the only mention was someone blasting single payer.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Yeah, yeah. That's because it has no political support; only the majority of the public. It's the same as the media commentary in 2004. In fact, if you take a look back at the end of the last electoral campaign, Kerry-Bush campaign, in October 2004, right before the election, there was a debate on domestic issues. I think it was maybe October 28th or so. Just take a look -- read the New York Times report of it the next day. It was very dramatic. It said Kerry never brought up the idea of any government involvement in healthcare, not, you know, Medicare Plus, but any government involvement, because it is not politically possible and lacks political support -- just the population. Well, that --
AMY GOODMAN: What studies show you the population wants this?
NOAM CHOMSKY: I mean, there's been poll after poll, goes back, in fact --
AMY GOODMAN: So, what do you think is going to break through?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, it's a problem of the general dysfunction of formal democracy. I mean, there's a very substantial gap between public opinion and public policy on a host of major issues. And on many of these issues, both parties are well to the right of the public, international and domestic.
Incidentally, that's one reason why elections are run the way they are. Elections are run as marketing extravaganzas, and that's not kept secret. So the advertising industry gives an award every year for best marketing campaign of the year. For 2008, they gave it to Obama. He beat out, I think, Apple Computer. And if you look at the comments of financial -- of advertising executives, PR executives, they were euphoric. In fact, they said -- you can read it in the Financial Times, business press -- they said, you know, "We've been marketing candidates like commodities ever since Reagan, but this is the best we've ever done. It's going to change the atmosphere in corporate boardrooms. We have a new style of selling things, you know, the Obama style, you know, soaring rhetoric, hope and change, and so on." Yeah, that's true.
And if you look at the campaigns themselves, they're designed essentially by the advertising industry to sell the commodity -- it happens to be a candidate -- and they're pretty carefully designed so that you marginalize issues and you focus on what are called "qualities." In Obama's case, you know, soaring rhetoric and so on; in Bush's case, a nice guy and like to have a beer with him and so on. That's the kind of thing you focus on. Where do they stand on issues? Well, the public is mostly uninformed. I haven't seen current polls on 2008, but the 2004 election, where there were polls shortly after, showed the public had almost no idea what Bush's stand was. In fact, a majority of Bush voters thought that he supported the Kyoto Protocol, because they support it, and he's a nice guy, so he must support it.
And elections are designed that way, and it makes good sense. I mean, the people who run the elections, they read the polls, and very carefully, in fact. In fact, they mostly the design them for their own interest. And they know that the parties are to the right of the public, so you better -- on a large number of issues, including crucial ones like Iran and others -- so you better keep issues off the table, which is what's done. So what the -- healthcare is a dramatic case of it, but it's only one instance.
AMY GOODMAN: Renowned linguist Noam Chomsky, speaking to me in Boston last week. We will return to the last part of our conversation after this break. You can get a copy of the full two parts by going to democracynow.org. Stay with us.
AMY GOODMAN: We return now to the last part of my conversation with leading American intellectual and anti-imperialist critic Noam Chomsky.
AMY GOODMAN: The whole issue of populist rage, Noam Chomsky, actually, do you think that this rage is going to boil over as the unemployment figures rise?
NOAM CHOMSKY: It's very hard to predict those things. I mean, it has a potentially positive side, like it could be like the activism of the 1930s or the 1960s, which ended up making it a more civilized society in many ways, or it could be like an unfortunate precedent that quickly comes to mind. I've written about it.
Take a look at Germany. In the 1920s, Germany was the absolute peak of Western civilization, in the arts and the sciences. It was regarded as a model of democracy and so on. I mean, ten years later, it was the depths of barbarism. That was a quick transition. "The descent into barbarism" it's sometimes called in the scholarly literature.
Now, if you listen to early Nazi propaganda, you know, end of the Weimar Republic and so on, and you listen to talk radio in the United States, which I often do -- it's interesting -- there's a resemblance. And in both cases, you have a lot of demagogues appealing to people with real grievances.
Grievances aren't invented. I mean, for the American population, the last thirty years have been some of the worst in economic history. It's a rich country, but real wages have stagnated or declined, working hours have shot up, benefits have gone down, and people are in real trouble and now in very real trouble after the bubbles burst. And they're angry. And they want to know, "What happened to me? You know, I'm a hard-working, white, God-fearing American. You know, how come this is happening to me?"
That's pretty much the Nazi appeal. The grievances were real. And one of the possibilities is what Rush Limbaugh tells you: "Well, it's happening to you because of those bad guys out there." OK, in the Nazi case, it was the Jews and the Bolsheviks. Here, it's the rich Democrats who run Wall Street and run the media and give everything away to illegal immigrants, and so on and so forth. It sort of peaked during the Sarah Palin period. And it's kind of interesting. It's been pointed out that of all the candidates, Sarah Palin is the only one who used the phrase "working class." She was talking to the working people. And yeah, they're the ones who are suffering. So, there are models that are not very attractive.
AMY GOODMAN: And she very much is being talked about as a leader, really, of the Republican Party.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, she was kind of a model. You know, the talk radio mob went crazy over her. And one shouldn't demean it. You know, they describe themselves -- it's really worth listening to: "We're fly-by country. You know, they don't care about us, those rich Democrats on the East Coast and the West Coast who are all, you know, interested in gay rights and giving things away to illegal immigrants and so on. They don't care about us, the hard-working, God-fearing people, so we've got to somehow rise up and take over and elect Sarah Palin or Rush Limbaugh or someone like that."
As I say, the precedents are not attractive. Now, if -- now even before the next presidential, if in the next congressional election the economy has not begun to recover, this kind of populist rage could boil over and could have very dangerous consequences. This country has a long history of being kind of ridden by fear. It's a very frightened country. This goes back to colonial times.
I mean, we're very lucky that we have never had an honest demagogue. I mean, the demagogues we've had are so corrupt that they never got anywhere -- you know, Nixon, McCarthy, you know, Jimmy Swaggart and others. So they were kind of destroyed by their own corruption.
But suppose we had an honest demagogue, you know, a Hitler type, who was not corrupt. There's probably -- it could be unpleasant. There's a background of concern and fear, tremendous fear, and searching for some answer, which they're not getting from the establishment. "Who's responsible for my plight?" You know, and that can be exploited. And unless there's active, effective organizing and education, it's dangerous.
AMY GOODMAN: Your assessment of President Obama so far?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Frankly, I never had any expectations. I wrote about it over a year ago. I thought then, and I think it's been confirmed, that he's essentially a centrist Democrat. He's moving back -- I mean, the Bush administration was kind of off the spectrum, especially the first term. So he's moving things back toward the center with a kind of a public posture, which was recognized by the advertising industry. That's why they gave him the award for best marketing campaign, which -- but as far as policy is concerned, unless he's under a lot of pressure from activist sectors, he's not going to go beyond what he's presented himself as in actual policy statements or cabinet choices and so on: a centrist Democrat, going to basically continue Bush's policies, maybe in a more modulated way.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you see Afghanistan becoming an ever-expanded war in the next decade or so? Do you -- now we're talking about doubling the US troops there.
NOAM CHOMSKY: No, that's the way Obama and the Pentagon see it. In fact, they say so: this is going to be a long war, it's going to be extended, the US is going to take over the military side, and it's going to expand it, it's going to expand into Pakistan. And, I mean, we'll talk about development, but the focus will be on the military. Obama, right now, is trying to get NATO to cooperate, but recognizing that they're not going to send military forces. The populations are opposed.
AMY GOODMAN: Canada is pulling out.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Yeah, Canada's pulling out, and the others -- maybe Holland has made a termination date, but we'll at least ask them to come in and sort of help out on the civilian side. That's their job. It's the famous line of, I guess it was Robert Kagan: you know, "they're Venus, we're Mars." So we'll move in like Mars and take care of the military side. You know, we're good at killing people. And they can come in and sort of put on the band-aids and make it look like something good is happening. It's not the right direction.
AMY GOODMAN: The unmanned drones bombing Pakistan?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Yeah, drones. And that has effects. So a lot of the worst fighting recently has been in the Bajaur province, right on the border. It's in Pakistan's side. And militants in the area have reported to the press that part of the reason is that an American drone attack hit a madrasa, a school, and killed about eighty people. Well, you know, they're "uncivilized barbarians"; they sort of don't like that. So they reacted. And now, one of the militants has said, "OK, we're going to bomb the White House," which is considered totally outrageous. But, you know, if we kill as we like, there's going to be a reaction.
AMY GOODMAN: Where do you see American empire in ten, twenty, thirty years?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Prediction in human affairs is a very low -- has very little success, too many complications. The United States, I think, will come out of the economic crisis, very likely, as the dominant superpower. There's a lot of talk about China and India, and it's real, they're changing, but they're just not in the same league. I mean, both China and India have enormous internal problems that the West doesn't face.
You get kind of a picture of this by looking at the Human Development Index of the United Nations. The last time I looked, India was about 125th or something. And I think China was about eightieth. And China would be worse, I think, if it wasn't such a closed society. In India, you sort of get better data, so you can see what's happening. China is kind of closed. You don't see what's going on in the peasant areas, which are in turmoil, you know. They have environmental problems. They have huge -- hundreds of millions of people are kind of like at the edge of starvation.
We don't have -- you know, we have problems, but not those problems. And even the industrial growth, which is there -- you know, for part of the population, there's been improvement. But when you take, say, India, where we know more, in the areas where high-tech industries developed -- and it's pretty impressive. I've visited some of the labs in Hyderabad. You know, it's as good or better than MIT. But right nearby, the rate of peasant suicides is going up, very sharply, in fact. And it's the same source. It's the neoliberal policies, which privilege a certain sector of the population and a certain -- and let the rest take care of themselves.
AMY GOODMAN: And yet, the rise of progressives in Latin America?
NOAM CHOMSKY: That's important. I mean, Latin America, for the first time in 500 years, is moving towards a degree of independence and a kind of integration, which is a prerequisite for independence, and also at least is beginning to face some of its massive internal problems. I mean, Latin America has probably the worst inequality in the world. There's a wealthy sector, small wealthy sector, which is extremely rich, but they have -- their tradition is that they have no responsibility to the country, so they send their capital to Zurich. You know, they have their second homes in the Riviera, and their children study in Oxford or whatever. This is beginning to be faced in different ways, but it's sort of happening all over the continent. And they are beginning to integrate. The United States obviously doesn't like it. In fact, it's barely reported most of the time.
So there was a very interesting case last September, when President Morales in Bolivia -- Bolivia is, in my opinion at least, probably the most democratic country in the world. Nobody says that, but if you look at what happened in the last couple of years, there were huge, popular, mass organizations of the most repressed population in the hemisphere, the indigenous population, which for the first time ever has entered the political arena significantly and were able to elect a president from their own ranks and one who doesn't give instructions to his army, but who's following policies that were largely produced by the population. So he's their representative, in a sense in which democracy is supposed to work.
And they know the issues. It's not like our elections. They know the issues. They're serious issues: control over resources, economic justice, cultural rights, and so on. You can say they're right or wrong, but at least it's functioning.
Now, the elites that have traditionally ruled the country, of course, don't like it. And they're threatening virtual secession. And, of course, the United States is backing them, as the media are. And it got to the point last summer, I suppose, where it led to real violence.
Well, there was a meeting of UNASUR, the Union of South American Republics -- that's all of South America -- a meeting in Chile, Santiago, Chile. And it came out with a declaration, important declaration, in which it supported President Morales and opposed the -- condemned the violence being led by the quasi-secessionist forces. And Morales responded, thanking them for their gesture of support, but also saying, correctly, that this is the first time in 500 years that South America is beginning to take its affairs in its own hands without the intervention of foreign powers, primarily the US.
Well, that was so important that I don't think it was even reported here. I mean, the meeting was known, so you see vague references to it. But it's an indication of developments that are taking place in various ways.
AMY GOODMAN: Noam Chomsky, you've just hit eighty. We just have a few minutes to go. And how does it feel?
NOAM CHOMSKY: I have a few years to go. I don't think about it much.
AMY GOODMAN: But as you reflect, talking about these huge social movements, cataclysmic times in the world, your life experience, what gives you hope?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, there's both hope and fear. I mean, I'm old enough to have grown up in the Depression. And some of my memories -- I didn't understand that much at the time -- childhood memories, are listening to Hitler's speeches. I didn't understand them, but I could sense the reaction of my parents, you know, and had a feeling of fear, you know, a tremendous fear. In fact, the first article I wrote was in 1939, when I was in fourth grade, and it was about the expansion of fascism over Europe, a kind of a dark cloud that may envelop everything. And as I mentioned before, I have some of those same concerns now.
On the other hand, there's been tremendous progress. The country is far more civilized than it was, say, forty years ago, thanks to the activism of the '60s and its aftermath. And some of the most important developments were after the '60s, like, say, the feminist movement, which has probably had more of an impact on this society than any other. It's mostly post-'60s. The solidarity movements, which are unique in the history of imperialism, there's never been anything like them. That's from the '80s. The global justice movements, what's called anti-globalization -- shouldn't be -- that's, you know, the '90s and this century. These were all very positive developments.
They haven't changed the institutions. In fact, the institutions have reacted by becoming harsher, not surprisingly. But they've changed the culture. I mean, take, say, the 2008 election. I mean, I didn't like the candidates, as I've made clear. On the other hand, forty years ago, or maybe ten years ago, you couldn't have imagined that the Democratic Party would have two candidates, an African American and a woman. OK, that's a sign of the civilizing effect of the activism of the '60s and everything that followed.
Well, that can be mobilized. In fact, it's already. If you count the number of activists in the country, it's, I suspect, well beyond the '60s, except maybe for a very brief moment at the peak of the antiwar movement. OK, that can be a basis for proceeding onward. So, that's a reason for hope.
AMY GOODMAN: And finally, our condolences on the loss of Carol.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Thanks.
AMY GOODMAN: Your life partner, someone you knew -- well, you're eighty -- what, for seventy-seven years?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Yeah, actually. Not easy to face.
AMY GOODMAN: What gives you the strength to go on after Carol?
NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, the kind of thing you do, for example. That makes a difference.
AMY GOODMAN: And you have a wonderful family.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Yeah.
AMY GOODMAN: So, our condolences to you --
NOAM CHOMSKY: Thanks.
AMY GOODMAN: -- and your kids. Noam Chomsky, thanks so much.
NOAM CHOMSKY: Thanks.


text:
Tuesday, July 3, 2012
© Copyright 2015 Albany Herald
When you think of the ramifications that a few words, no matter how well they may be written, can have on a community, a state or even a nation, it is incredible.
But when they can change the course of the entire world, that is truly awe inspiring.
And that is exactly what happened on what we expect was a hot Thursday in Philadelphia, 236 years ago today. A group of men, gathered to represent 13 British colonies, put their property, livelihood and their very lives on the line when they signed a parchment that united a New World, a Declaration of Independence that began:
When in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. -- That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, -- That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. -- Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government.
The Continental Congress outlined it grievances against an oppressive king an ocean away, one that brazenly ignored charters and agreements while, among other things, restricting trade, imposing taxes at will, stationing troops in the colonies and violating judicial laws and protections. Petitions to the crown for relief, they said, "have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people."
We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these united Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States, that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. -- And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.
What followed was a war, one that the colonies won against all odds against what was then the world's foremost military power, and the creation of a nation and a Constitution that has survived and thrived for 236 years. The impact that the United States of America has had is not debatable. And we may argue virgorously among ourselves about issues and causes, but only because the bravery exhibited by those signers and the Americans who fought against the crown gave us a nation where we could speak freely, something that had never before been accomplished.
Tomorrow, we may argue and debate viewpoints as liberals, conservatives, tea partiers, libertarians, progressives or whatever else we care to classify ourselves as being.
But today, let us just be Americans. And let us celebrate our proud heritage and remember those who, in just more than 1,300 words, changed the world.
-- The Albany Herald Editorial Board
Cartman 3 years, 3 months ago
God blessed the endeavor of these brave men. We have been the beneficiaries of their courage. May we honor them today. And may the Lord help us as a nation, to not squander their sacrifice. Happy Fourth of July, my fellow Americans!
revolutionnow 3 years, 3 months ago
" That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it. " Does this scenario sound familiar today? Is either party working for the benefit of ALL the people , or just engaged in a power struggle for the benefit of a few. All the while telling their followers what they want to hear, then once elected returning to business as usual. There needs to be a new revolution. A peaceful revolution of righteous people who want what is best for all , not just for the profit of a greedy few. Now does THAT sound familiar?
Trustbuster 3 years, 3 months ago
Yes, we need to take our govt. back from the career politicians, lobbyists, and bureaucrats. Our Founding Fathers were inspired by John Locke's belief of Natural Rights: Life, liberty and property. Which means natural law is given to us by our creator not the ruling class. Unfortunately, today we have turned our backs on these principles and embraced positive law that proclaims rights are given to us or decided by the govt. not the creator. We need to return to the Jeffersonian tradition of limited govt. and self-regulation. Our leader need to emulate the Founders not King George III.
chinaberry25 3 years, 3 months ago
Yes, but the Constitution was written for white men. (I am a white female). If this were not true, then why amendments for women and blacks? They had their flaw when they wrote it. And having those flaws has allowed all the problems to develop today. Even in their day, the rich were more equal and will always be. Until the middle class grows a backbone the rich entitled will always rule.
Trustbuster 3 years, 3 months ago
Yes, it was written mostly by wealthy white males because at the time they were the only ones allowed suffrage based upon our experiences of being governed by the English parlaimentary system. Chinaberry what you need to understand is that these wealthy white men knew that changes would become necessary overtime. That was the reason for including an amendment process in the document. You cannot blame all of today's problems on a remarkable document that has survived wars, depressions, political upheavels and natural disasters. Our constitution is the oldest surviving one in the world. It cannot be suspended or disregarded. It is also not a living document!
Yes, they were flawed and as part of natural law they knew mankind was inherently evil. This explains the concept of checks and balances placed into the structures of our federal system. They knew elected officials and politicians would abuse their powers. They witnessed this under the King of England. To truly understand this important document I suggest you take a refresher course on consitutional govt. or political science at a institution of higher learning.
revolutionnow 3 years, 3 months ago
Just look at what our "public servants" recieve for one term of "service" ! Are they serving us or are we serving them. The original intent was for government to be made up from leaders who were successful in their individual professions, not for goverrnment service to BE a profession. As long as it is this profitable for them, they will continue to be self serving instead of serving for the greater good.
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- EDITORIAL: The pursuit of the American ideal ( July 3, 2015 )
- EDWARD SCHWEIKERT: Articles of Confederation forgotten by many ( October 30, 2013 )
- Administration causing America to lose liberty ( February 13, 2012 )
- TOM PURCELL: The importance of the Fourth ( July 3, 2015 )
- CARLTON FLETCHER: On the 4th, a Declaration of Dependence ( June 30, 2015 )

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text: Home > Medical > Skin > Overview Updated 11 August 2014 Psoriasis Psoriasis is a chronic skin disease that causes scaling and inflammation, and may affect nails and joints. Get info on psoriasis causes, symptoms, treatment, prevention and types. 0 DefinitionPsoriasis is a common skin disorder, affecting approximately 2% of the world's population. Skin cells on the affected areas of sufferers multiply up to 10 times faster than normal; as they pile up on the surface, they cause raised, silver-scaled patches on a red base. The reason for the rapid cell growth is unknown, but outbreaks are triggered by the immune system. Psoriasis can also affect the nails of sufferers, as well as their joints, causing arthritis.Psoriasis occurs in different formsPlaquepsoriasis is the most common form. Thick patches of psoriasis involve the scalp, elbows, lower back and knees in particular.In guttate psoriasis, small drop-like, scaly areas appear on the torso, limbs and scalp. Guttate psoriasis is often triggered by infections like tonsillitis.In pustular psoriasis, large and small blisters of non-infectious pus (pustules) form on the palms of the hands and soles of the feet, and sometimes over the entire body.Inflexural or inverse psoriasis the skin folds like those in the groin, navel, armpits and under the breasts are involved.Very rarely, psoriasis covers the entire body and produces exfoliative erythrodermic psoriasis, where the entire skin becomes inflamed. This form of psoriasis is serious because, like a burn, it keeps the skin from serving as a protective barrier against injury and infection. The patient loses heat and can go into cardiac failure, as it can cause a "high output" state. These patients may require hospitalisation.About 7% of people with psoriasis also have joint inflammation that produces symptoms of arthritis. This condition is called psoriatic arthritis.CausesRecent research indicates that psoriasis is a disorder of the immune system. A type of white blood cell, called a T cell, helps protect the body against infection and disease. It seems that abnormalities in the so-called T helper cells and the way that they interact with skin cells are associated with psoriasis. It is what precipitates the change that is unknown.Although not contagious, psoriasis tends to run in families. It is undoubtedly a complex genetic disease. People from European descent are particularly susceptible, especially those with a blood relative who suffers from the disorder.Age of onset is either early (16-22years) or late (57-60 years), and men and women are equally affected.An episode of psoriasis may result from a number of factors. Emotional stress is one – many patients suffering a flare-up, report a recent emotional stressor, such as a new job or the death of a loved one. Severe sunburn, obesity and certain drugs can aggravate psoriasis. Commonly implicated drugs include the anti-malaria medication chloroquine, lithium, beta-blockers like propranolol and metoprolol, medication taken to treat high blood pressure like ACE-inhibitors, anti-inflammatory drugs and almost any medicated ointment or cream. Streptococcal infections (especially in children), and injured skin (bruises and scratches) can also stimulate the formation of new plaques. Alcohol consumption and smoking clearly make psoriasis worse.SymptomsPsoriasis usually starts as one or more small psoriatic plaques – dark-pink, raised patches of skin with overlying silvery flaky scales – usually on the scalp, knees, elbows, back and buttocks. Sometimes the eyebrows, armpits, navel and groin may also be affected. Usually, psoriasis produces only flaking. Even itching is uncommon. On the scalp, flaking may be mistaken for severe dandruff, but the patchy nature of psoriasis, with flaking areas interspersed among completely normal ones, distinguishes the disease from dandruff. Although the first plaques may clear up by themselves, others may soon follow. Some plaques may remain thumbnail-sized, but in severe cases, psoriasis may spread to cover large areas of the body.When flaking areas heal, the skin may look completely normal and hair growth is unchanged. However, healing psoriasis may leave behind skin changes, particularly pigment changes. Most people with limited psoriasis suffer few problems beyond the flaking, although the skin's appearance may be embarrassing.Psoriasis can also involve fingernails and toenails, causing pitting, discolouring and thickening, and sometimes even separating them from underlying tissue.Patients may also suffer from arthritis.When to see a doctorIf you suspect that you have psoriasis, you should see your doctor for prescription of appropriate treatment, and to be screened for arthritis.If you have psoriasis that flares up or is not responding to treatment.If you have psoriasis and develop symptoms of arthritis.DiagnosisPsoriasis may be misdiagnosed at first because many other disorders can produce similar plaques and flaking. As psoriasis develops, the characteristic scaling pattern is usually easy for doctors to recognise, so diagnostic tests usually aren't needed. However, to confirm a diagnosis, a doctor may perform a skin biopsy (removal of a skin specimen and examination under a microscope). This is not usually necessary.TreatmentAlthough psoriasis may be stressful and embarrassing, most outbreaks are relatively benign – early treatment of the plaques will help prevent symptoms becoming more severe, and plaques generally disappear within weeks.Psoriasis is treated according to the severity of the disease and its responsiveness to initial treatments, including:Topical treatmentPhototherapyExcimer laserSystemic treatmentBiologicals Topical treatmentThe first stage of treatment is topical (medicines are applied to the skin). When a person has only a few small plaques, psoriasis generally responds quickly.Applying an emollient once or twice a day helps your skin retain moisture.Some doctors recommend salicylic acid ointment, which smoothes the skin by promoting the shedding of psoriatic scales.Ointments containing corticosteroids are effective, and can be made more effective if the area is wrapped in cellophane after applying them (only do this if advised to by your doctor). However, because they can have harmful side effects, you should be careful not to overuse them. This may thin the skin and lose its efficacy.Coal-tar ointments and shampoos can alleviate symptoms, but many psoriasis patients seem vulnerable to the side effects – in particular folliculitis, a pimple-like rash affecting the hair follicles.Calcipotriol, is a synthetic form of Vitamin D3 (this is not the same as Vitamin D supplements). It controls the excessive production of skin cells, and can help those who can't tolerate some of the other creams. It works best in conjunction with phototherapy.Anthralin (Dithranol) therapy is usually reserved for severe forms of psoriasis. If not properly applied, anthralin can irritate healthy skin and leave stains that can last several weeks. It is therefore not commonly used anymore.Tazarotene (a new topical Vitamin A derivative or retinoid), is very useful for plaque and scalp psoriasis. It is applied at night. It may be an irritant and the concurrent use of emollients is recommended.Tacrolimus can be used, especially for psoriasis of the face and skin folds.Topical therapies are often used in combination with each other, or other treatment modalities.PhototherapyExposure to ultraviolet light, for example during the summer months, may help exposed regions of affected skin clear up spontaneously. Sunbathing can help to clear up the plaques on larger areas of the body (although this is not recommended due to the risk of developing sun-related skin cancers).For persistent, difficult-to-treat cases of psoriasis, ultraviolet (UV) light therapy may be prescribed; and is often extremely successful.UVB phototherapy is used to treat widespread psoriasis and lesions that resist topical treatment. A light panel or light box is used, either at the doctor's surgery or at home. Sometimes it is combined with topical treatments.PUVA treatment (UVA phototherapy with application or ingestion of substances called psoralens) can be used. Psoralen makes the skin extra sensitive to the effects of ultraviolet light.There is also a risk of UV-related skin cancers developing after treatment with UV light. It seems that PUVA presents a higher risk.Excimer LASERThis modality can be used to treat individual plaques of psoriasis. It can be very expensive.Systemic treatmentFor more severe forms of psoriasis, a doctor may prescribe internal medications. This is not a decision to be undertaken lightly, as most of these drugs can have severe side effects and require regular blood tests and monitoring.Methotrexate: Used to treat some forms of cancer, this drug interferes with the growth and multiplication of skin cells and suppresses the immune system. It can be effective in extreme cases but may cause liver damage or decrease the production of oxygen-carrying red cells, infection-fighting white blood cells and clot-enhancing platelets.Acitretin: This is a derivative of vitamin A. It has many side effects, the most concerning of which is that it causes birth defects if taken during pregnancy. In fact, pregnancy should be avoided for at least 2 years after completing treatment with this drug.Ciclosporin: This is a drug used to suppress the immune system in patients who have had kidney transplants. It has many side effects, and interacts with many other drugs.HydroxyureaSulfasalazine BiologicalsThese drugs are a relatively new and exciting development in the treatment of psoriasis. They represent more targeted therapy than the traditional systemic medications. This group includes adalimumab, etanercept, infliximab and usteokinumab. Some result in an increased risk of developing infections. As these are relatively new drugs, we cannot be certain of their long-term effects.PreventionPeople with psoriasis should try to avoid triggers like alcohol, smoking and stress. Patients with psoriasis are also thought to be more prone to suffering from conditions like strokes and heart attacks, so control of risk factors like blood pressure, diabetes and cholesterol is especially important.Previously reviewed by Dr Leonore R.J. van Rensburg, MBChB (UCT), M. Med. Dermatology (US)Updated by Dr B. Tod, MBBCh (Wits), Dermatology registrar, October 2011 Read Health24's Comments Policy Comment on this story 0 comments Comments have been closed for this article. Logout Comment 0 characters remaining Share on Facebook Loading comments... Ask the Expert Skin expert Dr Suretha Kannenberg holds a degree in Medicine and a Masters in Dermatology from the University of Stellenbosch. She is employed as a consultant dermatologist by Stellenbosch University and Tygerberg Academic Hospital, where she is involved in clinical duties and the training of medical students and dermatology residents. Her areas of interest and research include vitiligo, eczema and acne. She also performs limited private practice work in the Northern suburbs of Cape Town in general and cosmetic dermatology. Ask a question Questions posted to Skin expert questions answered by the expert Q: Very itchy skin, red and painful posted on 08-10-2015 Q: Getting rid of marks on my face posted on 07-10-2015 Q: Skin problems posted on 06-10-2015 Q: Dry skin vs seborrhea dermititis posted on 05-10-2015 Q: Adult acne/pimples posted on 04-10-2015 1 comment Q: Dark itchy patches on skin posted on 04-10-2015 Q: No facial hair at 24 years old posted on 04-10-2015 Q: Struggling with oily skin, dark spots and blemishes posted on 04-10-2015 Q: Skincare Products for Tween posted on 02-10-2015 Q: Blisters resembling Burns - 3.5 years old kid posted on 01-10-2015 Q: how can i remove a blemishes on my face? posted on 01-10-2015 Q: Sores on legs and arms posted on 30-09-2015 Q: rash around an old scratch posted on 29-09-2015 1 comment Q: Painful swollen feet posted on 29-09-2015 Q: Scar removal options posted on 27-09-2015 load more × Still have a question? 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This release is available in German.
Because Kapton film is over 100 times thinner and 200 times lighter than glass typically used for PV, there are inherent advantages in transitioning to flexible, film-based vs. rigid glass CdTe systems. High-speed and low-cost roll-to-roll deposition technologies can be applied for high-throughput manufacturing of flexible solar cells on polymer film as substrates. The new polyimide film potentially enables significantly thinner and lighter-weight flexible modules that are easier to handle and less expensive to install, making them ideal for applications including building-integrated photovoltaics.
"Rather than transporting heavy, fragile glass modules on large trucks and lifting them by crane onto rooftop PV installations, one could imagine lightweight, flexible film-based modules that could simply be rolled up for transport, and easily carried up stairs," said Robert G. Schmidt, new business development manager, Photovoltaics - DuPont Circuit & Packaging Materials. "With record-setting efficiency established through Empa, we're confident this flexible, lightweight and durable material has the potential to revolutionize the industry by enabling flexible design and lowering balance of system costs."
Increase in efficiency toward achieving grid parity
Empa's Laboratory for Thin Films and Photovoltaics is developing high-efficiency thin film solar cells with emphasis on novel concepts for enhancing their performance, simplifying the fabrication processes, and advancing device structures for next generation of more efficient and low-cost devices. They have been doing groundbreaking work in developing and optimizing a low deposition temperature process (below 450 degrees Celsius) for high-efficiency CdTe solar cells on glass (reaching 15.6 percent efficiency) and polymer film (reaching 12.6 percen
|Contact: Professor Dr. Ayodhya N. Tiwari
Swiss Federal Laboratories for Materials Science and Technology (EMPA)


text:
Directions to Westway Guest House
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Map & Directions
If you are approaching Galway City from the South (as above) drive �straight through� the first 2 roundabouts, keep left at the 3rd (Galway East N6) and drive straight through the 4th Roundabout. Pass Flannery�s Best Western Hotel and take the next right hand turn and there we are on the right hand side (Westway).
From the East � take a right hand turn off the 1st Roundabout, straight through the 2nd, keep left at the 3rd (Galway City East N6), straight through the 4th, past Flannery Best Western Hotel, 1st right hand turn and we are on your right hand side (Westway).
From the West take a left � over the Quincentenial Bridge straight through 3 Roundabouts onto the Dublin Road, past The Days Inn Hotel, take the next left hand turn and we are immediately on your right hand side.


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Rick Bayless's Mexican Kitchen: Capturing the Vibrant Flavors of a World-Class Cuisineby Rick Bayless
Staff Pick
A great overview of regional Mexican cooking with recipes and text, Rick Bayless's Mexican Kitchen also features ingredients and dishes not typically found in U.S. Mexican restaurants.
Synopses & Reviews
Publisher Comments:
Bursting with bold, complex flavors, Mexican cooking has the kind of gusto we want in food today. Until now, American home cooks have had few authorities to translate the heart of this world-class cuisine to everyday cooking.andlt;BRandgt;andlt;BRandgt;In this book of more than 150 recipes, award-winning chef, author and teacher Rick bayless provides the inspiration and guidance that home cooks have needed. With a blend of passion, patience, clarity and humor, he unerringly finds his way into the very soul of Mexican cuisine, from essential recipes and explorations of Mexico's many chiles to quick-to-prepare everyday dishes and pull-out-the-stops celebration fare.andlt;BRandgt; andlt;BRandgt;Bayless begins the journey by introducing us to the building blocks of Mexican cooking. With infectious enthusiasm and an entertaining voice, he outlines 16 essential preparations-deeply flavored tomato sauces and tangy tomatillo salsas, rich chile pastes and indispensable handmade tortillas.andlt;BRandgt; andlt;BRandgt;Fascinating cultural background and practical cooking tips help readers to understand these preparations and make them their own. Each recipe explains which steps can be completed in advance to make final preparation easier, and each provides a list of the dishes in later chapters that are built around these basics. And with each essential recipe, Bayless includes several and#8220;Simple Ideas from My American Homeand#8221;and#8212;quick, familiar recipes with innovative Mexican accents, such as Baked Ham with Yucatecan Flavors, Spicy Chicken Salad, Ancho-Broiled Salmon and Very, Very Good Chili.andlt;BRandgt; andlt;BRandgt;Throughout, the intrepid Bayless brings chiles into focus, revealing that Mexican cooks use these pods for flavor, richness, color and, yes, sometimes for heat. He details the simple techniques for getting the best out of every chile-from the rich, smoky chipotle to the incendiary but fruity habanero.andlt;BRandgt; andlt;BRandgt;Then, in more than 135 recipes that follow, Bayless guides us through a wide range of richly flavored regional Mexican dishes, combining down-home appeal and convivial informality with simple culinary elegance. It's all here: starters like Classic Seviche Tostadas or Chorizo-Stuffed Ancho Chiles; soups like Slow-Simmered Fava Bean Soup or Rustic Ranch-Style Soup; casual tortilla-based preparations like Achiote-Roasted Pork Tacos or Street-Style Red Chile Enchiladas; vegetable delights like Smoky Braised Mexican Pumpkin, or Green Poblano Rice; even a whole chapter on classic fiesta food (from Oaxacan Black andlt;iandgt;Moleandlt;/iandgt; with Braised Chicken, Smoky Peanut andlt;iandgt;Moleandlt;/iandgt; with Grilled Quail and Great Big Tamal Roll with Chard with the incomparable Juchitan-Style Black Bean Tamales); and ending with a selection of luscious desserts like Modern Mexican Chocolate Flan with KahIua and Yucatecan-Style Fresh Coconut Pie. To quickly expand your Mexican repertoire even further, each of these recipes is accompanied by suggestions for variations and improvisations.andlt;BRandgt; andlt;BRandgt;There is no greater authority on Mexican cooking than Rick Bayless, and no one can teach it better. In his skillful hands, the wonderful flavors of Mexico will enter your kitchen and your daily cooking routine without losing any of their depth or timeless appeal.
"This definitive collection from Chicago chef and James Beard Award winner Bayless...proves comprehensively that the best Mexican food requires — and amply rewards — dedication and, often, time." Publishers Weekly
"A serious guide to an often underestimated cuisine, this is important as both a reference and a cookbook." Library Journal
"Mexican cuisine could not possibly find a more eager and informed advocate than Chicago restaurateur Bayless." Booklist
Capturing the vibrant flavors of authentic Mexican cooking, this cookbook features more than 200 recipes within the reach of even the most amateur cook. All the instructions are contained within each recipe, with no cross referencing. of color photos.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 428) and index.
About the Author
RICK BAYLESS, one of America's foremost practitioners of Mexican cooking, earned an unprecedented andlt;BRandgt;honor in 1995 when he was named Chef of the Year by both the James Beard Foundation and the International Association of Culinary Professionals. He and his wife, Deann Groen Bayless, own and operate the highly acclaimed restaurants Frontera Grill and Topolobampo, both in Chicago.
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Over 10,000 Housed!
We are officially over 10,000 people housed!
Check out the progress below and in our Year 3, Quarter 3 Report!
We are officially over 10,000 people housed!
Check out the progress below and in our Year 3, Quarter 3 Report!
Every quarter Home For Good partners pull together service data and client stories that are published as a quarterly update on the progress of the initiative to end chronic and veteran homelessness. This report is an opportunity for partners to share major achievements, discuss shortfalls to overcome, and set priorities for next steps.
Check out the Year 3, Quarter 2 Quarterly Progress Report to see how far Home For Good has come and where we go from here!
The Home For Good Year Three, Quarter One report is out!
There is much to celebrate this past quarter, which saw many firsts in Los Angeles' efforts to address homelessness. We started off the beginning of year with the largest and most comprehensive Homeless Count in the history of LA County, with 5,000 volunteers counting and surveying homeless individuals throughout the region. Also, for the first time in the history of the City of Los Angeles, the city allocated General Funds specifically for supportive housing. LA City Council and Mayor Villaraigosa voted to designate $18 million in city funds for the construction of new housing projects. On March 21st, in collaboration with Shelter Partnership, CSH, Center for Urban Community Services (CUCS), and Housing Innovations, Home For Good held the very first Standards of Excellence (SoE) Symposium. Nearly 100 stakeholders were in attendance to learn about the SoE and next steps. The first quarter of year three ended with new beginnings for over 800 of our formerly homeless neighbors who moved into permanent housing.
We look forward to sharing the many successes to come this next quarter! Keep an eye out for updates on our Skid Row Coordinated Entry Project and an announcement of the new Home For Good Grantees under the second Funders Collaborative RFP.
The full Year Three, Quarter One Report highlights important progress made by Home For Good Partners towards ending chronic and Veteran homelessness in LA County. Download the full: Year 3, Quarter 1 Report
Los Angeles communities have made tremendous progress towards ending chronic and Veteran homelessness by 2016. In year two, Community partners housed 3,178 chronically homeless individuals and 1,292 non-chronically homeless Veterans!
Home For Good sets forth specific, rigorous, and measurable benchmarks each year, and the results are significant. Additional Year Two highlights include:
We have made great progress towards addressing chronic and Veteran homelessness in LA County. Although much work remains to be undertaken in the next three years, we know that individuals and organizations across the county are dedicated to making a new LA a reality. We look forward to seeing the amazing work that is accomplished in year three of the plan!
*Over the past two years (Years 1 & 2 combined), community partners have housed 5,451 chronically homeless people and 2,156 non-chronically homeless Veterans.
Home For Good's Year 2, Quarter 3 report was released this week. We are excited to announce that, thanks to the work of our Home For Good Partners, at the end of this quarter 2,319 chronically homeless individuals and 985 non-chronic veterans have been housed!
Other major accomplishments over the last quarter include:
A huge THANK YOU to everyone who participated in this year's HomeWalk! It was incredible to see over 10,000 people walking and sending the message that we can and will end homelessness. United Way intern, Brad Rowe, captured the day's events beautifully in this blog piece.
As the year comes to a close, we look forward to sharing end of year updates with you in early 2013.
To learn how you can get involved in the Home For Good initiative please visit our Get Involved page.
Read the full report:Year 2, Quarter 3
We are excited to announce the release of Home For Good's latest progress report! The report has a great new look and documents important progress made by community partners toward Year 2 goals.
At the end of quarter 2 of Home For Good's second year, 1,651 chronically homeless individuals and 705 non-chronic veterans are housed!
Other highlights from Quarter 2 include:
Home For Good Partners have made tremendous strides in addressing homelessness in Los Angeles. Barabara Poppe, Executive Director of the United States Interagency Council on Homelessness, put it best when she said, "We recognize Los Angeles as a home for solutions, a home for best practices, and a home for collaboration where the goal is clear and singular: no one should experience homelessness; no one should be without a safe, stable place to call home." Together we can create a stronger Los Angeles!
To learn how you can get involved in the Home For Good initiative please visit our Get Involved page.
Read the full report: Year 2, Quarter 2 Report
This week Home For Good released its first quarterly report for Year Two of the Action Plan! Important progress is being made towards ending chronic and veteran homelessness by 2016.
A couple of major highlights from the report include:
Help us make the vision for a new Los Angeles a reality! Sign on to support Home For Good.
Read the full report: Year 2, Quarter 1 Report
Home For Good was released at the end of 2010 by the Los Angeles Business Leaders Task Force and has since become the leading voice for ending chronic and veteran homelessness in Los Angeles County. Last week, the 2012 Home For Good Summit gave us an opportunity to reflect on year one accomplishments and to launch the second year of the initiative.
The hard work and commitment of over 100 cross-sector leaders has given Home For Good much to celebrate! Great strides were made towards accomplishing many of the goals laid out under the Action Plan. Most notably, Home For Good Partners surpassed year one housing goals by housing 864 military veterans and 2,273 chronically homeless individuals! Additional year one highlights included:
In 2011, Home For Good laid the groundwork and in the next four years the initiative will continue to push for systemic change that assures Los Angeles County is moving towards a system focused on assessing homeless individuals' needs and rapidly re-housing those in crises. Home For Good's achievements in its first year and the years to come would not be possible without the leadership of individuals and organizations across sectors that are working tirelessly to make sure that everyone in Los Angeles has a place to call home, for good!
If you have not done so already, please sign up today to pledge your support for ending chronic and veteran homelessness in Los Angeles.
Read the updated Action Plan and full Year One Report: Home For Good Action Plan & Year 1 Report
This week Home For Good released its third quarterly report tracking our community's progress toward ending chronic and veteran homelessness by 2016. In honor of Veteran's Day, we would like to highlight two valuable updates related to the goal of ending veteran homelessness:
Overall, this quarter we are happy to report that we are 66% to Home For Good's year one goal for housing chronically homeless individuals, and 47% to the goal for housing homeless veterans.
To read the full report click here: Home For Good Fall Progress Report
Home For Good is now halfway into its first year and 86 cross-sector leaders have signed on to support the plan!
This quarter we are excited to announce that, on April 19th, the L.A. County Board of Supervisors voted to align the County's efforts with Home For Good's goals! In addition to other critical changes, the County will explore its ability to provide supportive services in housing chronically homeless individual, a shift which can potentially create more permanent supportive housing in our region.
This quarter we are also excited to share that Home For Good is currently at 46% to its Year One goal for housing chronically homeless individuals, and 43% to the goal for housing homeless veterans. This means that, to date, 789 chronically homeless individuals and 361 veterans have been housed.
For more information on Home For Good's second quarter, including achievements, shortfalls, and next steps, please read the full report: Home For Good Summer Progress Report
All content © 2015 United Way of Greater Los Angeles
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Alternatively, you can download a repaired version of the file by clicking here.


text: Elisabetta Canalis Bottoms Out After Steve-O Break-Up 5/16/2012 4:30 PM PDT BY Johnny Lopez George Clooney and Steve-O's ex-girlfriend Elisabetta Canalis got on all fours while tanning her slammin' single body in a purple bikini in Cannes on Tuesday.From the glorious looks of it, she won't be sans boyfriend for much longer. See also Audrina Patridge -- Ho-hum ... More Bikini PhotosMiranda Kerr -- One Hot Bikini MamaKim Kardashian Stuns in Orange Bikini -- Hotter Than Halle? Get TMZ Breaking News alerts to your inbox Yes! Also send me "In Case You Missed It..." By clicking "Submit," you agree to the Privacy Policy and Terms of Use. >


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This is why I love bacon…when it's alive.
'Cause when I look at them, even the ones that aren't soooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo cute, something in me says, aw, you're sentient.
There's a lot of wisdom in "awwww."
That basic reaction of compassion tells us something spiritually-vital—compassion for animals isn't just for animals' sake—it's for our sake. Excerpt re this connection from a Buddhist pov:
Last year, the Dorje Dradul told me that when he was young he always began his tonglen in the same way. He would think about a puppy he had seen when he was eight years old. This puppy was stoned to death by people who were laughing and jeering as they killed it. It was whimpering and dying. And when he did his practice, it was so straightforward. All he had to do was to think of that dog, and his heart would start to be activated instantly. There was nothing complicated about it. He would have done anything to breathe in the suffering of that animal and to breathe out relief. So the idea is to start with something like that, something that activates your heart. That is why, traditionally, it is said to start with your mother.
Gradually, having started the practice this way, you could extend it out to people who are somewhat "neutral." These may be people whom you also love; but, when you think of their faces, rage or some other kind of confusion occurs. At that point, you are actually doing tonglen for them and for yourself and for the space in between you if you know what I mean. And then, gradually, the practice moves out to include people whom you actually hate, people you consider to be your enemies or to have actually harmed you. This expansion actually evolves by doing the practice. You cannot fake these things. Therefore, you start with the things that are close to your heart.
And so you think of a puppy, for instance, being stoned and dying in pain, and you breathe that in. Then it is no longer just a puppy. It is your connection with the realization that there are puppies and people suffering unjustly like that all over the world. So you immediately extend the practice out and breathe in the suffering of all the people who are suffering like that animal.
Pull the thread of animal rights…and we find it interdependently tied to social causes, civil rights, meditation and spiritual practice, faith in God, family…everything worth anything. And that sucks, you see: 'cause then we can never eat bacon, no more—in the same way that we can't kick a puppy or wear shoes made by child labor. We walk a new path, one that's not about perfection—everything we buy or wear or eat is tied to suffering—but because we want to do our best, and enjoy this short, wonderful life to the utmost.
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4 Responses to "This is why I love bacon…when it's alive."
It is so very hard to imagine that people would torture/kill and laugh at a puppy. But they do. There is a lot of power in that image of suffering. I think there is nothing worse than suffering. Death is freedom from such. When death is beyond our control. When the suffering is in our hands, we are monsters.
It is hard to know where that stops and starts in all of the items we consume and utilize. I do hope that people who choose to eat meat and think at the same time are only eating animals who had a good life. Like the one found for pigs at Polyface Farm in Virginia- pigs living their pigness in the mud:)
I am a forever vegetarian.
Probably the best piece I've read at EJ (at least top 3). 😉 Great.
Thank You.
Relevant, poignant, perfect really.
[…] I am a vegetarian, and pork was a staple of the Northern Vietnamese diet. The staff noticed this because I was eating a disproportionate amount of the spinach and ignoring the meat at meals. So one day they brought out the rice and placed the biggest bowl of spinach in front of me! We all burst out laughing! […]


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Let's face it; it's not just food that's made in the kitchen. It's where you grab your midnight snack, make your morning coffee and tea, and gather around for conversation at family get-togethers. What better way to make your kitchen more inviting than with one-of-a-kind decor? From drinkware and plates, to aprons and funny plaques, Femail Creations is proud to feature a wide selection of kitchen decor that will bring new life to your kitchen and a smile to your face.
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We are proud of our products handcrafted in the USA. ©2015 Femail Creations.


text: Login Copyright (c) 2015 by Conditions of Use • Privacy Policy Return to Blogmeister -- Blogmeister My Blog- This is a space for adult students of grade 10, 11 and 12 English Language Arts to communicate about what and how they are learning, both in and out of class. by teacher: Jody Ferguson Blog Entries blog 11 06/10/12 blog 10 06/09/12 blog 9 06/09/12 blog 8 05/25/12 blog 7 05/25/12 blog 6 05/01/12 Blog 5 05/01/12 blog 4 03/25/12 blog 3 03/25/12 blog 2 03/15/12 Show All My Test Blog 02/25/12 First Impression 02/25/12 Effective planning is extremely important in writing a good essay, thinking of an idea that is not only interesting to you but also how you can make it interesting for others.You need to take down the information that your essay depends on.Your essay can get really boring and full of nonsence if you put to much useless information in it. The Idea i thought of was currency, how did currency come about? From a simple idea it turned into a complicated but interesting history lesson. I learned alot more than i thought i would from researching my topic.I couldnt think of a good topic so i decided to do something that is involved with our everyday life which is very superficial but a necessity. Article posted June 9, 2012 at 10:34 PM • comment (1) • Reads 60 • Return to Blog List Add a Comment The computer you are commenting from has an id number. It is 220.127.116.11! Your Name: E-mail: URL of Your Blog Your Comment: Prove that you're a human! Enter the letters & numbers in the box: When your comment has been submitted, it will be delivered to the teacher, for approval. When it has been approved, the comment will be added to this author's blog.Thank you! Posted Comments i agree people like to rant and go on and on with the same idea and it gets boring or dull. currency is very intresting. its like trading every day for more Posted June 19, 2012 at 05:29 PM by • Ethan F Posted June 19, 2012 at 05:29 PM by • Ethan F Login Copyright (c) 2015 by Conditions of Use • Privacy Policy Return to Blogmeister


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Well, given that I worked as a therapist for about 15 years, I found this article interesting reading because what it means to therapists professionally. I have a few brief thoughts. I mean, I teach and have supervised and have always said that you should always write as if someone else is going to read it because clients always have access to your records. I mean, you can be audited and as much as you think it is private, it really isn't. I've had people get a hold of reports and spend hours pouring over it and then come back to me so I've had to take responsibility for what I've written. Edited to add: I once had someone take a report of mine and use it in a custody fight which drove me nuts because of how it was being used. But it does really remind you how high the stakes can be for everything you write.
And that knowledge that someone else can read your articles isn't terrible—you are never as opaque as a clinician as you imagine you are. One of the earliest pieces of useful advice I had is that "Any client can tell if you are full of shit." So you can't really sit in front of someone, act like you care and are compassionate and then talk shit about them among your colleagues which a lot of clinicians do. And frankly, that's hurts people's practice. I mean,it's not like I haven't had negative feelings but you handle it differently and have more insight into what you are doing and what the dynamics are. I don't know how many times I've had people complain about getting into power struggles with their clients, then they berate and denigrate them and then don't seem to understand why the negative feelings continue. They don't see how they are contributing to it. You are supposed to understand the power struggle—not get mired in it.
I agree with the ideas espoused in the article that reading notes aren't as exciting or revealing or necessary to many clients as people think they might be. I've offered to show people who have asked explicitly myself and most aren't interested in what I write—they are interested in the therapeutic relationship. Those who do see it are underwhelmed. What is most difficult is when people get a formulation or a diagnosis that is upsetting but that should be discussed with clients anyway—it's just that some clinicians avoid talking to people about how they see them.
Anyway, open communication is generally a good thing even though, most of the time, the revelations are not major surprises even if they aren't explicitly shared.


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GigaomGoogle said to be testing a point-of-sale system called Plaso
Google Wallet may not have been the hit Google had hoped, but according to a news report, the Silicon Valley giant may try to breath new life into its mobile payments… Read more »
Google Wallet may not have been the hit Google had hoped, but according to a news report, the Silicon Valley giant may try to breath new life into its mobile payments… Read more »
For the first time, someone outside the U.S. will be able to use a Google Wallet to do something more than buy Android apps and content. Starting on Thursday, Google is… Read more »
First Data's slick new payments terminal is going mobile. The handheld slate is one of several new point-of-sale systems we're seeing emerging from the banking industry. Read more »
Etsy is offering up its own credit card reader to its sellers, competing with popular mobile point-of-sale services like Square. Read more »
Square Cash can already pay someone through email and SMS, but now its iOS app can pay based on proximity, using Bluetooth Low Energy to detect other Cash users in the… Read more »
Every year, we hear the rumor that the next iPhone will get NFC support and this year is no exception. However, there are two important differences that could mean the time… Read more »
Consumers and business users alike are increasingly making transactions via mobile devices, and the growing importance of this channel is spurring companies to shift resources towards mobility initiatives. Read more »
Amazon's Local Register has a lot in common in Square's Reader, but Amazon is hoping to set itself apart from its rival by dropping its transaction fees to 1.75 percent for… Read more »
Wallet wasn't the hit Square was expecting, as consumers found little reason to abandon their credit cards. But a new Square app rolling out in NYC and SF refocuses Square's digital… Read more »
Based on Square's marketing it might seem like an iPhone and a Square Reader go hand in hand, but half of all Square's merchants are asserting their love for Android smartphones. Read more »


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via press release:
The Weather Channel Presents Season Three of 'Storm Riders'
ATLANTA (Sept. 15, 2011) – The Weather Channel® presents the third season of "Storm Riders," premiering Tuesday, Sept. 27, at 9 p.m. ET. Maverick meteorologists Simon Brewer and Juston Drake continue their quest across the country to witness the most powerful storms.
Produced by Peacock Productions, "Storm Riders" is a raw, behind-the-scenes series following two meteorologists, who run a bare-bones operation – no high-tech equipment and no gadgets – just a cell phone connection and a map – in search for the next big tornado or hurricane. In its third season, the thrill of storm chasing continues as Simon and Juston allow viewers to live vicariously through their harrowing experiences in hurricanes and tornadoes such as the one that devastated Tuscaloosa, Ala. and the aftermath of Joplin, Mo., as well as others that struck Iowa, Kansas, Texas, South Dakota, Illinois, and Nebraska.
Storm chasing is not a hobby but a way of life for Simon and Juston as they hit the road, driving an average of 2,400 miles a week, racing into the dangers of a storm, navigating difficult terrain and conditions for hours on end on very little sleep. Simon has been chasing storms for more than a decade. He's witnessed hundreds of tornadoes, eight hurricanes, two tropical storms, dozens of winter storms and thousands of supercells. Simon has intercepted the eyes of three major hurricanes, including Hurricane Katrina, one of the worst natural disasters in U.S. history. Juston has been chasing storms for 7 years and still revels in taking on Mother Nature's fury and predicting where the next storm will develop. Juston has also witnessed numerous tornadoes, supercells, and hurricanes.
"Storm Riders" will air Tuesdays at 9 p.m. on The Weather Channel.


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Suite Deal
Book our Suite for one night, and get the second night at 50% off. Enjoy the spacious one-bedroom suite with fireplace in the livingroom, full kitchen, and private hot tub on the patio.
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Auberge on the Vineyard
Complimentary tours and tastings are included when you stay in one of our luxurious vineyard view rooms! Enjoy quintessential wine country just 15 minutes north of Healdsburg. From $245/nt. Visit our specials page for more details. http://www.sonomabedbreakfastinnwinecountry.com/wine-country-packages.htm
My Wine Road subscribers receive 15% off three or more nights. Some blackout dates apply. ONLINE ONLY Use Promo Code WINE15.
Dawn Ranch Lodge and Agriculture Restaurant & Bar
Reserve a Poolside, Redwood, or Roadside cabin for one night at $199, and receive a $50 dining credit to use at The Agriculture Public House ~or~ reserve two nights for $299 and receive a $50 dinner credit and a $25 breakfast credit to use during your stay. Reserve a Green Meadow Chalet for one night at $379, and receive a $100 dining credit to use during your stay ~or~ reserve two nights for $599 and receive a $100 dining credit and two $25 breakfast credits to use during your stay.
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Millions Turn Out For Annual Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade In New York
A woman is removed from the scene where a man dressed as a clown... Fotografia de notíciasAdulto,Arruinado,Cidade de Nova Iorque,EUA,Horizontal,Interesse Humano,Marcha do Dia de Acção de Graças da Macys,Mulheres,Palhaço,VestuárioPhotographer Andrew KellyCollection: Getty Images News 2012 Getty ImagesNEW YORK, NY - NOVEMBER 22: A woman is removed from the scene where a man dressed as a clown collapsed during the 86th Annual Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade on November 22, 2012 in New York City. Macy's donated tickets and transportation to this year's Thanksgiving Day Parade to 5,000 people from neighborhoods hardest hit by Superstorm Sandy. (Photo by Andrew Kelly/Getty Images)


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HOME NHL Dallas Stars Gear Dallas Stars Home & Office Dallas Stars Home & Office Wall Art (15 items) Product ID: 428086
Main Content
- 100% Polyester fabric
- 3' x 5'
- Imported
- Indoor or outdoor use
- Officially licensed NHL product
- Pole not included
- Printed on one side only
- Vivid colors and graphics
Special event items are produced by manufacturers only after the outcome of a game or event. These are advanced sale items and will ship immediately after they are received in our warehouse.
Manufacturer direct items are shipped directly from the manufacturer. These items are not available for international or expedited shipping.
Customized items can be personalized with options such as your name, your favorite number, and/or designs. Some options may be limited by league rules.