text:
(650) 721-1293
Faculty East 318
655 Knight Way, Stanford, CA 94305
co-authors in parentheses
Bias in Cable News: Real Effects and Polarization (with Gregory Martin)
*Under Major Revision*
We measure the persuasive effects of cable news. We consider these effects in a model where consumers prefer news that is closer to their own ideology. The results suggest that media mergers may raise additional public policy issues compared to mergers in other product markets.
Multilateral Trade Bargaining: A First Peek at the GATT Bargaining Records (with Kyle Bagwell and Robert Staiger)
Data Appendix | Supplementary Notes
November 2014
We empirically examine recently declassified offer and counteroffer data from multi-party international tariff negotiations. We document eight stylized facts. We assess the role of relaxing bilateral reciprocity to multilateral reciprocity, and whether preferential tariffs served as a stumbling block for liberalization.
Dynamic Natural Monopoly Regulation: Time Inconsistency, Moral Hazard, and Political Environments (with Claire
Online Appendix
May 2015
Examines infrastructure investment dynamics and degree of power outages under monopoly regulation. We simulate regulatory commitment and explore regulator heterogeneity.
Shortages of Sterile Injectable Pharmaceuticals
December 2012
Examines dramatic increase in reported drug shortages as a result of changing regulatory reimbursement design.
The Welfare Effects of Bundling in Multichannel
Television Markets (with Gregory S. Crawford)
American Economic Review, Vol. 102, No. 2, April 2012
Download Code for Estimation and Simulation (Synthetic Data Included)
An empirical model to predict the effects of a la carte pricing regulations in cable television, accounting for the renegotiation of bilateral contracts between upstream content and downstream distribution.
The Welfare Effects of Vertical Integration in Multichannel Television Markets (Greg Crawford, Robin Lee, Michael Whinston)
Patterns of Carriage and Positioning of Vertically Integrated Content (Greg Crawford, Robin Lee, Breno Vieira, Michael Whinston)
Bilateral Bargaining with Externalities in International Tariff Negotiations: Analysis using Data from the GATT (Kyle Bagwell, Robert Staiger)
Bilateral Bargaining, Contracts, and Entry in IPTV
Bilateral Contracts that Reference Rivals in Healthcare (Cory Capps, John Lazarev)
Current and previous courses
Period: 2009 - Present day
Level: MBA
Statistics and Data Analysis for Business Applications
Period: 2011-present
Level: PhD
First year econometrics course for GSB PhD students.
Period: various
Level: Undergraduate and PhD


text:
July 31, 2015
CHICAGO (AP) -- Chicago police say it took cleanup workers more than nine hours to get all the cheese off the Chicago Skyway after a weekend truck accident.
A semi hauling a large quantity of mozzarella jackknifed and overturned after being cut off by a car early yesterday morning in the Skyway's southeast-bound lanes. The rig's trailer broke in half in the crash, spilling the cheese over the pavement.
Some of the cheese came out of its packaging, so it had to be picked up by hand.
Police say all lanes of traffic were closed southbound until 10:30 a.m., when one lane of traffic opened back up.
Click Here to access the online Public Inspection File
Viewers with disabilities can get assistance accessing this station's FCC Public Inspection File by contacting the station with the information listed below. Questions or concerns relating to the accessibility of the FCC's online public file system should be directed to the FCC at 888-225-5322, 888-835-5322 (TTY), or firstname.lastname@example.com.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Bill Bruford
View Single Post
Junior Member
Join Date: Jun 2013
Location: Dalston in Hackney in London in the UK
Posts: 6
Re: Bill Bruford
Originally Posted by
Bill did also an amazing job playing on tour with Genesis in 1976. I´ve got two brilliant recordings of entire shows from that period - Pittsburg and Cleveland - and I just can´t get enough listening to them. I also love his version of the famous 3/4 solo called The Drum Also Waltzes. Overally I have my favorites in every project he did. He is my drum teacher - but he doesn´t know it. :-)
I'll second that. A wonderfully innovative drummer.
I was very influenced by Phil Collins, and wrote to him at the time of Genesis's
The Lamb Lies Down on Broadway
album. To my amazement he replied and told me that Bill Bruford was one of his influences, which got me to listen to him much more.
He excels in all aspects of drumming.
There's a drum break on one of the tracks on
One of a Kind
that is just staggering (unfortunately I've forgotten which track and I no longer have the album. It may have been
Fainting in Coils
I can't get a link to this, as they've all been blocked!
). The phrasing is unlike anything I've ever heard. Explosive, stuttering, polyrhythmic and perfectly in tune with the music.
Then there's
Thirty Years
on the first
Thirty Years
the bit I'm talking about is 04'02" into the song. I have a book of his,
If In Doubt, Roll!
where this part is scored. At no point does he play any two drums and/or cymbals simultaneously. It looks and sounds really simple to play, yet is incredibly difficult. On top of that, he continually shifts the emphasis, creating an incredibly complex part that hardly seems to repeat at all, but weaves in and out while never losing the groove. He excelled at the deceptively simple.
And then there's his version of the
Max Roach
The Drum Also Waltzes
on the
album (Bill Bruford and Patrick Moraz) that is mentioned above.
Incidentally, this is also scored in
If In Doubt, Roll!
. This is such a beautiful and beautifully recorded solo, as perfectly tuned and recorded as I've ever heard. It is musical, lyrical, technically brilliant - but never for its own sake -, dynamic and wonderfully paced, and compares well with the original. That's no mean feat. Max Roach is one of the true masters and another of my favourite drummers (as I believe he is Bill's too).
I have been lucky enough to see him four times with Bruford, three times with King Crimson (the last time with the double trio line-up), once with Earthworks (the original line-up) and finally, on the launch of his auto-biography. I particularly remember a track from the second Earthworks album, which sounds like it has a keyboard intro, but it's Bill using his Simmons X to play the melody line as well as the beat. And the interplay between him and Pat Mastelotto is amazing. He is also an extremely modest and approachable man. His auto-biography and the talk he gave were entertaining, informative and thought provoking. Never mind the wild parties, there are plenty of amusing and hair raising stories in his auto-biography. It's also very well written, so I'd recommend this to anyone who's a fan, or anyone with an interest in any of the bands he's played in.
Last edited by NickPretzel; 06-16-2013 at
View Public Profile
Send a private message to NickPretzel
Visit NickPretzel's homepage!
Find all posts by NickPretzel


text:
Foam Corner Cushions (4 Pack)
- Color:
- multi
Qty: 1
- 1
- 2
Please select an available size.
Please select a size.
Share This Item: Email
Description: Foam Corner Cushions (4 Pack):
- Help protect little ones from harmful sharp corners
- Rounded foam corner design provides maximum protection where impact is most likely
- Installation is quick and simple with pre-applied adhesive
- Removes easily without damaging furniture
- Each measures 4" L x 5" D x 3" H
Brand: Munchkin
Origin: Imported


text:
Russia's Past, Russia's Future
Russia in the last few years has been a great disappointment to those of us who, after the collapse of the Soviet regime, had expected the country to embark on a slow, probably uneven, but still irreversible course of Westernization. What we had in mind was the path followed, in various ways, by the Baltic states, the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary, all of which had also been recently liberated from Communism. What we did not have in mind was what many Russians themselves, in the initial flush of post-Communist euphoria, envisioned: namely, that merely by declaring Russia democratic and market-oriented, they would, in a year or two, transform it into another United States.
In the event, neither scenario has materialized. After an auspicious beginning, Russia has ended up with a nondescript regime that is unable to provide its people either with the prosperity and freedom of capitalist democracy or with the rudimentary social security of mature Communism.
In Russia, this outcome has bred pervasive disillusionment. In the most recent parliamentary elections, the Communists won the largest number of seats. Nearly one-half of the electorate cast ballots for candidates who reject democratization and the market economy, who view the West as an enemy bent on subjugating Russia, and who yearn for a "firm hand." And now we face the prospect that in the June presidential elections, victory may go to a Communist or a nationalist, between whom there is little to distinguish since both wish to reconquer the lost empire and dismantle the country's fledgling democratic institutions.
These developments, unwelcome as they are to sympathetic observers, also reveal how very wrong were neo-Slavophiles like Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn; for them, the whole problem in Russia lay in Marxism, which they saw as a virus brought from the West and lacking roots in Russia's own past. Yet while it is true that Marxist theory was imported from the West, it is no less true that Marxism in practice, as a system of government, acquired in Russia a uniquely despotic character. In Western countries, Marxism, once in power in the guise of social democracy, evolved into the democratic welfare state; in Russia, as in the majority of third-world countries that adopted Marxism, it produced totalitarianism.
Clearly, these two different fates of the same ideology suggest that Russia's political culture is inhospitable to the political as well as the economic institutions of the West, and prone to reshape Western ideas in a spirit hostile to the principles of civil society. Until Russians become aware of what they have to change in their own culture, it is unlikely they can become a "normal" society, a condition to which most of them aspire.
What, then, are the elements in their historical heritage that have inured Russians to Westernization and made them vulnerable to anti-Western demagoguery?
The explanation that comes most readily to mind is national character: the Russians are intrinsically distinct, a people cast from a different mold from Englishmen, Frenchmen, or Swedes. But this answer must be rejected. In the late Middle Ages, Russia consisted of two states. One was centered on Moscow, the other on Novgorod, a prosperous commercial city-state which, through the agency of the Hanseatic League, carried on extensive trade with Northern Europe. Its commercial culture encouraged the emergence of democratic institutions that paralleled and in some respects even surpassed those of the contemporary West.
Novgorod was a republic whose princes were elected and, before assuming office, had to swear an oath to uphold charters that strictly circumscribed their powers. Other chief officials, too, were elected. The property of citizens enjoyed protection from unlawful seizure. Laws were issued by a popular assembly, the veche (a counterpart of the Anglo-Saxon folkmoot), in which every freeman could participate. The Russian city-state closely resembled the self-governing communes of medieval Europe which contributed so much to the evolution of liberty and the rule of law in the West.
Unfortunately for Russia, in the late 15th century Novgorod was conquered by the autocratic Moscow state, which abolished the veche, confiscated all landed properties on behalf of the Muscovite czar, and deported its elite by the thousands to the interior of Russia. Still, although Novgorod did not survive into the modern era, its very existence demonstrates that Russians are not constitutionally averse to Westernization.
This is corroborated as well by modern Russian culture. Russia's great literature of the past two centuries, along with its music and art, has been strongly influenced by the West and, in turn, readily absorbed by the West. Surely no one would regard Pushkin, Turgenev, Tolstoy, or Chekhov, Tchaikowsky or Stravinsky, Kandinsky or Chagall as anything but Western.
We thus confront a conundrum: a country which borders on Europe, which is inhabited by people who physically resemble Europeans, which for the past three centuries has insisted on being regarded as part of Europe, and which has shown both in its political and in its cultural life the ability to be European, nevertheless has found it next to impossible to build a social and political regime that is based on the European model. Why should this be so?
Here, a brief digression is in order. In what follows, my assumption is that Western institutions and practices are the standard by which Russia (and, by extrapolation, other non-Western societies) should be judged. Such an assumption is quite unpopular these days, for it recalls the self-serving arguments used by Westerners at the height of their imperial expansion to justify the subjugation and even the enslavement of other races. The notion of the racial superiority of Europeans, especially Nordic Europeans ("Aryans"), which reached its infamous fulfillment in the Holocaust, has been thoroughly discredited, and rightly so. But in reaction, we have swung to the opposite extreme. In American colleges the politically-correct view today is that of "multiculturalism," a fuzzy neologism which treats all cultures as of equal merit—and Western culture as, if anything, inferior because of the unique devastation it has allegedly inflicted on humanity and the natural environment.
In atoning for the racist attitudes of the past, today's fashionable doctrine suffers from drawbacks of its own, not the least of which is hypocrisy. We have abandoned the notion that non-Europeans are savages, or in any way inferior to us, but we persist in judging other societies by our own, Western standards. When the Iranian head of state ordered faithful Muslims to kill a novelist for allegedly insulting Muhammad, our leading "progressive" writers were outraged, even though the order might well have been in keeping with Islamic law. We object to practices which relegate women in the third world to an inferior status and in some African societies to physical mutilation, even though, again, such practices conform to local cultural traditions. These and numerous other examples suggest that much of what passes for "multiculturalism," with its attendant denigration of the West, is a pose, inspired in part by guilt, in part by self-hatred.
Holding up Western culture as the model for the contemporary world does not, in fact, imply racial superiority. For various reasons, Europe was the first continent to develop the institutions which are the foundations of modern life—the legal systems and administrative practices, the science and technology, the means of information and transport, the movement of people, capital, and goods which, in combination, relentlessly integrate the world into a single community. Modernity and Westernization are, for all practical purposes, one and the same thing. A list of the countries enjoying the highest per-capita income today closely matches the roll of countries that have gone farthest in adopting Western ways. Conversely, the poorest countries are those which, for one reason or another, have not followed this path.
Russia is no exception to the rule. Its ingrained anti-Westernism attests to an inability to adjust to the modern world, and spells poverty and regression. The theory formulated by 19th-century Slavophiles—that Russia must follow its own "separate" path—has been amply demonstrated to be a recipe for disaster. This does not deter Gennadi Zyuganov, the head of Russia's Communist party and a leading contender in this year's presidential race, from demanding that the world acknowledge "our equal right to follow our own path in accordance with our traditions and conditions." But it is not clear concretely what this "own path" is—that is, exactly which "traditions" Russia should follow and which "conditions" it should adjust to—and in any case no one denies Russians this "right." The question, in light of the experience of the past 78 years, is where it is likely to lead.
Why does Russia find it so difficult to adopt the Western model, even as several Asian countries, in every respect farther removed from Europe, have done so with great success? The explanation lies partly in subjective and partly in objective factors: in a psychologically rooted aversion, reinforced by the legacy of history.
Russia's persistent anti-Westernism is traceable, first and foremost, to its religious heritage. The depth of religious feeling in the Russian population at large has long been a matter of controversy, for Russian religiosity is to an uncommon degree permeated by superstition and magic. But it is indisputable that for hundreds of years the vast majority of the Russian people—and especially the peasantry, which made up 80 percent of the population—paid faithful obeisance to icons, scrupulously observed the church's fasts and holidays, and, when literate, read religious books. In many respects, therefore, until the Communist anti-religious campaign got into high gear in the 1930's, most Russians continued to live in the Middle Ages, untouched by the Western secular culture that was dominant among the educated elite.
Although it may not be immediately apparent, a close causal link exists between the religion which Russians profess and their attitude toward the West. In the eyes of Orthodox Christianity, both Catholicism and Protestantism have always been deviant religions, polluted by pagan classicism and philosophical rationalism. The strength of this view is evidenced by the fact that after the Turks had conquered Constantinople in 1453 and liquidated the Byzantine empire—the center of Christian Orthodoxy—Russian clergymen justified the calamity as divine punishment for Byzantium's attempt a century earlier to enter into a union with Rome. Following the collapse of Byzantium and the Ottoman occupation of the Balkan peninsula, Muscovite czardom remained, for all practical purposes, the world's only Orthodox Christian state. This meant that from the middle of the 15th century on, Orthodoxy became identified with Russianness, turning into a national religion.
This synthesis of religion and nationality—by contrast, Catholicism and Protestantism were, and remain to this day, transnational faiths—had far-reaching effects. The hostility of the Orthodox Church toward the Western branches of Christianity became in time secularized. Just as Orthodoxy deemed itself irreconcilable with Western Christianity, so the Russian nation came to perceive itself as incompatible with the West. But since Russians did not feel any affinity with those of their neighbors who professed Eastern creeds—Islam, Buddhism, Confucianism—they began to think of themselves as unique.
Historians have long noted how the Bolsheviks, for all their militant atheism, unwittingly played on these emotions in launching the Third International and proclaiming Moscow the capital of world Communism. In so doing, they were following in the footsteps of 16th-century Russian clerics who, after the fall of Constantinople, had proclaimed the country's capital the Third and ultimate "Rome."
In an age when science and ideology have replaced religion as intellectual and moral guides, it may seem far-fetched to seek roots of political attitudes in religious antecedents. But secularism is a very recent phenomenon, and many of our beliefs, even if couched in scientific and ideological terms, on closer scrutiny turn out to be rooted in religious faith. The millions of Russians who applaud demagogues denouncing the "corrupt" and "corrupting" West unknowingly replicate attitudes which originated centuries ago among the Orthodox hierarchy and from there spread to the population at large.
If these are some of the attitudes which inhibit Russians from benefiting from Western experience and modernization, there are also institutional obstacles impeding change—in fact, a bewildering variety of them. At their head, I would place the tardy and short-lived acquaintance with private property.
We in the West tend to treat the notion of private property as a law of nature, guaranteeing that the goods and rights which we possess are ours to keep and enjoy. We defend these goods and rights not only from our fellow-citizens but from the state as well: we firmly believe that the government must not tax us without the consent of our representatives or lay its hands on our property except with due compensation. In reality, though, it took a long time and many bitter conflicts for these "natural" and self-evident principles to establish themselves in our culture. The constitutional history of England, the country that gave the world parliamentary democracy, is filled with struggles between the people and the crown over the latter's encroachments, mainly through arbitrary taxation, on its subjects' properties.
These struggles ended in the triumph of popular sovereignty, in England and elsewhere. The notion that property included physical assets as well as life and liberty, popularized by John Locke and transplanted from England to the United States, exercised considerable influence on the continent as well. Throughout Europe, even in countries living under absolutist regimes, it was considered a truism that kings ruled but did not own: a popular formula taken from the Roman philosopher Seneca held that "unto kings belongs the power of all things, and unto individual men, property." Violations of this principle were perceived as a hallmark of tyranny.
This whole complex of ideas was foreign to Russia. The Muscovite crown treated the entire realm as its property and all secular landowners as the czar's tenants-in-chief, who held their estates at his mercy and on condition of faithful service. Sovereignty subsumed ownership of the land and its people. This kind of regime, designated "patrimonial" by the German sociologist Max Weber, survived intact in Russia to the end of the 18th century and in some respects until the beginning of the 20th. Unconditional private ownership of land, the main form of productive wealth, came only in 1785 with Catherine the Great's "Charter of the Nobility," and even then was confined to the gentry; peasants continued to cultivate the soil belonging either to the state or to the landlords. For the peasantry, ownership of land became a theoretical possibility only in 1861, and a realistic one only in 1906, that is, almost within living memory. Then, after a few decades, private possession of land was abolished by Stalin's collectivization measures.
The absence of private property in land has exerted a profound influence on every facet of Russia's history. In England, kings convened parliaments because custom forbade the imposition of direct taxes without their subjects' approval; the more money the crown needed, usually to cover the costs of ceaseless wars, the more authority it had to concede to the House of Commons. The great constitutional crisis of the 17th century, which resulted in the permanent shift of legislative power from the crown to the Commons, was essentially decided by the latter's control of the purse strings.
In Russia, by contrast, the czars had no need to convoke representative bodies because they owned everything. The so-called Land Assemblies, which some historians like to compare to Western parliaments, were nothing of the kind—they had no fiscal powers and merely endorsed decisions taken by the Kremlin. Czarist absolutism thus reigned supreme, taking on much more onerous forms than any of its Western counterparts which were effectively constrained by the existence of and respect for private property. It could maintain itself until the early 20th century in large measure because it was fiscally self-sufficient.
Property has played a role in history not only as a restraint on the exercise of political power. It is no less responsible for instituting the regime of law in place of the primitive rule of men. Property and law have always been closely linked: one of the defining qualities of ownership is the right to exclude others from unauthorized use of a person's assets. In the words of C. B. Macpherson, "What distinguishes property from mere momentary possession is that property is a claim that will be enforced by society or the state, by customs or convention or law." Thus property posits common or statutory law and all that goes with them. "Property and law are born together and must die together," wrote Jeremy Bentham nearly two centuries ago. "Before the laws there was no property; take away the laws, all property ceases."
The intimate relationship between these two institutions explains the remarkable role played by members of the legal profession in the political evolution of England and other English-speaking nations where property was most fully developed. From Sir John Fortescue in the 15th century onward, English jurists have been the supreme arbiters of their country's unwritten constitution. It is they who established the principle, central to modern democracy, that law is superior to both sovereign and subject.
No such evolution occurred in Russia. There, the absence of private property hindered the emergence of legal institutions: disputes over landed estates, which in England in the 17th century constituted the bulk of the cases tried by the courts, were resolved in Russia by administrative fiat. Suffice it to note that independent courts, and the legal profession to serve them, made their debut in Russia as late as 1864, the age of railroads and telegraphs. At no time in Russia's history were its jurists asked their opinions on the constitutionality of the government's actions. Suits between citizens and the state were unknown. Even in today's post-Communist Russia, attempts to bring the government to trial on charges of unconstitutional behavior have been singularly unsuccessful.
A word must be said in this connection about serfdom, not the least harmful legacy of patrimonialism. Bondage, of course, was known in Western Europe as well, but there it was a feature of feudalism and disappeared at the close of the Middle Ages. In Russia, which had no feudalism, it was a feature of absolutism, and emerged only at the dawn of the early modern era, in the 16th and 17th centuries; it was abolished in 1861. Since the crown required all Russian landlords to render personal service, primarily in the armed forces, and yet lacked money to compensate them with adequate salaries, it had to devise other means of supporting them. In a country rich in land but short of hands to cultivate it, this took the form of an assured labor force of peasants tied to the land.
Serfdom was thus a corollary of the gentry's compulsory state service. While not analogous to slavery, it shared some of slavery's worst features: the serf, too, lacked legal rights, including property rights. Not unlike slavery, serfdom inculcated in the peasant a contempt for law and property and a spirit of sullen resistance to all authority. What could the state mean to him when all it did was exact taxes and recruits, giving nothing in return? Serfdom further prevented the Russian peasant from developing a sense of patriotism, for how could he feel anything in common with either the officials or the landlords who treated him like chattel?
The most harmful legacy of Russia's past may well lie here. Its people were given no opportunity to develop either respect for property and law, or a sense of belonging to a national community. They were taught to obey when there was no choice and to rebel when there was: the one thing they were not taught was the responsibilities and the benefits of citizenship.
Maintaining the most extreme forms of absolutism to the very dawn of the contemporary age, the Russian state rested not on a popular mandate but on force. Because of the highly inequitable distribution of civil rights among its subjects, it could not even appeal to national sentiments. Russia's impressive record of resistance to foreign invaders must not be confused with patriotism, for the driving motive here was loathing of foreigners rather than affinity with one's compatriots, and feelings tended to evaporate as soon as Russians were called upon to fight outside their borders.
A government that rests on force must, by the logic of its situation, give its people constant proof of its might. One of the ways to do this is by territorial acquisition. Others have built empires, but no country has expanded so relentlessly and held on so tenaciously to its conquests as has Russia. By my calculation, in the 150 years between the middle of the 16th century and the end of the 17th, the Muscovite state year after year acquired territory equivalent in area to modern-day Holland.
True, most of these territories consisted of barren wastes, but even so, their incorporation exerted a powerful influence on the psyche of Russians, enabling them to boast that even if they were not the richest or the most civilized country in the world, they were indisputably the largest. The poet Michael Lermontov, writing at the time Russian armies were conquering the Caucasus, has a Russian tell a Muslim native of the mountains that once he comes under the czar's rule he will proudly say, "Yes, I am a slave, but a slave of the czar of the universe."
Russia's expansionism and the militarism that made it possible had, once again, their parallels in the West, but in Russia the notion of great-power status acquired a very special significance. Both the monarchy and its Communist successor legitimized their authority by projecting an image of invincible power. What better way to inculcate among their own people the sense of futility of resistance than to show that the whole world feared Russia?
There thus arose an intimate link between Russia's status as a great power and its internal stability. One of the principal reasons for the collapse of czarism in 1917, rarely mentioned by scholars captive to the class-war theory of history, is the steady decline of the monarchy's claim to great-power status as a result of military defeat in the Crimean war of 1854-56, the diplomatic setback following the Balkan war of 1877-78, the debacle in the conflict with Japan in 1904-05, and finally the repeated thrashing at the hands of the Germans in World War I. As a consequence of these humiliations, the monarchy, in the eyes of its subjects, lost the "mandate of heaven," and all the more so since it also proved itself unable to cope with radical terrorism on its home territory.
This historic legacy explains why, of all the empires that have dissolved since World War II, none has had such a difficult time adjusting to decolonization as Russia. Great Britain, whose empire once encircled the globe, made a quick accommodation to its loss, as did France, Portugal, and the other European powers to theirs. For them, colonial possessions, while a source of pride and possibly profit, were not factors making for self-identity. England, for one, had developed a strong sense of nationhood by the 16th century, before it acquired significant overseas territories.
In Russia, however, the sense of ethnic identity was always indissolubly linked with empire, and its loss has produced bewilderment and anguish. Indeed, nothing so much troubles many Russians today, not even the decline in their living standards or the prevalence of crime, and nothing so lowers in their eyes the prestige of their government, as the precipitous loss of great-power status. A superpower under Communism, a peer of the United States, their country is now, they feel, treated like a third-world nation, the humble recipient of Western largesse. A great deal of the appeal of the red-brown (Communist-Fascist) coalition derives precisely from its promise to restore to Russia the status of a respected—that is, feared—world power.
Thus far Russia's past. What about Russia's? future?
The sense of isolation and uniqueness bequeathed by Orthodox Christianity unfortunately survives. Present-day Russians still feel themselves to be outsiders, a nation sui generis, belonging neither to Europe nor to Asia. There is a great deal of paranoia about foreigners, who, whatever their own private rivalries may be, are thought to be united in a hostile bloc determined somehow to "get" Russia. According to recent polls, for example, 60 percent of Russians believe that the Western powers are offering economic advice (and, presumably, aid) for the purpose of weakening the country.
To illustrate this widespread attitude, let me relate a personal incident. A few years ago I happened to be at a conference in Switzerland where one of the participants was a Russian official of cabinet rank. During lunch, flanked by two Russian ambassadors, he complained that foreign powers were conspiring to bar his country's access to international markets. As evidence, he adduced the fact that in the previous year Russia had purchased 600,000 cars from Japan, while Japan imported only 20,000 cars from Russia. The difference in quality between Russian and Japanese cars apparently eluded him, as did the fierce competition between Japanese and American automakers, and American complaints about the closed Japanese market. All he saw was "them" ganging up on "us."
Irrational as such suspicions are, the sense of being hemmed in by an unfriendly Western world is very real. Paranoia in Russia feeds on itself, seeking and finding confirmation in everything that happens—emphatically including the recent Western decision to expand NATO up to the very borders of the former Soviet Union. This move has aroused the deepest anxieties in Russians, corroborating their belief that, even after embracing democracy and the market economy, they are regarded as pariahs, unworthy of full membership in the community of nations. I know no Russian, regardless of political orientation, who favors it. To the contrary, NATO's projected expansion plays directly into the hands of the nationalists who exploit fears of the West to argue that Russia must reconstruct the empire and rebuild the military in order to hold its own in an unfriendly world.
If these are some of the factors that cloud the prospects in international relations, Russia faces no less extraordinary difficulties at home in making the transition from totalitarianism to democracy, and from a command economy to one based on the market. After all, democracy and a market economy, the distinctive features of modernity, rest on private property and, its corollary, the rule of law; as we have seen, neither has deep roots in Russia's culture.
The past five years have witnessed frenetic seizures of assets previously monopolized by the Communist party and, since its dissolution, up for grabs. But these seizures, which really amount to theft of public property, and which have largely benefited the old Communist apparatus itself, have so far not enhanced respect for private ownership. For one thing, the assets have been acquired by extra-legal means. For another, the new owners of real estate and industrial enterprises tend to dispose of them for dollars, which they export and deposit in foreign banks. "Privatization" of this kind brings little benefit to the Russian economy and only reinforces the prevalent view that capitalism equals speculation and profiteering.
There are, to be sure, positive aspects even to this process. The transfer of the nation's wealth from the state into private hands is proceeding apace: perhaps as much as three-quarters of the Gross Domestic Product of Russia today emanates from the private sector. This means that the state no longer controls the economy and cannot use it as a weapon of social control. Furthermore, every owner of property has a vested interest in the rule of law to die extent that it serves his advantage; for even if he has obtained his wealth unlawfully, he relies on the law to safeguard it for him. It may well be that Boris Yeltsin and the reformers with whom he surrounded himself until his recent lurch to the Right knowingly promoted privatization in order to raise insuperable obstacles to a restoration of Communism.
In the meantime, however, the new order borders on anarchy. Russian governments have traditionally denied their people the right to interfere in affairs of state. Politics has meant administration, and law has represented an administrative device rather than a principle superior alike to sovereign and subject and binding on both. As a result, whenever the Russian state has lacked the physical power to enforce its directives, it has become virtually impotent.
This is what has happened since 1991. The legislature has no influence on Kremlin decisions; its votes are at best indicators of the public mood. The Duma, the lower house of parliament, consists of singularly irresponsible politicians whose main occupation is to provide an outlet for personal and public frustrations. Not long ago, in total disregard of constitutional norms, a substantial majority of Duma deputies voted to annul the accord, signed in late 1991 by Russia's President, which dissolved the Soviet Union and granted independence to its constituent republics. This is roughly equivalent to the British House of Commons declaring Canada or India dependencies of England and subject to its laws.
Present-day Russia is not so much a single, integrated state as a congeries of 89 quasi-sovereign baronies, regions formally bound to Moscow but in reality concerned principally with their own parochial interests. The governors, most of them appointed by the President but occasionally elected by their constituents, act like satraps, obeying commands of the center only to the extent that it suits them. Governors who enjoy strong local popularity have been known to defy Moscow's orders to resign.
One sometimes gains the impression that about the only effective authority left to Moscow is financial, through the allocation of subsidies to the provinces—one of the few sources of control still available to the center—the borrowing of money abroad, and the printing of bank notes. The Kremlin also controls much television programming, a power it uses to promote the interests of the incumbent president. Otherwise, though, the Russian government can hardly be said to exist. Government decrees are largely ignored by a populace which, to the extent that it recognizes any higher power, looks to the provincial authorities. Witness the inability of President Yeltsin even to control his armed forces: his solemn pledge, personally given on television at the end of March, that Russian troops would forthwith cease combat operations in Chechnya seems to have fallen on deaf ears.
Altogether the political situation in Russia closely resembles that prevailing in the period between the abdication of the czar in February 1917 and the Bolshevik coup the following October—with the important difference that Russia today is not at war, and that utopian fantasies no longer captivate either the intelligentsia or the masses. But again, as in the field of economics, the picture is not all bleak. The present government is the first in the entire history of Russia to enjoy a popular mandate: the incumbent President was chosen by a popular vote and the constitution was approved by a nationwide referendum. Such legitimacy has no precedent in a country where authority was traditionally acquired not by consent but by virtue either of inheritance or of a coup d'état. At long last, Russians have been offered the opportunity to build a viable democratic system.
Whether they are capable of taking advantage of this opportunity, time alone will show. Many Russians believe that no matter who wins the presidential election, Yeltsin will hold on to office. Public-opinion polls conducted in the first three months of this year reveal a curious contradiction: each month, more voters say they will cast ballots for the Communist leader Zyuganov, and yet at the same time, in similarly growing numbers, they express the conviction that Yeltsin will continue as Russia's head of state.
The doubts about Russia's future that remain are largely owing to the political inexperience of the Russian people. Under Communism, "elections" were pageants which required 99 percent of the voters to certify their delight with the status quo. Before Communism, the last time Russia had genuine multiparty elections was in November 1917, when 44 million men and women twenty years of age and older cast ballots for the Constituent Assembly. This means that in 1991, when the next free elections took place, only those citizens ninety-four years of age or older had had any experience with freely choosing candidates, parties, and platforms.
An inexperienced electorate tends to swing wildly. Contemporary Russians expect their head of state to be a magician; they are prepared to entrust him with unlimited power, so long as he uses it to solve all their problems, quickly and painlessly. Since there are no miracles in life, disenchantment invariably sets in. This happened in the late 1980's under Mikhail Gorbachev, whose popularity plummeted when perestroika did not fulfill its promises; it has happened again under Yeltsin; and it would indubitably happen under Zyuganov should he be elected.
Sooner or later—I fear it will be later rather than sooner—Russians will come to realize that there are no rapid fixes to their difficulties, and that ahead of them lies the arduous task of building a modern state and a modern economy from the bottom up. Until then, we will confront an electorate so unseasoned, so naive, that, if we are to believe the polls, one out of ten voters wants to award the presidency to a buffoon and brawler by the name of Vladimir Zhirinovsky, the author of a political treatise entitled Spit on the West.
Given all this, finally, how great is the danger of a restoration of Communism and of a Communist empire? If the Communists were to win the presidential election, could they turn back the clock?
The formal program of the Communist party sounds innocuous enough, being modeled on Western social-democratic platforms. It specifically disavows any desire to implement the fundamental principle of Communism—namely, the abolition of private property. But there are indications that this formal program only camouflages the Communists' true intent. In Russian political jargon it represents the "program minimum," the immediately realizable agenda behind which lurks the ultimate objective, the "program maximum."
A law on economic reform, recently drafted by the Communist faction in the Duma, sheds light on what that maximal program is in the economic sphere. The law would give the state a greatly enhanced role in managing the economy and impose strict regulations on private enterprise. Land ownership would be outlawed, prices regulated, and foreign investments rigorously controlled. The whole economy would once again be subjected to a plan. As for the political intentions of the Communist party, these have not yet been spelled out, but it is safe to assume that here, too, it takes the past as a model.
Unquestionably, a Communist victory would cause severe dislocations in Russia's economy: rampant inflation, massive hoarding, a decrease and possibly suspension of foreign investments. But a reversion to Communism seems to me highly unlikely. Communism was not merely an ideology. It was a complex phenomenon composed of various interlocking institutions, including one-party rule, police terror, state monopoly of productive wealth, total control of publications and education, repression of religious faiths, and so on; it atomized society, depriving people of the right to form independent associations of even the most harmless kind.
It took the Communists two decades, from 1917 to 1937, to impose this regime on Russia: twenty years of revolution, civil war, collectivization, and massacres euphemistically labeled "purges." It is inconceivable that any Russian government would have the capacity once again to subjugate society in this manner. And even if the older generation, conditioned to submission, could be brought back into the totalitarian fold, younger Russians under thirty-five, who according to all evidence are extremely skeptical of every ideology, will not be readily reharnessed in state service. One can only imagine the resistance that would greet such an attempt from the class of new proprietors, among them a high proportion of ex-Communist functionaries, who surely would not surrender their recent gains, whether legitimate or ill-gotten, without a fight.
Nor is a milder form of Communism feasible. A Communist regime must be of one piece: it cannot tolerate even limited private property or free opinion. In the late 1980's we witnessed the swift collapse of Soviet Communism as a result of Gorbachev's futile effort to revitalize a moribund economy by injecting a measure of freedom into the system. There is no reason to believe that another attempt to combine Communism with elements of capitalism will be more successful.
The chances Are, Therefore, that no matter who wins the forthcoming elections, Russia will have to muddle along for a long time under a regime of pseudo-democracy and quasi-capitalism. The worst of the realistic scenarios appears to be an authoritarian government that will liquidate political rivalries and rule by decree while tolerating considerable economic and even intellectual freedom. The model may be General Pinochet's Chile, which today has quite a few Russian admirers. Such a regime would very likely form a transition to democracy rather than to neo-totalitarianism.
The empire, too, is unlikely to be reconstituted, despite widespread nostalgia for it. The experience of Western imperial powers indicates that once colonies have been granted independence, there is no return to the past. Each emancipated colony evolves its own elites with a keen interest in perpetuating the powers and privileges gained from independence; clerks who have become ministers, sergeants who have become generals, are not likely to accept timidly a demotion to their former rank. The economy changes, too, with the pattern of exports and imports shifting focus from the onetime metropolis to other countries. These considerations suggest that only naked force could restore the separated republics to Moscow's hegemony. This force Russia lacks, as has been evidenced by its inability to subdue minuscule Chechnya.
True, by a combination of economic carrots and sticks, as well as by exploiting discontents among Russian minorities living in the "near abroad," Moscow might bring the separated republics into a closer union. But it is difficult to see how the empire itself can be restored. It would require an effort of no less monumental dimensions than the restoration of Communism.
In sum, there are reasons for cautious optimism. The burden of history does weigh heavily; but it only slows Russia's progress, it does not condemn the country to immobility, let alone regression. My own hopes rest on the assumption that Russia, a country aspiring to the status of a respected world power, will not want to opt out of the 21st century.


text:
LEGO Ninjago 9558 - Training Set
LEGO Ninjago 9558 - Training Set
Train Kendo Kai to master Spinjitzu!
Help Kai master his new Kendo gear and spin until he is a Spinjitzu master! Then, test his new skills against the Training Arena's snake tail. Spin into the snake tail to release weapons! Reward Kendo Kai with 6 weapons! Set includes Kendo Kai minifigure, orange fire spinner, silver crown, 6 weapons, 1 character card, 4 battle cards and snake tail training obstacle.
Year Released: 2012 Pieces: 219 Figures: 1
Our LEGO Minifigures section has a great range of additional figures to add to this set.
LEGO Ninjago 9558 - Training Set
£ 18.95


text:
Hold down Control (PC) or Command (Mac) key + mouseclick to select more than one option
|Avg. Dinner Entrée
|Greater than $25
|$18.01 - $25
|$12.01 - $18
|$7.01 - $12
|Less than $7
Posted by Anonymous on 06/20/2014
This is a great food truck. However, if you plan on going during the lunch rush, plan on waiting in line for at least 10 minutes and then another 10 for your food to be ready. However, it is worth the wait because all food is made fresh with fresh ingredients. Very interesting menu, different types of Latin dishes rather than just regular Tex Mex kind of food. I would definitely return! service was a little slow but the quality of the food and the interesting mix of dishes made up for that. Good portion size. I tried the Sweet Corn Moon - which is a flat Spanish corn cake stuffed with chicken lettuce, avocado, cheese, and red peppers and a chipotle mayo. The menu description says carmelized onions but they were not on mine. Perfect portion for lunch, it was large for me, could split it for a light lunch but definitely enough. Other foods looked great too. Definitely try this food truck!


text:
Hi, Im quite new to unity (started about a month ago) and Ive been working on a mock up of a FPS using unity primitives to help me learn the ropes before I go into anything major. So far Ive created some basic movement controls and a pistol that shoots bullets. The problem Im having is that when the gun fires the bullets I also made it eject a small cube with a rigid body component to represent an empty shell, but for some reason the shell passes through the floor (a flat plane with a mesh collider).
This person http://answers.unity3d.com/questions/2666/rigidbody-sphere-falls-through-collider-plane sounds like they had a similar problem, but if I scale cube that represents the shell to 1,1,1 it works but makes it half the size of the character and if I scale everything else to match it causes everything to run very slowly.
Another problem Im having is that if the character is moving while he shots it adds way too much force onto the rigid body causing it to behave oddly. For example, the shell flies out the left side of the gun after I instantiate it (Rigidbody. velocity = transform. TransformDirection(Vector3 (-1,0,0)); ) to simulate the force of the ejection. But if Im strafing left at the time it sort of cancels out the initial force of the shell causing it to fall through the gun or appear to fly right.
Im really sorry if this doesnt make much sense, I have dyslexia so I find stuff like this exceptionally difficult.
Is there any way I can make this work or should I give up on it?
asked Feb 19, 2010 at 01:34 PM
Hears an image of the game, dont know if this helps it make any more sense.
Feb 19, 2010 at 01:34 PM Guildenstern
The reason you shell is falling through the floor is probably that it is too small to detect the collision. In one frame it's fully above the floor, in the next frame it's fully below the floor, it never touches it.
We are working on adding features to solve this in an easy way, but for now, you'll have to work around this. You could manually check for collisions, by storing the position of the bullet each frame in a script, and then do a Raycast from the old position to the new one, to see if it passed through anything on it's way.
answered Feb 19, 2010 at 04:25 PM
jonas echterhoff ♦♦
Thanks I will give that a try!
Feb 20, 2010 at 12:19 PM Guildenstern
About your question #2: You need to set ignore collisions between your gun shells and your character. The easiest way to do that is:
First set the tag and layer of your gun, character and bullet shells to be tha same, i.e "Player".
Use this script when you are moving, shooting or using anything that is detecting collisions. Look at this example:
void Start() {
! Hope that helps!
answered Jul 03, 2010 at 10:29 PM


text:
With this film we entered the Leopardino "Viewer's Choice Award" Competition for the Locarno Film Festival in July 2012.
The film was produced in cooperation with swisscom. A stranger looking for the heart of the city in Berlin. Shoot on IPhone G4 on different settings in Berlin.
Loading more stuff…
Hmm…it looks like things are taking a while to load. Try again?
TM + © 2015 Vimeo, LLC. All rights reserved.
Made with k in NYC.
Your content preferences apply to any Vimeo videos you view. Learn more about content preferences in our FAQ.


text:
(based on 1 review)
Ratings Distribution
5 Stars
4 Stars
3 Stars
2 Stars
1 Stars
Reviewed by 1 customer
Displaying review 1
Back to top
Love this jacket!
By KS
from Chicago, IL
About Me Classic Dresser
Best Uses
Comments about nau Asylum Jacket - Women's:
I love this jacket. It was given to me as a present, and it's been a great addition to my ski gear. In warmer months, I also use this as a rain jacket and simply remove the powder skirt, making it worth every penny. The only con is that the pockets are unlined, so they don't actually keep your hands warm if you don't have any gloves on and the cold air hits the abdomen. They're more like vents than pockets actually.
Bottom Line Yes, I would recommend this to a friend
Was this review helpful? Yes / No
- You may also flag this review


text:
Olympia Theatre
414 Washington Street,
1 person favorited this theater
The Olympia Theatre was a large theatre in downtown Lynn, an inner suburb to the north of Boston. It was operated at one time by M & P Theatres, an affiliate of Paramount. Further information welcomed.
Recent comments (view all 4 comments)
The Olympia Theatre in Lynn was included in the MGM Theatre Photograph and Report project. The form has an exterior photo dated May 1941. The theatre entrance was in the middle of a large commercial building at least 4 stories high. Above the entrance was a rectangular marquee with "Olympia" at the top-front in letters which probably had neon tubing. There is a large poster case on each side of the entrance with an elaborate frame. The Report states that the Olympia has been showing MGM films for over 10 years; that it's over 15 years old; in Fair condition, with 1296 seats on the orchestra floor and 1240 balcony seats; total: 2,536 seats. The 1942-43 edition of the Motion Picture Almanac lists the Olympia, along with the Paramount in Lynn, as part of the M&P Theatres.
The Olympia was opened on January 25, 1908. It was a live theatre with films at first, and also was renowned locally for its Sunday afternoon concerts at which famous classical music artistes performed. A number of stars appeared there. Later, it featured movies only. It closed on October 7, 1952 and was then demolished to provide parking for Anthony's Hawthorne Restaurant. This info is from an article about Lynn theatres written by Elmo Benedetto and found at the Lynn public library by CT member Barry Goodkin.
Yes, it's the same. It was run by Nathan Gordon.
The Olympia is listed in the 1927 Film Daily Yearbook as having 2,300 seats and open daily.
Just login to your account and subscribe to this theater


text: Snow: Congress Has No "Oversight Responsibility over the White House" Normally I would just laugh this off as the press agent being intentionally obtuse. However, having heard the exact same thing from John Bolton on his recent appearance on The Daily Show and the President repeating this "fact" during his address a couple days ago, it would appear that the administration actually believes that the system of checks and balances doesn't apply to the Executive branch. That is more than a little worrisome on several levels. Authority to Conduct Oversight Granted by the US Constitution as stated in the Congressional Oversight Manual (.pdf) - starting on page 11. There is also this reference to the Supreme Court ruling on the issue. This system is what makes America as great and as strong as it is, and frankly I find this assault on the Constitution to be incredibly egregious. They assume the people will not stand up and point out the falsehoods and challenge the statement, and unfortunately they're not wrong for believing this. The Bush administration is assuming that Congress will also believe these falsehoods and will not wield their Constitutionally granted power, and I am praying this is not the case and they act responsibly and correctly for once.


text:
Wednesday, April 23, 2014
On March 31, seven students from Carios Leadership Is team traveled to the Ronald McDonald House (RMH) of Charleston. These students participated in the Prepare a Meal program, which benefits families staying at the RMH. When children receive intensive medical treatment at local hospitals, their families are spared the additional worry of meal planning. Carios Leadership Is team works to make a strong presence in several community outreach projects.
For more information regarding this event, please contact Principal Randall or JoAnn Jarman at 843-856-4595.
Moultrie News is pleased to offer readers the enhanced ability to comment on stories. We expect our readers to engage in lively, yet civil discourse. We do not edit user submitted statements and we cannot promise that readers will not occasionally find offensive or inaccurate comments posted in the comments area. Responsibility for the statements posted lies with the person submitting the comment, not Moultrie News.
If you find a comment that is objectionable, please click "report abuse" and we will review it for possible removal. Please be reminded, however, that in accordance with our Terms of Use and federal law, we are under no obligation to remove any third party comments posted on our website. Read our full terms and conditions.
© 2015 Moultrie News an Evening Post Industries company. All Rights Reserved.
Registration on or use of this site constitutes acceptance of our Terms of Service, Privacy Policy and Parental Consent Form.


text:
Drugs News
Latin American Program in the News: "Mexican Drug Kingpin El Chapo Guzmán To Be Protagonist In New TV Narco-Thriller"
Jan 30, 2014
Latin American Program Associate Director Eric L. Olson is quoted in this article about television network UniMás's plans to serialize the life of Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán.
Latin American Program in the News: ¿Qué tanto sabe usted acerca de la marihuana? ¿Se atreve a tomar un test?
Jan 20, 2014
Latin American Program Scholar Juan Carlos Garzón Vergara authored this article on public knowledge of marijuana, published by Razonpublica.com. This article is in Spanish.
Latin American Program in the News: ¿Elogio de la marihuana?
Jan 15, 2014
The Wilson Center Press report "The Criminal Diaspora: The Transnational Diffusion of Organized Crime and How to Contain Its Expansion," edited by Latin American Program scholar Juan Carlos Garzón and Associate Director Eric L. Olson, is cited by this op-ed about reform of marijuana laws. This article is in Spanish.
Latin American Program in the News: Latin America sees violent crime
Jan 10, 2014
Eric L. Olson, Associate Director of the Latin American Program, provides commentary on the causes of violent crime in Latin America and possible solutions.
Public health and human rights: The new language of the drug policy debate
Jan 08, 2014
Summary of the The 54th Session of the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control (CICAD, in Spanish) of the Organization of American States (OAS).
Latin American Program in the News: Mexican cartels use social media
Dec 19, 2013
Cartel thugs have become increasingly savvy with social media: posting photographs and videos of themselves decapitating victims with chainsaws and machetes; wielding gold-plated assault weapons; pouting in sexy poses; and warning civilians not to snitch on them.
Latin American Program in the News: Un respaldo capital para el proceso de paz
Dec 11, 2013
This article discusses Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos' recent visit to Washington, D.C. Most sectors in Washington see Colombia as having had tremendous success in the past decade, although there is much less optimism in Colombia. Cynthia Arnson discusses the high-level talks and gives an analysis of perceptions in Colombia. This article is in Spanish.
Latin American Program in the News: Election strengthens Honduran military's hand
Dec 03, 2013
This article discusses the role that the Honduran military played in the election of National Party candidate, Juan Orlando Hernandez. Eric Olson discusses how the military has become a political actor and why the region is likely to become more militarized.
Latin American Program in the News: Las FARC y el narcotráfico: el motivo y el pretexto
Dec 03, 2013
Wilson Center expert, Juan Carlos Garzón, discusses the role the narcotrafficking is playing in the negotiations between the Colombian government and FARC. He says that narcotrafficking and the role that FARC has played in that has been exaggerated. This article is in Spanish.
Latin American Program in the News: In Honduras vote, new lesson in how the drug war steers politics
Dec 03, 2013
This article discusses the recent elections in Honduras and platforms that the candidates each ran on regarding drugs and crime. LAP Associate Director, Eric Olson, discusses what to expect from president-elect Juan Orlando Hernandez.


text:
Working Dad: An Unauthorized Guide to Parenting
Seattle Post-Intelligencer family reporter Paul Nyhan wades through the latest parenting research, books and news to post the best tips, developments and thoughts on raising a family.
Monthly Archive for April, 2007
At Last A New Blog Winner
It's been awhile since I crowned a new featured site, but your long wait is finally over. [Read More]
Finally a Remote for Your Kid
Worried you kid isn't getting enough TV time because he's too young to work the remote? Just pick up a Weemote, a child-friendly remote control with big brightly colored buttons for the channel-surfing kid. [Read More]
Shoot Your TV: Chapter II
I still haven't turned the TV off, but the folks at Turn Off Your TV Week are making me feel worse with lots of scary statistics, including: – The average U.S. child spends 19 hours and 40 minutes a week watching television. – Parents spend less than 40 minutes a week on meaningful conversations with […] [Read More]
Depressed Parents are Expensive
It appears depressed parents are costing the health care system more than just prescriptions. When at least one parent is depressed, a family is more likely to skip regular doctor's appointments, the American Academy of Pediatrics reports this month. These teenagers are more likely to land in emergency rooms or specialty clinics, according to the journal. [Read More]
Show More


text:
UNICOI — The town of Unicoi's Planning Commission needs a little more information before it lends its approval to the first package store application the town has received since the establishment of retail liquor stores became permitted within the town's limits.
At its meeting Monday, the commission voted to table consideration of a retail liquor store application submitted by potential owner Stacey Collins. Collins' application lacked several items required as part of town ordinance, including a background check on the store's manager, letters of reference and more details on the proposed store's business plan.
"It's not their fault," Unicoi Vice Mayor and Planning Commission member Doug Hopson said. "A lot of it is our growing pains and that type of thing."
Collins' application was the first the town has received since a referendum passed in the November general election allowing package stores within the town's limits. In January, the Unicoi Board of Mayor and Aldermen approved the final reading of an ordinance to allow the establishment of retail package stores within the town's limits.
Collins is wanting to open her store, which she intends to call Unicoi Wine and Spirits, at 100 Rocky Bottom Drive, which is located within the business strip in front of the Unicoi Walmart. Collins' application meets a number of regulations outlined in the town's ordinance, as it will be located at least 200 feet from locations such as schools, residences, churches and parks, will have only one entrance accessible by the public and is at least 1,800 square feet.
After the town recorder reviews a submitted application, it is put before the town's planning commission for its consideration. If the planning commission recommends approval of the application, it is put before the board of mayor and aldermen for its consideration. Collins' brother, David Edwards, whom she said would serve as the store's manager and oversee day-to-day operations, said once the town's process is complete, the state has 45 days to issue the go-ahead to open. From there, he said it would take about five business days to get the store set up, and that he and Collins intend to open the store at that time.
Edwards said based on 50 customers spending $25 each per day, the store would realize profits of around $7,800 per month, adding that he and Collins anticipate 40 percent of sales would come from wine. He said this would be realized after paying two full-time and two part-time employees. However, several members of the planning commission voiced concern about financial information submitted in the application.
"As I recall, you give an estimated sales per year but I don't recall an estimated cost of running the store or your employees, that kind of thing, and whether you think it will be making money from beginning or how long it will not be making money," Planning Commission Chairman Ken Kisiel said.
Both Collins and Edwards said they could have the necessary information by early next week. The planning commission intends to hold a special called meeting as soon as possible, later this month, to again consider Collins' application once the town receives the requested information.


text:
Foodland Store Closing in Perth-Andover, Mayor Says it's a Huge Loss
"It's just a huge, huge loss.." said Perth Andover Mayor Terry Ritchie when talking about the upcoming closure of the Foodland store. The grocery store chain Sobey's announced this week that they'll be closing around 50 stores in Canada.
"All in all it's a shame as far as I'm concerned..and a lot of people feel the same way," said shopper Russ Knox.
"At least it gave us some choice," said Loretta Perley.
Employees were notified of the decision on Wednesday. Ritchie says this means 17 jobs lost in the community.
"What do they do now? Some of them were counting on this to go to college," he said.
The manager of the store in Perth Andover wasn't able to comment on the situation…and News Source 8 made attempts to reach out to the corporate office but haven't heard back. Mayor Ritchie received a letter from Sobey's saying that the store was underperforming.
"Traffic was starting to come here…it was starting to pick up but it was slow to pick up," said Ritchie.
Some say it's just another blow to an already suffering community.
"We're really being tested..trying to maintain a village and all its services and the businesses with all the losses and it's just been a really hard two years," said councilor Dean McAllister.
Save Easy is the other grocery store in Perth Andover, but many say this is just going to lead residents to nearby communities to shop.
"People will just go out of town now and spend their money elsewhere i.e. Grand Falls, the US and so on," said Knox.
The store in Perth-Andover as well as the other ones will officially close at 6p.m. on Saturday July 5th.
Category: News


text:
- Home
- News
- Sports
- Classifieds
- Obituaries
- Entertainment
- Special Sections
- Games
- June Real Estate Guide
- Summer Life in Whitley County
MENTONE — Whitko's softball team lost the championship game of the Tippecanoe Valley Invitational Saturday.
The Lady Wildcats fell to Northwestern by a score of 10-0 in six innings.
Emily Weigold and Kennedy Hart got the lone pair of hits for Whitko.
From the circle, Aly Nicodemus took the loss but allowed just one earned run to Northwestern.
In the first game of the tournament, Whitko defeated its TRC rival, host Tippecanoe Valley.
The Lady Wildcats beat the Lady Vikings, 13-3.
Tippy Valley scored all three of its runs in the first inning, but Whitko bounced back, scoring multiple runs in the final five innings to take the win.
Whitko was keyed by 18 hits as a team against Tippy Valley. Weigold and Amanda Shepherd each had four hits for the Lady Wildcats.
Hart and Tiffany Ousely had three each as well for Whitko.
From the circle, Weigold pitched a complete game to earn the win, striking out five in the process.
Whitko is now 2-10 and opens its conference slate this week.View more articles in:


text:
- Mumsnet Reviews
- Product Information
Your Reviews
"My DS3 loooves this toy. Great idea as we have…"
My DS3 loooves this toy. Great idea as we have had 2 different track based toys in the past and they tend to break or the pieces get lost, this one does not to be joined together for the truck to race around.
Downside is it's pretty noisy and repetitive, but this is only annoying to parents, the kids love it. Tonka toys are pretty solid in comparison to other similar toys and this one is no exception.
Overall a great toy.Read moreLess
Mumsnetter nowit6Number of total reviews contributed on Mumsnet3Number of Toys and gifts reviews contributed
6 reviews posted
2 Mumsnetters found them helpful


text:
What's New
Legislative District Detail
Details for Senate District 19: Tony Strickland
Colleges and
Click on the name of the College or University for more information.
University of California
UC Santa Barbara
California State University
CSU Channel Islands
California Community Colleges
College of the Canyons
Moorpark College
Santa Barbara City College
Ventura College
WASC-Accredited Non-public 4-Year Institutions
California Institute of the Arts
California Lutheran University
Fielding Graduate University
Pacifica Graduate Institute
Saint John's Seminary
Westmont College
State-Approved Institutions
Adizes Graduate School
Brooks Institute
Santa Barbara and Ventura Colleges of Law
Santa Barbara Business College
Santa Barbara Graduate Institute
Southern California Institute of Law, Ventura Campus
World University of America, Ojai
Educational and
Click on the description to see how this district compares with other districts and the statewide average.
College Going Rate (CGR) to Public
CGR to UC
CGR to CSU
CGR to CCC
CGR Trend Options
CGR Trend Graph
College Choices for Local High Schools
Counties in this DistrictClick on a county name for detailed information about the county. Los Angeles
Santa Barbara
Regions in this DistrictClick on a region name for detailed information about the region. Central Coast
Los Angeles


text:
Long Pubic Hair Pics
Grotbergour expert booksellers pick. Softballsave on rawlings baseball helmets free shipping over. Facelift, non surgical facelift, acne littekens, littekens, slappe huid. Repair microsoft updates in minutes long pubic hair pics. Never get touched by another shop again. What is the rosetta stone? The rosetta long pubic hair pics.


text:
Updates from Flory
I received an email from Flory last week. Amina (Bujumbura, Burundi), Georgette (Nayngezi, DR Congo) and Akayesu (Kigali, Rwanda) were able to meet to discuss how things are going. Things move much slower in Central Africa than they do in the US. In the two months since I left, there was very little progress among […]
Comments Off on Updates from Flory
Oct 17th, 2008 Updates


text:
For the typical short-handed cruising sailor, the autopilot is often the third crew member, enabling the short-handed crew to be more places at once when necessary, relieving weariness and allowing more sleep for the off-watch crew member.
Autopilots are invaluable for the cruising sailor - for serious, and not so serious, reasons
Autopilots have their strengths and weaknesses, so it's good news that the technology which is coming soon will be making them more flexible and easier to use.
Raymarine has introduced some innovative breakthroughs in autopilot intelligence which will be good news for us all. As the company which introduced the autohelm in the first place, Raymarine tell us that their new 'Evolution' combines advanced aerospace guidance technology with Raymarine's marine autopilot expertise to deliver a new level of accurate autopilot control.
Tasked with producing an autopilot that has superior performance compared to anything available on the market, has no need of a set-up compass swing or calibration, and does not need to be adjusted to the boat to which it is fitted, the Raymarine teams now pleased to tell us that they have achieved their goal.
This innovative breakthrough in autopilot intelligence uses Evolution AI™ control algorithms which enable Evolution autopilots to perceive their environment and then instantly calculate and evolve steering commands to maximize performance. The result is precise and confident course keeping, regardless of vessel speed or sea conditions.
Your autopilot is about to get much much smarter
At the heart of the Evolution autopilot system is the ultra-compact, EV sensor core; a 9-axis heading sensor and full function course computer in one. Around the same size as a typical marine GPS sensor, the EV sensor core can be either bracket-mounted or flush-mounted horizontally, and as it is built to IPX6 and IPX& waterproofing and submersion standards, it can be installed above or below decks as space and practicality dictate.
The EV sensor core comes in two versions; EV-1 for Raymarine drive systems and EV-2 for drive-by-wire systems. EV-1 uses SeaTalkng cabling for a single power and data connection to an Actuator Control Unit (ACU) which provides power and signal only to a Raymarine hydraulic or mechanical autopilot drive system.
EV-2 simply uses a direct DeviceNet connection to a third party drive-by-wire system such as Teleflex Optimus 360, Volvo Penta IPS or ZF Pod Drive. Autopilot control is via the p70 or p70R control head.
Setting-up an Evolution autopilot takes just 30 seconds; select the boat type – large power, small power, or sail; select the drive type – hydraulic, mechanical, or outboard; and choose the performance level – performance, cruise, or leisure, it is as easy as that.
EV Sensor Core benefits:
Precision monitoring of heading, pitch, roll, and yaw allowing the autopilot to evolve instantly as sea conditions and vessel dynamics change.
Flexible installation options. Mount above or below deck.
Simple SeaTalkng connectivity to the control head and ACU.
Solid state sensor technology delivers dynamic accuracy to within 2 degrees in all conditions.
Auto-compensation for on board magnetic fields and reliable heading accuracy in northern and southern extremes.
Fast and reliable heading data for MARPA, radar overlay, and heading modes on Raymarine multifunction displays.
Evolution autopilot benefits:
On Track Performance
Smoother, more progressive turn-in.
Assured performance for all hull types, at all speeds, with no calibration.
Automatic optimal boat response in all sea states and weather conditions
Selectable modes emphasize comfort, economy, or accurate
Superior Technology
Solid state technology with 9-axis stabilization.
Dynamic accuracy to within 2 degrees in all conditions.
Automatic compensation for magnetic fields.
Enhanced accuracy in extreme north and south latitudes.
The bad news - there's always bad news somewhere - is that this technology will not be available until June 2013. But you could start planning for your new autopilot now.
For sales enquiries contact Raymarine Asia Pty Ltd on (02) 9479 4800.


text:
A speech given in May 2009 to the fourth annual conference of the Property and Freedom Society at the Hotel Karia Princess in Bodrum, Turkey.
Video shot and edited by Sean Gabb, Director of the Libertarian Alliance.
Loading more stuff…
Hmm…it looks like things are taking a while to load. Try again?


text:
Jurich: Growing a community … and carrotsWritten by Stacy Jurich | | email@example.com
Warmer days are becoming a reality once again, as we gratefully feel the sun and watch the tulips and miniature daffodils bloom. I have been thinking about an early June day last year when a light rain, almost a mist, fell through the perfectly warm air as the evening set in. I was in bare feet, as I often am in the garden, feeling the moist soil against my pores. We had just returned to Toledo after a trip to Europe, and were now visiting our garden plot in the Old West End.
Jen was already in the garden when we arrived, digging away with a smile on her face. She too was elated by the mystical mist on that summer evening. Together we walked through the garden and worked our hands into the earth. This experience reconnected us in a very physical and spiritual way with our neighborhood, neighbors and home.
The gardening season is again upon us, when we place seeds into the ground with care and hopeful intentions. Working in the community garden is a source of growth and inspiration. So many positive interactions and benefits result! People continuously pass on the sidewalk and street where we can exchange greetings, share jokes or brief stories, meet new people and establish a visible sense of caring for the neighborhood. These exchanges and relationships are the foundation of a safe and solid community.
Inside the community garden, one can benefit from physical labor, interaction with and learning from Mother Nature, feeling the sun on your skin and the satisfaction of nourishing a seed to fruit. Between the fruit trees, blackberry bushes and rows of plots, more relationships develop as you garden side by side, even if few words are spoken as you mindfully tend your plot. Gardening generates inspiration through labor and a sense of well-being that is better felt than described.
Those I share the plot with and I are by no means expert gardeners. With minimal seasons under our thumbs, we are going in with some research and some experience, but mostly with enthusiasm, excitement and curiosity.
In our first week gardening, we have planted two varieties of kale, spinach, rainbow chard and two varieties of beans in our experimental horizontal and vertical combination pallet garden. Next to that plot, we have planted white onions, garlic, radishes, turnips and potentially our favorite (with the most seeds planted), the cosmic purple carrots.
At home, we have started a variety of lettuce greens, arugula, tomatoes and other vegetables and herbs indoors, which will eventually transfer to our community garden and backyard.
It seems as though gardening has become a popular hobby, what some would call a trend. It is no coincidence that in an age of television and computer screens, Iphones and Facebook, people are turning to the garden. We are (knowingly or not) yearning to become more human and less robotic, and that is an important move.
We are naturally drawn to connect with what is real and thriving, to develop relationships in the real world and witness mystery, growth and life. We are enlivened and strengthened by feeling the rain and sun on our skin and roots, dirt and earthworms in our hands. Each time I garden, I am connecting with our place, a literal grounding of our sense of home and community, beyond a city that we call Toledo.
Email Stacy Jurich at email@example.com.


text:
Falcons fight back in a hurry
Playing at home for just the second time this soccer season, Lee Christian's offense found the back of the net a bunch for a 6-3 win over Carolina Christian Conference foe Neuse Christian Friday afternoon.
The Falcons needed a wake-up call before getting their goal-scoring attack going.
After Neuse Christian scored a goal in the fourth minute, and could've had one or two more goals in the early minutes, the Falcons stormed in front with three goals in six-minute span.
Lee Christian's lead became before 4-1 by halftime and 5-1 early in the second half to take the victory and go to a 3-2 CCC record (3-3 overall). Falcon forward Ju Hyup Jin scored the tying goal in the 11th minute and finished with his second hat trick of the season.
Neuse Christian took the lead thanks to booting a long ball beyond the Falcon defensive line, leading to a 3-on-goalkeeper break and a Lion goal. The Lions had two other similar chances before the Falcon defense adjusted and the Falcon attack started dominating the match in the Lion end of the field.
The Falcons buried three goals to suddenly turn the match around. In the 11th minute, off Spencer Berube's free kick from near midfield, Jin controlled the ball near the right sideline before dribbling in and, still from a very narrow angle, drove a shot banging off the bottom of the left goal post and into the net.
Three minutes later, off a Falcon throw-in, Christian Natale got the ball moving in toward the top of the Lion penalty box, then smashed a shot by the Lion goalkeeper and just inside the left post for a 2-1 Falcon lead.
Three minutes after the Natale goal, Berube found space in midfield, largely because he was still closer to the midfield stripe than the Lion goal, and he struck a 35-yard shot into the top, left corner of the goal for a 3-1 Lee Christian lead.
After the slow start, the Falcons found attacking success, especially by moving the ball quickly down both flanks. The 3-1 Falcon lead came from only four Falcon shots on goal.
In the 35th minute, Garrison Weaver's dribbling down the right side of the box, then a nice, easy pass into Jin's path as he made a run into the Lion box, set up Jin to cleanly strike a 15-yard shot into the net for a 4-1 Falcon lead.
Weaver scored a goal in the 51st minute, scoring with his second shot after his first try was deflected.
Neuse Christian scored two goals less than two minutes apart, in the 68th and 69th minutes, making it 5-3 Falcons.
Jin scored his third goal in the 76th minute, hitting a shot from near the top of the Neuse Christian box which hit a defender, but still deflected into the goal.
Lee Christian outshot the Lions 25-6 in shots on goal and, thanks largely to keeping the ball in the Lion end of the field for the majority of the last 70 minutes of the match, held an 11-4 advantage in corner kicks.
The Falcons host another CCC match, against Community Christian, at 5:30 p.m. Tuesday.


text:
Brand Identity Quote Request
Please complete our logo design quote request below. This brief is designed to give us the best possible insight into what it is you are trying to achieve in your logo design. The more information you give us, the better we will understand your requirements, the better we can quote you, and match one of our designers to suit your needs.


text:
Tags: femdom, fetish, domination, humiliation, free, porn, amateur
Submited: 6 years old
Copyright © 2006 - 2015 DeviantClip.com - All Rights Reserved.
Support / Contact - Webmasters Area - Site Map
All actors and models appearing on this website are 18 years or older. Section 2257 DMCA
Poor boy humiliated in this femdom hardcore - How humiliating is this? Bitch boy cant do anything now under this extreme female domination.Making him dress like fuck doll and do whatever she says.This bitch is harsh,another great vid from Tyrannized.com


text:
Gluten-Free Tuesday: Easy Pizza Crust
Telling pizza-savvy SE'rs that this crust can be made without yeast makes me a little nervous. But it's the truth: this crust is excellent without yeast. Since restaurants serving safe gluten-free pizza are still hard to find, it's great being able to make this last-minute crust without having to allow it to rise. More


text:
Graduate engineers now working in industry, who are interested in a career as a faculty member in one of the SME disciplines are encouraged to apply for the prestigious Seeley W. Mudd Memorial Fund Ph.D. Fellowship, administered by SME. The fellowship, which is worth $30,000 per year and may be renewed for another two years will enable the successful candidate to embark on a Ph.D. program, including the initiation of a research career, that should provide the credentials needed for a position as a faculty member. Fellows will be mentored by faculty at their university and by members of the Seeley W. Mudd Memorial Fund Ph.D. Fellowship Advisory Committee and members of SME's Council of Education and Accreditation. Participating universities are expected to share in some educational costs of this program, which adds to its significance.
The successful candidate will have an excellent educational record, demonstrate an interest in engineering education and the solution of engineering problems, have had applicable employment experiences, and will have a current employer who is supportive of the Fellowship's goals. The application requires completion of a cover form, two separate essays, a personal biography that emphasizes experiences germane to the Fellowship, and letters of reference.
Non-binding expressions of interest – e-mail, telephone call, short letter – are due by November 27th, 2011, and completed applications are due January 8th, 2012. Potential candidates are urged to consult with a member of the Committee or an appropriate member of SME staff as they prepare their materials.
* Non binding expression of interest due November 27th, 2011. Completed applications due January 8th, 2012.
If you have any questions or wish to express interest please contact: Mona Vandervoort (firstname.lastname@example.com), 303-948-4227 or fax: 303-948-4265.
Society for Mining, Metallurgy, and Exploration, Inc.12999 E. Adam Aircraft Circle, Englewood, CO 80127
Download Application & Guidelines here.


text:
Late Antiquity
written by Gillian Clark
Oxford University Press | ISBN 9780199546206
Paperback – 152 pages
Member's price: $13.46
Usually ships within 2–11 business days.
Late antiquity: decline or transformation, conflict or interaction? Late antiquity is the period (c.300 - c.800) in which barbarian invasions ended Roman Empire in Western Europe by the fifth century and Arab invasions ended Roman rule over the eastern and southern Mediterranean coasts by the seventh century. Asking 'what, where, and when' Gillian Clark presents an introduction to the concept of late antiquity and the events of its time. Not only a period of cultural clashes, political restructurings, and geographical controversies, Clark also demonstrates the sheer richness and diversity of religious life as well as the significant changes to trade, economy, archaeology, and towns. Encapsulating significant developments through vignettes, she reflects upon the period by asking the question 'How much can we recognise in the world of late antiquity?'
Similar items
Forest Phoenix
by Sam Banks, David Blair, David Lindenmayer, Lachlan McBurney
Annibale Carracci's Venus, Adonis and Cupid
by Maria Alvarez-Garcillan Morales, Ana Gonzalez Mozo, Andres Ubeda De Los Cobos
The Master of Flemalle and Rogier van der Weyden
by J. J. Gordon, Ursula Vorwerk
Creative Writing and Art History
by Catherine Grant, Patricia Rubin
Death in Florence
by Paul Strathern


text:
As a Senior: Garnered ACC Defensive Player of the Week honors (2/23) after racking up two ground balls, one draw control and her first career goal against in 13-2 rout of No. 16 Penn State...boasted season-high three ground balls vs. No. 9 Syracuse (3/12)...tallied three ground balls and three caused turnovers against No. 4 North Carolina (4/8)...also racked up three caused turnovers against No. 8 Penn...posted a game-high two ground balls and two caused turnovers at No. 16 Georgetown (4/28)...tallied three ground balls and a pair of caused turnovers against Duke in the national semifinals...notched 30 ground balls, 19 draw controls and 22 caused turnovers for the nation's top ranked defense.
As a Junior in 2010: Started in all but one match for the national champion Terps...pivotal part of the top-ranked defense in the nation...blazing speed helped Maryland boast a .884 clear percentage....led the team with 43 ground balls...also tallied 23 caused turnovers and seven draw controls...had a season-high four caused turnover in a win against Virginia (3/5)...also added four ground balls against the Cavs...tallied multiple ground balls in 13 matches in 2010...tallied four ground balls in limited action against Marist in the NCAA First Round (5/15)...caused a pair of turnovers and added four ground balls in a 20-6 rout of New Hampshire (3/13).
As a Sophomore in 2009: Named to the All-Tournament team at the NCAA Final Four in Towson...led Maryland with 40 groundballs and was third in caused turnovers with 20...played in all 22 matches, earning starts in 21...notched assists against Towson (3/24) and Stanford (3/29)...started her Maryland career with three groundballs, two draw controls and three caused turnovers at Richmond (2/15)...secured four groundballs against Georgetown (3/11)...caused a turnover and added a season-best six groundballs at Towson (3/24)...had four groundballs and two caused turnovers at James Madison (3/27)...caused a season-high four turnovers while adding three groundballs and a draw control as the Terps topped Stanford (3/29)...added five groundballs against Penn State (4/3)...totaled five groundballs and one caused turnover in Maryland's run to the NCAA Final Four.
As a Freshman in 2008 (at Louisville): Led the nation in caused turnovers with 56...tenth in NCAA Division I in groundballs with 54...accumulated 14 goals and eight assists for 22 points as a defensive midfielder for the Cards...member of WomensLacrosse.com All-Rookie Team in 2008.
Prep: First Team All-Conference, All-County and team MVP as a junior and a senior at North Carroll...Wendy's High School Heisman Award winner...Academic All-American High School Lacrosse in 2007..also starred in soccer at North Carroll, garnering all-county and all-conference honors...also ran indoor track for the Panthers, specializing in sprints.
Personal: Brittany Margaret Poist was born Sept. 7, 1989...daughter of Debi and Bob Poist...father, Bob, played football and baseball at Towson before signing as a free agent with the Washington Redskins...mother, Debi, played volleyball and was a cheerleader at Nyack College...has two siblings, Ashton and Mackenzie...majoring in studio-art design.


text:
Hang tight!
Recipe by Ken from CA
"So simple but amazingly good. The pork comes out very tender and juicy while the milk reduces down to create a savory brown sauce. All this in 1 pot."
Hmm. None of these ingredients are on sale today.
Show ingredients on sale
Sort stores by
Save money at local stores when ingredients are on sale!
Watch video tips and tricks
1 (2 1/2 pound)
boneless pork loin roast, rolled and tied
1 teaspoon
1/2 teaspoon
black pepper
2 tablespoons
vegetable oil
2 tablespoons
3 cups
whole milk
1 teaspoon
chopped fresh rosemary
1 clove
garlic, minced
3 tablespoons
A perfect recipe, fulfilling every criteria of a 5-star rating--thanks, Ken from CA! The ingredient list is accurate & the instructions clear. If anything, this underpromises & overdelivers. (Three times, my normally-quiet husband said, "My God, this is good.") Specifics: (1) PREPARATION. Easy! This is a restaurant-quality dish, which puzzled our dinner guests, who asked if my schedule had changed since it seemed I'd been cooking all afternoon. (2) RELIABILITY. Follow the instructions & there's no way to mess this up. (I made a couple of mistakes—the phone rang while I brought the milk to a boil; no problem—just skim the overboil and add more milk. I also set my gas burner too high, allowing the milk to boil down too quickly; adding more milk was an instant fix.) (3) FLEXIBILITY. Don't hesitate if you have a smaller loin, or maybe a larger one (as in our case). Substitute garlic salt for regular, if you wish. Etc. (4) PLATING. Carving's a pleasure because the pork's just-right tender and manageable. (5) SERVICE. There are a variety of options. Since the finished pork and gravy looked scrumptious, I decided to carve at the table, thus set the whole loin on an oblong serving dish, surrounding it with sliced tomatoes and mixed lettuce leaves. (6) BONUS. The gravy makes itself! * DO* COOK DOWN THE MILK TILL IT'S THICK, CURDLED AND GOLDEN BROWN. THE SAVORY KERNELS WILL POP IN YOUR MOUTH.
I am glad I tried this recipe but found that it just wasn't for me. It was too salty and the meat turned out dry. I did like the 'milk curds' but again...too saltly. I prefer more seasonings. Interesting recipe though...
63 Ratings
Any pork loin will work for this. Tying it just helps maintain its shape. And my recipe didn't call for it to be trimmed. Actually, you want some fat on it. Fat is flavor. If you cover this completely, it will overcook. The lid should be about 3/4 on so it can vent over a nice simmer. I think people are covering this or cooking over too high a heat, because this is one of the most foolproof ways to cook pork LOIN (not tenderloin).
Moist, tender, flavorful ...a whole new cooking method for me; We love pork, but I do not like "dry" pork roast. This recipe is very easy and basically foolproof. I followed the recipe exactly; also followed your suggestions given under the Reviews, below. (Yes, we used a pork loin roast, not tenderloin.) The "cooked down nutty brown savory kernels" made its own BEST-tasting gravy "as is" without having to add a single thing! -- Using chopped fresh rosemary was also essential; adds a subtle flavor! Thank you Ken from CA! I am happy to have your recipe!
When i was preparing this recipe, i thought i must be doing something wrong because it looked weird and how could curdled milk possibly taste good. Well, don't be fooled, although it does not have the prettiest presentation, the flavor is amazing. Highly recommend and im sure any pork roast would work fine
This is to die for. You need to try it! I'm going to cut the salt in half next time though -- we could only eat tiny portions of the wonderful brown kernel sauce because the salt was just too much for us. We do tend to be low-sodium kinda people, though, I guess the low sodium diet has finally succeeded in changing our tastebuds! This smells so divine and looks like you slaved for hours, when really, you just prepped it and left it for a few hours! Thanks for the recipe, Ken, I'm sure we'll have this again! (To those who wound up with dry meat -- you need to use a deep pot, so that the meat is swimming in as deep a milk mixture as you can get. I also turned my roast (using tongs!) halfway through to keep the top from getting too dry.)
This is a recipe that I had saved almost from the day it was published and never got around to making until tonight. I had some pork medallions that were in my freezer needing to be used. I decided that if this recipe was intended for a roast, then it would also be fine with what I had, and right I was. Followed the recipe exactly only I did up the garlic to two cloves and used dried rosemary. I do think it's essential that a heavy bottomed dutch oven be used. It produces a nice even heat distribution for even cooking and no problem with recreating the sauce to look like it was intended. Great job Ken and thanks for thinking outside the "box" with this one.
Delicious. A very tender, moist pork loin. Tying I did not do and had no problem with it. I asked Ken, in the exchange, if I had done the sauce right. He said it should have been cooked longer til it turned more brown. Albeit, it wasn't a nutty brown it was still very, very good. Thanks for the recipe Ken!
* Percent Daily Values are based on a 2,000 calorie diet.
Milk Braised Pork Loin
Serving Size: 1/8 of a recipe
Servings Per Recipe: 8
Amount Per Serving
Calories: 313
Calories from Fat: 187
Kale is the healthy, green leaf that transforms into a crunchy snack chip in your oven.
You can't go wrong choosing from over 400 pork chop recipes with ratings and tips!
Delicious recipes, party ideas, and cooking tips! Get a year of Allrecipes magazine for $7.99!
Watch how to marinate and grill pork loin chops.
An incredibly simple, flavorful pork roast that needs just four ingredients.
Double up the pork in this bacon-wrapped pork roast.


text: Healthy Recipes Seared Sesame Scallops with Avocado Sauce Recipe E-mail recipe Print recipe To save this recipe, register now! Quick Info: Servings Nutritional Info (Per serving): Recipe Source: Prep Time: 5 mins Cook Time: 17 mins Total Time: 22 mins Ingredients 2 pounds sea scallops 1/2 cup(s) sesame seeds 2 teaspoon oil, olive 1 teaspoon garlic salt, 1/2 for scallops and 1/2 for sauce 2 large pepper(s), yellow, seeded and sliced thinly 10 cup(s) spinach, loosely packed 1 teaspoon garlic, minced 2 tablespoon lime juice 2 medium avocado, mashed 2 teaspoon cilantro 1 cup(s) sour cream, light or fat-free 1/4 cup(s) cilantro, fresh, for garnish Preparation To Prepare Scallops: 1. In a small bowl coat scallops with sesame seeds. 2. In a large nonstick or cast-iron skillet, heat olive oil over medium-high heat. 3. Sear scallops for 1-2 minutes per side until slightly brown; sprinkle with garlic salt. 4. Reduce heat to low and cook scallops 1-2 minutes longer, until just done. Do not overcook. 5. Remove scallops from pan and set aside. 6. Return pan to medium-high heat. Add yellow peppers to skillet and saute until tender; remove and set aside. 7. Add spinach and garlic to pan and saute until tender. Remove and set aside. To Prepare Sauce: 1. Heat lime juice, avocados, garlic salt and cilantro over medium heat until just warm. Do not bring to boil. 2. Stir in sour cream and heat until warm but not hot. To serve: Spread spinach on a medium platter and top with half the sauce. Top sauce with the yellow peppers, scallops and remaining sauce. Sprinkle with cilantro. E-mail recipe Print recipe To save this recipe, register now!


text:
FAB: Midnight Breakfast!FAB: Midnight Breakfast!http://www.haverford.edu/calendar/details/240691DC Sunken Lounge2014-05-11T23:30:002014-05-12T01:00:00
May 11,2014 11:30PM–1:00AM
DC Sunken Lounge
The FAB Finals semesterly breakfast feast to help get you through Finals Week!
A late-night meal hosted by FAB & members of the Dean's Office to start Final's Week off on the right foot!
Eggs, Bacon, French Toast Sticks, Tater Tots and more!
For More Info
Fords Against Boredom