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What To Do About Affirmative Action
The thinking behind the policy of racial preference which has been followed in America over the past quarter-century under the name of "affirmative action"1 is best summed up by former Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun's famous dictum that, "In order to get beyond racism, we must first take race into account."
The Orwellian quality of Blackmun's admonition is obvious. Seldom has a democratic government's policy so completely contradicted the core values of its citizenry as racial preference does in violating the universally held American ideals of fairness and individual rights, including the right to be free from discrimination. Not surprisingly, then, where Americans regarded the original civil-rights legislation as representing a long-overdue fulfillment of the country's democratic promise, they overwhelmingly see racial preference as an undemocratic and alien concept, a policy implemented by stealth and subterfuge and defended by duplicity and legalistic tricks.
Americans do not believe that past discrimination against blacks in the workplace justifies present discrimination against whites. Nor do they accept the thesis that tests and standards are tainted, en masse, by cultural bias against minorities. Having been taught in high-school civics classes that gerrymandering to ensure party domination represents a defect in democracy, Americans are bewildered by the argument that gerrymandering is necessary to ensure the political representation of blacks and Hispanics. They are unimpressed by the contention that a university's excellence is enhanced by the mere fact of racial and ethnic diversity in its student body, especially when entrance requirements must be lowered substantially to achieve that goal.
Americans, in short, oppose racial preference in all its embodiments, and have signified their opposition in opinion poll after opinion poll, usually by margins of three to one or more, with women as strongly opposed as men, and with an impressive proportion of blacks indicating opposition as well. The contention, repeatedly advanced by advocates of preferential policies, that a national consensus exists in support of such policies has been true only at the level of political elites. Americans do support what might be called soft affirmative action, entailing special recruitment, training, and outreach efforts, and are willing to accept some short-term compensatory measures to rectify obvious cases of proven discrimination. But attitudes have, if anything, hardened against the kind of aggressive, numbers-driven preference schemes increasingly encountered in university admissions and civil-service hiring.
Nonetheless, up until this year, racial preference in its various manifestations has been impressively resistant to calls for reform, much less elimination. In fact, race consciousness has begun to insinuate itself into areas which, common sense alone would suggest, should be immune to intrusive government social engineering. To cite but one example of this disturbing trend: Congress has mandated that guidelines be established guaranteeing the involvement of minorities (and women) in clinical research—a form of scientific experimentation by quota.
There is, furthermore, reason to question whether the advocates of race-conscious social policy continue to take seriously the objective of getting "beyond race," a condition which presumably would warrant the elimination of all preferential programs. The late Thurgood Marshall, an outspoken champion of preference while on the Supreme Court, is reported to have blurted out during an in-chambers discussion that blacks would need affirmative action for a hundred years. A similar opinion has been expressed by Benjamin Hooks, the former director of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Hooks contends that affirmative action in some form should be accepted as one of those permanent, irritating features of American life—he cited as examples speeding laws and the April 15 income-tax deadline—which citizens tolerate as essential to the efficient and just functioning of society.
Neither Marshall nor Hooks is regarded as an extremist on race matters; their advocacy of a permanent regime of affirmative action falls within the mainstream of present-day liberal thought. The promotion of "diversity"—the latest euphemism for preferential representation—is as fundamental to liberal governance as was the protection of labor unions in an earlier era. And until very recently, liberal proponents of preference clearly believed that history was on their side.
Thus, where enforcement agencies were formerly cautious in pressing affirmative action on the medical profession, the Clinton administration was formulating plans for a quota system throughout the health-care workforce. The goal, according to one memo of Hillary Clinton's task force, was nothing less than to ensure that this workforce achieve "sufficient racial, ethnic, gender, geographic, and cultural diversity to be representative of the people it serves." The task force also had plans to guide minority doctors into specialties while tracking other doctors into general practice. To realize this medical-care diversity blueprint, the task force proposed the creation of a bureaucracy with coercive powers to regulate the "geographic" and "cultural" distribution of physicians and other medical practitioners.
How did America drift from the ideal of a color-blind society to the current environment of quotas, goals, timetables, race-norming, set-asides, diversity-training, and the like?
Those troubled by this question often refer wistfully to Martin Luther King, Jr.'s declaration that he hoped to see the day when his children would be judged by the content of their character and not by the color of their skin. Yet it must be recognized that even when King uttered those inspirational words at the 1963 March on Washington, they no longer reflected the thinking of crucial segments of the civil-rights movement. Already, increasingly influential black activists and their white supporters were advancing demands for hiring plans based on racial quotas. In pressing for such plans (then called compensatory treatment), the civil-rights movement was being joined by officials from the Kennedy administration, as well as by white intellectuals who, going further, announced that black economic equality could never be attained without a wholesale adjustment of standards and the merit principle.
These ruminations were not lost on the Dixiecrat opponents of desegregation, and the charge was soon made that Title VII of the pending civil-rights bill—the section dealing with discrimination in the workplace—would lead to the widespread practice of reverse discrimination. This in turn provoked a series of statements and speeches by stalwart liberals like Senators Hubert Humphrey, Joseph Clark, and Clifford Case, adamantly and unequivocally denying that the bill could be interpreted to permit racial preference.
In order to dispel lingering doubts, Humphrey and other supporters inserted an amendment to the bill declaring flatly that the law's purpose was to rectify cases of intentional discrimination and that it was not intended to impose sanctions simply because a workplace contained few blacks or because few blacks passed an employment test. Armed with this and similar clauses prohibiting reverse discrimination, Humphrey promised to "start eating the pages [of the civil-rights bill] one after another" if anyone could discover language in it "which provides that an employer will have to hire on the basis of percentage or quota."
Under normal circumstances, the insertion of unambiguous anti-preference language, combined with the condemnations of reverse discrimination by the bill's sponsors, would have been sufficient to prevent the subsequent distortion of the law's intent. But these protections turned out to be useless against the determination of the country's elites (in the political system, in the media, in the universities, and in the courts) to override them. Having concluded (especially after the urban riots of the late 60's) that social peace demanded racial preference, political leaders from both parties, along with a growing number of intellectuals and activists, both white and black, began looking upon the anti-preference clauses in Title VII as obstacles to be circumvented rather than guides to be followed. The anti-preference language which had been added to ensure passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was now not only ignored but treated as though it did not even exist.
Hence there was no serious effort by either Congress or the courts or anyone else to rein in the civil-rights bureaucracy, which dismissed the anti-preference provisions with contempt from the very outset. A "big zero, a nothing, a nullity," is how these provisions were characterized by an official of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) at the time. Federal enforcement officials in general, most of whom were white, were more aggressive in pursuing preferences, and less inclined to reflect on the broader implications of affirmative action, than were many mainstream black leaders of that day, some of whom—Roy Wilkins, Bayard Rustin, and Clarence Mitchell, for example—opposed reverse discrimination on moral and political grounds.
The part played by the EEOC in putting together the structure of racial preference cannot be overstated. In blithe and conscious disregard of the anti-preference sections of Title VII, EEOC officials broadened the definition of discrimination to encompass anything which contributed to unequal outcomes. In its most far-reaching move, the EEOC launched an all-out assault on employment testing. The agency's mindset was reflected in comments about "irrelevant and unreasonable standards," "the cult of credentialism," and "artificial barriers."
Yet despite the ingenuity of its lawyers in devising intricate arguments to circumvent the strictures against reverse discrimination—and despite the willingness of activist judges to accept these arguments—the EEOC could never have achieved its aims had it not been for a transformation of elite attitudes toward the problem of race in America.
In 1964, the year the Civil Rights Act was passed, an optimistic and morally confident America believed that the challenge posed by the "Negro revolution" could be met through a combination of anti-discrimination laws, economic growth, and the voluntary good will of corporations, universities, and other institutions. But by the decade's end, a crucial segment of elite opinion had concluded that America was deeply flawed, even sick, and that racism, conscious or otherwise, permeated every institution and government policy. Where individual prejudice had previously been identified as the chief obstacle to black progress, now a new target, "institutional racism," was seen as the principal villain. And where it was once thought that democratic guarantees against discrimination, plus the inherent fairness of the American people, were sufficient to overcome injustice, the idea now took hold that since racism was built into the social order, coercive measures were required to root it out.
In this view, moreover, the gradualist Great Society approach launched by Lyndon Johnson, which stressed education, training, and the strengthening of black institutions, could not alleviate the misery of the inner-city poor, at least not as effectively as forcing employers to hire them. Even Johnson himself began calling for affirmative action and issued an executive order directing that federal contractors adopt hiring policies which did not discriminate on the basis of race (or gender); in a process that would soon become all too familiar, court decisions and the guidelines of regulators subsequently interpeted the directive as mandating racial balance in the workforce, thus paving the way for demands that companies doing business with the government institute what often amounted to quotas in order to qualify for contracts.
Little noticed at the time—or, for that matter, later—was that black America was in the midst of a period of unprecedented economic progress, during which black poverty declined, the racial income gap substantially narrowed, black college enrollment mushroomed, and black advancement into the professions took a substantial leap forward. All this, it should be stressed, occurred prior to the introduction of government-mandated racial preference.
Once affirmative action got going, there was no holding it back. The civil-rights movement and those responsible for implementing civil-rights policy simply refused to accept an approach under which preference would be limited to cases of overt discrimination, or applied to a narrow group of crucial institutions, such as urban police departments, where racial integration served a pressing public need. Instead, every precedent was exploited to further the permanent entrenchment of race consciousness.
For example, the Philadelphia Plan, the first preferential policy to enjoy presidential backing (the President being Richard Nixon), was a relatively limited effort calling for racial quotas in the Philadelphia building trades, an industry with a notorious record of racial exclusion. Yet this limited program was seized upon by the EEOC and other agencies as a basis for demanding hiring-by-the-numbers schemes throughout the economy, whether or not prior discrimination could be proved.
Similarly, once a race-conscious doctrine was applied to one institution, it inevitably expanded its reach into other arenas. The Supreme Court's decision in Griggs v. Duke Power, Inc.—that employment tests could be found to constitute illegal discrimination if blacks failed at a higher rate than whites—was ostensibly confined to hiring and promotion. But Griggs was used to legitimize the burgeoning movement against testing and standards in the educational world as well. Tracking by intellectual ability, special classes for high achievers, selective high schools requiring admissions tests, standardized examinations for university admissions—all were accused of perpetuating historic patterns of bias.
The campaign against testing and merit in turn gave rise to a series of myths about the economy, the schools, the workplace, about America itself. Thus, lowering job standards as a means of hiring enough blacks to fill a quota was justified on the grounds that merit had never figured prominently in the American workplace, that the dominant principles had always been nepotism, back-scratching, and conformism. To explain the racial gap in Scholastic Aptitude Test scores, the concept of cultural bias was advanced, according to which disparities in results derived from the tests' emphasis on events and ideas alien to urban black children. Another theory claimed that poor black children were not accustomed to speaking standard English and were therefore placed at a disadvantage in a normal classroom environment. It was duly proposed that black children be taught much like immigrant children, with bilingual classes in which both standard English and black English would be utilized. A related theory stated that black children retained a distinct learning style which differed in significant respects from the learning styles of other children. As one educator expressed the theory, any test which stressed "logical, analytical methods of problem-solving" would ipso facto be biased against blacks.
Until quite recently, the very idea of abolishing racial preference was unthinkable; the most realistic ambitions for the critics of race-based social policy went no further than trying to limit—limit, not stop—the apparently relentless spread of racial preferences throughout the economy, the schools and universities, and the political system. Yet it now appears not only that the momentum of racial preference has been halted, but that, at a minimum, a part of the imposing affirmative-action edifice will be dismantled. Furthermore, a process has already been set in motion which could conceivably lead to the virtual elimination of race-based programs.
Racial preferences have become vulnerable mainly because of the sudden collapse of the elite consensus which always sustained affirmative action in the face of popular opposition. Where in the past many Republicans could be counted on to support, or at least tolerate, racial preferences, the new congressional majority seems much more inclined to take a sharply critical look at existing racial policies. Equally important is the erosion of support for preference within the Democratic party. While some newly skeptical Democrats are clearly motivated by worries about reelection, others have welcomed the opportunity to express long-suppressed reservations about policies which they see as having corrupted, divided, and weakened their party.
The revolt against affirmative action has also been heavily influenced by the fact that, as preferential policies have extended throughout the economy, a critical mass of real or perceived victims of reverse discrimination has been reached—white males who have been denied jobs, rejected for promotion, or prevented from attending the college or professional school of their choice because slots were reserved for blacks (or other minorities or women).
There is, no doubt, an inclination on the part of white men to blame affirmative action when they are passed over for jobs or promotions, a tendency which is reinforced by the atmosphere of secrecy surrounding most preference programs. But enough is known about affirmative action in the public sector through information which has come out in the course of litigation to conclude that thousands of whites have indeed been passed over for civil-service jobs and university admissions because of outright quotas for racial minorities. It is also clear that a considerable number of private businesses have been denied government contracts because of minority set-asides.
Another major factor in the change of attitude toward affirmative action is the California Civil Rights Initiative (CCRI), which has already had an incalculable impact. The CCRI was organized by two white, male, and politically moderate professors in the California state-university system. The measure would amend the California constitution to prohibit the state government or any state agency (including the university system) from granting preference on the basis of race, ethnicity, or gender in employment, college admissions, or the awarding of contracts. It would, in other words, effectively ban affirmative-action programs mandated by the state.
Though limited to California, the CCRI is at heart a response to the logical destination of affirmative action everywhere in America: quota systems sustained by the support of elites from both political parties. To be sure, policy by racial classification has grown more pervasive in California than elsewhere in America. White males have been told not to bother applying for positions with the Los Angeles fire department due to the need to fill minority quotas. In San Francisco, Chinese students are denied admission to a selective public high school because of an ethnic cap; for similar reasons, whites, mainly Jews and East European immigrants, are often denied admission to magnet schools in Los Angeles. A de-facto quota system effectively denies white males the opportunity to compete for faculty positions at certain state colleges. And, incredibly enough, the state legislature passed a bill calling for ethnic "guidelines" not only for admission to the state-university system but for graduation as well. The bill was vetoed by Governor Pete Wilson; had a Democrat been governor, it would almost certainly have become law.
The true impact of the CCRI can be gauged by the degree of fear it has generated among supporters of affirmative action. So long as the debate could be limited to the courts, the agencies of race regulation, and, when unavoidable, the legislative arena, affirmative action was secure. The mere threat of taking the issue directly to the voters, as the CCRI's sponsors propose to do through the referendum process, has elicited a downright panicky response—itself a clear indication that the advocates of racial preference understand how unpopular their case is, and how weak.
But a note of caution must be sounded to those who believe that current developments will lead inexorably to the reinstitution of color-blindness as the reigning principle in racial matters. The resilience of affirmative action in the face of widespread popular hostility suggests that even a modest change of course could prove a difficult and highly divisive affair.
There is, to begin with, the fact that affirmative action has been introduced largely by skirting the normal democratic process of debate and legislative action. Affirmative action is by now rooted in literally thousands of presidential directives, court decisions, enforcement-agency guidelines, and regulatory rules. These will not easily be overturned.
There is also the complicating factor of the federal judiciary's central role in overseeing racial policy. Given the emotionally charged character of the racial debate, the critics of racial preference will be tempted to postpone legislative action in the hope that the Supreme Court will resolve the issue once and for all. But while the Court today is less prone to judicial activism than during the Warren and Burger years, and while it may decide to limit the conditions under which a preferential program can be applied, it is unlikely to do away with affirmative action altogether.
The Republicans will face another temptation: to exploit white hostility to racial preference but avoid serious political action to eliminate it. A powerful political logic lies behind this temptation, since getting rid of affirmative action would also deprive the Republicans of a potent wedge issue. Yet one can hardly imagine a less desirable outcome than a prolonged and angry political confrontation over race. Moreover, if responsible politicians who share a principled opposition to preference decline to take the initiative, the door will be opened to racists and unscrupulous demagogues.
An additional obstacle to change is the fact that eliminating affirmative action does not offer much of a financial payoff. Affirmative action is not expensive; its only direct cost to the taxpayer is the expense of maintaining civil-rights agencies like the EEOC.
Claims have been made that affirmative action does represent a major cost to the American economy, but the facts are unclear since neither the media nor scholarly researchers nor the corporations themselves have shown an interest in undertaking an investigation of its economic impact. Indeed, though affirmative action is one of the most intensely discussed social issues of the day, it is probably the least researched. Press coverage is generally limited to the political debate; seldom are stories done about the actual functioning of affirmative-action programs. Nor is there much serious scholarly investigation of such questions as affirmative action's impact on employee morale, the performance of students admitted to college on an affirmative-action track, or the degree to which contract set-asides have contributed to the establishment of stable minority businesses.
Given the truly massive amount of research devoted to racial issues over the years, the lack of attention to preferential policies raises the suspicion that what has been operating here is a deliberate decision to avoid knowing the details of affirmative action's inner workings out of fear of the public reaction.
Opponents of racial preference must also contend with the widespread acceptance of the "diversity" principle within certain key institutions. Here the American university stands out for its uncritical embrace of the notion that, as one recent cliché has it, "diversity is part of excellence." When Francis Lawrence, the president of Rutgers University, came under fire for uttering the now-famous phrase which seemed to question the genetic capabilities of black students, his principal defense—indeed practically his only defense—was that he had increased minority enrollment at Rutgers and during a previous administrative stint at Tulane. True to form, no one bothered to ask how black students recruited under Lawrence's diversity initiatives had fared academically or psychologically, or how the campus racial atmosphere had been affected, or how much standards had been adjusted to achieve the quota. The body count, and the body count alone, was what mattered for Lawrence, and, it would seem, for administrators at many campuses.
The diversity principle is also firmly entrenched throughout government service. Most agencies include a diversity or affirmative-action department, headed by an official with deputy-level status, with intrusive authority to promote staff "balance" and minority participation in contract bidding. So, too, private corporations have accepted affirmative action as part of the price of doing business. Large corporations, in fact, can usually be counted on to oppose anti-quota legislation, preferring the simplicity of hiring by the numbers to the uncertainty of more flexible systems and the increased possibilities of anti-discrimination litigation brought by minorities or by whites claiming reverse bias.
But of course the most serious obstacle to change is black America's strong attachment to affirmative action. Race-conscious policies have had no demonstrable effect at all on the black poor, but they are widely perceived as having played a crucial role in creating the first mass black middle class in American history. The claim here is wildly exaggerated—to repeat, the trend was already well advanced before affirmative action got going. Nevertheless, to many blacks, affirmative action has become not a series of temporary benefits but a basic civil right, almost as fundamental as the right to eat at a restaurant or live in the neighborhood of one's choice, and certainly more important than welfare.
Accordingly, black leaders, who are always quick to condemn even the most modest changes as "turning back the clock" or as a threat to the gains of the civil-rights movement, have now escalated the counterattack in response to the more sweeping recent challenge to affirmative action. When Governor Pete Wilson made some favorable comments about the CCRI, Jesse Jackson compared him to George Wallace blocking the schoolhouse door in Jim Crow Alabama. And when congressional Republicans moved to rescind a set-aside program in the communications industry, Representative Charles Rangel, a Democrat from Harlem, declared that the move reflected a Nazi-like mindset.
It is true that many blacks are ambivalent about preferences, or even critical of them. At the same time, however, they are highly sensitive to perceptions of white assaults on civil rights, and they may well find polemics of the Jackson and Rangel variety persuasive.
Confronted with all these obstacles, some opponents of affirmative action are leaning toward a compromise strategy involving a program-by-program review. This would be a serious mistake; the most desirable and politically effective course would be federal legislation modeled on the CCRI. Such a measure would leave in place the old laws against discrimination but would eliminate all federal programs which extend preference on the basis of race (as well as ethnicity or gender).
The measure could conceivably take the form of a reaffirmation of the sections of the 1964 Civil Rights Act dealing with the workplace, with special emphasis on the clauses explicitly prohibiting reverse discrimination. But whatever the specific shape of the new legislation, absolute clarity would be required on the principal issue: there would be no room for fudging, vagueness, or loopholes on the question of bringing the era of race-conscious social policy to a close. The legislation would therefore also have to include an explicit disavowal of the disparate-impact doctrine, under which the disproportionate representation of the races (or sexes) is often regarded as evidence in itself of discrimination, and which has often led to the imposition of de-facto quota systems.
The political struggle over this kind of sweeping legislation would be angry and unpleasant. But eliminating both the practice of racial preference and the controversy surrounding it would set the stage for an ultimate improvement in the racial environment throughout American society. On the other hand, an approach focusing on a program-by-program review of the multitude of preference initiatives in an ephemeral search for compromise only guarantees the permanence both of affirmative action itself and of the affirmative-action controversy.
A less sweeping but nevertheless useful approach would be a presidential decree revoking the executive order issued by President Johnson which opened the way to federally-mandated quotas. Though (as we have seen) Johnson did not necessarily intend this to happen, the fact is that his directive became a crucial pillar of the affirmative-action structure. With the stroke of a pen it could be rescinded.
So far as the universities are concerned, the elimination of affirmative action would mean an end to lowering standards in order to fill racial quotas. No doubt this would also mean a smaller number of blacks at the elite universities, but there are perfectly decent state colleges and private institutions for every promising student whose qualifications do not meet the standards of Yale or Stanford. The notion that a degree from one of these institutions consigns the graduate to a second-class career is based on sheer prejudice and myth; for evidence to the contrary, one need look no further than the new Republican congressional delegation, which includes a number of graduates from what would be considered second- or third-tier colleges.
It hardly needs to be added that directing a student to a university for which he is educationally and culturally unprepared benefits neither the student nor the university nor the goal of integration. The results are already clear to see in the sorry state of race relations on campus. Many colleges are dominated by an environment of racial balkanization, with blacks increasingly retreating into segregated dormitories and black student unions, rejecting contacts with white students out of fear of ostracism by other blacks, and then complaining of the loneliness and isolation of campus life. Drop-out rates for those admitted on affirmative-action tracks are high, adding to black student frustration. These problems are invariably exacerbated by college administrators who respond to racial discontent with speech codes, sensitivity training, multicultural seminars, curriculum changes, and other aggressively prosecuted diversity initiatives.
Some have proposed basing affirmative action in university admissions on social class—that is, extending preferences to promising students from impoverished backgrounds, broken homes, and similar circumstances. On a superficial level, this would seem a sensible idea. Blacks would profit because they suffer disproportionately from poverty. Universities would gain from the high motivation of the students selected for the program. And real diversity would be enhanced by the presence of students whose backgrounds differed radically from the middle- and upper-class majority, and whose opinions could not be so predictably categorized along the conformist race (and gender) lines which dominate campus discussion today.
One major caveat is that college administrators, who give every indication of total commitment to the present race-based arrangements, would discover ways to circumvent a program based on color-blind standards. Indeed, they have already done so. Under the terms of the Bakke case (1978), which established the guidelines for affirmative action in university admissions, race could be counted as one of several factors, including social class; affirmative action based on race alone, the Supreme Court said, could not pass muster. As matters have evolved, affirmative action on many state campuses, most notably those in California, is based almost exclusively on race and ethnicity.
A similar class-based formula is difficult to envision outside the realm of university admissions. Yet there is no reason to assume that private businesses would respond to the elimination of government-enforced affirmative action by refusing to hire and promote qualified blacks. A return to race-neutral government policies would also enable black executives and professionals to shed the affirmative-action stigma, since no one would suspect that they were in their positions only as the result of pressure by a federal agency. The supporters of preferential policies may dismiss affirmative action's psychological effects on the beneficiaries as unimportant. But the evidence indicates that the image of a black professional class having risen up the career ladder through a special racial track is a source of serious workplace demoralization for members of the black middle class.
The arguments which have lately been advanced in favor of retaining affirmative action are by and large the same arguments that were made more than twenty years ago, when the intellectual debate over preference began.
Probably the least compelling of these is the contention that the advantages extended by university admissions offices to athletes, the children of alumni, and applicants from certain regions of the country justify extending similar advantages on the basis of race. The answer to this contention is simple: race is different from other criteria. America acknowledged the unique nature of racial discrimination when it enacted the landmark civil-rights laws of the 1960's. Moreover, the suggestion cannot be sustained that outlawing preference based on race while permitting preference based on nonracial standards would leave blacks even farther behind. Blacks, in fact, benefit disproportionately from admissions preferences for athletes or those with talents in music and art. No one objects, or thinks it unusual or wrong for some groups to be overrepresented and others to be underrepresented on the basis of such criteria.
A similar, but even weaker, argument (already alluded to above) holds that America has never functioned as a strict meritocracy, and that white males have maintained their economic dominance through connections, pull, and family. Affirmative action, this theory goes, simply levels the playing field and actually strengthens meritocracy by expanding the pool of talent from which an employer draws. The problem is that those who advance this argument seem to assume that only white males rely on personal relationships or kinship. Yet as we have learned from the experience of immigrants throughout American history, every racial and ethnic group values family and group ties. Korean-American shop-owners enlist their families, Haitian-American taxi fleets hire their friends.
What about the claim that affirmative action has improved the racial climate by hastening the integration of the workplace and classroom? While the integration process has often been painful and disruptive, there is no question that more contact between the races at school and at work has made America a better society. But integration has not always succeeded, and the most signal failures have occurred under conditions of government coercion, whether through busing schemes or the imposition of workplace quotas. In case after case, the source of failed integration can be traced to white resentment over racial preference or the fears of blacks that they will be perceived as having attained their positions through the preferential track.2
There is, finally, the argument that, since black children suffer disproportionately from poor nutrition, crack-addicted parents, wrenching poverty, and outright discrimination, affirmative action rightly compensates for the burden of being born black in America. Yet affirmative action has been almost entirely irrelevant to these children, who rarely attend college or seek a professional career. The new breed of Republican conservatives may sometimes betray a disturbing ignorance of the history of racial discrimination in America. But on one crucial issue they are most certainly right: the march toward equality begins at birth, with the structure, discipline, and love of a family. The wide array of government-sponsored compensatory programs, including affirmative action, has proved uniformly ineffective in meeting the awesome challenge of inner-city family deterioration.
To advocate a policy of strict race neutrality is not to ignore the persistence of race consciousness, racial fears, racial solidarity, racial envy, or racial prejudice. It is, rather, to declare that government should not be in the business of preferring certain groups over others. Because it got into this business, the United States has been moved dangerously close to a country with an officially-sanctioned racial spoils system. Even Justice Blackmun was concerned about this kind of thing. In his Bakke opinion, Blackmun made it clear that preferential remedies should be regarded as temporary, and he speculated that race-conscious policies could be eliminated in ten years—that is, by the end of the 1980's.
Affirmative action's supporters grow uncomfortable when reminded of Blackmun's stipulation, which clashes with their secret conviction that preferences will be needed forever. Despite considerable evidence to the contrary, they believe that racism (and sexism) pervade American life, and they can always find a study, a statistic, or an anecdote to justify their prejudice.
If racial preference is not eliminated now, when a powerful national momentum favors resolving the issue once and for all, the result may well be the permanent institutionalization of affirmative action, though probably at a somewhat less expansive level than is the case right now. Alternatively, a cosmetic solution, which eliminates a few minor policies while leaving the foundation of racial preference in place, could trigger a permanent and much more divisive racial debate, with a mushrooming of state referenda on preference and the growing influence of extremists of both races.
It is clear that a bipartisan majority believes that the era of racial preference should be brought to a close. It will take an unusual amount of political determination and courage to act decisively on this belief. But the consequences of a failure to act could haunt American political life for years to come.
1 Affirmative action has, of course, been extended to women and certain other groups, but I will confine the discussion here to race. Affirmative action was devised primarily to promote the economic status of blacks, and the racial implications of the debate over this policy are far more significant than questions arising from preferences for women or other ethnic minorities. I should add that if preference for black Americans is unjustified, there is even less to be said for it when applied to women or to such immigrant groups as Hispanics and Asians.
2 An important exception is the military, where affirmative action is applied to promotions but where standards have not been lowered to enlarge the pool of qualified black applicants.


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There has to be a better way of doing things… - IBM Systems Director 6.3 Best Practices Redbook
We've all asked ourselves that question multiple times. This is especially true in the IT industry where creative thinking can save thousands of dollars. But what's the best way of answering that question?
I remember the first time I heard about "the mailbox" solution from the Apollo 13 mission: under extreme pressure, and to save the lives of several astronauts, a bunch of gifted NASA engineers got into a room and figured out how to fit a square peg in a round hole with very limited available material. Pure genius aroused from years of accumulated experience, extremely creative thinking and probably a few gallons of very strong coffee.
How would they solve that same problem today? One might say they would search the Web and then spend several days sorting through the tens of thousands of hits they would get. Would that help them or hinder their creative thinking? Probably the latter.
The web is an extremely valuable source of information for us IT engineers, but it can also be difficult to sort out through what is relevant and what is not. Sometimes you need your questions answered from a reliable source, get your facts straight from the experts so that you can concentrate on creative thinking rather than sorting out the true from the false.
The IBM Systems Director 6.3 Best Practices Redbook that we are currently working on aims to accomplish just that: give you the facts straight from well-seasoned experts from the fields.
We cover all aspects of the solution, from planning to deployment to steady state operations best practices. We are also extending the scope of the initial best practices Redpaper to some of the IBM Systems Director advanced manager plug-ins like VMControl, Storage Control, Network Control or Active Energy Manager. Best of all, each chapter will include a list of summarized best practices so that you can quickly get the information you need. We're even doing video demos of step by step instructions for some of our topics.
Each section will try to give you the do's and don'ts so that you can be successful at using this product for what it excels at and nothing else.
So where else are you going to get the benefit of 78 years of experience in the IT industry, including over 30 directly with IBM Systems Director and from engineers from six different nationalities, including an IBM customer? In my book, that sure beats a Google search.
We're definitely not going to explain how to fit a square peg in a round hole using nothing but tape and plastic, nor are we saving lives (I only wish!), but we'll definitely save you some of your valuable time (and we're drinking our fair share of coffee too). Just published! IBM Systems Director 6.3 Best Practices Redbook
Author - Stéphane Bourdeaud
IBM Corporation - Senior Architect - MCSE, VCP, RHCT
Wikipedia – Apollo 13 Mailbox - http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Apollo_13_Mailbox_at_Mission_Control.jpg
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Brian Hamilton
was born in the back seat of a broken-down Brooklyn taxi on a sunny, humid day in July, and later discovered abandoned on the steps of the local x-rated cinema by Herschel, a grumpy midget Rabbi from Bensonhurst. He was schooled by rebellious, roller-skating nuns at Our Lady of the Blasted Sacrilege. At age fifteen he ran away, was then kidnapped by a band of hostile Gypsies and forced to tap dance for tourists from France who tossed their lit cigarette butts at his feet.
Tired of subsisting on a diet of pirogo and cabbage rolls, he barely escaped his captors one evening using a two-humped camel, a pogo stick, and a stolen moped. In the rain. On a Monday. Wearing only his purple pajama bottoms.
Now he lives in sunny Hollywood, California entertaining millions through the magic of electronic media. You've probably seen his malleable mug race across your TV screen countless times!


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Indianapolis, IN (SportsNetwork.com) - D.J. Balentine scored 29 points as the Evansville Purple Aces earned an 84-78 road victory over the IUPUI Jaguars in a non-conference tilt at the Jungle.
Balentine went 7-of-14 from the field and nailed all 12 shots from the free throw line for Evansville (2-0). Blake Simmons and Duane Gibson added 15 points apiece.
Ian Chiles nearly matched Balentine as he netted 28 points for IUPUI (0-2). Khufu Najee tallied 19 points and Donovan Gibbs (18 points, nine rebounds) nearly had a double-double.
Both teams shot well in the first half. The Purple Aces connected on 51.7 percent from the field and IUPUI was even better at 55.6 percent. However Evansville had a 9-3 edge from beyond the arc and an 11-7 advantage at the free throw line. That was enough to give the Purple Aces a 44-38 lead at the break.
After halftime Evansville continued to shoot well (11-of-20) while going a perfect 17-of-17 from the charity stripe to hold on for the win. IUPUI had five 3-pointers after the break but shot just 43.8 percent overall.
Evansville doubled up the Jaguars from the free throw line (28-14). IUPUI had a 17-4 edge in points off turnovers.
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text: Letters, Jackets, Bars, and Letters of Appreciation were handed out Monday, December 10th at Elbert Counties Fall Sports Banquet. Cross Country, Softball, Cheerleading, and Football were all recognized for their hard work over their individual season. In softball Devyn Terry was recognized as being selected to 2ndteam All Region for 8AAA. In football Ken Allen, Javorez Smith, Tim White, Bryson Hart, and Brett Mills were recognized as being selected to the All Region team. The Golden Helmet Award was given to Tyshon Dye for his impact on the field. The coveted L.C. Picorilla Football Scholarship Award, which is awarded to a college bound football player that displays leadership and character, was awarded to Rodney Allen. Rodney is planning to attend Clayton State University. Also, Allen Cartledge, a member of our armed forces, was recognized for his long time dedication to Elbert County athletics.


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Kickstarter campaign on IndieGoGo imminent
Yes! Progress! But first: I was told that I've been really bad at writing updates, and that is true. It is something that I will change right now. I would also like to emphasize that the game's been in development all the way – with much enthusiasm and dedication! I just didn't say a word. Sorry about that. Currently I am working on the first promotional & gameplay video that we'll be using to ask players to help us kickstart the game. There's also a bit of a tease about strategic player buildings in this post.
Ok, so we're getting ready to raise some money to be able to finish some remaining polish work and pay for some of the server costs during the initial weeks after launch. This is truly meant to kickstart the game literally. We have a working game that needs a little polish and help with operating costs, so we'll need to do that. I'm not a famous designer, so anything as vague as "old school rpg" won't cut it. We're really close now, we just need a nudge.
We'll be doing the campaign on IndieGoGo, because Bitgap Games is an LLC incorporated in Hungary, and none of us are US or UK citizens, so Kickstarter doesn't work for us. This will probably show in the newsworthiness of the campaign, so we're crossing fingers.
I will soon have the promo video ready. I'll post it here before the campaign launches. Until then, here's a cheat sheet of some player constructable buildings (amongs many other objects) that have a strategic advantage.
Thanks for reading!


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The North Face Adena ShirtSKU: #8267034
Product Information
- The North Face Size Chart
- Please note that this style is either discontinued and/or from a previous season.
- Grab the basket and enjoy an impromptu picnic in the casual Adena Shirt.
- Sleeveless top boasts a luxurious hand.
- Garment washed for a lived-in softness.
- Scoop neckline.
- Button plackets accent the shoulders.
- Woven logo label at left side seam.
- Straight hemline with split side seams.
- 60% cotton, 40% modal.
- Machine wash cold, tumble dry low.
- Imported.
- Measurements:
- Length: 24 in
- Product measurements were taken using size SM. Please note that measurements may vary by size.


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UPDATE: Disruption continues for train passengers travelling between Cleethorpes and Manchester Airport after landslide near Stainforth
Posted: February 13, 2013|
TRAIN services between Cleethorpes and Manchester Airport are likely to be disrupted for a significant amount of time after a landslide damaged and uplifted huge sections of track.
The land movement took place at a colliery near Stainforth yesterday morning.
National Rail staff have been unable to assess the full extent of the damage due to the ground still moving over the tracks.
Train passengers are still able to travel to Scunthorpe where a replacement bus service will continue to Doncaster where a normal service will resume.
Related content
Buses will leave Scunthorpe for Doncaster at 15 minutes past the hour and from Doncaster for Scunthorpe at 45 minutes past the hour.
While commuters are having to deal with bus replacement services and the disruption to the normal timetable, it causes a considerable headache for freight – with 25 per cent of the cargo moved by rail in the UK either beginning or ending its journey at Port of Grimsby and Immingham.
Port director John Fitzgerald said: "We are working closely with Network Rail and freight rail companies to maintain rail deliveries from the port."
A key element is the delivery of coal direct to Drax at Selby, the UK's biggest power station, from Humber International Terminal. A spokesperson for Network Rail said the vast majority of Immingham traffic is now running via the Brigg line, with some empty trains coming back via Lincoln.
Steel traffic from Scunthorpe to the south west is travelling east to Barnetby then via Lincoln, with freight to the north running via Barnetby and then Brigg and Doncaster.
The landslide site is less than a mile west of the M18 and M180 junction in South Yorkshire, which links northern Lincolnshire to the UK motorway network.
An initial estimate from Network Rail, dependent on a fuller investigation, is that the line will be shut for approximately eight weeks from the point when the land stops moving.
The landslide is still moving, with engineers not permitted to start work on site due to the dangerous nature of the site.


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Festival Digest: July 2-6
Laura Baker-Finch / July 06, 2012
What'd you miss this week in the world of music festivals, you ask? Cultivora has your answer.
- French label Kitsuné released their Soleil Mix just in time for 4th of July BBQs and parties. But don't fret, if you missed the free 3-day stream, you can still purchase the mix or stream the Kitsuné Soleil MiniMix by Moon Boots.
- Denmark's Roskilde festival kicked off yesterday and will continue until July 8 with performances by Bjork, The Cure, Bruce Springsteen & The E Street Band, and many more – you can stream select performances on their website.
- Laura Baker-Finch compiled a list of the top picks of live music events in New York City for July 5-11, which she'll continue to do every Thursday all Summer long.
- Cultivora added a Festival Guide for Decibel, a 5-day festival of live performance, interactive multimedia art, and sound-technology based education taking place September 26-30 in Seattle.
Coming up: Cultivora is giving away two tickets to Catalpa NYC via their Facebook and Twitter, check back with Cultivora on Monday for more details and your chance to win.


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When: Monday, June 17, 2013 - Friday, August 09, 2013
Where: Nyumburu Center : Building #232 : 0130
Event Type(s): Community Service
Camp Shule is an Enrichment Camp for youth that has been serving the University Community for sixteen years. Grades for student attendance, K to 11th Grade. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday,in the morning (Math, Reading and Writing. After Lunch and recess -- Public Speaking, Drama and Creative Writing. Tuesday and Thursday FIELD TRIPS and Workshops (Arts & Crafts, Stepping, Spanish, Self Development, Basketball and more .... Friday afternoon Open Mic. Register now!
We have discounted our price!!!!
PRICE: $880.00 for 8 weeks includes before and after care.
Camp Times: 7:00 a.m. -- 6:00 p.m. daily
Website: www.nyumburu.umd.edu, and look for Camp Shule on your right.
Website: http://www.nyumburu.umd.edu
For more information, contact:
Anne Carswell
Nyumburu Cultural Center
+1 301 314 7759


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Thursday, June 12, 2014
Police were dispatched to a traffic accident, and when they arrived, fire personnel was attending to the driver. A witness told police she was following the driver for several miles. She said she noticed the driver would speed up and then slow way down. In addition, the driver allegedly could not stay in his lane.
According to the report, the witness told police that the driver lost control of the car and ran into the grass, hitting the median guardrail, bouncing back toward the road before hitting the guardrail again.
EMS took the driver to the hospital while police searched his car.
The report said that police found three cans of electronic duster. Two of the three were cold to the touch as if they had just been used, the report said.
The driver was injured, so field sobriety tests were not administered. The driver was taken to the hospital where, once he was cleared for jail, he was charged with Driving Under Suspension, Reckless Driving and Inhaling Aromatic Hydrocarbon. He was then searched and additionally charged with Possession of Drug Paraphernalia after police found two pipes with residue on them.
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By Jim GaramoneAmerican Forces Press Service
CAMP VICTORY, Iraq, July 11, 2011 Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta neither pressured nor pleaded with Iraqi leaders to allow U.S. troops remain in Iraq after the scheduled Dec. 31 withdrawal date, the assistant secretary of defense for public affairs said here today.
The secretary simply wants a decision, Douglas B. Wilson said.
Panetta met separately with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and President Jalal Talabani. Wilson described the talks to reporters traveling with Panetta, and said the talks went over all aspects of the U.S.-Iraqi relationship.
Panetta emphasized three points with each leader, Wilson said, the first of which was the urgent need for the Iraqi government to appoint defense and interior ministers.
"The second area of focus had to do with the rising number of attacks by extremist elements here backed by Iran and provided with Iranian weapons," Wilson said. "The secretary made it very clear that he took his responsibility for protection of U.S. troops seriously. He was very strong in his encouragement of both Prime Minister Maliki and President Talabani to move aggressively and continue to do everything they could to address these elements and fight back."
Both Iraqi leaders agreed the attacks are a threat not only to U.S. troops, but also to Iraqis, Wilson said.
Finally, Panetta addressed the next steps in the security partnership. A 2008 agreement between the United States and Iraq calls for all U.S. troops to be out of Iraq by the end of this year.
"The secretary made it clear that we are neither pressuring nor pleading for U.S. troops to remain here, and that we are continuing to withdraw our forces under the agreement," Wilson said. "He made it very clear … that time is running out for a decision and that the United States needs to know if there is going to be a request, [and] that such a request needs to made sooner, rather than later, because the logistics and economics of a … reversal cannot turn on a dime."
Panetta did not give the Iraqi leaders a deadline for a decision, Wilson said, "but his message was clearly understood that it was needed as soon as possible."
The three issues are familiar to the Iraqi leaders, said Colin Kahl, deputy assistant secretary of defense for the Middle East. He noted that Talabani specifically talked about a July 9 meeting he hosted to stand up committees "to come to closure on government formation, and to reach some consensus on the relationship with the United States."
Talabani has put a two-week deadline on that process, Kahl said.
"We're not presuming or pleading with them, and once they make a decision, all that is is a starting point for negotiations," Kahl said.
Related Sites:Photo EssaySpecial Report: Travels With Panetta
Article is closed to new comments.
The opinions expressed in the following comments do not necessarily reflect those of the U.S. Department of Defense.
Mutual respect and respect of sovereignty of Iraq would go a long way to solidify relations between the two countries. Stay of Military is not an option. This war of choice based on Bush lies (more than 800) has bankrupted the innocent US Citizens. The USA was forced to sacrifice more than 4000 US soldiers for these lies. USA spent trillions of dollars of shameless borrowing on this war that created more than 700000 widows in Iraq and many more orphans in that country all in defiance of good- natured innocent US citizens who don't even hurt a cat or dog. This White house does not represent US citizens . White House seems to be controlled by forces who want to instill cancer in USA and destroy its foundations. US forces need to come out of Iraq and Afghanistan and build the foundations of USA.
- Nisar, Afghanistan


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Wednesday, October 6, 2004
© Copyright 2015 Clayton News Daily
Compiled by R.H. JosephTime is running out to secure a space for the Crafts/Treasures Yard Sale taking place at the Shelnutt Senior Center from 8 a.m. to 3 p.m. Saturday. Spaces are available for $10. There will be crafts, treasures and food on the lawn. For information, call Fay at (770) 473-5788. Clayton County Master Gardeners are offering Plants for Sale Saturday from 10 a.m. until 5 p.m. Saturday during the Autumn Oaks Festival at Stately Oaks, 100 Carriage Drive, Jonesboro. Master Gardeners will share their knowledge with you as you purchase your plants for your garden. Spivey Hall presents celebrated soprano Sylvia McNair performing a Season Opening Cabaret at 8:15 p.m. Saturday. Ms. McNair will also conduct a Master Class from 3 to 5 p.m. Friday Participation is determined by audition. Please visit www.spiveyhall.org or call (770) 960-4200 for Master Class information and applications. Tickets for Sylvia McNair's Season Opening Cabaret are $60. For reservations call the Spivey Hall Box Office at (770) 960-4200. The First Annual Latin Club Dog Show takes place Saturday from 10 a.m. until noon at Jonesboro High School. All proceeds go to the benefit of the Clayton County Humane Society. Fee for Entry: $7 one dog, $10 for 2 dogs. Spectators are asked to pay $1 or bring two cans of pet food. Dogs must remain on leashes at all times. Each entered dog will receive a free ?doggy bag.' Entries due by October 4. For any question or to enter a dog, contact Anna Cox: firstname.lastname@example.com .ga.us (770) 473-2855 On Saturday from 5 to 7:30 p.m. Shiloh Baptist Church celebrates its 134th Anniversary with the Arioso String Ensemble during its pre-anniversary celebration on the west campus, located at 8955 Fayetteville Road in Jonesboro. To get more information on the event, please call (770) 478-9586. For information on the Arioso String Ensemble, call (770) 968-4443. Epic Brookside Apartments on Riverdale Road is celebrating its new grills with a cookout Saturday from 11 a.m. until 2 p.m. The event is free and open to the public. During the cookout there will be booths set up including a fire safety booth where people can learn to use a fire extinguisher, and a booth from Hartsfield Airport Transportation Management Association where they will have discount C-Train and MARTA cards for purchase. The Clayton County Fire Department will also be on hand to teach fire safety. The Clayton County Senior Center is hosting a New England States Trip to see Autumn in Full Foliage Splendor Saturday through Oct. 16. The fee is $914/double and $1294/single. Price includes deluxe motor coach transportation, seven nights lodging, four full breakfasts, three continental breakfasts; two lunches, four dinners; 10 attractions, one tram, guide service, souvenir hat, taxes, tips and baggage handling. Contact Carmen Ray or Anne Weber. The Hungarian Tak?cs String Quartet, recognized as perhaps the world's premier string quartet, will perform at Spivey Hall Sunday at 3 p.m. Their program includes Beethoven (Op. 131), Bart?k (No. 3) and Borodin (No. 2). Tickets for the Tak?cs String Quartet performance are $30. For reservations call the Spivey Hall Box Office at (770) 960-4200. The Shelnutt Senior Center is sponsoring an Apple Trip to North Georgia Tuesday, departing at 9 a.m. Lunch at Smith House, shopping on the square in Dahlonega. The Clayton College & State University Women's Forum is conducting its Third Annual Silent Auction from 11 a.m. to 3 p.m. Oct. 19 in the University Center Commons. Donations for this year's event must be received by Oct. 13 at http://adminservices.clayton.edu/wom_forum or call Joan McElroy at (770) 961-3518. Drop-off locations are the University Library, room 126, and the University Student Center, room 223. All donations are tax deductible. Previous donations to the Silent Auction ranged from arts & crafts to books and CDs, paintings, weekend getaways, jewelry, gift certificates, baked goods, house cleaning and yard work, baby and pet sitting, car maintenance, tutoring, music and art lessons. Southern Regional Medical Center's Diabetes Support Group is hosting "Know Your Healthy Steps" by Kathy Marshall, R.N., CDE beginning at 7 p.m. Oct. 14 in Rooms 1&2 of the Hospital's Health Education Building. For more information, Call Kathy Marshall, R.N., CDE at (770) 991-8626 or Sarah Cannon RD, LD at (770) 991-8033. The Henry County Parks & Recreation Department in conjunction with the Community Gardens of Henry County and the Henry County Humane Society is sponsoring a Fall Festival from 11 a.m. to 4 p.m. Oct. 23 in Heritage Park. The event includes pet adoptions, arts & crafts, moon walks, pumpkin painting, fun, food, games, hay rides from 2 to 4 p.m., a pet costume contest at 2 p.m., a children's costume contest at 2:30 p.m. and entertainment all day. Trick or Treat around the Historic Village from 3 to 4 p.m. Drawing for prizes for a $1 donation. For more information, contact the Henry County Parks & Recreation Department at (770) 954-2031 or visit the website at www.co.henry.ga.us. On Oct. 24 at 3p.m., the Panocha String Quartet will join pianist Andr?s Schiff at Spivey Hall to perform a program featuring Janac?k's String Quartets Nos. 1 and 2, and Dvor?k's Piano Quintet in A Minor, part of Schiff's three-part Janac?k project performed at Carnegie Hall on October 22. Tickets for Andr?s Schiff's performance with the Panocha String Quartet are $40. For reservations call the Spivey Hall Box Office at (770) 960-4200. Gail Mahar, MSN, OCN will present a talk entitled "For Better Bone Health" beginning at 7:15 p.m. Oct. 26 in Room A of the Helath Education Center at Southern Regional Medical Center. The meeting is open to the public. To obtain additional information call Jim O'Hara at (770) 632-2898 or The American Cancer Society at (770) 460-8920. There will be a Mardi Gras Party at the Shelnutt Center from 6:30 to 9 p.m. Oct. 29 Music and refreshments. The Atlanta Festival Ballet presents "Carmina Burana" and "'Twas the Night Before Halloween" Oct. 30 at the Henry County Performing Arts Center, 37 Lemon St., McDonough. (770) 914-7477. The audience is invited to dress in their Halloween costumes. Ticket price: $18. Tickets may be purchased in advance by calling (770) 507-2775 or at the door. Keep Clayton County Beautiful invites you to be a part of "Rivers Alive 2004 Clayton County Stream Cleanup and Celebration" on Oct. 30 from 8 to 10 a.m. participants will gather at Swint Elementary, 500 Highway 138, Jonesboro. Participants will receive hands-on teaching about our rivers, especially the Flint River, and help with the bank cleanup. A limited supply of T-shirts is available. Remember to wear comfortable outdoor clothing and boots. The Celebration is from 10 a.m. until 2 p.m. and includes educational games, carnival, environmental exhibits and a fish fry. The cost is $5. For more information or to volunteer call (770) 603-5606. You can also fax your request to (770) 603-5602, or email Kim Zimmerman at firstname.lastname@example.com . Open House, Atlanta Motor Speedway. Drive your car around the track! Take two laps around the fastest track in NASCAR when you purchase your Oct. 31 Bass Pro Shops MBNA 500 tickets, or make a donation to the Speedway Children's Charities. Don't miss the day's other activities n the Pacemaker 5000 foot race, autographed merchandise giveaways, local legends drivers appearances, show cars, legends car ride-and-drives, face painting, balloon art and unprecedented access to the garage and infield areas. Gates open at 3p.m., Pacemaker at 5 p.m., and track rides begin at 6 p.m., free admission. To drive the track, race tickets and donations start at $30. (770) 946-4211 or www.atlantamotorspeedway.com. Applications are being accepted for the 14th Annual Christmas in the Country Arts & Crafts Festival to take place indoors at Eagles Landing High School from 9 a.m. until 4 p.m. Nov. 13. The one-day event features crafters from around the state. The show can accommodate approximately 100 crafters. Booth spaces are available in 10x10 and 15x6 sizes and cost $40 each. For an information packet and application, call Tonya at (770) 914-1260 or email email@example.com . The craft show is sponsored by the Eagles Landing High School band booster organization and the proceeds help support the band programs at the school. "The Nutcracker" will be presented Nov. 27 and Nov. 28 at 2:30 p.m. at the Clayton County Performing Arts Center, 2530 Mt. Zion Parkway in Jonesboro. (770) 473-2875. Performances are also scheduled Dec. 18 at 7:30 p.m. and Dec. 19 at 2:30 p.m. at the Henry County Performing Arts Center, 37 Lemon St., McDonough. (770) 914-7477. Tickets are $18 and may be purchased at the door and in advance by calling Mail & More, 909 Eagles Landing Parkway, Stockbridge. (770) 507-6962.
More like this story
- Spivey Hall offering ticket discount to educators ( October 13, 2011 )
- Spivey Hall offering ticket discount to educators ( October 12, 2011 )
- School Notebook - Oct. 8, 2009 ( October 8, 2009 )
- Spivey Hall, string quartet launch 3-year partnership ( January 14, 2010 )
- Locals bestowed master's degrees from Clayton State ( January 10, 2014 )


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Windows Phone 8 ("WP8") is a mobile operating system developed by Microsoft, and is the successor to Windows Phone 7.5. Unlike Windows Phone 7 which was based on Windows CE, Windows Phone 8 uses the Windows NT kernel found in Windows 8.
Supported development platforms include C#/VB.Net with XAML, HTML, CSS and Javascript or Typescript and C++ with Direct3D. Although XNA applications can still be developed, they can only target Windows Phone 7.5 instead of Windows Phone 8 and are kept only for legacy purposes. Windows Phone 8 also supports building Windows Phone Runtime Components and has access to APIs also present in Windows 8, making development for both platforms simultaneously easier.
Download the development tools and SDK.
New features include C++ support, Direct3D, multiple resolutions, Micro SD card, NFC, Bluetooth, Multi-core processing, In-app purchase, text-to-speech, speech-to-text, voice commands, Wallet Hub, app2app communication, new backgrounding functionality, contacts and calender write-access, lock screen integration, new tile templates, new camera APIs, built-in maps control, and much more.
Read about what's new in the Windows Phone 8 SDK.
More information
Learning resources
- Windows Phone 8 Training Kit
- Building Apps for Windows Phone 8 Jump Start
- Windows Phone 8 Development for Absolute Beginners
- Windows Phone Official Development Website
Chat Room
Chat about Windows Phone with other Stack Overflow users


text:
Sep. 14, 2013 @ 12:00 AM
Jeslyn Dance Gallery has teamed up with the Huntington Mall to host an American Girl Model Search at the mall Saturday. Tickets for Jeslyn's American Girl Fashion Show in March 2014 at Jeslyn Performing Arts Center will range from $30 to $75. Some details of the events were incorrect in Thursday's edition.


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Portland Breast Implant Removal Doctors and Reviews
Portland Breast Implant Removal cost
Average cost in US: $4,125
Average cost in Portland: $3,325
Portland Breast Implant Removal reviews
100% of Portland reviewers said Breast Implant Removal was worth it
"42 YO Active - Tuberous Breast -..."
I need advice on getting these out! I hate being so big.im 5'9" and 170 lbs. my back and shoulders always hurt and I can't run or weight lift without the, always getting in the way. I had my first augmentation at 26 years old to fix a tuberous breast and asymmetry issues. I had one size c breast and one size a. The difference was drastic. I waited 10 years from 16 to 26 to get that fixed and... more
"20 Year Old Saline Implants Removed..."
6 months ago one of my implants leaked. I have always known this could happen and imagined I would be shocked to see it if it were to happen. I was caught by surprise at how much I loved what I saw. Then after doing some reading about the possibility of having bacteria and/or fungus grow in the now open implant I decided to freak out. After reading several reviews I chose Dr A Gabriel. I... more
"400cc explant w/ full capsulectomy"
I got breast implants in May of 2004 in Portland. They are 400 cc, smooth, high profile, saline, above the muscle implants. I got them sophomore year in college. Back then it was the best thing I ever did for my self confidence. In March of 2009 the left breast started feeling like it was falling out of my skin, and i got this faint but irritating burning sensation. Its since traveled over to... more
"Implants removed after 22 years!! ..."
I really need the collective support of realself to get through my explant scheduled on 9/24/14. Here's my story: I was a late bloomer, slim, and had an athletic build as a teen. My dad teased me quite often about my lack of breasts and then would follow up by saying that I could always get a "boob job." We'll, at the age of 19, that's exactly what I did. It makes me sick to my stomach... more
"64 Year Old with 39 Year Old..."
I have breast implants that are 39 years old. Left side is ruptured from mammogram 1991. I have lumps under my armpit. My chest hurts so bad and I need these out. I hurt so bad that I can barely get out of bed in AM. I feel the silicone is traveling in my body. I have unexplained rashes, arthritis, sore muscles and joints, breathing problems with implant weight, lung problems. more
"29 Yr Old, Done with Fakeness! My..."
Hi All! I am so glad I found this site (nearly a year ago), as it has helped me reach the decision to get my breast implants removed. Thank you, strong ladies! I am 29 years old, married w/o kids, and got 350cc (i think) saline breast implants inserted subpectorally (under muscle) 5.5 years ago when I was 23 years old. Went from A cup to large B/C cup. My PS was great and part of me feels bad... more
"So Ready to Do This!!! Want to Be..."
A HUGE thank you to all of the brave women who have shared their stories on this site. Your reviews have helped me to actively move forward with getting my implants removed, even though I've been thinking about it for years. I got my 350cc implants (under the muscle) 6 years ago right after I had my second child. I had my kids right in a row, so I went from being pregnant to nursing, to... more
"Getting Breast Implant Removed After..."
Hello there to all you ladies! I love all your reviews ! Everyone single one of them! So amazing to me...(My review will be pretty short and sweet! ) I have had breast implants for 9 years. Under muscle. 330 cc. No kids. No weight changes really but for about 5 or 10 pounds. Im 5'4 and about 135 ish. I was an A or B cup before and a C or D cup now. For the past 5 years I have been thinking... more
"Ready to Be Normal Again! -..."
My surgery is scheduled and I can't wait!! A month and a half to go. I feel like I made the biggest mistake doing this 7 years ago. I am looking forward to having a small chest again so I can wear any shirt/dress I want without being self conscious. I'm short and feel like that's all you notice on me... more
"Getting 'Em Removed - Portland, OR"
Hi All, My personal experience mirrors many of yours - I wanted my silicone implants at the time I got them (12 years ago, 34A to 34C) but now I am older, more confident and it's time to go back to natural. And I could not be more thrilled! I am so thrilled about the idea that I'm scared I'm not thinking through all the repercussions. So please ladies, can you provide me with advice to deal... more
"New pics! 1yr postop / 400cc saline..."
I did a lengthy review under Breast Implants, so anyone interested in why an implanted woman like me would HateMyImplants, you can check out my other review. Here I am going to try to keep it to a review of Explantation. A little info: I'm 35, had implants 12 years. They are smooth, round, mentor saline implants. I believe they are 360cc 'overfilled' to 400cc. My incisions were... more


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- BlackBerry Device Software 7.1 and earlier
After the maximum number of password entry attempts is exceeded by supplying incorrect passwords, and the BlackBerry smartphone is restarted, the following error appears:
The BlackBerry Security checks failed verification and the BlackBerry smartphone will not start. This may have occurred as a result of exceeding the maximum allowable attempts when entering the BlackBerry smartphone password incorrectly.
Complete the following:
- Ensure the smartphone is running the latest version of BlackBerry Device Software (see KB16068).
- If the smartphone is already running the latest version of BlackBerry Device Software, perform a hard reset by removing the battery from the smartphone and reinserting it (see KB02141).
- If the issue persists, reload the BlackBerry Device Software (see KB10144).
By downloading, accessing or otherwise using the Knowledge Base documents you agree:
(a) that the terms of use for the documents found at www.blackberry.com/legal/knowledgebase apply to your use or reference to these documents; and
(b) not to copy, distribute, disclose or reproduce, in full or in part any of the documents without the express written consent of RIM.
Visit the BlackBerry Technical Solution Center at www.blackberry.com/btsc.


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I've got five little words for Bridger...
' You're going to jail, chump ' !
Once all this is said and done and Porteous is finally removed from the federal bench via the impeachment process, then the Louisiana State Bar Association can take a swipe at Porteous as well.
If he's not fit to be a federal judge then he certainly not fit to be a practicing attorney in this state.
And then...
The LSBA can take a hard look at...
Gardner and...
Levinson and...
Creely and Amato are already ' gonners ' having surrendered their law licenses.
The question is / are...
Who will be next ???
Stay tuned.
The headline reads he feels cheated !
He, in fact, cheated his wife out of her life !
He's the one who cheated.
Amazing, how he tries to turn things around even in legal arguments to the court.
He deserves to lose his appeal and serve out his life sentence in Angola.
Bye, bye, Vince.
Chip Forstall, the so called ' man of integrity ' will get his.
Just like he says in his commercials - he stands tall !
He's a lepri- 'con ' !
He can't even tell the truth about that !
He's going down just as soon as Porteous gets his due, Forstall will get his as well.
Bye, bye, Chip.
That's way too much money for a city the size of Gretna to pay for a lawyer to work in-house to do legal work for a municipality.
Plus, he's a school board member.
Anybody ever heard of dual office holding - hello !
At least his visit falls on Sunday and the traffic won't be too screwed up as a result of the visit.
Things must be slow in D.C. that day so he's managing to squeeze in some facetime for a visit to New Orleans.
Why not just do a telephone conference call and save the money by not coming ?
Our mayor has already said and indicated that we're past the recovery stage here in New Orleans and we're onto the rebuilding stage.
Obviously, now we're making great progress w/o federal input, dollars and guidance.
What can he do and / or say to change things ?
Why not simply do the honorable thing and resign ?
Obviously, you won't, because you're not honorable.
You'll continue to collect your $ 174,000.00 annual salary until you're finally shown the door.
And btw...
I hope it does hit you in the ass on the way out.
Bye, loser !
This dude's salary is exhorbatant for the little, if anything, he does, besides eat lunch and dinner paid for with a credit card supplied by a public agency.
Public or private sector $ 350,000.00 to do what exactly ?
Glad hand and eat lunch and dinner and not pay for it ?
Come on, get real.
Get rid of this guy and sue him to recover the money wasted on paying him to do absolutely nothing.
He certainly isn't bringing in business or bringing ' home the bacon' .
What a minute. !
That's right...
He's eating the bacon.
Uh, oil used to be big business here in New Orleans but look around and check and see 'cause it's in Houston now where almost all of the oil companies have relocated to.
And so...
It ' ain't here no more '.
That's one of the reasons that they (the oil companies) want the trials to be held there - more sypathetic judges, juries, court system.
Again, Mitch, take care of our citizenry herein New Orleans and don't profess to know what you're talking about when it comes to lifting the drilling moratorium by August 29.
Mitch, you need to focus on making New Orleans a better place to live and not worry about when the federal government will lift it's moratorium on off shore drilling.
Think globally (Mitch) but act locally for all of our sakes here in New Orleans.
The solution is...
Just take the damn credit card(s) away from them - period !
Obviously, all politicos use and proceed to abuse them.
Make them buy their own damn lunch, dinner or whatever else !
It's really that simple !
Indict them all for fraud !
The 'man of integrity' a/k/a Chip Forstall is going down, too with this ' so called ' judge so to be former judge.
Maybe he (Forstall) should pursue a singing career in the future 'cause he 'ain't gonna ' be practicing law in this state much longer.
Maybe he should start singing to the Senate Impeachment Panel soon.
Good riddance to Porteous and all of his cronies !
They're bringing the trophy with them so that it can be idolized ?
That's ridiculous.
What they need to do is...
They need to be bringing their sleeping bags with them and be prepared to stay awhile, get their hands dirty in the oil and do some real cleaning-up.
Now, that would be worth idolizing.
They won't.
OK, so...
Now what ?
This is his third visit here to do what exactly ?
Glad hand based on this article.
Oh, ok...
Three times is a charm and the oil spill will magically stop, dissappear and go away just because he made a visit here.
Whatever !
He needs to go away - one term and that's it, four (years) and out - period.
And so...
Is his time up yet ?
' Poor ' Aaron.
He's really got something to cry about.
Remember Aaron...
What goes around, comes around !
Good riddance, loser !
It was worth every penny of it to remove the cancers from the 24th JDC
bench and then some.
Supposedly, good judges gone bad or ore likely bad judges gone worse !
It's just the first of a series of embarrassments yet to come - way to go
' little moon '.
You know...
You can really pick 'em.
You were quoted as saying she still meets the criteria for the job !
Yeah right !
That's some qualifications for a city job !
Way to go !
You might as well have picked someone for city attorney that's suspended from the practice of law, also.
It's the same difference !
Uh, better watch out ' little Sidney ', ' cause the feds are going to be looking really hard at you as lawyer for the Meraux Foundation.
They'll also be looking at all of those exhorbitant attorneys fees and so called ' salaries ' that were paid out as a result of ' legal work ' for the foundation.
We need to set the record straight...
These are not NOPD lawyers.
They are lawyers retained by the individual officers or lawyers provided to them for their defense and paid for by dues from the police union if they happen not to be members.
Good or bad, that's what they get for their dues, they get this form of legal representation.
It's about time, justice if finally being served (up).
Oh and uh, Mose...
You can fluff the pillows for your brother Bill, your niece, Angela and your sister, Betty, too.
They'll be along shortly - all losers going to jail !
Rot in jail !
Good riddance !


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Charleston County school officials will go ahead with a meeting on school finances in Mount Pleasant today, but there won't be any school board members in attendance. And that's a good thing.
Of course, board members should be interested in the funding issues facing East Cooper public schools. But they shouldn't be party to an arrangement that was aimed at circumventing the state's Freedom of Information Act.
District officials invited board members to the meeting — but no more than four so that it wouldn't trigger the public notice requirements of the FOIA.
A notice emailed to board members early this month stated: "Since no public notice will be done for this meeting, only four board members are allowed to attend. Another meeting will be scheduled if others are interested in this topic."
Under state law, when a quorum of the board attends a meeting — in this instance, five members — the provisions of the FOIA have to be followed. That includes opening the meeting up to the public.
In November, the school board found itself in violation of the FOIA when six members showed up for a tour of the former Rivers Middle School. District officials, who planned the tour, were surprised at the turnout — and at the resultant violation of the FOIA.
It should have served as a warning for school officials to pay closer attention to both the letter and the spirit of the Freedom of Information Act.
School board member John Barter tells us he withdrew from today's meeting after The Post and Courier criticized the plan in an editorial.
"I wouldn't have any problem with having that discussion in an open board meeting," Mr. Barter said.
No question, a public meeting is the proper place for board members to discuss school finances, in this instance and in others.
The district and the board can't go wrong by ensuring transparency every time that discussions involve how the public's money is spent.
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The banjolele (brand name; sometimes banjo ukulele or banjo uke) is a four-stringed musical instrument with a small banjo-type body and a fretted ukulele neck. "Banjolele," sometimes also spelled "banjelele' or "banjulele' is a generic nickname given to the instrument, which was derived from the 'banjulele-banjo,' introduced by Alvin D. Keech in 1917.
18 Forbes Road
White Salmon, Washington 98672
Phone: 541-490-8522
from the Mya-Moe Ukuleles web site
Gordon **& Char Mayer** and Aaron Keim are the luthiers who build all Mya-Moe Ukuleles. They have combined expertise in design, engineering, music, and lutherie. They both have masters degrees in engineering. Gordon has been building guitars for 7 years. Char is a professional musician. Before building guitars, Gordon was a wood-turning artist, giving him extended knowledge of different woods & their properties.
Char's artistic bent was expressed in hand-pieced Roman shades. Together, they hand-craft each instrument, a culmination of their combined educations & experiences in engineering, art & music.
Artful Bodger Woodworks
Nancy Romalov, Furniture Maker
Iowa City, Iowa
from the Tin Pan Ukuleles web site
Having spent the greater part of my adult life exercising the left side of my brain–I received a PhD in American Studies at the University of Iowa and have taught at various colleges for the past 20 years–I decided several years ago it was time to strike a balance. I began to pursue a long-time interest in woodworking and have since been laboring toward a total career shift. With any luck, I'll have achieved that shift before I reach retirement age.
U.S. Music Corp
444 E. Courtland St.
Mundelein, IL 60060
Phone: 1-800 US SOUND (877-6863) OR 847-949-0444
Fax: 847-949-8444
from the Oscar Schmidt by Washburn web site
The Oscar Schmidt Company was founded in 1871 and incorporated in 1911. By the early 1900s, the company had five factories in Europe and a factory on Ferry Street in Jersey City. They made all kinds of stringed instruments, guitars, banjos, mandolins, ukuleles, zithers, and Autoharps®.
292 South Main Street
Sheffield, MA 01257
tel: 800-459-5558
fax: 413-229-8536
Our family store, Funky Frets is an authorized dealer and carries the Magic Fluke Company brand.
from the Magic Fluke Company web site
The Magic Fluke Co. was started by Dale and Phyllis Webb in 1999 in the basement of our home in New Hartford Connecticut. I was inspired and encouraged by Phyllis's brother Jim Beloff, an accomplished musician and guitarist who discovered the uke a few years earlier. Jim realized anyone interested in playing the uke back then had very little to choose from in the way of available music or instruments and in 1992, he incorporated as Flea Market Music and released the first of many music books and videos. In the late nineties, I had the motivation to jump ship from the corporate world and decided to make an attempt at an affordable, USA-made ukulele. Armed with prototypes made with thermoformed parts from the kitchen oven, and a handful of Jim's books and CDs, we committed to exhibit at The National Association of Music Merchants annual trade show in LA, January of 1999. The Magic Fluke Company was born and there was no looking back as orders started coming in and we had to tool up and start producing instruments.
P.O. Box 751149
Petaluma, California 94975-1149
tel:1 877 Uke Duke
Our family store, Funky Frets is an authorized dealer and carries the Kala Brand Music Company brand.
from the Kala Brand Music Company web site
Mike Upton is the founder of Kala Brand Music Company in northern California. Established in 2005, Kala builds 120-plus models of ukulele, including travel and bass variations.Kala and Makala brand of ukuleles.
from the The Bean Sprout Banjo Ukulele Company web site
If you are looking for a ukulele or banjo ukulele built by Aaron Keim, go to www.myamoe.com
3700 Washington Ave. S.
Titusville, FL 32780
Phone: (321) 264-1970
Fax: (321) 269-4910
from the Gold Tone Instrument Company web site
Gold Tone Banjos, located in Titusville, Florida was founded by Wayne and Robyn Rogers in 1993. Active folk musicians in the 70's and 80's, they opened Strings N' Things Music Center in 1978. In 1993 Wayne designed the original TB-100 Travel Banjo and began manufacturing and distributing the "Traveler" mail order. After a wonderful review by Banjo Newsletter, the TB-100 became very much in demand. As the company grew, new innovations were combined with proven vintage designs. Dealers and customers continued to request quality banjos in a reasonable price range and soon Gold Tone's collection included 5 strings, 6 strings, Banjitars, Mando Banjos, 4 strings, Weissenborns, metal bodies, resonator guitars and mandolins.
EAST COAST: 1000 Technology Park Dr.
Glen Allen, VA 23059
Phone: (800) 446-6010
Fax: (804) 515-0347
WEST COAST: 1240 Quarry St.
Corona, CA 92879
Phone: (800) 637-0477
Our family store, Funky Frets is an authorized dealer and carries the Lanikai Ukuleles brand.
from the Lanikai Ukuleles web site
Lanikai Beach, Hawaii - its name means "Heavenly Ocean"… and Lanikai Ukuleles let you "ride the wave" to your own heavenly musical landscape.
from the Spanky Banjo Ukes web site
Spanky Banjo Ukes are built by luthiers Dan Fobert and Phil Morris. Combining Phil's longtime love affair with the ukulele and Dan's creativity and innovative construction techniques, with input from other uke players they have developed an idea for an instrument built in the traditional way but utilizing up to date features. Spanky Banjo Ukes use a longer, wider concert scale length neck for easier play and a synthetic head to eliminate the problems natural skin heads have with changes in humidity. The advanced Renaissance and Fiberskyn head materials produce a mellow natural tone while maintaining plenty of banjo volume and punch.
Ozaukee County, Wisconsin
eMail: [email protected]
from the Todd Korup, the Uker of OZ web site
Well let's see. First and foremost I am a husband and father of 3 awesome kids. I love music, art, classic designs and building things. I love things made of fine wood and metal including classic cars, old buildings, old tools and machines, longboard skateboards and of coarse.instruments. The art of luthier has brought all those things together in a very rewarding way.
WaverlyStreet Software
277 W. Brighton Road
Columbus, Ohio, 43202
Fax: (201) 917-1482
from the WaverlyStreet Ukuleles web site
WaverlyStreet Software has been producing practical, easy-to-use programs for home and office since 1996. We use the "Shareware" distribution concept, which means that you can download fully-operational packages and try them out for a period of time while deciding whether or not to purchase. If you like the program, you can register on-line via credit card (or through surface mail) and receive a registration code which makes the program YOURS, without having to download anything else or re-install the software!
Barry Sholder
122 Battle Dr.
Dallas, Georgia 30132
Phone: 770-712-4419
eMail: [email protected]
from the Gourd Banjos web site
To construct all my banjos, I try to find the finest materials available . Your banjo will truely be one of a kind because these instruments are made from gourds grown in the fields of Casa Grade, Arizona. Some of the gourds that I use measure up to 3/4" thick, making them ideal for a carved surface. Also, thickness does have a factor in the tone of the instrument.
Tommy George and Christian Stanfield
301 Church Street
Somerville, Tennessee
from the George Banjos web site
George Banjos is located in historic, scenic Somerville, Tennessee, just a few blocks away from the court square and town center. It is located just shy of midway between Memphis and Jackson.
from the Small Wonder Banjos web site
My fascination with banjos was first sparked in 1975 when I discovered the joys of old time music while living in the San Francisco Bay Area. Soon I was repairing and restoring great old instruments, and after settling in Seattle, I began designing and building my own banjo-family instruments in 1985. I am especially fond of the the late 19th century banjo aesthetic, and at the same time I enjoy taking banjo design in playful and humorous directions. I've had a lot of experience creating custom inlays, including: skeletons, lizards, frogs, dragonflies, butterflies, crows, cats, llamas, hens, roosters, burning candles, and floral motifs. I have built open backed 5 string Banjos (both 11in, and 12in rims) minstrel banjos, banjo-guitars, and banjo-ukes (using both standard banjo construction, and my unique "neck-through" body design).
SHS International
1922 W. Banta Ave.
Indianapolis, Indiana 46217
Phone: 1-800-475-7686
Our family store, Funky Frets is an authorized dealer and carries the Eddy Finn Ukuleles brand.
from the Eddy Finn Ukuleles web site
From the distinctive soundhole resonance to the exotic woods used to hand craft each one to tonal perfection, every one has a song waiting to be played. Pick up an Eddy Finn and it's like a blast of warm sea air hitting your senses. Hand set ocean abalone, fishbone, herringbone…it's all here. But the truth? It has to sound great first or it's just a decoration hanging on a wall. Nobody wants that. At the core it has to be musical. It has to breathe.
Great site with a lot of history on the bajo ukulele. Especially from the perspective of the United Kingdom, Great Britain where the banjo was wildly popular. thanks to George Formby.
George Formby, Jr., OBE (26 May 1904 – 6 March 1961) was an English singer and comedian, famous for playing the banjolele, a banjo-like instrument, and performing a variety of light, comical songs. He would eventually become a popular star of stage and screen.
Content is always being added and updated. So check-in often. Thanks, for visiting!!!
One of the largest collections of lessons, songs and TABS, archtop luthiers, ukulele builders, festival information, ukulele links on the web. I've been on the web since the early 90's and growing everyday. This site just never stops growing!!!


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Discovering wildlife
Exploring New York's wild and natural world
Posts filtered on Category
Travel, travel, and more travel!
As a student at Finger Lakes Community College, I was very fortunate to be able to participate in an undergraduate research study about black bear marking behaviors. Coincidentally, a professor at FLCC, Jim Hewlett, wrote a grant to the National Science Foundation several years ago. In I believe 2011, FLCC was granted approximately $3.5 million […] [Read More]


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