text:
Hiring Organization:International Primate Rescue
Date Posted:2013-11-18
Position Description: Daily monitoring of all primates
Management of any health issues (medications, additional feeding etc)
Observations, if necessary
Record keeping
Research, if necessary
Accompany primates to the vet
Vaccinations & de-worming of all primates
Management of a diabetic Mona monkey including insulin injections daily, glucose curves & diet monitoring
All long term volunteers are required to do morning feeds on a rota basis and evening wash up if we are short staffed.
From time to time, when the sanctuary is under pressure (new arrivals etc), you may be asked to do other duties if it does not interfere with the duties outlined above
Microscope Must be fully competent in performing routine fecal exams, and knowledgeable in all aspects of veterinary parasitology. You may be the only person on site with these skills so be prepared to be self-motivated in researching and expanding the laboratory portion of our future clinic.
Qualifications/Experience:All applicants are required to have a qualification in Veterinary Nursing and must be able to provide at least two references, along with a copy of their academic certificate.
Our Veterinary Nurse will be motivated, hard-working, driven and will be a good team player
Salary/funding:Voluntary position
provided for internship/volunteer positions (travel, meals, lodging):You will receive a monthly food allowance of around 1000 Rand per month and will receive free accommodation
Term of Appointment:Minimum of 1 year with 1 months probationary period
Application Deadline:January 2014 - a successful candidate may be appointed earlier.
Information:Sue MousleyPlot 20, Boundary RoadKromdraai PO BOX 0120South Africa
Telephone Number:+27152636585
E-mail Address:email@example.com
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contact person listed for that job. Questions and comments about using
the Primate-Jobs web site can be directed to Joe Kemnitz at
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text: After we thought Qualcomm and Broadcom had at least kissed and made up a little, Broadcom dropped a bit of a bombshell this week: the wireless chipset company asked the International Trade Commission (ITC) to ban the import of Qualcomm-containing mobile phones to the U.S. The handsets in question feature certain Qualcomm processors involved in the long-running patent infringement lawsuit between the two wireless companies. Broadcom told the ITC that Qualcomm would be "rewarded for patent infringement" activities if all Qualcomm chip-containing handsets were not banned from being imported into the U.S. In other news, Verizon Wireless, Sprint Nextel and Alltel said they would immediately switch to GSM and give away free Nokia N73 handsets to all customers. Just kidding -- we can have fun too, you see?[Thanks, Wil]

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Vantage Card Services was awarded the Small Business Standard of Excellence 2008 WebAward for its Merchant Rates Calculator tool.The Web Marketing Association names the best web sites in 2008 in its twelfth annual WebAward Competition for Web site development. More than 2,400 sites from 45 countries were adjudicated in 96 industry categories during this year's competition. Entries were judged on design, copy writing, innovation, content, interactivity, navigation, and use of technology.
© 1996 - 2015 Vantage Card Services, Inc. is a registered ISO of Wells Fargo Bank, N.A., Walnut Creek, CA. All Rights reserved. Privacy.


text: Ah the food co-op, the secretive bastion of cheaper groceries and respectful exchanges with employees because if you start yelling at someone who can't find what you're looking for, it's gonna make for an awkward shift tomorrow. You wanna shop at one, but you also don't want to commit to doing the work, not off the bat anyway. Well good news, lazybones, because Clinton Hill's Greene Hill Food Co-op (18 Putnam Avenue) is offering a two-month trial membership with no membership fee or work requirements. (more…)


text:
With the help of the military's Post-9/11 GI Bill, Navy veteran Joshua Missouri is able to attend college.
With 40,000 service members returning home and concluding enlistments as the U.S. winds down its roles in Iraq and Afghanistan, colleges are gearing up for veterans who'll take advantage of the GI Bill.
The latest bill effective August 2009 reimburses tuition and fees to the schools and makes housing and other payments directly to the veteran.
"It's a great opportunity for me to do something I wanted to do since I graduated from high school and get the career I want and be able to do things for my family," said Missouri, a 29-year-old veteran, who did an eight-month stint in Afghanistan.


text:
Ray R. Nichels
Nichels Engineering
1922 - 2005
This page is dedicated to the memory of Ray.
Please visit
for more information.
Ray Nichel's resume stands up with the best in American racing. Midgets, Indy cars, and Stock cars, Ray Nichels and those who toiled with him at Nichels Engineering in Highland and Griffith, Indiana built some of the fastest race cars to grace the American racing landscape for over 40 years.
Cotton Owens accepts the trophy for winning the 1957 NASCAR Grand National Beach Race at Daytona. Owens drove a '57 Pontiac for Ray Nichels to Pontiac's first win in NASCAR history.
Banjo Matthews (my other grandfather) won the Pole at Daytona Beach in 1957 for Ray Nichels. Cotton won the race.
Ray Nichels and Paul Goldsmith are accepting the First Place trophy for winning the 150-mile USAC race at Milwaukee in August of 1962.
In addition to their Pontiac activities, Nichels Engineering was also under contract to Firestone for testing and development. The fleet of test cars pictured here includes a '59 Catalina, a Pontiac-powered Kurtis Indy car, and a '58 Chieftain.
Here's Nichels and an assistant testing a Pontiac V-8 on the dyno. Note the reverse-flow cooling system, indicating a pre-'58 V-8 engine.
Paul Goldsmith and his #1 Nichels Pontiac Catalina bang their way past Milt "Uncle Milty" Curcio's Ford to a win at Milwaukee
The '61 USAC Stock Car Champion Paul Goldsmith and '61 NASCAR Champion Joe Weatherly are shown during a promotional tour for the record-setting Nichels Engineering Pontiac Teams. Shown in the middle is a teenage Linda Vaughn, Miss Pontiac.
Paul Goldsmith began his last season driving the Nichels Engineering Pontiacs by taking the pole at the NASCAR race at Riverside. By the middle of the '63 race season he made the change to Chrysler.
Ray R. Nichels
Nichels Engineering
In 1938, at the age of 15, Ray Nichels, went on the road as a midget car crew chief, racing at tracks across America. From 1938-1948, the drivers of the Ray Nichels prepared midgets (campaigned by his father Rudy Nichels) were Ted Duncan, Tony Bettenhausen, Johnnie Parsons, Paul Russo, Mike O'Halloran, and Ray Richards (All members of the Midget Racing Hall of Fame.)
Following his time midget racing, Nichels moved on to Indy cars and eventually participated in 12 Indianapolis 500 races, as a chief mechanic and crew chief. In those twelve 500's, Ray Nichels won one Pole (1957 w/Pat O'Connor), garnered two top-five finishes (a 3rd and a 5th w/Paul Goldsmith), and five top-ten finishes. Most notable of his top-ten finishes was the 9th place showing in the 1950 Indianapolis 500 of the Russo-Nichels Special. Paul Russo and Ray Nichels constructed this car in the basement of Russo's Hammond, Indiana home during the winter of 1949-1950. Qualifying in the 7th row, the Russo-Nichels Special captured the imagination of the American racing public by running with the leaders for much of the day, before the rain-shortened race ended at 345 miles. The Russo-Nichels Special soon became affectionately known as "Basement Bessie" as it was campaigned on the AAA Championship Trail during the 1950 season. In December, Nichels with Johnnie Parsons behind the wheel, won the first ever Indy car race at the newly built Darlington Raceway. On the season, Ray Nichels and Paul Russo and their hand-built "basement" creation missed the chance to win the National Championship only after a season-ending injury to Russo in the November AAA Indy car race in Phoenix.
Nichels then toiled as chief mechanic for Johnnie Parsons' entries in the 1953 and 1954 Indy 500 races. In June of 1954, Ray Nichels joined the Firestone Tire and Rubber Company as its chief mechanic for all race tire testing. In their first test together, he and driver Sam Hanks teamed up to set a new world's closed-course speed record of 182.554 mph at Chrysler Corporation's newly built Chelsea, Michigan proving grounds in a Nichels prepared Chrysler Hemi-powered Kurtis-Kraft roadster. It would be the first of many world speed records that Nichels and his cars would set over the next 20 years.
In 1957, Ray Nichels and Indiana-based Nichels Engineering won the pole position (with
Banjo Matthews
) and won the race (with
Cotton Owens
) at the NASCAR Grand National Beach Race at Daytona. Two months later, Nichels traveled to Monza, Italy on behalf of Firestone, and set a series of world speed records on the world's highest-banked oval with driver Pat O'Connor behind the wheel of the Chrysler Hemi-powered Kurtis-Kraft roadster. Nichels and O'Connor then returned to the United States where they won the Pole position for the world's most important race, the Indianapolis 500. It is believed Ray Nichels remains to be the only mechanic to ever win the pole at both Daytona and Indianapolis in the same year.
With his 1957 Daytona win, Nichels expanded his stock car racing business becoming the "house" racecar builder for Pontiac from 1956-1963. Working directly for Pontiac Gen. Mgr. Semon "Bunkie" Knudsen, Nichels managed Pontiac's involvement in stock car racing from his operations in Highland, Indiana. By 1961, under Nichels' guidance, Pontiac dominated American stock car racing. Nichels Engineering driver, Paul Goldsmith captured the USAC National Championship with 10 wins, 7 poles and 16 top-five finishes in 19 races. Overall Pontiac performance in USAC was 14 wins, 10 poles and 38 top-five finishes in 22 races. In NASCAR, overall Pontiac performance was 30 wins in 52 races. In 1962, Pontiac's dominance under Nichels became even further evident as Nichels and Goldsmith won their 2nd consecutive USAC National Championship with 8 wins, 6 poles and 15 top-five finishes in 20 races. Overall Pontiac performance in USAC was 10 wins, 10 poles and 34 top-five finishes in 22 races. Four Nichels Engineering drivers (Goldsmith, A.J. Foyt, Rodger Ward, and Len Sutton) finished in the seasons Top Ten. In NASCAR, overall Pontiac performance was 22 wins in 53 races, with Joe Weatherly winning the National Championship driving a Nichels Engineering built, Bud Moore-prepped Pontiac.
In 1961, Nichels Engineering prepared and ran two 1962 Pontiac Catalinas, setting one lap, 500 mile and 24 hour world stock car speed and endurance records at the Indianapolis Motor Speedway and Darlington Raceway. The Nichels Engineering driving team consisted of Rodger Ward, Paul Goldsmith, Len Sutton, Fireball Roberts, Joe Weatherly and Marvin Panch. Nichels mechanics for these historic speed and endurance runs were Ray Nichels, Dale "Tiny" Worley, Bud Moore,
Cotton Owens
and Smokey Yunick.
In 1963, Nichels and driver Paul Goldsmith delivered one of the most lopsided victories in Daytona Speed Weeks history, in the Challenge Cup 250, when Goldsmith piloted the Nichels Engineering #50 Super Duty 421 Pontiac LeMans to victory, beating 2nd place finisher A.J. Foyt by over 5 miles.
Later in 1963, Ray Nichels and Nichels Engineering became the "house" racecar builder for all of Chrysler Corporation. Nichels role with Chrysler was identical to his with Pontiac. Working for Ronney Householder, Nichels was commissioned to build the fastest and safest stock cars in the business, disseminate racing knowledge and design technology to all Chrysler teams in support of their collective racing efforts. Working with legendary stock car racers
Cotton Owens
, Ray Fox, Harry Hyde, Norm Nelson, and Petty Enterprises, Nichels Engineering did just that. It is no coincidence that the most prolific period in Chrysler stock car racing history was 1964-1970. Nichels Engineering-built stock cars won national stock car championships in USAC, NASCAR, ARCA and IMCA, several years running, setting speed records at tracks across America.
Ray Nichels and Nichels Engineering won three (3) National Stock Car Championships in USAC. Paul Goldsmith and Ray Nichels combined to win titles in 1961 and 1962. Then in 1967, Nichels and all-time winningest USAC Stock car driver Don White teamed-up for the USAC national championship.
In 13 years of NASCAR competition, Nichels Engineering campaigned cars raced 223 times, garnering 89 top-ten finishes, 62 top-five finishes, 12 Poles and 11 victories. Nichels Engineering was a winner at tracks such as Daytona, Bristol, Rockingham, Michigan, and Talladega. Nichels also won NASCAR pole positions at Daytona, Talladega, Charlotte, Rockingham, Darlington, Michigan, and Riverside.
Nichels Engineering was a seven (7) time NASCAR winner at Daytona from 1957-1970. Winning drivers were
Cotton Owens
, Bobby Isaac, Paul Goldsmith (2), AJ Foyt, Sam McQuagg and Charlie Glotzbach.
The list of drivers who piloted cars built by and/or campaigned by Ray Nichels and Nichels Engineering is synonymous with American racing excellence .... they are Bobby Isaac, A.J. Foyt, David Pearson, Bobby Unser, Al Unser, Roger Penske, Paul Goldsmith, Rodger Ward, Don White, Tony Bettenhausen, Richard Petty, Dan Gurney, Junior Johnson, Buddy Baker, Bobby Allison, Gordon Johncock, Pat O'Connor, Paul Russo, Mario Andretti, LeeRoy Yarbrough, Jim Hurtubise, Fred Lorenzen, Charlie Glotzbach, Glenn "Fireball" Roberts, Joe Weatherly, Marvin Panch,
Cotton Owens
Banjo Matthews
, Sam McQuagg, Joe Leonard, Len Sutton, Darel Dieringer, Troy Ruttman, Dave Marcis, Richard Brickhouse, Ramo Stott, Ernie Derr, Jimmy Pardue, James Hylton, Butch Hartman, Roger McCluskey, Bobby Johns, Ray Elder, Norm Nelson and Lloyd Ruby
On April 25th, 1996, Ray Nichels was inducted into Mechanics Hall of Fame within the International Motorsports Hall of Fame located in Talladega, Alabama. On the same day, Indiana Governor, Evan Bayh, awarded Ray Nichels the "Sagamore of the Wabash," the highest distinguished service honor bestowed upon an Indiana citizen by its governor.
Copyright © 2005 -- Wm. LaDow / LaDow Publishing
All material on this website, unless otherwise provided, is owned by Cotton Owens Garage and is protected by international copyright, trademark, and other intellectual property laws.
Website Copyright Stratatomic LLC. All rights reserved.
Web Design Greenville SC by Stratatomic


text:
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[directfb-dev] Re: Savage driver status
hi denis, i worked on it for a bit, experiementing stuff, added some trivial stuff to support the ProSavage DDR. i didn't get around to commiting it and i actually lost the code somehow :P but it's trivial to add. i had a look at the open source xfree driver from VIA and it had a lot of new stuff in it like DRM etc. i might work on improving the Savage driver if my company wants me to otherwise the Savage driver development is on halt for now. who knows, i might start working on the CLE266 (pending on company approval) ;) we will see. btw, savage driver works ok for me on a PN133T twister board and a ProSavage DDR board. cheers, alex -----Original Message----- From: Denis Oliver Kropp [mailto:email@example.com] Sent: Tuesday, September 09, 2003 12:50 PM To: Yaroslav Rastrigin Cc: email@example.com Subject: [directfb-dev] Re: Savage driver status Quoting Yaroslav Rastrigin: > Hi ! > > I'm curious about status of the Savage driver. Last time I tried it > (in 0.9.18, AFAIR), it wasn't practically useable, both from correctness and > speed standpoints. Searching DirectFB-CVS for Savage gives last change > somewhere around July. Does it means savage development is effectively > stopped, or someone is working on it, but haven't committed his changes yet ? I don't think so, Alex? -- Best regards, Denis Oliver Kropp .------------------------------------------. | DirectFB - Hardware accelerated graphics | | http://www.directfb.org/ | "------------------------------------------" Convergence GmbH -- Info: To unsubscribe send a mail to email@example.com with "unsubscribe directfb-dev" as subject. -- Info: To unsubscribe send a mail to email@example.com with "unsubscribe directfb-dev" as subject.
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Best from Heels
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5 Glorious Beauty Trends of Fall 2013 »
The Fall season brought us some truly glorious beauty trends. You may choose between wearing lipstick or eyeshadow, between sheens and textures, and hues like orange and black. Hair and nail trends are too quite exciting.05-09-2013 | Read Full Article
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2013 MTV Video Music Awards took place in New York, Brooklyn, Barclays Center where the stars – nominees, presenters, and performers – gathered on the red carpet to show off their outfits and beauty looks. Here is our beauty report on the show.26-08-2013 | Read Full Article
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Silver eyeshadow is super trendy this summer and fall. There are quite a few ways to wear it and we simply love the idea of playing with colors, sheens, and textures.09-08-2013 | Read Full Article
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Haute couture fashion week went as usual bringing lots of new and not really new ideas design and beauty-wise. Dior showed another take on statement lips while Versace went for a 'fluttering eyes' look. See the best of Fall 2013 haute couture beauty here.08-07-2013 | Read Full Article
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text: Our firm was founded in 1957 by attorneys Ralph Blume and Don Wyneken. Although they were opposite politically, they shared a strong commitment to their clients and an understanding of what every client needs – practical advice and affordable solutions. Year after year and client by client, they developed a reputation for high standards of service and ethics. This attracted not only clients to the firm but also outstanding attorneys. Through its focus on the needs and goals of its clients, the firm has steadily expanded over the past five decades. Despite an ever-growing number of clients and practice areas, we have maintained the philosophy of providing high quality, yet affordable legal representation. Blume, Connelly, Jordan, Stucky and Lauer... Practical Advice Affordable Solutions.


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Anger Management Therapists in Kalispell
Verified by Psychology Today
Cynthia Tadday
Clinical Social Work/Therapist, LCPC, MHP
"I am a down to earth, action oriented therapist who believes that the most important component of successful therapy will be the client/therapist relationship. I enjoy assisting individuals in meeting and exceeding the outcomes which they desire. Feel free to contact me to determine if the fit is right for you.
(509) 560-4677
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Stefan Bean
Clinical Social Work/Therapist, MSW, LCSW
"I approach every client with concern for immediate difficulties and symptoms, but also believe that one of the central tasks of therapy is to gain self knowledge and understanding. Other important therapeutic outcomes might include acknowledging emotion, understanding avoidance, and identifying behavioral and relationship patterns. Research studies consistently demonstrate that focusing on relationships (past and present) increases the likelihood that therapeutic work will be effective.
(406) 445-0723
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Joe Keller
Marriage & Family Therapist, LCSW, LAC
"Any aged couple experiencing distress and despair in the relationship. You may be saying to yourself: "I feel stuck. I feel disengaged. The problems seem insurmountable. When I attempt conversation about difficult issues they invariably turn to gridlock. Hurtful words are used by both of us. Withdrawal, isolation and silence follow. It seems we have a crisis over something. Then we have a brief honeymoon followed by a period of tension leading to another explosion. Seems like it never ends. Seems my efforts to engage are met with distancing by my spouse. I feel more and more disconnected, more helpless and hopeless about this relationship."
(406) 250-8818
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Colleen M Johnson
Clinical Social Work/Therapist, MSW, LCSW
"Does your heart hurt? Have you lost a loved one to death or divorce and your mourning feels unbearable? Grief and loss also comes from relocating, breaking up with a significant other, fired from a job, a broken friendship, a pet dying, abusive childhood, or substance abuse. Grief can feel heavy and numbing. You may feel anxiety, anger, depression and are isolating. Self-medicating through alcohol and drugs is common, too. Negative emotions are balled up and difficult to untangle alone. Do you want to move through the journey of grief into a place where it feels "more normal"?
(406) 646-2484
Office is near:Kalispell, Montana 59901
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Wilderness Treatment Center
Treatment Facility
"Wilderness Treatment Center is a 60 day, inpatient chemical dependency addiction treatment facility for teens / young men between the ages of 14 and 24. We combine a conventional 30 day inpatient stay with a 16-21 day wilderness therapy expedition.
(406) 854-2832
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SOLE - Selkirk Outdoor Leadership & Education, Inc
Treatment Facility
"SOLE Journey Experiences are intentionally designed and facilitated outdoor expeditions for adolescents and young adults to challenge themselves in a personalized empowering manner. Our individualized and supportive design fosters transferable and sustainable life lessons. Our Journey Experience curriculum focuses on character and leadership development, environmental awareness and stewardship, human and natural history, as well as, outdoor living skills, and are designed for individuals, parents, clinicians, education consultants, school administrators, schools, and/or programs. Specifically, these expeditions are tailored towards those interested in an individualized short-term behavioral intervention to reinforce positive behavior and extinguish negative behavior; provide a sound short-term placement before transition back into their current/future setting; provide parents and professionals a preventative and assessment measure prior to sending their child to a wilderness and/or residential program; and address needed services in a novel manner for professionals who work with "families in need". These 8 to 21 day backcountry expeditions occur in the beautiful Cabinet and Bitterroot Mountains of Montana, however, have also be custom-tailored to location and duration for schools, programs, and families in need. Whatever your interests and needs please let us know how we can support you today!
(928) 379-6092
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Schrom Boy's Home at Hawks Landing
Treatment Facility
"Located in picturesque North Idaho, Schrom Boy's Home at Hawks Landing is a therapeutic program committed to providing adolescents and their families with experiences that will enhance their growth and personal development. The program is specifically designed to help adolescents and their families move beyond their self-limiting beliefs that have kept them from achieving their potential. The students at Hawks Landing are male adolescents ranging in age from 13 to 17 years old who possess special emotional, psychological, and behavioral needs. All of our students possess one common denominator: they have a need for change, and their lives must be provided with the appropriate environment to learn, practice, and internalize these changes. We provide an alternative to large expensive boarding schools by offering a smaller, intimate, quality, cost-effective, safe, and home-like environment. Hawks Landing prides itself on the one-on-one personal attention, creative and individualized treatment, and interpersonal relationships given to your child.
(208) 215-7596
No more Anger Management Therapists in Kalispell - try other Therapists below
Broaden search to +10 miles Flathead County Montana - MT
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Lora Lonsberry
Counselor, PhD
"I integrate body-centered psychotherapies, traditional cognitive and behavioral therapies, humanistic and archetypal perspectives, and the teachings of several spiritual traditions. Specialties include, relationship and intimacy issues, recovery from past trauma, working through past relationships, body image and self-esteem issues, unlocking the creative process, deepening spirituality, and neurotherapy. Always one to take the road less traveled, beyond traditional methodologies, I have worked to incorporate into my work such diverse fields as archetypal psychology as an Associate at Pacifica Graduate Institute in Santa Barbara, sacred psychology with Jean Houston"s Mystery school.
(406) 551-9399
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Carrie Thiel
Counselor, LCPC
"As you turn to counseling, seeking more satisfaction and meaning in your life, I'd be honored assist you during the process. From self-concept to relationships to career--it's never too late to make a change for the better. Whether you want to break old habits or develop new coping skills, counseling can help.
(406) 272-0213
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Debra Klemann, LCPC, LMFT
Marriage & Family Therapist
"My goal is simply to help people overcome life's challenges. My philosophy on counseling is strength and solution-based, focusing on the competency and courage of people verses their deficits. My methods of intervention are based in family systems theory as well as cognitive behavioral theory. That is I believe that our thoughts, feelings, and behaviors are all connected and in altering one we can alter the other two. I also focus my case conceptualization and interventions on the relationships and systems encompassing each individual.
(406) 257-8555
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Cami L Larson
Clinical Social Work/Therapist, LCSW, CMHP
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"I provide individual therapy to pre-teenagers ("tweens"), teenagers, and adults. I also provide parenting support, family therapy, and couples counseling. I conduct standard psychological evaluation on children, teens, and young adults.
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"I help you to discover solutions to your personal struggles. I am a Licensed Counselor and an ACPI Certified Coach for Parents and Stepparents. As a Certified Coach for Parents and Stepparents, I utilize a solution-focused approach to finding answers to parenting struggles. I help individuals or couples that are redefining their family to break down problems and create solutions. As a Licensed Counselor in Montana I have a private practice in which I utilize a Psychodynamic approach to resolve old or new issues to make way for a healthier more balanced way of living.
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(1) Maintaining a reasonable balance in the resources allocated among the customary diverse uses of technology in the public school and higher education systems, while allowing flexibility to address unanticipated priority needs and unusual local circumstances and ensuring efficient and equitable use of technology at all levels from primary school through higher education, including vocational and adult education;
(2) Providing for uniformity in technological hardware and software standards and procedures to achieve interoperability between the public school and higher education systems to the extent that the uniformity is considered prudent for reducing acquisition cost, avoiding duplication, promoting expeditious repair and maintenance and facilitating user training, while allowing flexibility for local innovations and options when the objectives relating to uniformity are reasonably met;
(3) Preserving the integrity of governance, administration, standards and accountability for technology within the public school and higher education systems, respectively, while encouraging collaborative service delivery and infrastructure investments with other entities that will reduce cost, avoid duplication or improve services, particularly with respect to other entities such as the educational broadcasting system, public libraries and other governmental agencies with compatible technology interests;
(4) Improving the long-term ability of the state to efficiently manage and direct the resources available for technology in the public school and higher education systems to establish appropriate infrastructure that ensures, to the extent practicable, a sustainable, cost-effective and transparent migration to new technology platforms;
(5) Fostering closer communication between faculty, students and administrators and promoting the collaboration of schools, libraries, researchers, community members, state agencies, organizations, business and industry, post-secondary institutions and public virtual learning environments to meet the needs of all learners; and
(6) Creating and maintaining compatible and secure technology systems that enhance the efficient operation of the education systems.
(b) The following are strategies that the Governor's Advisory Council for Educational Technology must address in the educational technology strategic plan. Unless specifically identified otherwise, each strategy shall apply to public education, higher education or both, as appropriate:
(1) The strategy for using technology in the public school and higher education systems consistent with the findings, intent and purpose of this article and other uses considered necessary to improve student performance and progress. In addition, these uses may include:
(A) Providing for individualized instruction and accommodating a variety of learning styles of students through computer-based technology, video and other technology-based instruction;
(B) Advancing learning through alternative approaches in curriculum to integrate education, research and technology into lifelong learning strategies;
(C) Increasing student access to high quality blended distance learning curriculum using real time interactive and online distance education tools;
(D) Recognizing that information literacy is a fundamental competency for lifelong learning and information literacy is incorporated into the curricula of higher education and the workplace; and
(E) Improving teaching and learning and the ability to increase student achievement by meeting individual student needs;
(2) The strategy for allocating the resources available and developing the capacity necessary to achieve the purposes addressed in the plan. The strategy shall:
(A) Allow for reasonable flexibility for county boards and regional education service agencies to receive assistance with the development and implementation of technological solutions designed to improve performance, enrich the curriculum and increase student access to high-level courses;
(B) Allow for reasonable flexibility for county boards, regional education service agencies and institutional boards of governors to implement technological solutions that address local priorities consistent with achieving the major objectives set forth in the education technology strategic plan; and
(C) Use the most cost-effective alternative allowable pursuant to section six of this article for expending funds for technology acquisition and implementation consistent with the goals of the plan;
(D) Encourage development by the private sector of technologies and applications appropriate for education; and
(E) Encourage the pursuit of funding through grants, gifts, donations or any other source for uses related to education technology;
(3) For public education, the strategy for using technology to increase and maintain equity in the array and quality of educational offerings, expand the curriculum, deliver high-quality professional development and strengthen professional qualifications among the counties notwithstanding circumstances of geography, population density and proximity to traditional teacher preparation;
(4) For public education, the strategy for developing and using the capacity of the public school system to implement, support and maintain technology in the public schools through the allocation of funds either directly or through contractual agreements with county boards and regional education service agencies for labor, materials and other costs associated with the installation, set-up, internet hook-up, wiring, repair and maintenance of technology in the public schools and state institutions of higher education;
(5) The strategy for ensuring that the capabilities and capacities of the technology infrastructure within the state and its various regions is adequate for acceptable performance of the technology being implemented in the public schools and the state institutions of higher education, for developing the necessary capabilities and capacities or for pursuing alternative solutions;
(6) The strategy for maximizing student access to learning tools and resources at all times including before and after school or class, in the evenings, on weekends and holidays, and for public education, noninstructional days and during vacations for student use for homework, remedial work, independent learning, career planning and adult basic education;
(7) The strategy for improving the efficiency and productivity of administrators;
(8) The strategy for taking advantage of bulk purchasing abilities to the maximum extent feasible. This may include, but is not limited to:
(A) A method of recording all technology purchases across both the public education system and the higher education system;
(B) Combining the purchasing power of the public education system and the higher education system with the purchasing power of other state entities or all state entities; and
(C) A method of allowing public education and higher education to purchase from competitively bid contracts initiated through the southern regional education board educational technology cooperative and the American TelEdCommunications Alliance; and
(9) A strategy for allowing any other flexibility that is determined to be needed for the effective use of technology in public education and higher education.
(c) Nothing in this section may be construed to conflict with a state higher education institution's mission as set forth in its compact.
Note: WV Code updated with legislation passed through the 2015 Regular Session
The WV Code Online is an unofficial copy of the annotated WV Code, provided as a convenience. It has NOT been edited for publication, and is not in any way official or authoritative.


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Adam Eran: My best wishes to Ms. Cronan, and anyone else commited to willful blindness about facts, with an added plea: Please, be careful not to bump into the furniture. Meanwhile, I will refrain from calling Ms. Cronan "the barbarian."
A Great LA Filmfest on Endangered Species List?
Throw Joe Under the Bus
by Denis Campbell — Is it payback time? For two weeks, we've watched the Democratic Party leadership shamelessly threaten while pandering to Senator Joe (Judas) Lieberman in the slim hope he will do the honorable thing and accept his punishment and loss of Chairmanship for overtly supporting John McCain.


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Hold down Control (PC) or Command (Mac) key + mouseclick to select more than one option
|Avg. Dinner Entrée
|Greater than $25
|$18.01 - $25
|$12.01 - $18
|$7.01 - $12
|Less than $7
Posted by DiningDeacon on 12/06/2012
Above-par wraps and panini. The staff is efficient and quite nice. A solid neighborhood lunch spot.
Posted by Bigwineguy on 06/01/2011
These guys have always given me good food and good service. I work in the area and they just reopened after closing to remodel. The new exposed brick walls and wood flooring make it much more inviting inside. I usually get the Abbundanza hero but I have had a number of different sandwiches and they are always good, as are their breakfast sandwiches.
Posted by Caroline on 05/19/2009
I only went there once because I was craving an eggplant parmigian sandwich but I won't be going back! The inside is bleak (like a prison cafeteria) and the employees were surly and unresponsive to questions. The sandwich was poor. You're better off not trying this place at all.
Posted by Anonymous on 11/26/2008
We have ordered from these guys 3 times and all 3 times they never showed up. After repeated phone calls they would act as if we didn't give them the correct address. If you are going to get lunch make sure you pick it up!
Posted by Anonymous on 09/02/2008
Went there after a while, found that the atmosphere changed but the food remains the same, the guys are very nice and the menu expanded I used to get the heros but now they make paninis and wraps highly recomended
Posted by Anonymous on 08/06/2008
The food is still good, however, the value is not as it once was before all the changes. The quantity you get for today's price is less than before
Posted by Anonymous on 03/19/2008
Used to be extraordinary, now simply normal. Nice people, but they don't stuff the sandwiches the way the previous management did.


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Some yummy low cal low fat things I have come across:
'So Delicious' dairy free minis ice cream sandwiches, 90 calories, 2 g fat...and YUMMY!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
'Mini Vitacake fudgy Chocolate', these are made by the same ppl that make vita tops, u find them in the breakfast frozen section of the supermarket. 50 cals, 1 g fat each one and yummmmmmmmmyyyyyyy High in Fiber too, 6g, 2 g protein ...try em!!!
Lifeway frozen kefir. It's REAL frozen kefir, so it's tangy. I have only tried the strawberry and mango flavors - they're amazing. 1/2 a cup, 90 calories, 1g of fat.
Oasis brand makes a Zero Fat "Mediterranean Medley" Hoummus.
It is seriously good.
"Mediterranean Medley" is made with chick peas and sweet peppers, onions and other veggies instead of oil. 2 tbsp had 18 calories and zero fat. 2 tbsp regular hummus has 70 calories, mostly form olive oil.
I ate the entire 10 oz. tub - a whopping 180 calories, and it was a satisfying lunch. I know that An inexpensive low-cal lunch, that you can grab and go is something I treasure.
It isn't available everywhere, (http://www.omcfood.com/location.html)
Lucky Midwesterners.


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An appeal filed to Israel's Supreme Court this week provides a good example of just how morally warped some Israeli human-rights groups have become — and why those who truly need them are suffering as a result.
The appeal was filed on behalf of Gaza resident Atsem Hamdan, who sought permission to enter Israel for medical treatment unavailable in Gaza. The relevant Israeli authorities refused, and a district court upheld this decision. Hamdan, it said, could seek treatment in another country; Israel is not obliged to provide medical care for every resident of a hostile entity, which Hamas-led Gaza certainly is.
In their appeal, Haaretz reports, Gisha Legal Center for Freedom of Movement and Physicians for Human Rights-Israel argue that in fact, Israel is "obligated to see to the welfare and health of residents of the Gaza Strip. … This obligation is a result of the state of warfare, Israel's control of the border crossings, and the Gaza Strip's dependence on Israel due to the long years of occupation."
The sheer absurdity of these claims is mind-boggling. First, if Israel retains responsibility for Gaza's residents even after having withdrawn every last soldier and settler, merely because it used to occupy the Strip, what incentive would it ever have to quit any "occupied" territory? If Israel is going to be held responsible for the residents' welfare whether it goes or stays, it may as well stay and at least enjoy the benefits of occupation — like being able to crack down on Hamas's rocket-manufacturing industry.
Second, if "the state of warfare" and the border blockade that stems from it obligate Israel to provide medical care for Gaza's residents, then every country in the region has a powerful incentive to go to war with Israel. After all, Israel has the best medical care in the region. So either its neighbors can invest hundreds of millions of dollars in upgrading their own hospitals, or they can bombard Israel with cheap rockets and thereby obligate Israel to provide their citizens with state-of-the-art medical care — a much more cost-effective option.
And that, of course, is aside from the moral perversion of this argument, which makes the victim responsible for the aggressor's wellbeing. After all, it was Hamas that attacked Israel following the latter's 2005 pullout from Gaza, not the other way around.
Finally, Gaza has two borders, and Israel controls only one. It's hardly Israel's fault that Hamas has irritated Egypt so badly that Egypt's border with Gaza is sealed, too.
I doubt this nonsense will convince the Supreme Court, but it is nevertheless far from harmless — because such moral perversity is increasingly making Israelis tune out anything any self-proclaimed "human-rights organization" says. And that leaves the real victims of human-rights abuses, whose only hope of redress lies in having such organizations make their stories public, increasingly voiceless. For if these groups persist in crying wolf over trumped-up "rights" like those they claim for Hamdan, eventually, no one will listen anymore.


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The Kansas Senate has approved a plan aimed at fixing an unconstitutional funding imbalance between rich and poor school districts.
The Senate voted 23-17 to support a plan that gives local school districts the ability to expand their taxing authority with voter consent but also added controversial proposals promoting school choice and blocking spending on Common Core academic standards.
As the Senate debated its school finance bill late Thursday night, the House fashioned its own proposal, which is expected to be voted on later Thursday morning.


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Dropping the Bomb
To the Editor:
As a historian who has great respect for the conservative tradition (and who dedicated his first book to the memory of Henry L. Stimson, Secretary of War under Roosevelt and Truman), I found Donald Kagan's article, "Why America Dropped the Bomb" [September], disheartening—and not simply because it included a bitter attack on my work.
There was a time when thoughtful conservatives were willing to deal with the Hiroshima bombing with a dispassionate respect for the evidence—and, too, a profound concern for the moral and legal issues involved. Indeed, while such liberal publications as the Nation, the New Republic, and PM applauded the atomic bombings, conservatives were among the first to criticize the use of the weapon.
Two days after Hiroshima was attacked, for instance, Herbert Hoover wrote the publisher of Army and Navy Journal: "The use of the atomic bomb, with its indiscriminate killing of women and children, revolts my soul." When he and General Douglas MacArthur met privately a few months later, Hoover's diary records MacArthur's agreement that had President Truman followed Hoover's private May 1945 recommendation to clarify the surrender terms, "we would have avoided all of the losses, the atomic bomb, and the entry of Russia into Manchuria."
Similarly, the editor of Human Events, Felix Morley, denounced the bombings: "If December 7, 1941, is 'a day that will live in infamy,' what will impartial history say of August 6, 1945?" Throughout the 50's William F. Buckley, Jr.'s National Review ran numerous critical articles; a representative 1958 editorial emphasized this question
that ought to haunt Harry Truman: "was it really necessary? Might a mere demonstration of the bomb, followed by an ultimatum, have turned the trick?" If there is a satisfactory answer to that question, the people of Hiroshima and the people of the United States have a right to hear it.
The serious nature of postwar conservative criticism is reported at length in my book, The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb—as is the evidence upon which the early conservatives and more recent critics based their arguments. Although Mr. Kagan is extremely free with his charge that I and other historians have neglected certain points of evidence, he simply does not deal with such facts, or—to select only a few items (given space limitations)—the following judgments, some of which are widely known, some of which are newly reported in my book:
- Chief of Staff to the President, Admiral William D. Leahy's strong declaration that "the use of this barbarous weapon at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was of no material assistance in our war against Japan. The Japanese were already defeated and ready to surrender. . . ." (He had reached essentially this conclusion, his diary shows, by June 18, 1945.)
- General Dwight D. Eisenhower's repeated public and private statements that "Japan was already defeated and that dropping the bomb was completely unnecessary, and . . . that [the weapon was] no longer mandatory as a measure to save American lives. . . ."
- General Curtis E. LeMay's many statements like the following, made publicly on September 20, 1945: "The war would have been over in two weeks without the Russians entering and without the atomic bomb. . . . The atomic bomb had nothing to do with the end of the war at all."
Similarly, as is well known, just after the war the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey—guided by another conservative, Paul H. Nitze—judged that "certainly prior to December 31, 1945, and in all probability prior to November 1, 1945, Japan would have surrendered even if the atomic bombs had not been dropped, even if Russia had not entered the war, and even if no invasion had been planned or contemplated."
From the content of his article it seems highly doubtful that Mr. Kagan has even bothered to read The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb; he thinks it is the "latest version" of my 1965 Atomic Diplomacy. But the new book—as numerous reviewers have observed—is very different from the work I published more than 30 years ago on the basis of a 1963 Cambridge University doctoral dissertation.
Atomic Diplomacy was primarily a study of the impact of the atomic bomb on 1945 diplomacy. It dealt only briefly with the question of why the bomb was used—and repeatedly hedged its very tentative conclusions concerning the role of diplomatic factors in the decision with (often ignored) warnings that many questions cannot be fully answered "on the basis of the presently available evidence . . ."; that "no final conclusion can be reached . . ." as yet; and that "more research and more information are needed to reach a conclusive understanding of why the atomic bomb was used."
The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb is a full-scale analysis (780 pages of text and references) of the evidence accumulated in the last 50 years which shows the President was advised there were other ways to end the war without the atomic bomb—and plenty of time to test them between early August and a possible November landing. It also explores in detail how the modern myths surrounding the bomb were created. An Afterword takes up the now-numerous "theories" of why the bomb was used.
Mr. Kagan does not bother to cite (let alone challenge) any of the new information presented in this long text. His quite gratuitous personal attacks on me and on a very old book are hardly fitting in any serious scholarly discussion. Although Barton Bernstein, Martin Sherwin, and I disagree on certain important matters of interpretation, Mr. Kagan's misleading characterization of how such scholars view my work is simply not in accord with their published statements. (See, for example, Bernstein's explicit acknowledgment of my work—and his denunciation of the "questionable enterprise" of Mr. Kagan's principal source, Robert Maddox—in International Security, Spring 1991.) Nor does Mr. Kagan seem to know that Sherwin has modified his early argument in recent articles. Mr. Kagan's similarly reckless charge that my earlier book has been "refuted" by these and other writers is challenged by another scholar with far greater credentials in this field, his Yale colleague, the distinguished diplomatic historian Gaddis Smith: "[T]he preponderance of new evidence that has appeared since 1965 tends to sustain the original argument" of Atomic Diplomacy.
Even when Mr. Kagan attempts to deal with the documentary record, he is misleading. For instance, I agree that determining how many lives might have been lost if an invasion actually had to take place—or might have been "expected" to be lost—is very difficult. However, given the evidence that the President was advised that the war could almost certainly be ended by other means without an invasion, I have never made the debate over estimates central to my argument.
On the critical issue of whether the President was advised that the bomb was not necessary, Mr. Kagan changes the subject, misstates my position—and then (again) avoids the most important modern evidence. For instance, there is no disagreement that Japanese military leaders "wanted" to continue the war. They definitely did—especially as long as the U.S. demand for "unconditional surrender" threatened the emperor, and, too, especially as long as they could sustain the faint hope that the Russians might stay out of the war.
Moreover, it is not surprising that they held onto their views for a brief time even after these conditions changed. However, they quite quickly abandoned them (and a list of other items they hoped for in a surrender document) after the emperor's intervention—even though they had full power under the Japanese Constitution to resign rather than agree to accept the U.S. terms. (And, of course, the unknown internal August debate over additional items played no part in U.S. July decision-making.)
The central question is not what Japanese leaders did given the conditions they faced or for a brief moment following the change in conditions. Nor, contrary to Mr. Kagan, is it solely a matter of the conditions regarding the emperor—as I repeatedly emphasize in my new study. As virtually everyone recognized at the time, the real questions were: what options did President Truman have available to him to alter the context in which Japanese decision-making occurred—and what was he advised would likely happen once the Japanese had adequate time to digest the changes in context?
Mr. Kagan fails to note that U.S. intelligence and other officials advised that when two fundamental conditions facing Japan were changed, the war would likely end in reasonably short order. Again, space permits only a brief sampling of the evidence:
- As early as April 29, 1945, the Joint Intelligence Committee advised: "The entry of the USSR into the war would . . . convince most japanese at once of the inevitability of complete defeat" (emphasis added). This advice was repeated regularly throughout the rest of the spring and summer.
- On July 17, 1945 at the Potsdam conference—after hearing that Russia would indeed soon enter the war—President Truman's diary shows him writing: "Fini Japs when that comes about."
- The next day, July 18, 1945—in an exuberant letter to his wife Bess—he happily reported: ". . . I've gotten what I came for—Stalin goes to war August 15 with no strings on it. . . ." He then went on to observe: "I'll say that we'll end the war a year sooner now, and think of the kids who won't be killed!"
- Even without assuming the Russian attack, Secretary of War Stimson advised Truman directly on July 2, 1945 that if assurances were given for the emperor, "I think the Japanese nation has the mental intelligence and versatile capacity in such a crisis to recognize the folly of a fight to the finish and to accept the proffer of what will amount to an unconditional surrender. . . ."
- Acting Secretary of State Joseph C. Grew repeatedly argued essentially the same case to Truman. Indeed, as The Decision documents at length, contrary to Mr. Kagan, President Truman was advised by every significant official with White House access other than James F. Byrnes to clarify the surrender terms. Contemporary documents also show that the President never expressed any serious political objection to doing so, was not "obdurate" about the matter (to quote from Stimson's diary account), and expressly stated that he thought it a good idea on several occasions.
- On August 3, 1945, the diary of Byrnes's assistant, Walter Brown, records that at a meeting on the way home from Potsdam, the President, Byrnes, and Leahy "agrred [sic] Japas [sic] looking for peace. (Leahy had another report from Pacific.) President afraid they will sue for peace through Russia instead of some country like Sweden."
- A top-secret 1946 internal War Department study discovered a few years ago concluded that Russia's early August entry into the war ". . . would have been sufficient to convince all responsible leaders that surrender was unavoidable" and that the war would likely have ended about the same time as it did had there been no atomic bomb. The War Department study judged that even an initial November 1945 landing on Kyushu was only a "remote" possibility—and that the full invasion of Japan in the spring of 1946 would not have occurred.
Given adequate space, thoughtful historians can legitimately weigh and debate the import of these and other evidentiary points. However, given what we now know, it simply will not do to continue to avoid important elements of the documentary record—and then offer such bald statements as Mr. Kagan's unqualified claim that "any strategy other than the employment of the atomic weapons would have failed to compel a Japanese surrender short of an invasion of the home islands." Both the importance of the issues involved—and serious scholarship—demand a higher standard.
Gar Alperovitz
Washington, D.C.
To the Editor:
I would like to comment on Donald Kagan's article and raise an issue which I have never seen addressed. By way of background, I was a member of the Manhattan Project and worked at the University of Chicago and at Hanford, Oregon, from early 1944 to early 1945. While at Hanford, I was part of a group that loaded the second uranium pile.
Many of us were told on Day 1 what we would be working on and we were allowed to ask questions. . . . To this day I have seen no published material indicating that the answers we were given at the time were incorrect.
Various arguments have been adduced to justify the dropping of the bomb. I wish to confine myself here to the issue of whether a "demonstration" of the power of the bomb in an uninhabited area would have been more appropriate than using it on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
The official position has been that a demonstration was inadvisable because we had only two bombs and could not risk a dud. This argument has several glaring weaknesses. True, prior to the Trinity test at Alamogordo, New Mexico, on July 16, there had been doubts about whether an explosion would occur. But the success of Trinity validated the theoretical and engineering underpinnings of the bomb and should have appreciably reduced concern about the possibility of a dud.
Much more important, however, is the matter of the bomb material:. . . how much was on hand shortly after Trinity and how much more could have been available in the immediate future? The information we had been given indicated that each pile would produce enough plutonium for a number of bombs. Since the reaction of pile No. 1 was completed by the time the second pile was loaded, it was reasonable to infer, again based on the information we had been given, that purified plutonium would be in Los Alamos probably by late spring. I note with satisfaction that this educated guess was confirmed in Richard Rhodes's book, The Making of the Atomic Bomb. According to Rhodes, "By May 31 enough plutonium had arrived at Los Alamos from Hanford to begin critical mass experiments."
The May 31 date is highly significant since it reveals that assembling a bomb from the "raw" plutonium was a matter of only several weeks. Thus it would appear that all the plutonium generated from pile No. 1 could have been assembled into finished bombs by late August or early September. Moreover, since plutonium from pile No. 2 would have become available for Los Alamos at about the same time, there would have been more than sufficient bomb material on hand to carry out a demonstration. One could even have allowed for one or two duds since all that would have been needed was one successful explosion.
Given the foregoing analysis, the arguments against a demonstration lose their force. An opportunity existed for bringing an end to hostilities without the destruction of two cities and several hundred thousand casualties—it was an option we should have exercised. . . .
Byron H. Arison
Watchung, New Jersey
To the Editor:
I usually agree with Donald Kagan but fear that on this occasion he addresses but understates the moral argument against the bombings. They were acts of terrorism and, as such, deplorable. Terrorism in any form is brutal in its violence, indiscriminate in its targets—women, children, babies, the infirm, etc.—and cowardly in the stealth of its delivery against the vulnerable and unsuspecting.
That the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were not the only acts of aerial terrorism in World War II does not make them any less abhorrent. That we were following the heinous examples of our enemies does not redeem them. That the revisionist adversaries of the West, who hate our country more than any other, show bad faith in criticizing us for those actions does not make them good. And that our leaders had the cherished lives of fine young men in mind when they made their decision . . . does not obviate the fact that . . . they gave little consideration to the vicious nature of the atom bombing, so alien to the humane traditions of our nation and of our armed forces.
You reap what you sow. Thus we reap a bitter harvest when contemporary terrorists in the IRA, Hamas, etc. extend and justify—to themselves and others—their brutal, indiscriminate, and cowardly assaults by pointing to our example. . . .
No one wants to cast a shadow on the celebration of the victory the valiant men who fought the war richly deserved and stoutly achieved. But surely an occasional acknowledgment of the nature of terrorism by a thoughtful, penetrating scholar like Mr. Kagan might encourage future leaders to consider how to command in a crisis so as to preserve—even in war—our heritage of concern for the innocent and defenseless.
Paul R. McHugh
Johns Hopkins Medical Institutions
Baltimore, Maryland
To the Editor:
I read Donald Kagan's very cogent article . . . with great interest. The points he covered were treated in the manner one has come to expect from Mr. Kagan, yet, in common with almost all commentators on the use of atomic weapons against Japan, he failed to consider the viewpoint of America's allies (with the exception, ironically, of the Soviet Union).
This is being written on Sunday, September 3, the 56th anniversary—to the day of the week—of the entry into the war of Britain and members of the British Commonwealth. Some discussions of Truman's decision to use the bomb have referred to the exhaustion of the American people after two-and-one-half years of war. If Americans were tired, how much more exhausted were those who had been fighting for over twice as long: Australians, Britons, Canadians, Indians, New Zealanders, South Africans, not to mention those from continental Europe who had thrown in their lot with Britain? . . .
War in the Pacific did not begin on Sunday, December 7, 1941: in the broadest sense it began when Japanese forces attacked Manchuria in 1930-31. Japanese civilian deaths throughout the war have been estimated at between 300,000 . . . [and] 672,000. Chinese civilian deaths have been reported as . . . up to twenty million, whereas about seven million Soviet civilians died in the war. On average, annual Chinese noncombatant deaths during the fifteen years of the conflict were between 650,000 and 1.2 million. Thus, for every month cut from the duration of the war between 50,000 and 100,000 Chinese civilians were spared.
These facts should give pause to the revisionists who make an issue of racism. Those who accuse American leaders of acting as though the lives of American (Allied?) soldiers were important while those of a few Asian (i.e., Japanese) civilians were not, should ponder the fate of Chinese, Burmese, Filipinos, Malays, et al., tortured and killed by the Japanese occupiers. Would these civilians have criticized, on grounds of racism, the decision to drop atomic bombs to end the death and destruction wreaked by Japanese forces? . . .
Paul Gilmour
Tucson, Arizona
To the Editor:
I would like to express my deepest gratitude to COMMENTARY for printing Donald Kagan's incisive article . . . The only amendments that can be made to his argument are ones that strengthen it. Aside from American battle casualties that were prevented by the use of the bomb, thousands of other Allied lives were also saved. As Frederick Bauer and Bruce Lee point out, 300,000 civilian and military prisoners held on Java were saved from massacre only when the emperor intervened, which he did after the bomb was dropped. In addition, the liberation of Malaya was scheduled to begin on September 9, 1945. The beaches selected for the landing were poorly reconnoitered and an invasion would have led to devastating casualties. . . .
Clearly the decision to use the atomic bomb saved far more lives than it took. . . .
Steven Schwamenfeld
Dundee, New York
To the Editor:
Donald Kagan mentions an often overlooked aspect of the debate about dropping the atomic bomb: saving Japanese lives. The key to understanding the extent of possible Japanese casualties lies in the Okinawa campaign, where 110,000 Japanese died. . . . The two-part invasion of Japan the U.S. was planning . . . would have resulted in far heavier Japanese losses, in all probability exceeding the final death count of 340,000 for Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Robert J. Maddox, whom Mr. Kagan acknowledges as a source for much of his data, has recently written that the Japanese had more than two million troops stationed on the home islands, "were training millions of irregulars, and had aircraft that might have been used to protect Japanese cities against American bombers" (American Heritage, May/June 1995). . . .
Given the high casualty rate for both Americans and Japanese which would have resulted from an invasion, Truman might well have been accused by historians of criminal negligence if he had failed to use the bomb.
John C. Zimmerman
University of Nevada
Las Vegas, Nevada
To the Editor:
. . . In the ideal world, acts are judged against an absolute view of morality. In the real world, however, we usually lack the luxury of being able to make such absolute moral judgments. We have to maintain the perspective to recognize and regret the cost of otherwise bad actions in a good cause. . . .
It is a proper and legitimate part of life in a democracy to ask if Hiroshima and Nagasaki were necessary in order to minimize American, Allied, and even Japanese casualties. Did the chance of saving American lives—forgetting about precise casualty estimates—not only justify but require Truman's decision to drop the bombs? I agree with Donald Kagan, and think the answer is yes, the bombings were necessary and therefore proper. . . .
Another point missing from much of the recent debate but not from Mr. Kagan's article, is that the bombings taught a vivid lesson in the horror of these weapons, and helped prevent nuclear war in the tense years which followed. . . .
Bruce Brager
Arlington, Virginia
To the Editor:
May I add a clarification to Donald Kagan's devastating refutation of the revisionist position on the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki? He writes that a Soviet declaration of war on Japan was "scheduled for August 15" and then "hastened by the use of the bomb [was] moved up to August 8." In fact, the Soviets were never firmly committed to declaring war on any specific date. Soviet promises to enter the war, whether at Yalta or Potsdam, were always contingent on reaching agreement with China on Soviet territorial and economic demands in Manchuria. Those negotiations had not been concluded as of August 8.
According to David Holloway's recent book, Stalin and the Bomb, Stalin did not issue the order to attack Japan until after Hiroshima. Thus the USSR's hurried decision was plainly an effort to reap a share of the spoils attendant on Japan's imminent surrender, but whether, or when, Soviet forces would have entered the war in the absence of Hiroshima cannot be stated with certainty. . . .
That a Soviet entry into the war would have obviated use of the bomb—a linchpin of revisionist thinking—is sheer speculation, and at odds with the actual chronology of events.
Henry D. Fetter
Los Angeles, California
To the Editor:
Though I find myself largely in agreement with Donald Kagan, . . . I wonder why all critics, whether they accept Truman's good faith or not, and whether they deem his decision correct or not, seem to be fixated on a "single-motive" explanation for his decision to use the atomic bomb.
Surely we know enough about human decision-making even in trivial matters to realize that decisions almost always have more than one motive. Consider, instead, the scenario whereby Truman's primary—call it even overwhelming—consideration was the saving of lives, and . . . not only American lives. But would his decision have been less valid if he and his advisers had at least considered the effects of the atomic explosions on Stalin? After all, the Russian people had unquestionably suffered horrendous hardships and engaged in outstanding heroism during the war, so that even a more humane leader than Stalin might have deemed himself justified in seeking a large portion of Europe (not only Eastern Europe) as compensation. Add to that the centuries-old Russian urge to expand, and one need have been neither paranoid nor a rabid anti-Communist to dread—and therefore to forestall—such demands, which would of course have been backed by a tremendous war machine. Indeed, then and even more so in retrospect, it would have stamped American leadership as either incompetent or downright treasonable if no such considerations had ever entered into the decision to drop the bomb.
Harry Kaufmann
Hunter College
New York City
To the Editor:
Donald Kagan, in his excellent article, is too kind to ABC's documentary on Hiroshima. . . . He says that the program, in common with other journalistic accounts, offered a "distilled version" of . . . the post-revisionist scholarly consensus that President Truman was mistaken in using the bomb—it was not needed to end the war and its use was immoral. But, still according to Mr. Kagan, this consensus now rejects the earlier revisionist view that we used the bomb not to end the war but to intimidate the Soviet Union. In truth, however, ABC and Peter Jennings, the host and co-writer of the show, did present the earlier revisionist position, one which had developed during the radical . . . 1960's. . . .
In producing a documentary on a controversial topic, a television network has a responsibility to explain to viewers, who have at best a modest knowledge of the matter, the complexity of the issue and report on the diversity of opinions on the subject. But it became clear in the first five minutes of the ABC show that this would be a narrow, highly tendentious presentation. . . . The opening set the tone for the entire program; it was a naked appeal to raw emotion: . . . a montage of President Truman, the Enola Gay B-29 that dropped the bomb on Hiroshima, and the charred victims of the attack. . . .
Mr. Kagan effectively recounts the true facts about such things as the Japanese unwillingness to surrender and the evidence supporting President Truman's assertion that the bombing would save 500,000 or one million American lives (not mentioned in the show).
I find it absolutely despicable of ABC to join with left-wing historians in smearing Harry Truman's memory. . . . He is no longer with us to defend his actions, but those of us who have life today thanks to him, to the crews who dropped the bombs, and to all the men who made the Manhattan Project a success do have a responsibility to speak out.
Spencer Warren
Falls Church, Virginia
To the Editor:
Donald Kagan's timely and cogent article raised my blood pressure when I thought of the revisionists, or should I say apologists, who would pan the mountain stream of history for even the tiniest nuggets of fool's gold to support their claim that dropping the atomic bomb was unwarranted.
My father, who was a sailor aboard a destroyer in the Pacific throughout the war with Japan, has spoken many times of the orders he received for the invasion of the Japanese homeland, which was scheduled to begin in the fall and winter of 1945.
This is evidence to me of the task that faced our wartime leaders. They perceived, correctly, that it would take huge numbers of men to end the war and would mean the reassignment of untrained personnel and probably would have involved all able-bodied men available. What responsible leader would not use the atomic bomb to avert, using conservative estimates, several hundred thousand casualties? . . .
The only conclusion anyone who had lived through Okinawa, Luzon, Tarawa, etc. could have reached was that the scheduled invasion of Japan was going to turn into a bloodbath of unprecedented proportions. . . .
Alan S. Weisz
Deerfield, Illinois
To the Editor:
I would like to add to the discussion of the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki the voice of one with a special memory of those events, a memory that remains clear to this day.
On July 28, 1945, I boarded a U.S. troop ship, the USS General Aloysius Greeley, in New York harbor along with 29 army friends and a total of 3,000 troops. My group had been trained as Chinese interpreters, and we were headed, presumably, for the land war in China. As we crossed into the Mediterranean, we learned of the Hiroshima bomb, then of the Russian declaration of war against the Japanese, and finally of the Nagasaki bomb. Of course we had no radio, no newspapers, no commentators to explain any of this to us, but we were certain that it meant the end of the war.
While we were tied up for 24 hours in Port Said, some of the Navy crew who had been on shore liberty came back aboard at midnight on August 8 or 9 and told us they had heard a radio report from New York that the war was over. None of us slept that night. In the morning, we continued south through the Suez Canal. Then, after five days and nights in the Red Sea and two days out into the Arabian Sea, the captain announced that the war was indeed over.
All these years I have felt that the atomic bomb saved my life and the lives of all my friends. None of the latter-day reevaluations and rewritings of history has made me change my mind. . . .
Herbert H. Paper
Hebrew Union College/
Jewish Institute of Religion
Cincinnati, Ohio
To the Editor:
Fifty years ago, my father, Irving Winkler, was a lieutenant in the U.S. Army stationed on Tinian island in the Northern Marianas, . . . the base from which Lieutenant Colonel Paul Tibbets and the crew of the Enola Gay took off.
Many who today question the decision to drop the bomb maintain that we should face the truth of our actions; namely, that Americans are a violent, racist, unjust people. They would also like to wish away a few inconvenient facts. . . .
Let us forget for a moment Lieutenant Winkler and his fellow Americans who might have been killed or injured in the huge conventional invasion of Japan that would have been necessary if we had not dropped the bomb. After all, they were combatants. (Forget also that most members of our armed forces were in a "citizens' army") But what about the Japanese? What about innocent Japanese citizens who would otherwise have died had we not dropped the bomb?
With the speedy end to the war brought about by the bombing, General Douglas MacArthur arrived in Japan as Supreme Commander of the occupation and found many communities threatened with starvation. He issued an order forbidding the consumption of local food supplies by occupation forces, set up Army kitchens to help feed the populace, and immediately imported 3,500,000 tons of food from U.S. Army supplies. He explained his actions to Congress:
Under the responsibilities of victory, the Japanese people are now our prisoners, no less than did the starving men on Bataan become their prisoners when the peninsula fell. As a consequence of the ill treatment, including starvation, of Allied prisoners in Japanese hands, we have tried and executed the Japanese officers upon proof of responsibility. Can we justify such punitive action if we ourselves, in reversed circumstances but with hostilities at an end, fail to provide the food to sustain life among the Japanese people . . .?
Does this express the attitude of a violent, racist people?
By the end of the war, smallpox was rampant in Japan. The Americans administered smallpox vaccinations to 70 million Japanese in three years, and curbed the disease. . . . Through inoculation and education, typhoid, paratyphoid, cholera, and dysentery were substantially reduced or eradicated. MacArthur wrote in his Reminiscences that his medical officers estimated these health measures saved two million lives in the first two years of occupation.
Yet all the facts Mr. Kagan or I can muster are of no use to those whose minds are set on seeing America as evil. . . .
Henry B. Winkler
Santa Rosa, California
To the Editor:
In his article, Donald Kagan quotes Paul Fussell, who was on a Navy ship in August 1945 expecting to take part in an invasion of Japan: "[When we learned of the bomb] we broke down and cried with relief and joy. We were going to live." As a contemporary of Fussell's, I can attest to the accuracy of this statement.
I have never in the subsequent 50 years felt the need to apologize for the unadulterated feeling of relief we experienced on hearing the news. My thanks to Mr. Kagan for so effectively explaining the sound basis for our very human reaction.
David E. Golay
Waldport, Oregon
To the Editor:
I wish to commend Donald Kagan for his excellent and informative article. I particularly enjoyed his in-depth analysis, since I had been appalled and outraged at the distorted views expounded by the news media in late July and early August. . . . All of this second-guessing some 50 years later . . . left me with a sense of despair and revulsion. . . .
Nathaniel H. Goldman
Columbus, Ohio
Donald Kagan writes:
The essence of Gar Alperovitz's complaint is that I did not take account of statements by American officials that using the bomb was unnecessary and/or wicked. This is not a new argument, and Robert J. Maddox has taken it on directly and in detail in his new book, Weapons for Victory. Pace Mr. Alperovitz's assertion, Maddox, a professor of history at Pennsylvania State University, is a highly respected scholar who was one of the first to raise objections to excesses of American cold-war revisionism. It is easier to cast aspersions on his reputation than to meet his arguments.
From Maddox we learn that the statements by Leahy, Eisenhower, and LeMay that Mr. Alperovitz cites in his letter were all made after the fact. The Leahy quotation is taken from his memoirs, published in 1950. Whatever Leahy might have said in his diary, Maddox denies there is evidence that he expressed such views before the bomb was used. As an advocate of the Navy's role, Leahy argued for a continuation of the siege of Japan, but he did not claim it would bring a surrender before the scheduled invasion of Kyushu in November. To be sure, Leahy was a longstanding enemy of the bomb who had insisted it would not work. Even after Hiroshima, Truman remarked that "the admiral [Leahy] said up to the last that it wouldn't go off." There is no contemporary record, however, of Leahy telling the President that an invasion of Japan could have been avoided without resort to the bomb.
Eisenhower's remarks, too, were made several years after the event. But he also came to insist that in a meeting with Stimson before the bomb was dropped, he had opposed its use. Once again, Maddox's detailed examination of the evidence shows no independent corroboration that Eisenhower told Stimson he was against using the bomb. But more important, as Maddox points out, is the fact that
even if the general had expressed disapproval at this meeting, Truman could not have learned of it because Stimson left [Europe] for the United States later that day. He did not see the President again until after the first bomb had been dropped.
General LeMay's comment was also made only well after the decision to drop the bomb had been taken. LeMay had always believed that conventional strategic bombing could win the war, so his claim that the new superweapon was unnecessary is not surprising. But there is no record of his having told this to Truman before the bomb was dropped.
From his research, Maddox concludes:
There is no reliable evidence that any high-ranking officer expressed moral objections about the bomb to Truman or gave him reason to believe that the military situation had changed appreciably—except that the Japanese defenses were daily growing more formidable—since he had approved the Kyushu operation during his meeting with the Joint Chiefs of Staff on June 18.
Opinions after the fact, even by such wise men as Paul Nitze, are not to the point. There is no reason to believe that they had a better understanding of the problem at the time than the President and his advisers did, and they also did not share his responsibility. Eisenhower in 1948 had the grace to admit that "My views were merely personal and subjective; they were not based on any analysis of the subject." The men who did have the responsibility for ending the Pacific war, as I made clear in my article, expected that they would have to invade Japan even after the atomic bomb and the Soviet Union's entry into the war. They had information about Japanese internal affairs and military movements not available to others, and what they knew made them fear the most determined Japanese resistance, regardless of its apparent hopelessness.
Stimson, morally alert to the issues, nevertheless helped select the target for the bomb, hoping that its use would provide the psychological shock that would make the Japanese accept defeat before an invasion was necessary. George C. Marshall, General of the Army, did not believe anything short of an invasion would do the trick, and even after both bombs had exploded and the Soviets had entered the war, considered using atomic bombs as tactical weapons to aid the invasion. The Navy's chief of staff, Admiral Ernest King, the Air Force chief, General "Hap" Arnold, and his representative, General Ira Eaker, all had the same expectations. There is no evidence that they opposed the use of the bomb. As for LeMay, he claimed that conventional bombing would drive the Japanese back into the stone age and destroy Japanese morale before the invasion date; but Marshall remembered hearing the same things about the air war in Germany and was not impressed.
The highest American commanders in the Pacific, Admiral Chester Nimitz and General Douglas Mac-Arthur, supported both the invasion and the use of the bomb. Nimitz knew of the bomb well in advance. MacArthur learned of it only on August 1, 1945. In Maddox's account, he
responded with an hour-long lecture on the future of atomic warfare, not with any criticism of existing plans. He continued to urge that preparations for the invasion go forward even after the first bomb was dropped.
Mr. Alperovitz continues to cite the opinions of U.S. officials that the entry of the Soviets into the war would have made an invasion unnecessary even as he continues to ignore the overwhelming Japanese evidence to the contrary After my article was published, I received a communication from Sadao Asada, professor of international history at Doshisha University in Kyoto, which included an essay in English, not yet published, called "The Shock of the Atomic Bomb and Japan's Decision to Surrender."
In this essay, Asada demonstrates that the shock effect of the bomb was what enabled the peace faction in Tokyo to force a surrender on those who were determined to carry on the war. The contemporary evidence I cited in my article makes the same point, and it is now reinforced by the postwar recollections of Japanese leaders Asada has assembled. For example, Kido Koichi, Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and the man closest to Emperor Hirohito, recalls that, with the bombing, he and the emperor felt that
the psychological moment we had long waited for had finally arrived to resolutely carry out the termination of the war. . . . There is no doubt that the military leaders were overwhelmed by the enemy's scientific prowess. We felt that if we took the occasion and utilized the psychological shock [emphasis added] of the bomb to carry through, we might perhaps succeed in ending the war. . . . It might be said that we of the peace party were assisted by the atomic bomb in our endeavor to end the war.
Asada addresses the question of how important the USSR's joining the war was to the Japanese. He quotes Kido as follows: "I believe that with the atomic bomb alone we could have brought the war to an end. But the Soviet entry into the war made it much easier." On the other hand, Sakomizu Hisatsune, chief cabinet secretary, is quoted as saying: "I am sure we could have ended the war in a similar way if the Russian declaration of war had not taken place at all."
Hisatsune's opinion is supported by the fact that, unlike the bomb, Russian entry was no surprise and had already been discounted by Japanese military leaders. At the time it occurred, General Anami, the army minister, said: "The inevitable has come at last." Also at the time, Kawabe Torashiro, vice chief of the general staff, noted: "We have long worried about the question of Soviet entry, but a surprise attack with this new weapon was beyond our wildest dreams." And the diary of Oki Misao, chief secretary of the Japanese House of Representatives, contains this entry: "There is nothing we can do about the appearance of the atomic bomb. That nullifies everything. All our efforts until now have come to naught."
In light of all this, Asada asserts that "if there had been no bomb and only the Soviet entry into the war, Japan would not have surrendered when it did."
Yet even after Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the Soviet invasion, influential members of the Japanese military would not accept defeat. Rather than having to face the disgrace of surrender, they planned a coup that would have permitted continued resistance. As General Anami put it, "The appearance of the atomic bomb does not spell the end of the war. We are confident about the decisive battle in the homeland against American forces." And this attitude did not represent merely the feelings of such people during what Mr. Alperovitz calls "the brief moment following the change in conditions." Since he pays so little attention to Japanese evidence, I do not know how he knows what "would likely happen once the Japanese had adequate time to digest the changes in context."
Asada, for his part, believes that the Japanese peace faction feared a coup by young army officers, like the one that had been staged in 1936, if the government had tried to surrender; this view is shared by Kido.
A successful coup would surely have meant continued Japanese resistance and forced an invasion. High Japanese officials in 1945 and since have believed that the bomb prevented such a coup and allowed the war to end without an invasion.
Asada also points out the irrelevance of the claim that Japan was already defeated in August 1945, making the use of the atomic bomb unnecessary. Such arguments, he says, "confuse 'defeat' with 'surrender': 'defeat' is a military reality, whereas 'surrender' is a matter of political decision-making." Without the bomb, the political conditions for surrender would not have existed, the war would have continued, and the invasion would have occurred.
Assessing all the evidence, Asada concludes that "the atomic bomb did indeed prompt Japan's decision to surrender." Consequently, "Japan's surrender on August 15, averted an apocalyptic battle with unprecedented carnage that would have rendered Hiroshima and Nagasaki mere footnotes in history."
I am sorry Mr. Alperovitz thinks I attacked him personally. Readers will look in vain in my article for anything beyond challenges to his arguments. His "very old book," whose central point is that the bomb was used primarily to cow and influence the Soviet Union, not to bring the war to a swifter end, has since been battered by revisionists and others, but he has never backed away from this thesis. It was cited approvingly, with quotations from others and restated in his own voice, in his article in Foreign Policy which appeared as recently as the summer of 1995. If he is now embarrassed by it, he should publicly renounce it.
I thank Byron H. Arison for his interesting information about the availability of material for making more bombs in 1945. The argument against making a demonstration explosion in an unpopulated area was not merely that one of the two extant bombs might be a dud and could not be readily replaced. The question was discussed in May 1945 in the scientific advisory panel to the interim committee that had been established to advise on future atomic policy. Here is an account of the commission's deliberations by Arthur Compton, one of the panel members:
For perhaps ten minutes, the proposition was the subject of general discussion. [J. Robert] Oppenheimer could think of no demonstration sufficiently spectacular to convince the Japanese that further resistance was futile. Other objections came to mind. The bomb might be a dud. The Japanese might shoot down the delivery plane or bring American prisoners into the test area. If the demonstration failed to bring surrender, the chance of administering the maximum surprise shock would be lost. Besides, would the bomb cause any greater loss of life than the fire raids that had burned out Tokyo?
There were clearly difficulties in staging an effective demonstration. Leo Szilard, its most vigorous proponent at the time, saw this years later:
I think it is clear that you can't demonstrate a bomb over an uninhabited island. You have to demolish a city. So a demonstration would have meant approaching Japan through a diplomatic channel, proposing a demonstration, say, over, Hiroshima with the inhabitants removed from Hiroshima.
I agree with Paul R. McHugh that the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were terrible acts against unarmed civilians which should be avoided whenever possible. So was the fire-bombing of Tokyo and all the bombings of cities during the war. Unfortunately, condemning such acts will not stop them. As Thucydides, who reported many horrible atrocities against civilians himself, said some 25 centuries ago, "War is a violent teacher." The longer it grinds on, the more violent and brutal it becomes. Sometimes it compels the combatants to choose one horrible act in order to avoid others that are worse. The only practical response is to work intelligently and conscientiously to prevent war.
I thank Paul Gilmour, Steven Schwamenfeld, John C. Zimmerman, Bruce Brager, Henry D. Fetter, Harry Kaufmann, Spencer Warren, Alan S. Weisz, Herbert H. Paper, Henry B. Winkler, David E. Golay, and Nathaniel H. Goldman for their valuable comments.