text:
To get more info or
to enroll please call
413 528-4262
The Living Learning Collaborative
at Four Winds Farm is a pioneering educational initiative in Great
Barrington, MA. It's focus is to provide a dynamic and responsive
atmosphere of cooperative and experiential learning. We invite
you to discover which programs suit your interests. Please call
413-528-4262 and speak with MaryBeth or ....
call Gianni about FarmAssist
at 518-392-8545. Gianni's email is email@example.com
are a small, independent farm and food advocacy, teaching, celebration
and networking organization. Currently we are functioning under
the fiscal sponsorship of Four Winds Inc., a fully accredited
501(3)c nonprofit. We work toward the inter and independence
of our farmer and non-farmer neighbors as we strive for increased
Bioregional Foodshed Security in the Greater Hudson Valley and
the metropolitan areas we serve. All donations to support and
expand our work are tax deductible to the full extent of state
and federal law.
are constantly adding workshops and events, the following is
the latest schedule.
are super pleased to have Chef David Wurth
costarring with Moscovy Ducks
at our first Celebrity Chef Guerilla Dinner
in a gorgeous private home in Great
Barrington (see end of listings). Details,
registration and locations can be found at the links at the
end of each short description.
for any repeats!
Sourdough Baking With Matt Funiciello of Rock Hill Bake House
by popular demand!
t Funiciello is the master baker/owner of
Rock Hill Bake House and has been a life long food activist.
He is a spirited and deeply knowledgeable teacher. This workshop
is suitable for you if you have never baked a frozen bun and
also if you are an advanced baker. This man understands the
true nature of grains and the alchemy of sour dough like no
one else. This is a particularly exciting time to take up or
expand your baking, as we are seeing the re-emergence of heirloom,
non GMO varietals in our region. http://farmassistbread.eventbrite.com
Slow Money 101, What You Need To Know When Looking For Investors,
John K. Freidman, Esq.
and small food producers are increasingly savvy about marketing
their own products and very often need investors to help move
their business to the next level. John's experience in this
niche is exceptional and he will introduce the basic concepts
necessary when approaching potential funders. All class attendees
will receive a free copy of the Slow
Money Primer ,
authored by John. Location to be announced. http://farmassistslowmoney.eventbrite.com/
Homemaking, Reclaiming Domesticity From a Consumer Culture,
Shannon Hayes It
is our extreme pleasure to bring Shannon Hayes to our area.
The Hayes family has a long history of farming, education and
activism and Shannon 's book has truly captured this transitional
moment in small farming, homesteading, post peak consumerism
and the reclamation of the kitchen table. Her message speaks
to the work many are doing to recapture the independence of
the individual household from the 'To-Go' corporate culture,
while restoring community, ecological integrity, social and
economic justice and democracy through small but profound measures
of individual action. This is the next step in the maturation
of a movement that our region is the poster child for. She has
not only written the bible and is a major voice of this movement,
she is one of our own. http://radicalhomemakers.eventbrite.com/
Chef Guerilla
dinners will be held in private homes and are fundraisers for
FarmAssist Productions.
to fifteen guests will enjoy a butchering demo (a very teachable
alongside one of our Celebrity Chefs and then sit down at a
communal table for a fabulous candle lit meal filled with brilliant
conversation and awe inspiring story telling.
courses will include veal, goat, lamb, rabbit, young pig and
pan-Asian (vegan butchering noodles?) theme. Plenty of wine,
of course
happens in the kitchen stays
in the kitchen!
fully guarantee truly memorable evenings for all!
are SUPER pleased that our first dinner will be cheffed by Locavore
David Wurth ,
be held in a gorgeous
private home in Great
Barrington ,
Massachusetts on
Sunday, November
7 th .
Menu details forthcoming. Location disclosed upon registration.
Thank You!
Culture Workshops, Fall 2010
Schedule: http://farmassistproductionsfall2010.eventbrite.com/
Everyone! We are very proud to bring you this group of teachers,
workshops, lectures and events. Early registration is highly
advisable as we intentionally keep these small, so that everyone
has a practical, hands on experience and can then go forth and
share the information with their family and neighbors. If you
would like to conduct a workshop or just have a good idea to
share, please contact FarmAssist Productions. Please
use the links at the end of each class description for further
information and to register. A
complete listing of all events offered by FarmAssist can be
found using the link to right of any registration page.
check back as we are constantly
adding workshops and events.. November thru January will be
fun filled and delicious with Celebrity
Chef Guerilla Dinners . To be automatically
apprised of new workshops and events, you can subscribe to the
RSS feed. Much more to come...
Very Best,
Seed Saving Secrets With Chris Kemnah of Otter Hook Farm
and Samantha Kemnah of Otter Hook Farm CSA are part of the young,
smart and committed wave of farmers who are literally changing
our shared landscape. Hudson Valley natives and experienced
growers, they know what varieties do well in our soils and climate,
Chris is a geologist and has a unique love and understanding
of our soils and growing environment. This year in addition
to offering a wide variety of fruit and vegetables, they grew
over 60 varieties of tomatoes, Freedom Ranger broiler chickens,
are milking a family cow (spectacular milk!) and raising two
beautiful little boys, Alex and Benjamin, in the family farm
tradition - and
saving seeds for next year !
Mushroomology With Skotty Kellogg
are not just delicious and medicinal, they are a very low maintenance
perennial crop, a mushroom log can produce for up to five years
with minimum care. We will learn several growing techniques
and everyone will go home with their own logs. Dress warm, bring
a bagged lunch and snacks and be prepared to do some work. http://farmassistmushroomology.eventbrite.com
Cider Vinegar, Lactofermentation & Acorn Flour Delicacies
with Gianni Ortiz & David DeLozier
for hundreds of years as a daily tonic, apple
cider vinegar
is easy to make and provides many benefits. Often referred to
as the Original Gatorade, it also offers many natural protective
properties against viral and bacterial infections. Come learn
how to make your own in addition lacto-fermented
and how to cook with the lost ( and
native staple White
Oak Acorn
- used in puddings, corn molasses and ginger bread, pie crusts,
chili, etc... For Native Americans having an ample store of
acorns was the equivalent of having an insurance policy to get
through the winter and this year there was a bumper crop. http://farmassistvinegaracorn.eventbrite.com/
Homemade Soap, Tallow to Lather
Laundry Detergent to Facial Soaps With Wanda Halten
will take tallow and turn it into a basic soap product that
can be used for laundry, dish and finely milled facial soaps
through traditional methods. We will take this basic product
and bring it through the first phase of milling, using essential
oils, algaes and herbals. They make for very special and treasured
Christmas gifts. This workshop will definitely sell out, so
please register early. http://farmassistsoap.eventbrite.com
The Art & Science of Root Cellaring with Jack Kittredge
you ever wondered how food was preserved before refrigeration
and cryovacking? Enough was preserved to get whole families
through the winter and not one drop of electricity was used.
In the Hudson Valley we have many root cellars and experienced
keepers but many of these valuable structures have fallen into
disrepair. There has been a tremendous resurgence of interest
in natural, low energy over winter storage of fresh and preserved
produce - come learn how the many affordable ways to do it in
your own home, basement or yard. http://farmassistrootcellaring.eventbrite.com
Nutrient Dense Winter Microgreens & Kombucha Cocktails with
Deborah Doyle
your garden greens? OK, so you are into local and seasonal food,
or want to be - what do you do during the winter? Learn to sprout
and grow trays of microgreens that do not require lots of light
that are super nutrient dense, fresh and affordable. There are
many ways to create perfectly delicious versions of Kombucha
- sweet, savory, specifically medicinal. Take starter trays
and 'the kombucha mother' home with you. Please bring your own
sterilized jars or purchase beautiful bottles appropriate for
fermentation and storage. http://farmassistndmicrogreens.eventbrite.com
Medicinal Herbals To Get You Through The Winter with Stacy Pettigrew
Journalist, Permaculturist, Activist and Herbalist Stacy Pettigrew
will share her great depth of knowledge and well researched
formulas with us just in time for winter cold and flu season.
will also discuss medicine-making. Hands-on activities will
include pressing a tincture, and making both an Arnica salve
for aches and pains and an anti-viral Elderberry syrup to take
home.: http://farmassistherbals.eventbrite.com/
are VERY proud to present
BETTER world Lecture Series
Domesticity From A Consumer Culture
5, 7:00pm, Saint Mary's, Hudson , NY
Nature has shown her hand. Faced with climate change, dwindling
resources, and species extinctions, most Americans understand
the fundamental steps necessary to solve our global crises -
drive less, consume less, increase self-reliance, buy locally,
eat locally, rebuild our local communities.
essence, the great work we face requires rekindling the home
Homemakers is about men and women across the U.S. who focus
on home and hearth as a political and ecological act, and who
have centered their lives around family and community for personal
fulfillment and cultural change. It explores what domesticity
looks like in an era that has benefited from feminism, where
domination and oppression are cast aside and where the choice
to stay home is no longer equated with mind-numbing drudgery,
economic insecurity, or relentless servitude.
Homemakers nationwide speak about empowerment, transformation,
happiness, and casting aside the pressures of a consumer culture
to live in a world where money loses its power to relationships,
independent thought, and creativity. If you ever considered
quitting a job to plant tomatoes, read to a child, pursue creative
work, can green beans and heal the planet, this is your book.
suggested donation of $10 and a food pantry item at the door.
one will be turned away.
are deliberately designed to be low tech, home and small farm
-scale and emphasize hands-on-learning so that you can easily
incorporate these skills into your routine. All demonstrations
will send you home with lots of skills, information and samples,
(when possible). Please peruse the entire schedule - you
may want to take more than one! Please bring
your lunch, beverages and wear appropriate clothing and footwear.
Also, continue to check the website ,
we are constantly adding workshops, lectures and events.
more from 4Winds:
hands-on real world learning experiences, this approach to
education increases academic achievement, helps students develop
stronger ties to the community, enhances students' appreciation
for the natural world, and creates a heightened commitment
to serving as active, contributing citizens."
Part of the Nature Literacy
Series from The Orion
Living Learning is a term
coined to describe a process of engaging with the world in a dynamic
and natural way that supports an individual's inherent drive to
make meaning, while recognizing that there is no "end"
to this learning, just an unfolding of the truth in ever widening
and deepening aspects. It requires a collaborative and dialogic
approach and an open inquisitiveness that fosters "right relationship"
with the world around us.
The idea for a Living
Learning Collaborative grew from the observation that the education
we provide our young can perpetuate the conditions that are present
and contributing to the world crises that we are experiencing.
It is important to be accountable for how we all have contributed
to "the system" and not blame, but resolve to pursue more
life-affirming ways of living and learning. The Living Learning
Collaborative is a response to a world that does not see what's
really real! Rather than focusing on small definitions of
success like test scores, it is preferred to expand the definition
of success to be one of "becoming all that one is capable of"
in other words, to find one's greatness in the fullest sense possible
and then, SHARE THAT WITH THE WORLD. This requires
a shift to a "partnership model", one that celebrates
and values life and learning in all of its diversities and interconnections.
Additional thoughts are contained in the GATE document.
"The inquiry method is not designed to do what older
environments try to do. It works you over in entirely
different ways. It activates different senses, attitudes,
and perceptions; it generates a different, bolder, and more
potent kind of intelligence… it will cause everything
about education to change." -
---Neil Postman
and Charles Weingartner
Learning = Student Engagement
Our programs are designed
to engage the head, heart and hands - the whole person- for an integrated
and purposeful learning experience. The programs are reflective
of the developmental needs of students-- be they youth or adult,
and the needs of the community, locally and globally. We are
also ever mindful of what Nature has to teach us.
The Living Learning Collaborative at Four
Winds Farm admits students of any race, color, national and ethnic
origin to all the rights privileges, programs and activities generally
accorded or made available to students in the Collaborative.
It does not discriminate on the basis of race, color, national and
ethnic origin in administration of its educational policies, admissions
policies, scholarship and loan programs, and athletic and other
collaborative-administered programs
Home Page | Programs and Projects | ENTHEOS | Four Winds Farm | Living Learning Collaborative
| Global Alliance for Transforming Education | Dialogue | Contact Us | Links |
Copyright © 2005 copyright four winds inc. All Rights Reserved.


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Main Content
Show your basketball buddies what you're made of with this Tigers Crossover basketball from Rawlings. As soon as they see your strong show of Auburn pride, they'll definitely be intimidated! This spirited basketball features a bold team color scheme, an Auburn wordmark displayed on the front and the university name printed along the back. When you hit the court with this full-size ball, even the toughest of competitors will be afraid to face you!
- Inflate to 7-9 pounds
- Regulation size and weight
- Screen print graphics
Tigers Customers also liked:
Special event items are produced by manufacturers only after the outcome of a game or event. These are advanced sale items and will ship immediately after they are received in our warehouse.
Manufacturer direct items are shipped directly from the manufacturer. These items are not available for international or expedited shipping.
Customized items can be personalized with options such as your name, your favorite number, and/or designs. Some options may be limited by league rules.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
February 18, 2013 - 1:51pm
Block 'M' Blog: Big Ten basketball power rankings, Feb. 18
1) No. 1 Indiana: With a cupcake game against Nebraska and a rivalry game with sputtering Purdue, the nation's top-ranked team didn't have too much to play for. Bu the Hoosiers kept on rolling, thanks to 28 and 29-point wins. Next up: a colossal Tuesday-night showdown at Michigan State that could ultimately decide the regular-season conference champ.
2) No. 4 Michigan State: The Spartans took Michigan behind the woodshed and gave their in-state rival an old-fashioned beat down. Michigan State only beat Nebraska by nine in what coach Tom Izzo repeatedly warned could be a "trap game" from his team. Regardless, the Spartans are playing as well as any team in the nation, and a win Tuesday night could give them the country's No. 1 ranking.
3) No. 7 Michigan: Izzo was quick to acknowledge that the Wolverines aren't as bad as their 25-point loss might indicate. Still, with effort issues coming into question after the meltdown in East Lansing, followed up by just an eight-point win at home against Penn State, and doubters are suddenly lining up in Ann Arbor. If any positives can come out of the week, freshman forward Glenn Robinson III finally broke out of his slump with a career high 21 points on Sunday. The Wolverines now have a full week to regroup and get healthy.
4) No. 19 Wisconsin: The Badgers sure didn't feel any hangover effects after an overtime loss at Minnesota early in the week. Wisconsin pummeled Ohio State on Sunday, 71-49, and have won four of its last five. With the easiest remaining schedule of the conference's top-four teams, the Badgers should enter March riding high.
5) No. 18 Ohio State: The Buckeyes are slipping. Ohio State has lost three of its last four, with the only win coming earlier in the week over Northwestern at home, when the Buckeyes needed a 12-0 run in the game's final three minutes to secure a 10-point win. Ohio State, almost certainly out of the conference title hunt, plays host to Minnesota and the red-hot Spartans this week.
6) Illinois: Don't look now, but the Fighting Illini are near-locks for a tournament bid. Just 11 days removed from breaking out of a slump that saw them lose six of seven, they've suddenly won four straight. Both of Illinois's wins this week, over Purdue and at Northwestern, came by 20 or more points.
7) Minnesota: The Golden Gophers are the definition of inconsistency. An overtime win over streaking Wisconsin prompted must-see footage of head coach Tubby Smith dancing, but the positive vibes from the win quickly dissipated after a 21-point loss at Iowa. The up-and-down sage that has been the Minnesota season continues in Columbus this week, where Ohio State should be hungry.
8) Iowa: The Hawkeyes are the Big Ten's best shot at an eighth NCAA Tournament bid, and now that they're through the toughest portion of their schedule, it's certainly a realistic possibility. Sitting at 6-7 in conference play, Iowa has won three straight, and still has two games against Nebraska and home games with Illinois and Purdue left. Should the Hawkeyes win three of those games, their 20 wins and .500 finish in the nation's toughest conference would command serious respect.
9) Purdue: The Boilermakers' season has turned into a train wreck after another embarrassing blowout loss to archrival Indiana. Purdue, losers of five out of six, has struggled to keep games competitive (four of those losses came by more than 15 points, while all five were by double digits).
10) Northwestern: The Wildcats' season has taken hit after hit, and the team is now down to seven healthy scholarship players after fifth-year senior Jered Swopshire became the fourth Northwestern player to go down with a season-ending injury. The Wildcats have lost five of six and without any semblance of depth, the road won't get any easier.
11) Nebraska: Playing solely for pride, the Cornhuskers were competitive with Michigan State, refusing to let the Spartans pull away in a nine-point loss. With just three wins in conference play, any win from here on out would be considered an upset.
12) Penn State: The Nittany Lions biggest win of the conference season came in the first half in Ann Arbor on Sunday, and even that was a tie. But even after a pesky Penn State team refused to be blown out, Michigan pulled away late, sending the Nittany Lions home empty-handed with their 13th-straight loss, which came on the heels of a two-point loss to Iowa.
Recapping last week's key games:
No. 4 Michigan 52, No. 8 Michigan State 75
No. 20 Wisconsin 53, Minnesota 58 (OT)
Penn State 71, No. 4 Michigan 79
No. 13 Ohio State 49, No. 20 Wisconsin 71
Next week's marquee matchups:
Tuesday: No. 1 Indiana at No. 4 Michigan State
Sunday: Illinois at No. 7 Michigan
No. 4 Michigan State at No. 18 Ohio State
Other news and notes: Michigan sophomore point guard Trey Burke won his third Big Ten Player of the Week award after averaging 23.5 points in two games. This is the 12th time a Michigan player has been honored in the season's 15 weeks, and the fifth time a Wolverine has won the Player of the Week. Michigan State's Gary Harris, who scored 17 points against Michigan on Tuesday, won the conference's Freshman of the Week honor. … The Wolverines, who dropped to No. 7 in this week's AP Poll, fell out of the top five for the first time this season.


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Noted on the National Register of Historic Places, beautiful Petaluma, CA is full of remarkable realty that are perfect for vineyards, homes, or other residential uses. The city is located 32 miles north of San Francisco within the Sonoma Valley, and is full of history, with one of the most amazingly preserved historical areas in the country. With temperate weather that shares the beautiful climate of the Sonoma Valley region, and surrounded by the gorgeous scenery of the California wine valleys, it is easy to understand why people are interested in owning Petaluma, CA real estate.
There were inhabitants in what is present day Petaluma nearly 10,000 years ago, with an original settlement less than four miles away from the current town. These inhabitants were known as Coast Miwok Native Americans, and they were a society of hunters and gatherers. In 1776, the first Spanish explorer came to the Petaluma area, and 1836 saw the first construction in the area, which would eventually lead to the chartering of the town in 1858. The main business was shipping through the Petaluma River, and that river is still used for the same purpose today.The area of Historic Downtown Petaluma is a testament to the historical value of this little piece of the Sonoma Valley. There are many beautifully preserved buildings within walking distance of all the attractions of Petaluma, including hotels, restaurants, and shopping areas. The historical value of this town combined with the friendly atmosphere makes Petaluma a wonderful place to purchase realty and to raise a family. Click here to read more about the history of Petaluma, CA.
The Sonoma Valley is known for the temperate climates that characterize the cities there, and Petaluma is no exception. With an annual average of 24 inches of precipitation, this area is never short of warm, sunny days. The average temperatures of the spring through late fall months is usually between 65 and 85 degrees, while the temperatures during the winter months of December, January, and February have highs of the low 50s, to 65 degrees Fahrenheit. In all, this climate is perfect for anyone who is searching for that ideal Mediterranean style of temperatures that are all along the Sonoma Valley region. Click here for current weather conditions in Petaluma, Ca.
Purchasing Petaluma, CA real estate makes sense if you have children. Petaluma has a large number of schools available for elementary, middle, and high school educations. There are also divisions of private and public schools in each section of schools in the city. Many colleges and universities which are within a close proximity (less than 40 miles) to Petaluma including the University of San Francisco, and the University of California – San Francisco.The schools of Petaluma are a part of the Old Adobe Union School District and the Petaluma City School District. The elementary school in the Old Adobe Union School District with the highest API Score is Sonoma Mountain Elementary School with a score of 839. The elementary school in the Petaluma City School District with the highest API Score is Grant Elementary with a score of 896. The middle school with the highest API is Petaluma Middle School which has a score of 797. The high school with the highest score is Petaluma High School which has a score of 756. Click here for Sonoma County API School Scores.
The real estate trends in Petaluma are currently evening out, with buying and selling homes. This means that you'll be able to find a home you want that will increase in value a bit. Seven years ago, a home in Petaluma was worth, on average, $298,500. That number has grown to $637,600 in only five years time. The population is at approximately 55,000 people strong currently, which makes Petaluma, CA the size of a small city. The steady growth of the city, combined with the even real estate market trends are a great reason to buy realty now. There are many different prices of homes in Petaluma, and you're sure to find something in your range whether you are looking for a home for $500,000 or $3,000,000. Click here view the real estate market report for Petaluma, CA.
If you're ready to purchase Petaluma, CA real estate or need help relocating, then contact the Stornetta Real Estate Team @ (707) 934-2301. Whether you are searching for a valuable piece of real estate in wine country, or if you just want a beautiful place to retire and relax, you'll certainly find it here! We are proud to welcome you to Petaluma and look forward to providing you with our "World Class service"! Click here for the Sonoma County real estate / Napa Valley real estate & visitor's guide, including land, vineyards, and homes for sale in Glen Ellen, Healdsburg, Kenwood, Napa, Petaluma and Santa Rosa, CA...


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Session V7: Current Issues in Climate Change
11:15 AM–1:39 PM, Thursday, March 8, 2007
Colorado Convention Center Room: Korbel 4A-4B
Sponsoring Unit: FPS
Chair: Barbara Levi, Physics Today, American Institute of Physics
Abstract ID: BAPS.2007.MAR.V7.2
Abstract: V7.00002 : The uncertain hockey stick: a statistical perspective on the reconstruction of past temperatures
Preview Abstract MathJax On | Off Abstract
Douglas Nychka
(National Center for Atmos. Research)
A reconstruction of past temperatures based on proxies is inherently a statistical process and a deliberate statistical model for the reconstruction can also provide companion measures of uncertainty. This view is often missed in the heat of debating the merits of different analyses and interpretations of paleoclimate data. Although statistical error is acknowledged to be just one component of the total uncertainty in a reconstruction, it can provide a valuable yardstick for comparing different reconstructions or drawing inferences about features. In this talk we suggest a framework where the reconstruction is expressed as a conditional distribution of the temperatures given the proxies. Random draws from this distribution provide an ensemble of reconstructions where the spread among ensemble members is a valid statistical measure of uncertainty. This approach is illustrated for Northern Hemisphere temperatures and the multi-proxy data used by Mann, Bradley and Hughes (1999). Here we explore the scope of the statistical assumptions needed to carry through a rigorous analysis and use Monte Carlo sampling to determine the uncertainty in maxima or other complicated statistics in the reconstructed series. The principles behind this simple example for the Northern Hemisphere can be extended to regional reconstructions, incorporation of additional types proxies and the use of statistics from numerical models.
To cite this abstract, use the following reference: http://meetings.aps.org/link/BAPS.2007.MAR.V7.2


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Arizona case on domestic-partnership benefits rejected by Supreme Court
WASHINGTON -- The Supreme Court on Thursday let stand lower court rulings that blocked an Arizona law denying healthcare benefits to domestic partners of state employees.
Gay-rights groups had claimed the policy discriminated against same-sex couples in Arizona, a charge state officials disputed. But lower courts had agreed that the law discriminated against gays, and the Supreme Court refused to intervene.
The high court's decision came just one day after it handed gay-rights groups victories in two closely watched cases on same-sex marriage.
State officials called the latest ruling "ill-advised" and said it was a "fiscally unsound" intrusion on their authority.
But an attorney for the state employees who challenged the law said she was "thrilled" by the result.
"We are thrilled and eager to work on the next chapter of this fight," said Tara L. Borelli, the attorney, who said the next step is "to make sure the benefits remain in place permanently."
The case stems from a part of Arizona law, known as Section O, that limits state benefits to the workers, their spouses and their dependent children. The 2009 law reversed state policy from a year earlier that had extended benefits to the employee's domestic partner, whether of the same or different gender.
The state said that expanding benefits to domestic partners covered about 800 employees and added about $4 million to the budget in 2008.
When Section O was proposed a year later, it was done to help close a massive state budget gap, said officials, who argued that it applied to workers with opposite-sex partners as well as those with same-sex partners.
But a group of gay state employees sued to block the law, which was set to take effect in 2011. They argued that the law was discriminatory because, unlike heterosexual couples in the state, gay couples could not get married under Arizona law to get benefits for their partners.
A district judge agreed that the law violated the equal protection rights of gay workers and blocked it before it could take effect. The injunction was upheld and the state's appeal to the Supreme Court was brushed aside without comment Thursday, leaving the district court injunction in place.
Gov. Jan Brewer said in a prepared statement Thursday that the courts had "undercut the ability of duly-elected state officials to make decisions critical to managing the state budget."
"This case has never been about domestic partners, same-sex or otherwise," Brewer said in the statement. "It is always been about the authority of elected state officials to make decisions with which we have been entrusted by the voters."
"I'm disappointed the high court has eroded that authority today," she said.
A spokeswoman for the Arizona Attorney General�s office said the office is "considering options on whether or not to proceed in this case."
But Borelli said there is nothing to consider.
"Now the Supreme Court has turned down their request to review the preliminary order, it means the fight is over, period," said Borelli, who called the decision "the end of the road for the government to avoid providing benefits."
She said the question has shifted to whether "the state has to maintain the family coverage on an ongoing permanent basis once the case is over."
Borelli said she believed the affected state employees "are incredibly relieved that they are not in danger of losing their benefits."
"Having access to health coverage is important and urgent for many families, the state shouldn't be putting them under the stress of worries," she said.


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Barneys New York
MIDTOWN EAST. Long known for its trend setting clients, this $100 million emporium can outfit you from head to toe and all points in between. Some feel this is the finest men's and women's specialty retailer in the country. If you have money to spend and a taste for exquisite and luxurious fashion, this is the place for you. The shop features the finest imports from famous designers as well as Barneys' own private label. If nothing else, stop to admire the creatively extravagant displays.
TRAIN: 4, 5, 6 to 59th St; N, R to Lexington Ave
Address660 Madison Ave, at 61 St, New York, NY 10065
HoursMon-Fri 10am-8pm; Sat 10am-7pm; Sun 11am-6pm
Content provided by www.10best.com


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Editorial: Support public notice compromise bill
Tennessee doesn't want to be in the dark.
Bill Haslam, the Republican governor of the Volunteer State, signed legislation that keeps the job of informing the public about government business out of government's hands.
The law, which had been proposed by the Tennessee Press Association and closely resembles similar legislation offered by the North Carolina Press Association to our own General Assembly, keeps public notices in newspapers.
However, like HB723, the Tennessee law requires newspapers to absorb the cost of posting those notices on local and statewide newspaper websites. It also demands better visibility for notices on those websites.
And we don't mind that at all, because we don't want you to be in the dark, either.
It's baffling to us that seven Republican senators in North Carolina want to seize control of that critical gatekeeping function, which newspapers have amply served for many decades.
It's disturbing to us that when someone spoke up to question the railroading of S287 through committee, they got this response from Sen. Tommy Tucker of Waxhaw: "I am the senator. You are the citizen. You need to be quiet."
These are the people who want to champion your access to public notices?
The Tennessee legislation came in reaction to a national trend of governments shifting notices out of newspapers and exclusively onto government websites.
Michael Williams, TPA president and editor and publisher of The Paris Post-Intelligencer, gets it right when he says: "Newspapers are in the mass communication business. Government is not. No other communication medium provides wider distribution of public notices than community newspapers and their websites."
Here's an interesting point about the Tennessee legislation: The vote wasn't even close. Only one person in either the House or Senate voted against it.
And it was sponsored by Republicans Ken Yager in the Senate and Ryan Haynes in the House.
"Using an independent agency, the local newspaper, builds integrity in the process," Yager said. "To even give the appearance of manipulating mandatory public notices tarnishes the reputation of government because it undermines the concept of independence and transparency."
Tonight, North Carolina's senators are expected to take up S287. It's a mistake if they pass it.
We think it would be wiser to shelve that bill. Instead, legislators should move forward with HB723, the compromise bill currently before a House Judiciary subcommittee, which has four Republican sponsors.
North Carolina shouldn't be in the dark, either.


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Benchmade 551 Griptilian Drop-Point Knife
Take the Benchmade 551 Griptilian Drop-Point Knife for your next adventure trip. This drop point knife boasts the unmatched function of AXIS combined with the simplicity of a molded handle design. It comes with black handle made of Noryl GTX. The ambidextrous blade is keenly unleashed with a simple push of the thumb-stud openers. The sturdy blade of this knife is made with highly corrosion resistant 154CM Stainless Steel for added strength and durability. The modified drop-point blade measures 3.45 in. The reversible pocket clip makes it easy to store and carry along. You can simply clip it on your pocket or belt, and you are good to go. Also, the pocket clip can be reversed for right or left-handed people. Go ahead and get the Benchmade 551 Griptilian Drop-Point Knife right away!
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Taking too long to get plant running
I don't understand why the fire at the Drake power plant is blamed on human error. Why is this person still on payroll ? I understand that what he may have done was by error but this person was a longtime Springs Utilities mechanic. Not a person who changes tires a local tire store.


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Center for International Studies
Title: Expansion of the Vietnamese Handicraft Industry: From Local to Global
PDF Full Text
Author: Szydlowski, Rachael A.
Degree: Master of Arts, Southeast Asian Studies, 2008.
Advisors: Yeong-Hyun Kim PhD (Committee Chair)
Handicrafts have become increasingly popular in the global market. Countries throughout the developing world are exporting handicrafts to the developed world, creating a new source of revenue and employment. The recent development of the Vietnamese handicraft industry and the role that government policies and exporting businesses play in it are the focus of this thesis.
Handicraft villages and artisans serve as the producers of handicrafts, while handicraft exporting businesses find and provide the artisans with marketing opportunities for their products. This thesis draws upon in-depth interviews with two handicraft villages, Dong Ho and Ngoc Dong villages, as well as three exporting businesses, Craft Link, Ngoc Dong Weaving Company, and Hoa Lu Fine Arts and Handicrafts.
Vietnam; handicrafts; rural industrialization
Yamada International House, 56 E. Union Street, Athens OH 45701 (740) 593-1840


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Nissan posts record sales, $4.28b net profit
Nissan on Friday posted a $4.28 billion full-year net profit and record sales as the Japanese automaker shrugged off the devastating impact of last year's quake-tsunami disaster on production.
Japan's second-biggest automaker said it earned 341.43 billion yen in the fiscal year to March, up 7.0 percent year-on-year, surpassing its forecast of 290 billion yen and bucking a national trend of falling auto profits.
The company said sales rose to their highest-ever 9.41 trillion yen with 4.85 million vehicles sold globally, even after a year that saw natural disasters and a high yen play havoc with many automakers' operations.
Vehicle sales rose in Japan, the United States, Europe and Nissan's biggest market, China, now the world's largest auto market, where the firm said sales jumped about 22 percent in fiscal 2011.
For the current year, Nissan said it expected a net profit of 400 billion yen on soaring sales of 10.3 trillion yen, and forecast it would sell 5.35 million vehicles around the world, up about 10.0 percent.
This will be "a good year for the industry, particularly if you are in a well-equipped position," chief executive Carlos Ghosn told a news briefing in the city of Yokohama, where the company is based.
"We want to be… the number one Asian brand in China, Russia and Brazil."
Ghosn added that "India's going to be very difficult because of the big presence of Suzuki.. but for China we are already number one. And in Russia we want to be the number one."
"In Brazil, we are investing to make it a reality," he said.
Nissan's results stood in stark contrast to fellow Japanese auto titans Toyota and Honda whose full-year profits tumbled in the same period.
Masataka Kunugimoto, an auto analyst at Nomura Securities in Tokyo, said Nissan's results "were good partly because its rivals performed badly."
"But this year rival automakers will recover, so it could be a more difficult year for Nissan," he added.
However, the analyst said the firm's forecasts were "realistic given that Nissan's performance has been very good in China and the United States."
The first six months of 2011 were torrid for the nation's manufacturers, with the lingering impact of March earthquake-tsunami hamstringing production lines and electricity-saving measures squeezing capacity.
Nissan, Toyota and Honda all slashed production and shuttered plants because of power shortages and a component supply crunch.
Japanese exporters have been battling the crippling effects of a sky-high yen, which makes their products more expensive overseas and erodes repatriated profits, a point underscored by Ghosn on Friday.
"All the negativities of results (are) coming from the impact" of the yen, he said.
Flooding in Thailand that created a component shortage also proved a drag for firms with plants in the Southeast Asian nation.
Nissan shares were up 3.34 percent at 804 yen on Friday, with the results released just as markets closed.
On Wednesday, Toyota said its net profit for the year to March was 283.56 billion yen, a 30.5 percent on-year fall, while Honda said late last month that its earnings for the period hit 211.5 billion yen, down about 60.0 percent.
Nissan said Friday it would release 10 new products globally in the current fiscal year as the company locks horns with global heavyweights general Motors and Volkswagen.
The Japanese firm has announced it would dust off the shelved Datsun brand for emerging markets and start making a new midsize hatchback at its huge plant in Sunderland in the north of England from 2014.
It is also planning to build two models of its luxury Infiniti brand in China, while it and partner Renault this month announced a deal that gives them control of Russia's Avtovaz, owner of the iconic Lada brand.
Category: Japan


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Hang tight!
Recipe by Tia
"A mixture of hamburger, mild sausage and Worcestershire sauce with processed cheese melted on top. Makes a delicious snack or quick meal. Serve it on toasted slices of your favorite bread."
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1 1/2 pounds
lean ground beef
1 (12 ounce) package
1 teaspoon
Worcestershire sauce
1 (8 ounce) package
processed cheese
These are great appetizers for parties. You can make the mixture ahead of time. I remember these as a kid. They were called ZZ's party breads and instead of worcestershire sauce we used tabasco or hot sauce and the mixture was spread onto rye party bread and then baked in the oven at 350 for 10 to 15 minutes. Without cooking them in the oven, they really aren't done and don't have a crispiness to them.
I really dressed this recipe up for flavor. It is bland the way it is.
I used 1 lb beef, 1 lb hot sausage, 1 lb Velveeta and shredded Colby Jack & Mozzarella to top it off. I added 1 tsp garlic power, 1 tsp oregano, 1 tbsp Worcestershire, 1/2 tsp freshly ground pepper & 1/4 tsp salt to the meat mixture before adding the cheese. For the bread, I used Rye cocktail bread.
16 Ratings
I usually make this without the worcestershire sauce and put it on party rye, add a sprinkle of parmesan cheese, and bake at 350°F for 10 minutes. It's always the first to go at parties--DEE-LISH!
I make this with 1lb Lean ground beef, 1lb hot italian sausage and 1lb mexican style velveta. Then I take a good scoop of it an spread it on a slices of party rye. Then I place them on a cookie sheet and freeze them. Then put them into ziplock bags, When ready to cook I pre-heat oven to 375* and cook how ever many I need on a cookie sheet for 10 min. My husband likes hot sauce on his!!!
Very very good. Where I grew up we used to make the same mixture and put it on little party rye bread and bake in the oven for 15 minutes or so. Called them polish mistakes. They are great for a party, too.
Like many of the other reviewers, we always served this on cocktail rye growing up, but we called the Pizza Ryes or Buffalo Chips. (very appetizing!) Nowadays, my kids prefer this mixture as a dip with restaurant style tortilla chips. However you eat it, it's awesome!
Grandma made this quite a bit for her kids growing up (and for us grandkids, too) only she called it Sweepstakes. She schmeared the meat on the bread, covered it with cheese and then placed it under the broiler so the cheese would be melted. It's quite cheap to make and benefits from your own choice of spices and the addition of onion and garlic. The original calls for american or processed cheese but it works with just about any cheese you have on hand. GREAT boy food.
My huband even said he would order this from a restaurant. Very simple and tasty.
* Percent Daily Values are based on a 2,000 calorie diet.
Hanky Panky
Serving Size: 1/10 of a recipe
Servings Per Recipe: 10
Amount Per Serving
Calories: 255
Calories from Fat: 178
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Meatloaf is the hearty, family-pleasing meal that makes the greatest leftovers ever.
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Step 1: What you will need
-1 cup brown sugar
-3/4 cup white sugar
-1/2 teaspoon vanilla
-1 1/4 tablespoons karo syrup (white)
-2 teaspoons baking soda
-1/2 cup butter or margarine
-1 cup peanut butter
-4 1/2 cups oatmeal
-6 ounces of chocolate chips
-8 ounces of m&ms
-an ungreased cookie sheet
(all of these items can be found at your local grocery store)
Step 2: Combining the ingredients
Mix all of the ingredients together in the order provided.
After all of the above ingredients have been combined gently add in the chocolate chips and m&ms. Do not over mix or the m&ms will break apart.


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Judaism: A Message of Strength in a Time of War
An inspiring message to Israel and the Diaspora.
Published: Monday, August 04, 2014 11:03 AM
In addition to the war in Gaza, there is a war being waged against us in the major cities of the world.
What is our response? How do we engage with this?
We must use the Biblical guidance given by the High Priest before the Jews went out to war:
Do not fear them
Do not panic..
The Chofetz Chaim explained that these verses also refer to the battlefield of ideas.
Take heart
Remember: The legitimacy of Israel does not come from other's decisions.


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Barrington, IL - United States
Member Since:
October 18th, 2010
About Carla Bank
I have a passion for painting that has been with me since childhood. That coupled with my love of pop culture, brings my vision to canvas. Being a native of Mexico, and having been a Chicagoland resident for many years, I bring a unique perspective to modern art. My inspiration is all around me in this great city and my use of color stems from the celebrated artistic heritage of my home country.
I paint familiar people, places and things and the ultimate goal of my art is to bring joy to those who view it. I don't limit my art to canvas, other materials such as wood and glass have also been vehicles for artistic expression. My process usually involves traditional brushes, but most recently I have experimented with finger painting, and found it to be another liberating way to express my creativity.
My love of art, color and pop culture grows stronger each day and through my painting, I hope to express that love and my artistic vision, and continue to spread beauty and joy.
Beverly Hills, CA (United States)
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How Real Is Arab Nationalism?
Nasserism Paves the Way for Communism
Arab nationalism existed before the Russian Revolution, and it would have continued to grow without it. But without Soviet encouragement and guidance it would not have attained its present dimensions—and without a sharp change in the Soviet attitude toward non-Communist and even reactionary regimes in backward countries, this encouragement and guidance itself would not have been forthcoming.
Under Stalin, Communist collaboration with non-Communist movements in Asia or Africa was out of the question. At least it became so after 1928, when the Communist alliance with the Chinese nationalists collapsed. From then on Stalin was suspicious even of Asian Communists; his coolness toward the Chinese party until shortly before the latter's triumph shows that. All the more reason why he, the "Marxist-Leninist," should refuse to cooperate with national, or social, "reformists" like Nehru and the other representatives of the Asian "colonial bourgeoisie," whom he saw as mainly engaged in hoodwinking the "masses" in the interest of Western imperialism. A narrow, hyper-doctrinaire interpretation of Marxism-Leninism plus Stalin's own tendency to distrustfulness and caution—especially in foreign affairs—imposed a Communist policy in Asia that in retrospect can be seen as self-defeating in its rigidity. Although under Stalin's own regime power rested neither with the proletariat nor the party, he continued to view the dictatorship of the proletariat as indispensable to revolution elsewhere—or, failing that, it was indispensable to a party-led "revolution from above" installed by Soviet Russian bayonets. Since the right kind of proletariat was lacking in Asia, and since there seemed no chance there for a "revolution from above," Stalin in effect wrote that vast continent off as a theater of Communist expansion.
After Stalin's death a general revision of the old tenets of Leninism was undertaken in Moscow. Its first product was, in Europe, the "coexistence" campaign of 1955; in Asia it was the effort at a broad rapprochement with non-Communist governments and national movements in general. This meant, in the Middle East, the support of Arab "national socialism" against the West. It also meant support for some of the most reactionary regimes on earth. Nonetheless, the ideological justification for this turn was not hard to provide. A venture in a similar direction had already been made back in the early 20's, when Lenin and Stalin explained that the Emir of Afghanistan was a progressive force because he opposed Western imperialism, whereas the British Labor party was not.
In an article in a recent number of the official Russian party magazine, Kommunist, the rationalization is given complete. Soviet policy in the past had been "nihilistic" in rejecting the help of the Asian "nationalist bourgeoisie," the clergy, and even some of the great landowners in the struggle against colonialism. There was no real danger that these elements would become the leading force in this struggle: the mere existence of the USSR and the other Communist states was a guarantee against that eventuality. Nor should the Communist attitude be as negative as in the past toward the "utopianist and populist socialism" rife in the Orient. Admittedly, a good deal of it was just "fashionable talk" and even represented a conscious attempt to betray the masses, but it was nonetheless incumbent on Communists to encourage the anti-capitalist mood now "widespread both among the people and the intelligentsia." The writer goes on to say: "In the East we have a repetition—though in very different political circumstances—of various early phases of the revolutionary struggle . . . it would be wrong to assume that the Pestels, Ryleyevs, Herzens, Tolstoys, and Chernishevskys could emerge only in the Russia of the past century—that they cannot appear again in the contemporary East."
All this is new in Soviet Moscow. Westerners had long ago noticed the populist and vaguely anti-capitalist character of much of Asian nationalism and were therefore less surprised by its postwar development. But the emphasis on populism and anti-capitalism can go too far: to mention Nasser of Egypt and Ali Abu Nawar of Jordan in the same breath as Herzen and Tolstoy is ludicrous. The populist intelligentsia of 19th-century Russia were radically democratic, and they were also humanistic and cosmopolitan; nothing could be less true of the leaders, political or intellectual, of Arab nationalism.
What the author of the article in Kommunist really means is that any government or movement, no matter how reactionary and backward, is acceptable to the Soviet Union as an ally as long as it does not side with the West. The decisive criterion for Soviet Communism today is the international balance of power, not social or political institutions. And Leninism is now interpreted according to long-term considerations, not immediate issues, on the assumption—which is not unfounded in view of the inability of most of the present regimes in the Middle East to solve their internal problems—that time works altogether in favor of Communism, and that the Nassers and their like will eventually be replaced by Communist fronts.
For these and a variety of other reasons, the Soviets see the Middle East as the most—and perhaps the only—promising sphere for the expansion of their power at the present moment. Moscow may still try for "coexistence" in Europe because it has no chance of winning further ground there without precipitating a world war, but the situation in the Middle East is radically different. Syria, Jordan, and perhaps Egypt have a good chance of being transformed into "popular democracies" without exposing the Soviets to the risk of all-out war. After all, the Eisenhower Doctrine is designed to deal with military aggression alone, not with ostensibly peaceful transfers of power or coups d'état. For the same reason it would not serve Russian purposes to extend the "coexistence" campaign to the Middle East or make a deal there with the West.
Whether the West could have reached a temporary understanding with Stalin over the Middle East in 1948 or 1951 is a moot point. With his heirs, who move with a great deal less caution in foreign affairs than he, such an understanding is out of the question. In 1946 Stalin withdrew from Persia under Western pressure; nor did he dare to try to carry out any of the dire threats he uttered against Turkey. His heirs, however, have declared themselves ready to contemplate the use of military force to "protect" the emerging "popular democracies" of the Arab world. Whether or not this is a bluff, the effect of their new attitude has been to make the Middle East the most explosive area of world politics; and it is no exaggeration to say that the danger of war—and not only of a local one—is now greater than it ever was under Stalin.
The compliant way in which Arab nationalism has yielded to Communist infiltration, influence, and guidance not only reveals aspects of that nationalism which Western foreign offices have paid too little attention to, but discloses a wealth of tactical potentialities and resources possessed by world Communism which the West in general had hardly suspected. Every weakness in Arab nationalism seems to elicit and link up with a complementary strength in Communism.
It is essential to Communism in the Middle East that Arab nationalism should remain impotent to solve the social, economic, and real political problems of the Middle East. Nasser's helplessness before his real problems is what keeps him committed to anti-Westernism, and leads him to dream aloud of an Arab empire instead of working simply for a strong Egyptian state. It is also what makes his collaboration with the Russians so necessary.
Underneath the impotence of Arab nationalism lies an absence of content, of ideas, even of ideology. Nasserism—Arab "national socialism"—is not a doctrine or a political philosophy; it is simply a state of mind. Nasser himself and his colleagues have never tried to lay down a detailed political program, let alone formulate political ideas. They know what they are against—foreign rule and influence, and what they think is monopoly capitalism—and that, they believe, is enough for the time being. For the rest, they say they are for restoring to Egypt and to the Arab world their old power and glory. Nazism and Fascism may have been woefully shoddy ideologies, but by comparison with present-day Arab nationalism they look like profound and sophisticated philosophies—at least they tried to endow "being German" or "being Italian" with some meaning.1
But dreams of grandeur and wishful thinking are not enough if the Arabs themselves are to fill the "power vacuum" in the Middle East, as they say they intend to. What is required is the radical secularization and modernization of their society, which requires in turn the willingness and the ability to cope with social and economic problems. This would mean much less bombastic speechifying and much, much more hard work. Yet nothing is further from the state of mind which is Arab nationalism than economic and social questions. This is why the economic projects for the Middle East now being urged in the West, though well meant, are beside the point and will not bring a political solution in that area any nearer. (Which does not mean that they should be dropped; only no illusions should be entertained about their short-term political effect.)
Far more important than social or economic questions is the political factor, or rather the emotional and psychological factor that expresses itself through politics. This is what Western statesmen and observers seem to have the greatest trouble understanding.
The West itself has only just begun to outgrow the phase of nationalism in which national self-esteem and prestige were all-decisive, and countries went to war to protect their honor or for the sake of a few square miles of territory. Many Asian countries, however, are just entering that phase. Nehru may be a paragon of political wisdom and good sense compared to Nasser, and yet, with some 350 million Indians to feed and clothe on his hands, he has ventured to the brink of war for the sake of another ten million in Kashmir who can only add to the difficulties of the government he heads.
"National honor" likewise accounts for most of the intensity of Arab feeling about Israel. The bitterness of that feeling has frequently been exaggerated in the West, but is tremendous nevertheless—and derives almost entirely from wounded self-esteem, not from resentment at the plight of the Arab refugees or at the inconvenience caused by broken land communications between Cairo and Amman or Damascus. The Sinai campaign, despite the completely falsified accounts of it circulated to the Arab public, has only exacerbated the wound. And on top of all this is the xenophobia endemic to the Arab world, which would be there even without Israel and without colonialism.
There is a school of thought which holds that Western relations with the Arab world were amicable and easy up until the First World War, when Britain and France moved into the Middle East, a Jewish national home was founded in Palestine, and Western penetration was increased in other ways; if only all this could be undone, it is said, things would return to normal in the Middle East. Nothing could be more illusory. Time was when Islam was indeed more tolerant and progressive than the West, but that was five hundred years ago, and since the Middle Ages virulent xenophobia, fanatical intolerance, and anti-Westernism have been the rule throughout the Moslem world, and especially in its Arab part. The notion that Arab hostility to the West arose only in 1914, or in the late 19th century, is contradicted by all travelers' accounts from the 18th century on.
If anything, Israel acts as a lightning conductor for Arab anti-Westernism, and were she to disappear the West would become more of a direct target of Arab resentment than before. As Hans E. Tütsch, who covers the Middle East for the Swiss Neue Zürcher Zeitung (and who is almost unique among foreign correspondents in that area in knowing Arabic), writes in a recent book (Die arabischen Volker am Kreuzweg, Zurich, 1956): "It would be a mistake to assume that with a solution of the Palestine conflict a pacification of the Middle East would follow. The problems facing the great powers cannot be solved in Palestine alone. There are deeper causes than the Arab-Israel conflict for the unrest in the Middle East." Among these deeper causes, the crisis of Arab self-esteem in general bulks very large—and it happens to be something that Communism finds easy to exploit.
In the Middle East even more than in China or Southeastern Asia, Communism has demonstrated a new capacity to champion the claims to self-esteem of nationalities, and not only of social classes. Nor is this all. The tactical and psychological flexibility of post-Stalin Communism—which makes it much more formidable than Nazism or Fascism ever were on the international scene—is further shown by the fact that it can act as a vehicle of the most backward kind of xenophobia. And Communism's formal adherence to internationalism only serves to make it the more effective in this role (just as the Soviets' official opposition to anti-Semitism enables them to practice anti-Semitism with more impunity, and with the collaboration of Jews themselves).
But Communist opportunism has for a long time been infinite, at least in possibility. More than thirty years ago the Soviets already had on hand an ideological device with which to fan Arab anti-Westernism in the colonial countries as well as inflate their self-esteem. A Moslem Tartar named Sultan Galiev, who served in the 20's as one of Stalin's men in the Commissariat for Nationalities in Moscow, developed the idea that the real solution of the world's problems lay in a dictatorship of the backward over the industrialized countries. Against the worldwide dictatorship of one class (the proletariat) or the present dictatorship of the world by the West, Galiev wrote, "We advance another theory: the material premises for a social transformation of humanity can be created only through the establishment of the dictatorship of the colonies and semi-colonies over the metropolises."
Galiev's "theory" was mentioned in several books published in Russia in the 20's, and very recently in a book by Richard Pipes, The Formation of the Soviet Union (Harvard University Press, 1954), but otherwise it had been virtually forgotten, Galiev himself having disappeared during a purge some time in the late 20's. But now his idea has cropped up again in the Middle East. Surprisingly, many echoes of it have been heard in the Cairo and Damascus "national socialist" press over the last year—and the main accent has been on its anti-Western implications.
The socialist component in Arab "national socialism" is in any case extremely nebulous. The Arab "national socialists" are for the Communist-dominated World Federation of Trade Unions, but against the class struggle. They favor the Communists against the Social Democrats. The only place where Arab "national socialism" becomes less vague is in its attitude toward the advanced countries of the West. Here there is no room for nonsense about internationalism, proletarian or otherwise: all that matters is the defeat and humiliation of the West, and its reduction to a dependency of the great Arab empire of the future.
This may sound like sheer megalomaniacal fantasy without any connection with reality, but the emotion behind it is of decisive importance in the Arab world of today, and one to which the West would do well to pay regard. It explains why it would probably be easier right now for the West to reach an understanding with Russia or her satellites than with the "national socialist" Arabs themselves.
In taking cognizance of the Communist threat in the Middle East it would be misleading to look for parallels with the course of events in Eastern Europe after 1945. There the Communists came to power through popular fronts or alliances with left Socialist or liberal politicians, whom they were able subsequently to "cut away" with the help of the very Russian bayonets that had installed the Communists in the postwar governments in Eastern Europe in the first place. In the Middle East there is no Red Army, and the Communists collaborate with right extremists rather than with left or liberal politicians, who are anyhow few and far between. Moreover, the countries of the Middle East are far more backward than those of Eastern Europe. Thus the conditions for Communist penetration in the Middle East are quite different, and require of the Communists themselves a much more complicated plan of campaign.
The kind of "popular democracy" which will emerge in the Arab world if the Communists get their way may constitute a new departure and set a new pattern. The textbooks of Leninism—especially since the 20th Congress of the Russian party—contain nothing that would prohibit a specifically Middle Eastern variety of "popular democracy."
One of its features would certainly be the continuation of the stress the Communists everywhere now put on international politics. This would mean redoubling the fight against the West while abstaining carefully from any demand for, or attempt to carry out, major social or economic reforms at home that might antagonize the allies of the regime among the "national bourgeoisie," the landlords, or the clergy. Yet the Communists would at the same time bend every effort to entrench themselves in key positions of power in the police, the army, the press, and the radio, and would try to squeeze out all potential rivals. Given their superior organization, their political training, and the absence in the Middle East of organized political parties on the Western model, they should not have too much trouble in doing this. By then the purpose of the "national front" would have been fulfilled, and its Communist wire-pullers would be able to proceed safely to put the heat on the "national bourgeoisie" and other allies no longer needed.
Actually, this is the stage that has already been reached in Syria, and which is approaching in Jordan.
In Syria the government and administration are undergoing a drastic purge designed to eliminate all officials suspected of being pro-Western or pro-democratic, and even some who are guilty of nothing more than having had a Western education. The two main political parties, the Sha'ab and the National, are being subjected to increasing intimidation, and those of their leaders who are anti-Communist have been or are about to be arrested, and some of them are already being tried. The old executive committees of these parties are in process of dissolution, and their new committees, elected under Communist pressure, are filled largely with fellow-travelers and other people willing to cooperate with the Communists. At this point, and this point only, the picture begins to resemble that in Eastern Europe at the time when the Communists were getting rid of rival political parties.
Now that the Communists are showing their hand so openly in the Middle East, Western observers are at a loss to understand the failure to react of Arab non-Communist politicians. With all that the past has taught the world about Communist ways and means, how can bona fide nationalist leaders like Shukri el-Kuwatli and Zabri el-Assali in Syria, and Suleiman Na-bulsi in Jordan, go on collaborating as closely as they still do with the Communists? How can the Socialist Ba'th party in Syria actually enter into negotiations for a merger with them? Either these people have become Communists themselves, or else they are possessed by a suicidal impulse; there seems to be no possible third explanation.
But for that matter, how can it be explained that practically all Arab heads of government, from Saud in Arabia to Nasser in Egypt and President Kuwatli in Syria, continue to protest that Communism is no threat in the Middle East?
The over-all explanation—and this is something Western observers again find it hard to realize—must be sought really in the political blindness, stupidity, and crassness of the non-Communist leaders of the Arab world. There are some exceptions, but on the whole the Arab Communists are so superior to their rivals in political competence as to make the issue seem sealed in advance and Communist domination of the Middle East only a matter of time. And yet the matter is not quite as simple as that, even when we take Arab political obtuseness into full account.
When Khaled Bakdash, leader of the Syrian Communists and the chief among Middle Eastern Communists in general, declares, as he did the other day, that there is no Communist danger in Syria, it is a huge joke, for in his eyes Communism is not a danger but something very much to be wished for. But when Kuwatli, Nasser, or Saud say the same thing, not only is a general ignorance of Russia, Communism, and world affairs involved, but also an element of political expediency as well as a large dosage of wishful thinking).
If Nasser and the other Arab heads of government renounced anti-Westernism they would have to replace it with programs of radical domestic reform. But there is nothing they have less appetite for than that. Their dilemma is well described by a distinguished Arabist, Sir Hamilton A. R. Gibb Atlantic Monthly, October 1956):
Inevitably, as the nationalist leaders felt mass support slipping away they made ever more violent efforts to regain it by continuing to harp on the continued presence of European forces or enterprises or controls, or on the hidden hand of Western diplomacy and on Western support of Zionism. When accused of neglecting social issues, they insisted that those were secondary and controversial, and must not disrupt the nation's united determination to achieve its national aims. However genuinely the politicians desired national independence, they did not know what to do with it. Concentrating on its negative aspect as freedom from interference and without positive program, they could only try to fill the void of policy by propaganda.
This defines the position not only of old-style Arab politicians like Kuwatli, but also of new-style Arab dictators like Nasser. For them a pro-Soviet orientation has become the path of least resistance. And against the dangers to be met along that path they conjure up the magic powers of "Arab integral nationalism," which they profess to believe—perhaps even sincerely, such is the wishfulness produced by their dilemma—is so much the strongest force in the Middle East as to render that region immune to the more serious consequences of close cooperation with Communism and the Soviet Union.
Meanwhile the Communists continue to make hay. Syria is already ruled by a pro-Soviet junta of army officers with Communist political advisers, and enjoys the benefit not only of full-scale political purges and show trials, but a muzzled press most of Whose foreign news is supplied by Tass bulletins, and of a radio that broadcasts Soviet propaganda in Russian as well as Arabic. Those non-Communists, including President Kuwatli and his prime minister who have been left in office, are figureheads without real power. The Communists are now sponsoring a "national charter" to which eighty deputies to the Syrian parliament, its majority, have already subscribed, and a new Communist-controlled "state" party is on the way to full rule in the country.
In Jordan the Communists are represented in the government, but still face some real opposition, particularly from King Hussein. His desperate attempts to stem the tide of Communist infiltration have so far resulted, however, in nothing more than half-hearted administrative measures. One gets some idea of Hussein's caliber as a Red-baiter from his effort to "smear" Communism as a "Zionist invention." This kind of propaganda is even more ineffective—aside from being ludicrous—than Nuri Said's attempt in Iraq to fight Communism as atheistic. (As it happens, urban Arabs, and especially the intelligentsia among them, care far less about their religion than most Westerners realize. Nor do the Communists themselves sponsor militantly atheist propaganda any more; now they call attention to the churches and mosques still functioning in the USSR, and they have even succeeded in getting a number of Moslem clergymen in Arab countries to vouch for their honorable intentions toward religion.)
Fundamentally, the situation in Jordan is the same as in Syria, and unless she manages to break away from the Cairo-Damascus axis—which seems very unlikely—and even more important, develops an independent non-Communist policy at home, she is destined to go the same way as Syria.
In Egypt the Communist movement has been united only since last September and is still illegal—but so now are all other political parties in the country. Not a single member of the ruling junta belongs to the Communist party, yet the whole Egyptian press, the radio, and all the other media of public communication have fallen into the hands of fellow-travelers. These have also gained many commanding positions in the political police, the army, and the civil administration.
Fellow-travelers by no means form a majority in Egyptian public life, but they do constitute the only group that knows what it wants, and as a result they have had a decisive hand in creating the present political climate of the country and in shaping the style of the regime and its outlook on world affairs. They have also imported "socialist realism" into Egypt, and there is now more "socialist realist" art and literature there, according to a recent visitor, "than in the whole of East Europe."
A book published in Paris last year, L'-Egypte en mouvement (Editions du Seuil) by Jean and Simone Lacouture, gives a picture of how the Communists and fellow-travelers got where they now are in Egypt. That its authors lived in Egypt, are favorably disposed toward Nasser, and had a good deal to do with the Egyptian "progressistes" adds perhaps to the reliability of their account.
They tell how, in 1952, the Egyptian Communists decided to "cultivate" the ruling military junta. "The junta is a coming force," they said. "But it has no sense of direction. There is a vacuum, we will fill it; it has no ideology, no cadres, no political knowhow. We will give it its orientation." As the authors show convincingly, the Egyptian Communists have ever since provided Nasser's junta with its slogans and guided its actions: "The Communists and 'progressives' thus took the place of the American advisers, who had between 1952 and 1954 wanted to channel the regime toward a prudent reformism. . . ."
But all that the Egyptian Communists and "progressives" really have in common with Nasser and his colleagues is anti-Westernism. Once the present phase is passed and the Communists and their sympathizers have entrenched themselves securely, there is bound to be a parting of the ways.
At this point those who would accuse me of exaggerating the Communist danger in the Middle East might say: Granted that Nasserism lacks positive content, but may you not be applying the terms "Communism" and "Communist" to the Middle Eastern scene too loosely, too sweepingly, and too often? After all, isn't the number of card-carrying Communists in the Middle East still rather small, and are there not perhaps ten to twenty times as many fellow-travelers—especially among the intelligentsia—and isn't there quite a difference between them and party members?
Granted, but the ultimate political effect still tends to be the same. For the fellow-travelers and the "progressives" follow wherever the card-carriers lead, and the "integral nationalists" follow the fellow-travelers.
The truly historic misfortune of the Arab world at the present juncture is perhaps the absence of a genuinely left political force. There are several Trotskyite splinter groups in the Middle East and a small Socialist movement in Lebanon, but nothing else. Only a strong and independent left could offer Middle Eastern Communism a real challenge, or else regimes modeled on Mustafa Kemal's precedent. But whereas Nasser could still have opted for Kemalism in 1955, now it is too late—he cannot turn back.
Nasser's "national socialism," and Arab nationalism in general—being the inflated mixture of "dynamism" without direction and propaganda without content that they are—seem made to order for the Communists; they provide them with just the sort of opposition and rivalry they can batten on. In effect, they prepare the way for them.
1 This is not to say that some Arab thinkers, in the 19th and the present century, have not tried to inject a content into Arab nationalism and define its relevance to the present (see H. Z. Nuseibeh's Ideas of Arab Nationalism, published by the Cornell University Press in 1956). But though their attempts have been serious and laudable, the results have not been satisfactory. Nasser himself has learned far more from Mussolini than from any Arab ideologue.


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KATHMANDU, APR 14 - The four major political forces have agreed in principle to hold fresh Constituent Assembly elections in mid-November citing the time constraint, the delay in clearing legal hurdles and differences on some provisions of electoral laws.
Multiple sources close to the party and the government said mid-November will be formally recommended as the poll date through the High-level Political Mechanism after a few weeks.
"Polls are not possible in June as we planned so the vote date will be announced for between November 15-21," said CPN-UML Vice-chairman Bamdev Gautam, who is also a member of the Committee.
Gautam revealed that the parties had already agreed to hold the polls in November but had not been made it public after the formation of the Khil Raj Regmi-led election government. "Everyone knew it was impossible to hold elections in June but nobody dared to publicly say so," said Gautam.
UCPN (Maoist) Vice-chairman Narayan Kaji Shrestha said with no chance for June elections, parties have no alternatives but to announce the poll date for November. "The Mechanism will declare the polls for November once Prachandaji returns from China," said Shrestha.
Earlier, the cross-party taskforce, comprising the four major forces, had recommended June 21 as the election date. But the government, which has not yet cleared legal hurdles for elections, has been struggling to announce the date with parties divided over provisions in a crucial election ordinance.
Sources close to the government said the date will be declared once key electoral Acts are promulgated and conducive environment for elections is created with the participation of parties opposed to elections.
A sitting minister told the Post that Chairman of the Interim Election Government Regmi has shared his plan to hold elections in November with the chiefs of the major parties and the President. Regmi, who met President Ram Baran Yadav on Saturday, conveyed the difficulties of a June election. "The government will announce the poll date when the election body comes up with an election calendar and the chances of conducting elections are ensured," said government spokesperson Madhav Poudel.
The Election Commission has also ruled out the possibilities of holding polls in June. "Currently, we don't see the possibility of holding polls in June and the statement of the chairman [Khil Raj Regmi] also indicated the same. So, we are preparing to hold polls in November," said Election Commission (EC) Spokesperson Madhu Regmi.
During a meeting with the head of the election government, President Yadav and party leaders, the EC informed that elections would not be conducted in June as scheduled due to the delay in promulgating electoral laws, the lack of consensus among parties and obstructions to the ongoing voter registration process. Major political forces are still divided on electoral provisions including a threshold for proportional representation and the criteria disqualifying candidates with a criminal background from contesting elections.
The Constituent Assembly Member Ordinance 2013, forwarded to the government by the EC some two weeks ago, is still under consideration at the Cabinet following differences among parties.
The government is preparing to iron out differences by holding a joint meeting with representatives of the parties and the EC.
Poudel said that the government will forward the ordinance within the upcoming week. The election body has set a one percent threshold to be eligible for the proportional electoral system and allows those convicted of crimes to contest elections only six-years after the completion of their term. The ordinance also requires that candidates show property details before contesting elections and deposit Rs 5,000, up from Rs 3,000, to file their candidacy.
The Maoists and various smaller parties have been opposing the provisions for threshold, property disclosure and time bar for convicts while the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN-UML are in favour of the EC's formulations.
Following differences, the government, which forwarded two election-related ordinances—ordinance on Amendment to Some Election Related Acts 2013 and the Ordinance on Amendment to Nepal Citizenship 2013—has placed the CA Member Act 2013 on hold. The EC has also expressed serious reservations regarding objections from political parties over the formulated laws.
A nation-wide voter registration process, which began some three years ago, has been stalled for the last two weeks owing to obstructions by the Mohan Baidya-led CPN-Maoist.
Posted on: 2013-04-15 10:01


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Morris, Tigers expect epic battle
CLEMSON — Chad Morris and his Clemson offense faced a tall task last season headed into the lion's den of Tallahassee, Fla., and a No. 1-ranked FSU defense.
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Michael Carter-Williams leads No. 6 Syracuse to win over No. 1 Louisville
Jan 19, 2013, 6:21 PM EDT
Michael Carter-Williams responded to missing a game-tying free throw quite nicely, as he got a steal off of an errant Peyton Siva pass and went the other way, dunking on Gorgui Dieng to put the Orange up 69-68 with 25 seconds left.
Wayne Blackshear would get his shot blocked at the rim on the next possession, and after Carter-Williams once again hit just one-of-two free throws, Siva again threw the ball away trying to hit Dieng under the rim, and the Orange hung on, beating the No. 1 team in the country on the road, 70-68.
Brandon Triche was the best player on the floor for much of the game for the Orange, scoring 23 points and hitting five threes as he kept Syracuse within striking distance during a stretch early in the first half where it seemed like the Orange were more comfortable throwing the ball to Louisville than to their own team.
Carter-Williams was the main culprit. While he finished with 16 points, seven assists, four steals and the game-winning play, he was one of the biggest reasons that Syracuse was in that position late down the stretch; 4-13 shooting and eight turnovers for your starting point guard is a good way to dig a hole. But towards the end of the second half, all that changed. The Orange stopped turning the ball over. They had 13 turnovers in the first 24 minutes of the game. They had two in the last 16 minutes, outscoring Louisville 30-20 during that stretch. Limiting turnovers stopped Louisville from getting out in transition, which forced the Cardinals to try and beat the Syracuse zone in the half court.
Louisville couldn't do that.
And Syracuse got the win.
Perhaps the most impressive part about this win was the Syracuse was able to do it without James Southerland on the floor. Southerland, Jim Boeheim's second-leading scorer and best three-point shooter, is out indefinitely as a result of an academic issue and it's unclear when he will be back in the lineup. This win is an indication that not having Southerland at their disposal is not as big of an issue as we might have anticipated.
The win vaults Syracuse to 5-0 in the Big East, while Louisville drops a game behind the Orange and Marquette (who play at 7:00 p.m. on Saturday) in the loss column.
- protectthishouse54 - Jan 19, 2013 at 8:11 PM
Wow. This was a Big East classic. Best game I'v seen in a while and probably the best win in college hoops this year for the Orange. At Louisville, the #1 team in the nation. Cuse #1?
- woodstakes - Jan 20, 2013 at 1:00 AM
Was a great game… I am really going to miss the Big East next year. As for the Orange going to #1… No way.. we have a solid team but we aren't good enough to leapfrog anyone just yet. Bottom line is these are 2 top 5 teams and BOTH should be ranked as such. Unfortunately it will probably push the Orange up 2 spots and drop Louisville to #7 or so.
- theskinsman - Jan 20, 2013 at 5:28 AM
Huge win for the 'Cuse,especially without Southerland. Boehiem has coached this team well.
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DURHAM, N.H.-- The University of New Hampshire athletic department has announced that the women's volleyball match on Sept. 21 vs. North Carolina State at 12:30p.m. has been selected as the third annual "Pack the Arena Day".
The goal of this promotion is to break the America East volleyball attendance record for a single-match, which is currently held by UNH with 1,949 fans vs. Hofstra University on Oct. 22, 2000. This match will be one of four matches of the day as part of the UNH Tournament and will feature national caliber volleyball programs such as Kent State, N.C. State and Montana State.
The first 1,500 fans to enter Lundholm Gymnasium will receive a coupon for a free Domino's pizza. In addition, fans in attendance will have an opportuinity to win great prizes, including a Sprint PCS cell phone and UNH men's hockey tickets.
The UNH pep band and the Wildcat cheerleaders will be on hand to support the Wildcat volleyball team as they attempt to break the conference attendance mark.
To purchase tickets please call 868-7300, visit Ticketmaster on the web at www.ticketmaster.com or visit the Whittemore Center box office.


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