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A Commentary Report: The Puerto Ricans
If someone twenty-five years ago had looked around at the potential sources of new immigration to New York City, his eye might well have fallen on Puerto Rico, but he would probably also have concluded that the Puerto Ricans, if they came to New York, would have a very hard time adapting. Puerto Rico in the middle 30's—after thirty-five years of American administration—was a scene of almost unrelieved misery. It was overcrowded and disease-ridden, almost without industry, suffering from the collapse of its major cash crop (sugar), its population undereducated and underemployed. Puerto Rico was also unsure in its cultural traditions and without a powerful faith. Nor was there much strength in the Puerto Rican family. In some ways, it was a family similar to the type we find in peasant Europe—patriarchal and authoritarian, the man reigning as absolute despot, demanding obedience and respect from wife and children. However, this was not the family of the Polish or South Italian peasant. The major difference was the wide extent of unstable consensual or common-law marriage; more than one-quarter of the marriages were of this kind, and as a result about one-third of the births were formally illegitimate. In both legal and consensual marriage, moreover, concubinage and sexual adventurism on the part of the men were widely accepted, which meant that children often grew up in confused family settings and that great strain existed between husbands and wives. Children were loved in Puerto Rico—this was fortunate since there were so many. And yet it has frequently been said that their mothers perhaps loved them as much as they did in order to make up for neglect by their husbands.
Marriage in Puerto Rico was typically a matter of the young daughter—as young, even, as thirteen or fourteen—making an escape from home with a man whom her parents had not chosen and whom she herself scarcely knew. A random sample of the island's population in 1947—48 showed that 6 per cent of the married women had been married at fourteen or younger, a fifth had been married at fifteen or sixteen, a quarter at seventeen and eighteen, and another fifth at nineteen or twenty—seven out of ten, in other words, were married before the age of 21! This, combined with the feeling that a man and woman living together should have children as soon as possible, resulted for women in a very early induction into child-bearing and for men in a very early induction into the burdens of adulthood.
Still, the family, despite these weaknesses, was perhaps one of the stronger elements in the Puerto Rican situation. Men might have children with a number of different women, but they took responsibility for all of them; there was (for a peasant culture) a relatively high degree of marital breakup, but there was always a place for the children. The institution of the godparents, the compadre and comadre, provided a second set of parents who stood ready to take over if the first was overburdened with too many children and too many woes, or was broken up by death or desertion. Children in Puerto Rico were neither resented nor neglected; if anything, they suffered from being over-protected.
Nevertheless, this was not, by the standards of other peasant cultures, a tightly knit and well-integrated family system, and when Puerto Ricans first began coming to New York, it did not hold up too well. Indeed, as early as 1930 a social worker at a meeting of the National Conference of Catholic Charities stated that the Puerto Rican family was the biggest social-work problem in New York at the time.
Given all this, who could have expected that the postwar Puerto Rican migration to New York City would turn out to be so successful? It was as little to be expected as the transformation of the island itself—a transformation so startling, and so little heralded by anything in Puerto Rico's earlier history that by 1960 it was reasonable for two new books on Puerto Rico to bear the titles: Puerto Rico: Land of Wonders and Puerto Rico: Success Story. The great advances in education, health, self-respect, work capacity, and training that have taken place under Luis Muñoz Marin's regime have benefited New York no less than Puerto Rico itself.
New York City had 500 persons of Puerto Rican birth in 1910; 7,000 in 1920; 45,000 in 1930. This group already included some professional people and some small storekeepers, but the overwhelming majority were employed—when they were employed at all—in unskilled work, as laborers, porters, factory operatives, and domestic help. In Manhattan, where three-quarters of the Puerto Ricans lived (in an area bounded by 97th Street on the south, 125th Street on the north, Fifth Avenue on the west, and Third Avenue on the east), they met the old East Harlem Italian community and the growing community of Negroes to the north and west. There was also a large Jewish group in East Harlem, which was then beginning to withdraw to other parts of the city, principally to the Bronx.
There is no record of any conflict between the Puerto Ricans and the Jewish group. With the local Italians, relations were cool. The tight Italian community did not find it easy to open up to strangers: the youth, of course, simply followed in the pattern of adolescent ethnic hostility, and the mild Puerto Ricans, whose history had had plenty of misery but remarkably little violence, were taken aback.
As for relations between the Puerto Ricans and the Negroes, they were more complex, even in those early days. The Puerto Ricans are a mixed people, and though a man's color meant something very different to them from what it meant to white Americans, they knew very well its meaning for Americans. About one-fifth of the Puerto Rican group in New York in the 1930's was listed in census returns as Negro (a slightly smaller proportion than was then listed as colored in the census taken in Puerto Rico itself). Lawrence R. Chenault, who made the first book-length study of the New York Puerto Ricans in the mid-30's, believed that the American Negro was "inclined to resent all of the people from the West Indies [he included the Puerto Ricans in this group] because of their competition in the labor market," while on his part "the Puerto Rican, if white or slightly colored, deeply resents any classification which places him with the Negro. . . . Finding the American-born Negro confronted with serious disadvantages in this country, the Puerto Ricans want to maintain their own group and to distinguish themselves from him. . . . People who have studied the relations of the West Indian groups in Harlem report that. . . the darker the person from the West Indies is, the more intense his desire to speak only Spanish, and to do so in a louder voice."
But whatever the complications introduced in Puerto Rican attitudes toward Negroes by this factor of color, relations actually seem to have been pleasanter than with the Italians. In later years, the young people coming into this first section of Puerto Rican settlement, "El Barrio," would find their adjustment made more difficult by the hostility of Italian youth; Negro youth were on the whole more willing to accept them.
During the war, Puerto Rico, four days from New York by boat, was cut off to normal passenger movement, and there was almost no addition to the Puerto Rican population until 1944. Then there was a heavy migration of 11,000. The next year, with the end of the war, air service between San Juan and New York was introduced, which immediately transformed the situation of the potential migrant. In 1945, 13,500 entered the city; in 1946, almost 40,000: New York was in the middle of a mass migration rivaling the great population movements of the first two decades of the century. By 1961, there were 613,000 people of Puerto Rican birth or parentage in the city (representing about 60 per cent of the total number of Puerto Ricans in the continental United States). Since 1961, the number of new arrivals has fallen off sharply and will probably remain low, but the high birth rate of the Puerto Rican group guarantees that it will make up an increasing proportion of the city's population.1
By 1961 also, Puerto Ricans were no longer living almost exclusively in El Barrio in East Harlem. The desperate housing shortage made it impossible for El Barrio to expand into the areas to the north, east, and west, and the vast program of slum clearance and public housing not only broke up the Puerto Rican concentrations (in the oldest and most decrepit buildings, of course) as soon as they were formed, but prevented new concentrations from forming. And so Puerto Ricans spread rapidly throughout the city in the late 1940's and 1950's—to the West Side, to Washington Heights, to Chelsea, to the Lower East Side; and outside of Manhattan, to the downtown Brooklyn and nearby Bedford-Stuyvesant areas; to the Bronx, through Morrisania, Melrose, and other districts; and to various sections of Queens. Thus, unlike the older immigrant groups, they rubbed shoulders with almost everybody in the city.
The Puerto Rican migrants of the 1950's were much better equipped for life in New York than those who came in the 1920's and 1930's. Thanks to Muñoz Marin's programs of economic development, island incomes steadily rose during the 1940's and 1950's, as did the urban population and the number of workers with schooling and experience in manufacturing. And all this naturally reflected itself in the character of the new migrants, who, if anything, represented a better-than-average sample of the island population.
The links between the New York Puerto Ricans and the island Puerto Ricans are, indeed, close and complex, and quite different from the relationship of earlier migrant groups to their homelands. Puerto Rico is a part of the United States, and there is no control over movement between the island and the mainland; air passage is not too expensive; and the island government takes a strong interest in its people. Many, in fact, would be hard put to say whether they belonged to the city or the island. A great part of the movement between New York and San Juan consists of people going back and forth for visits, to take care of sick relatives or to be taken care of, of children being sent to stay with one family or another. In other words, going back is usually not, as it was in earlier migrations, either the return of someone who is defeated and incapable of adjustment, or of someone who has made a small competence that will look big in the homeland. Something new, then, has perhaps been added to the New York scene—an ethnic group that will not assimilate to the same degree as others have, but will resemble the strangers who lived in ancient Greek cities, or the ancient Greeks who set up colonies in cities around the Mediterranean.
There are interesting consequences for the community in this. Relatively few Puerto Ricans—as compared with Negroes or with the non-Puerto Rican white groups—register and vote. One reason may be that the state constitution requires all voters to be literate in English. After Mayor Wagner's election to his third term in 1961, it was estimated that no fewer than 200,000 Puerto Ricans were in effect disfranchised by this provision, and in December 1961 the city filed a proposal for a constitutional amendment that would permit residents to take literacy tests in any language in which a daily or weekly newspaper was published in the state. Clearly, people active in politics and the leaders of the Puerto Rican community expect that Spanish will be the major language in use in the community for as long ahead as anyone can see. As against the situation in some earlier immigrant groups, where dominant opinion both in the city and in the group insisted on the need to learn English and to relegate the immigrant tongue to a lesser status, many Puerto Rican leaders—and they are young people—expect and hope that Spanish will maintain an important foothold in their community. The city government, on its side, encourages city employees to learn Spanish, and issues many announcements to the general public in both languages. Conceivably this will change, but Spanish already has a much stronger official position in New York than either Italian or Yiddish ever had. This is one mark of the closeness of the island—physically, politically, and culturally.
Closeness to the island is unquestionably a factor in another interesting characteristic of the Puerto Ricans in New York—the relative weakness of community organization and community leadership among them. The early migrants were so completely working-class and below that the few Puerto Rican professionals and businessmen in the city tended to blend into the non-Puerto Rican Spanish-language group, consisting of immigrants from Spain, Cuba, and other parts of Latin America. But as the number of Puerto Ricans in the city grew, something happened to the general Spanish-speaking group similar to what had happened to the high-status German Jews when the poor East-European Jews arrived—the effort to maintain a separate image for themselves in the public mind failed. When the Puerto Ricans became the overwhelming majority of the city's Spanish-speaking population, the status of all Spanish-speaking people became involved in that of the new immigrants.
These circumstances have led to a recapture by the Puerto Rican group of some of the leadership elements from the longer settled, and perhaps better educated, non-Puerto Ricans. Thus, Emilio Nuñez, the first Spanish-speaking city magistrate (he was appointed in 1951) was born in Spain. Thus, also, the five Spanish-speaking members of the executive board of the Shirtmakers's Union, Local 23 of the ILGWU, include one South American, one Mexican, one Cuban, and only two Puerto Ricans, though Puerto Ricans make up by far the largest part of the Spanish-speaking rank-and-file. And thus, finally, La Prensa, an old and established Spanish daily, which never had much Puerto Rican emphasis, was a few years ago completely revamped as a tabloid to appeal directly to the Puerto Rican population.
The fact that a newspaper originally designed for another group—and owned, to boot, by an Italian, Fortune Pope—could so easily be turned into a Puerto Rican organ, is a sign of the relative weakness of what may be called indigenous organization among the Puerto Ricans. The other and much larger newspaper read by Puerto Ricans, 1l Diario, was originally owned by a Dominican, and edited by a New York newspaperman who had formerly edited a newspaper in the (then) Ciudad Trujillo. Both La Prensa and Il Diario were bought by the transit operator O. Roy Chalk, who is also not a Puerto Rican, and have recently been merged. This newspaper performs many of the services other immigrant-group newspapers have performed, but it is not the creation of the community itself. And this is the kind of situation one finds in many other areas of Puerto Rican life as well. But just recently a new Spanish newspaper was started in the city; the change to a larger degree of self-sufficiency has already begun.
So far as religion is concerned, most of the Puerto Ricans in the city are Catholic, but their participation in Catholic life is small. It is interesting, for example, that only 15,000 Puerto Rican children are in parochial schools in the New York Archdiocese, against almost ten times as many in the public schools—a much smaller percentage than for any other Catholic group in the city. There are only 250 Spanish-speaking priests in the Archdiocese of New York, and most of these—like many priests in Puerto Rico itself—have expressly learned Spanish in order to minister to Puerto Rican Catholics.
As the problems of the first generation are overcome, as families become stabler, incomes higher, and the attachment to American middle-class culture stronger, Catholicism will probably also become stronger among the Puerto Ricans. But it does not seem likely that the Church will play as large a role in their life as it plays for Catholics of European origin. Indeed, there is already a well-established rival to Catholicism in the Puerto Rican community, and if we were to reckon religious strength not by mild affiliation but by real commitment, we might find almost as many Puerto Rican Protestants as Catholics. All told, about 14,000 Spanish-speaking people belong to the major Protestant denominations in the city, about 10,000 of them in their own all-Spanish churches. Attendance in these churches is high, evangelical zeal puts most Anglo-Saxon Protestantism to shame, and the willingness to spend money on the church is also great.
But the most vigorous and intense religious movements among the Puerto Ricans are the Pentecostal and independent Pentecostal-type churches. The 1960 study of the Protestant Council of New York located 240 such churches with an estimated total membership of 25,000—but the Council's estimates are certainly too conservative. These tiny churches generally run services every day of the week. They demand that their people give up smoking and alcohol and fornication. They are completely supported by the membership, and often a church of 100 members will keep a full-time minister. Here, where the preachers and ministers are all Puerto Ricans, if a stranger comes in, he is warmly greeted, and if a member falls sick, he is visited. The tight Pentecostal congregation is one of the most important expressions of community that exists among Puerto Ricans in New York.
Aside from these churches, however, the Puerto Ricans do not have a strong organizational life. To be sure, there are many social organizations, based on place of origin on the island, but they do not have the importance that the early immigrant societies in New York used to have. That they should not is understandable: movies and television and other forms of commercialized recreation have usurped one major function of such societies in the past, while public and private welfare agencies have usurped the other. Moreover, the rise of organization has been inhibited by the same factors (urban renewal, public housing, etc.) that have dispersed the Puerto Rican population throughout the city and prevented the development of a great residential center for the group.
The ways in which the relation to the island affects the organizational life of Puerto Ricans in New York are probably many and subtle, but one clear impact is seen in the role of the Office of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in New York City. This office (maintained by the Department of Labor of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico) is for the Puerto Rican community of New York what the NAACP and the National Urban League are for the Negroes. It serves as an employment agency and an orientation center for new migrants; it represents Puerto Ricans and Puerto Rican interests on committees; it helps organize the Puerto Rican community where such organization seems necessary (as for example, in the 1960 campaign to increase registration, in which it took a leading and active role); it is concerned with the public relations of the Puerto Ricans, supplying information and correcting misconceptions.
But it is again a special twist for New York's Puerto Ricans that their equivalent of NAACP and NUL, or of the Jewish community organizational complex, should be a government office, supported by government funds. That we no longer leave newcomers to New York to sink or swim is undoubtedly a good thing; yet because the Puerto Ricans have been so well supplied with paternalistic guidance by the island government, and with social services by city and private agencies, the group has not been forced to develop powerful grass-roots organizations of its own. Despite (or perhaps because of) this, however, the Puerto Ricans have achieved a sizable degree of success in adjusting to life in New York. Much of this success has been obscured, for adjustment means inconspicuousness and the well-adjusted Puerto Rican is often not seen as a Puerto Rican; he tends to be only someone with a Spanish name. The successful and adjusted withdraw to Washington Heights and two- or one-family houses in the Bronx or Queens. The newcomers, crowding the rooming houses of the West Side and Chelsea, are in some of the busiest sections of the city, with a large and active, previously settled population that is made all too aware of their problems and difficulties.
One important index of success is business, and according to a recent estimate by the Puerto Rican migration division, there are, all told, 4,000 Puerto Rican-run businesses in New York. This is an amazing figure. It is considerably higher, for example, than the much bigger and longer-settled Negro population has achieved, and it suggests that one of the widely accepted reasons for the low participation of Negroes in small business—discrimination in loans—is probably not of primary importance. (The Puerto Rican, after all, with his characteristically accented and poor English, would not be likely to impress the banker or supplier any more than a Negro does.) Other factors, like the demand for special items by the group and the bond of language, seem to explain the difference better.
As for Puerto Rican workers, the 1950 census already indicated a remarkable shift upward in the occupational profile of the second generation. In 1950, 37 per cent of Puerto Rican men were semi-skilled operatives (in toy factories, plastics, and the like) and 28 per cent were service workers (porters, elevator operators, kitchen helpers, etc.). For those Puerto Ricans born in this country who were under twenty-four and at work—still a small group, but suggesting the shape of the future—there was a radical decline in these categories and a sharp increase in the sales and clerical category (from 9 per cent for the Puerto Rican-born to 24 per cent for the native born). And the changes among women are even more striking. In 1950, more than four-fifths of young Puerto Rican women migrants were working in factories (mostly clothing factories) and only 7 per cent were in clerical and sales. Among the young native-born, on the other hand, the proportion working as operatives dropped by half, and the number employed in clerical and sales rose to 43 per cent!
For all this, however, it takes no special discernment of eye to see that a great many of the newcomers live in a veritable sea of misery.
As to its extent: Puerto Rican median family income was considerably lower than even non-white median family income—$3,811 as against $4,437—in 1960, and unemployment among Puerto Ricans also seems to be consistently higher than among non-whites. The census of 1950 showed, for men, 7 per cent of the non-Puerto Rican whites, 12 per cent of the Negroes, and 17 per cent of the Puerto Ricans unemployed; for women, 5 per cent of the non-Puerto Rican whites, 8.5 per cent of the Negroes, and 11 per cent of the Puerto Ricans. In 1960, 5 per cent of all New York males, 6.9 per cent of non-white males, and 9.9 per cent of all Puerto Rican males were unemployed.
In explaining misery among the Puerto Ricans, their high birth rate must be taken into account. Puerto Ricans begin bearing children younger, and bear more of them. A 1950 analysis showed that for women between the ages of fifteen and nineteen the Puerto Rican birth rate was about five times the continental white rate (the Negro rate for this age group was almost as high); for women twenty to twenty-four it was almost twice the white rate, and a third higher than the Negro rate.
We see the strain in a number of ways. For example, it is interesting to note how many of the adjusted Puerto Rican families have only one or two children. The job at $50 a week, which manages to support a small family in an apartment in the Bronx and which, compared with the $12-a-week income that was left behind on the island, represents real advancement, is completely inadequate to support five children or more. All problems tend to pile up. The bigger family may not get into a good apartment or a housing project. The crowding in a small apartment may mean more illness and poor management of children. And the difficulty of feeding so many mourns on $50 a week means that welfare has to be called in to help. One-half of all families in New York receiving supplementary assistance from the Department of Welfare are Puerto Ricans; one quarter of all Puerto Rican children in the city are on some form of assistance; and about one-seventh of all Puerto Ricans are on public assistance. The Puerto Rican (especially the Puerto Rican male) is not happy about going on relief; no one is, but it is perhaps even worse for Puerto Ricans since their culture places so high a value on the maintenance of dignity and self-respect.
Everything can contribute to breaking this circle of dependency—more education, more training, fewer children, fewer illnesses, better housing, dedicated social workers, etc., etc. Sometimes, however, at the bottom of the scale, things are too far gone for the circle to be broken. Here are the "multi-problem" families, afflicted simultaneously by a variety of miseries—a child who is a drug-addict, another who is delinquent, a father who is psychologically or physically unable to work, or perhaps is not there at all.
One of the greatest misfortunes of this bottom layer of unfortunates who cannot help themselves is the enormous difficulty of managing one of the most complex and ingrown bureaucracies in the world—harried city employees, probation officers, welfare workers, rent administrators, etc., etc., etc. An equal misfortune is the housing situation, which consigns those without sufficient resources and without energy to the frightful one-room furnished dwellings carved out of brownstones and apartment houses principally on the West Side of Manhattan. Better living quarters are available, and at cheaper rents, in the Bronx and Brooklyn, but when one is overwhelmed by so many troubles, the energy to take the subway to look for an unfurnished apartment, to get together the few sticks of furniture and the minimal kitchen equipment (the Welfare Department will pay), is often literally beyond the capacity of many families. And so they migrate dully from one of these awful dwellings to another, scarcely better, a few blocks away. Meanwhile, one generation on relief gives rise to another. The culture of public welfare, which Julius Horowitz has so vividly described in his novel, The Inhabitants, is as relevant for the future of Puerto Ricans in the city as the culture of Puerto Rico itself.
And yet despite all this, there was not an exceptionally high rate of delinquency among Puerto Rican children during the 1950's. Today, a good deal of Puerto Rican violence consists of crimes of passion involving members of the community only (though it is not unreasonable to expect that in the future, as the community becomes more and more "Americanized," more and more of this violence will be turned outward) . As for that other index of social strain—illness—Puerto Ricans seem to enjoy poorer health than other groups in the population, and their rate of admission to mental hospitals is higher than on the island, or for New Yorkers in general. The migration, it seems, has hit them very hard.
A typical pattern of migration for families with children is for the father to go alone, stay with relatives or friends, find a job and living quarters, and then gradually bring over the rest of the family. Many families are consequently divided between Puerto Rico and New York, and when they are united, if ever, they show wide differences in degree of knowledge of English, assimilation, and the like. A second pattern of migration involves a woman with children—her husband has deserted her, or she has decided to leave home and go to New York, where jobs are abundant, where the government is reputed to be "for the women and the children," and where relief is plentiful.
The Puerto Rican mother works here much more often than she does in Puerto Rico, but women still tend, if at all possible, to stay home to take care of the children. Fewer of them work than do Negro mothers. The question, then, is what kind of care the children get from these mothers, many of whom have been married since what could be considered childhood. In Puerto Rico, it is perfectly clear how one raises children. The boys are praised for their manliness and aside from being required to act respectfully toward their fathers (whether or not their fathers still live with their mothers), they are left to raise themselves. In radically different fashion, the girls are carefully watched, warned to keep their virginity—without which a proper marriage is inconceivable—and then relatively early they flee from this restrictive and stifling atmosphere into marriage and motherhood.
In New York, however, both traditional patterns raise serious problems. If the boys are left to themselves, they find bad friends, may take to drugs, will learn to be disrespectful and disobedient. And even if a boy survives the streets morally, how is he to survive them physically, with cars and trucks whizzing by, and tough Negro and Italian boys ready to beat him up at the slightest provocation? If the girls are guarded and confined to the home (i.e. a tiny, overcrowded apartment) as proper girls should be, they become resentful at a treatment that their classmates and friends are not subjected to.
Thus the radical boy-girl disjunction does not work in New York City. To the social workers or young ministers in the slums, the dances and other co-educational activities they run are means of teaching young boys and girls how to relate to each other in ways that are not purely sexual and exploitative, and perhaps in a measure they do accomplish this. But to the Puerto Rican (and often Negro) parents, what goes on in the settlement houses and the church socials simply looks like a shocking invitation to premature pregnancy.
In this confusing situation there are two possibilities. One is to give up altogether and simply let the children run wild. But a more typical reaction is a tightening of the screws, not only on the girls but on the boys, too. Many cases of disturbed Puerto Rican boys that come to the attention of social agencies are cases of overprotection, anxiety stemming from an exaggerated fear of the dangers of the streets. With the girls, a tightening of discipline makes life seem even more stifling, and there is less chance of escaping into an early marriage here than there is in Puerto Rico. When a social worker suggested to a Puerto Rican girl who had a job and was expected to scurry home from the factory as fast as she had from school, that she ought to get away from the traditionally strict supervision of her father by moving into a residence, the girl was shocked. "She seems to think that in Puerto Rico they would consider any girl who moves away from her family into a residence as someone who goes into a house of prostitution."
The changing city no longer provides the neighborhood that is exclusive to one ethnic group, and so the models for new conduct in rearing one's children vary. There are Negro, Jewish, and Italian models, as well as the "American" models of the welfare workers and the settlement houses. What degree of discipline is proper, what kind of punishment and rewards ought to be enforced, what expectations should one have of one's children? The Puerto Rican mother is at a loss in deciding on the right course.
And then there is the role of the school in the lives of the children. Even the least schooled migrant knows the value of education; Puerto Ricans universally would like to see their children well educated, and hope they will grow up to be professionals. But school is often a frustrating experience. The shift to a new language has been peculiarly difficult for the Puerto Ricans. We can only speculate as to why Jews and Italians, coming into the city at roughly the same ages as the Puerto Ricans have, and with less formal knowledge of English to begin with, should have made a less problematic linguistic adjustment. Certainly the schools did much less to ease their path. (Of course in the years of the heaviest Jewish and Italian migration, the school-leaving age was considerably lower, so that the children who could not learn English got out before their problems became too noticeable.)
Probably no public school system has spent as much money and devoted as much effort to a group of minority children as the New York public school system has devoted to the Puerto Ricans. There are now hundreds of special personnel to deal with parents, to help teachers, to handle the special difficulties of students. The magnitude of the problem is barely communicated by figures. "On October 31, 1958," reports the Board of Education, "of the 558,741 children in our elementary schools, there were 56,296 children of Puerto Rican ancestry whose lack of ability to speak or understand English represented a considerable handicap to learning."
The numbers alone are enormous, and there is the additional problem of the rapid movement of the newcomers. On the West Side of Manhattan—one of the major sections of entry for Puerto Rican migrants—the turnover in an area containing sixteen schools has been 92 per cent, which means that each year the school confronts what is in effect a completely new student body.
It is probably particularly hard for adolescent boys to adjust to this situation, for the Puerto Rican emphasis on masculine dignity makes it embarrassing to speak English with an accent. Meanwhile, there is a good deal of school-leaving at the earliest possible age and relatively small proportions today go into the academic high schools. The register for New York City schools in October 1960 showed that 18 per cent of the elementary-school students, 17 per cent of the junior high-school students, and only 8 per cent of the high-school students were Puerto Rican. The proportion in the academic high schools was 5 per cent.
The other side of the coin is an impressive amount of activity by young, educated Puerto Ricans to raise the level of concern for education in the group. For example, Puerto Rican social workers, professionals, and teachers have set up an organization called Aspira, which is devoted to helping students and their parents to take all possible advantage of educational opportunities. The young Puerto Rican leaders clearly see Puerto Ricans as following in the path of the earlier ethnic groups; and these leaders speak of the earlier ethnic groups as models for emulation, not as targets for attack. They identify, that is, with the Jews or Italians of forty years ago, rather than with the Negroes of today, and they have a rather hopeful outlook, which stresses the group's potential for achievement rather than the prejudice and discrimination it meets.
New York's folk culture is already deeply affected by the Puerto Rican migration—and in time, one feels sure, its commercial culture will be similarly affected. In every area of Puerto Rican settlement little record stores carry a remarkable variety of Latin American music; the same records, and live music, pour from hundreds of rooms and apartment houses, and from small and large (and even internationally known) dance halls. As the group becomes larger and more self-conscious, the special Puerto Rican passion for music and dancing will cut more and more into the coldness and sharpness of the city. Indeed, the Puerto Ricans in general add to a rather tough and knowing cast of New York characters a new type—softer and milder, gayer and more light-spirited.
But the most significant Puerto Rican contribution to the city of New York, one suspects, will be in the area of attitudes toward color. The Puerto Ricans introduce into the city a group that is intermediate in color, neither all white nor all dark, and they also carry with them a new attitude toward color. There is no strong sense among Puerto Ricans of difference based on color; intermarriage is common, and people are aware of color and hair and facial features as they are aware of any other personal and defining characteristics of an individual. In Puerto Rico, in fact, there seems to be much less concern over color than there is in Jamaica, where subtle distinctions are made in shade, and persons try to marry someone lighter than themselves.
In the 40's, it was widely believed that the Puerto Rican group would eventually split, with the darker members being absorbed into the over-all American Negro community, just as West Indians and other colored immigrants had been. But Father Joseph Fitzpatrick's study of marriage among New York Puerto Ricans reveals that the newcomers still maintain the pattern of a single Puerto Rican community in which people mingle freely in disregard of the color marks that so affect American social behavior. Even more interesting: Father Fitzpatrick's study shows a sizable proportion of marriages between persons of different color; at least a sixth of Puerto Rican marriages in New York are of this type.
The break between colored and white Puerto Ricans, then, has not yet occurred. And if the cancer of color consciousness fails to develop among them, the Puerto Ricans may yet bring a greater gift to New York than any special cultural contribution could ever be.
1 In 1961 the crude birth rate of the Puerto Rican population of New York was 40 per thousand, as compared with 30 for non-whites and 20 for non-Puerto Rican whites.


text:
Daily News Archive
From January 10, 2005
Contacts: Patti
Goldman, Earthjustice, 206-343-7340 ex 32
What: Oral
argument before the U.S. Supreme Court
Where: U.S. Supreme Court, Washington, DC
When: Monday,
January 10, 2005, 10 am
Quotes: Jay Feldman, Executive Director, Beyond Pesticides, an amici in Bates v. Dow Agrosciences being heard by the U.S. Supreme Court, said the following:
· "Pesticides
are registered by the Environmental Protection Agency under a risk assessment
review process that implicitly does not consider all aspects of potential
For background on the case, see Beyond Pesticides' Daily News (12/10/04) at http://www.beyondpesticides.org/news/daily_news_archive/2004/12_10_04.htm.
On January 10, 2005, the U.S. Supreme Court will hear argument in Bates v. Dow Agrosciences, a case that will determine whether federal pesticide law closes the courthouse doors to people injured by pesticides. In Bates, Texas farmers applied an herbicide called "Strongarm" to prevent weeds in their peanut crops, but Strongarm stunted the peanut crops, causing serious economic damage. The Texas farmers went to state court in an effort to make the pesticide makers pay for damage to the crops. The pesticide makers claim they are shielded from court challenges by federal law, the key dispute now before the US Supreme Court. The importance of the case, however, goes beyond the right to recover for crop damage. The Supreme Court's ruling will also determine whether the thousands of people harmed by pesticides can hold pesticide companies accountable for making and distributing dangerous chemicals. Pesticide companies hold that federal law shields them from all such suits.
Physicians for Social Responsibility, Farmworker Justice Fund, Beyond Pesticides, Sierra Club, Natural Resources Defense Council, Defenders of Wildlife, Public Citizen, and Trial Lawyers for Public Justice filed a friend of the court brief written by Earthjustice, Public Citizen, and Trial Lawyers for Public Justice, urging the Court to preserve citizens' rights to recover for harms caused by pesticides.
Federal Pesticide
Regulation Does Not Guard Against Harm to People From Pesticide Use
In the wake of Silent Spring, Congress added health and environmental standards to federal pesticide law, but it allowed previously registered pesticides to remain on the market until EPA reviewed them under the new standards. EPA will not complete its review of pre-1972 pesticides until 2008, presuming it meets the deadline. Even then, pesticides must pass muster under standards that are constantly upgraded by Congress and EPA based on new information and health and environmental concerns. State court actions bring these effects to light and spur better compliance with federal standards.
State Court Actions Provide Compensation to People Injured due to EPA's Delays in Bringing its Pesticide Licenses into Compliance with Federal Standards and for Harm to People that is not Regulatd by EPA
In 1993, Amvac Corp. marketed an extremely toxic pesticide, phosdrin, for the first time in Washington state, even though it had been suspected of poisoning more than 600 workers in California from 1982 through 1989, and Amvac had acknowledged that the existing pesticide label did not adequately protect workers. Throughout the summer of 1993, 29 workers reported acute pesticide poisoning from exposure to phosdrin. The Washington Department of Agriculture banned all phosdrin use before the end of the summer, and, in the face of EPA's plans to cancel the pesticide nationwide, Amvac cancelled its use the following year. The workers became casualties of EPA's delays in canceling the pesticide. Three workers sued Amvac and the distributor for the poisonings and eventually obtained a settlement. [Ruiz-Guzman v. Amvac Chemical Corp., 7 P.3d 795 (Wash. 2000) (http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=wa&vol=684341maj&searchval&invol=1). The Ninth Circuit held that FIFRA did not preempt the workers' design defect claims. Ruiz-Guzman v. Amvac Chemical Corp., 243 F.3d 549 (9th Cir. 2000).]
In 1994 a nine-year-old
boy ate rat poison that tasted sweet and looked like candy at a boys'
club and died as a result. While the label cautioned to keep the rat poison
out of reach of children, a jury awarded the boy's family damages upon
finding that the company withheld adverse incidents of human exposure
from EPA and that the product could have been designed with a bittering
agent to avoid being mistaken for candy and with a substance that would
induce vomiting. [Banks v. ICI Americas, Inc., 264 Ga. 732, 734,
450 S.E.2d 671, 673 (1994)]
In 1977, EPA found that the fungicide benomyl causes birth defects, including rats born with no or very small eyes after in utero exposure, but EPA allowed the pesticide to be used without any birth defect warnings. Dozens of children in rural areas have since been born with no or tiny eyes after their mothers were exposed to benomyl during pregnancy. One family successfully sued the company for compensation for the harm to a child whose mother was exposed by applications at a nearby farm.[42 Fed. Reg. 61,788 (1977); 44 Fed. Reg. 51,169 (1979); 47 Fed. Reg. 46,747, 46,750 (1982); Castillo v. E.I. DuPont de Nemours, Co., 854 So.2d 1264 (Fla. 2003); http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/data2/floridastatecases/7_2003/sc00-490.pdf]
In 1993, Harold Eyl, a maintenance worker for the City of Wisner, Nebraska, came into contact with an herbicide (Pramitol) applied to the playground where he was laying pea rock. He experienced a severe skin reaction that caused swelling in his legs, blood vessel inflammation, and blood clots that left him permanently disabled and unable to work. A jury returned a verdict against the pesticide distributor, but the Nebraska Supreme Court reversed on preemption grounds. [http://www.citizen.org/documents/Petition for Cert in Final PDF.pdf]
This Supreme Court case comes at a time when federal health and safety regulations are in full retreat as evidenced by the recent scandals involving approval of harmful drugs by the federal Food and Drug Administration. In addition, the federal government in 2004 made it much easier for pesticide makers to get federal approval for their poisons where their use threatens wildlife protected by the Endangered Species Act.

subset: commoncrawl


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CHIPLEY — Drivers will encounter lane closures May 8 on westbound U.S. Highway 98 at County Road 2397 in front of the Track Amusement Park and at Wright Parkway.
Closures are 8-9 p.m. by the park and from 9:30-10:30 p.m. on the parkway.
The outside lane will be restricted as crews perform drainage repairs.
All planned construction activities are weather-dependent and may be rescheduled due to inclement weather. You may also follow the Florida Department of Transportation District Three on Twitter.


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Versys 1000 '12-'14
SW-MOTECH Bags-Connection Racepack motorcycle luggage system
The Racepack is a smaller alternative to the Speedpack yet still a good size at 50 liters expandable to 65 liters. Suitable for day to long weekend trips. Designed to fit the rear seat of a variety of bikes.Learn More$337.95
SW-MOTECH Bags-Connection Non-Electric QUICK-LOCK EVO GS Tankbag
The GS is a large 17-25 liter tankbag. This bag is designed for bikes with narrow handlebar clearance and a sloping gas tank. Compatible with the SW-MOTECH Bags-Connection Non-Electric EVO QUICK-LOCK Tankrings, see the app chart below to determine which tankring is appropriate for your bike.Learn More$270.95
SW-MOTECH Bags-Connection Non-Electric QUICK-LOCK EVO City Tankbag
This bag was designed especially for the narrow handlebar clearances and sloping tank of BMW GS models, but fits many sport-touring and enduro bikes with steeply sloping tanks. With its narrow cut front it does not cause handlebar interference. Despite the narrow form in the front, the expandable City EVO tankbag offers a volume of 11 to 15 liters. Compatible with the SW-MOTECH Bags-Connection Non-Electric EVO QUICK-LOCK Tankrings, see the app chart below to determine which tankring is appropriate for your bike.Learn More$228.95
SW-MOTECH Bags-Connection Jetpack motorcycle luggage system
The Jetpack is a large 20-33 liter tail bag suitable for long weekend trips. Fits to the rear seat of a several bikes and also doubles as a backpack.Learn More$266.95
SW-MOTECH Bags-Connection EVO Rearbag motorcycle luggage system
The Rearbag can be attached to your passenger seat or rear rack of any motorcycle. This bag also doubles as a backpack. A medium size bag at 24-36 liters when expanded is suitable for a day or long weekend trip.Learn More$249.95
Denali DM Micro Single Intensity LED Lighting Kit with Full Wiring Harness & M8 MountDon't let the small size and weight fool you, with an effective beam distance of 240 feet, these little buggers are BRIGHT! Learn More$249.99
SW-MOTECH centerstand Kawasaki Versys 1000 '12-'14The must-have accessory to ease basic chain maintenance, tire changes, parking, and bike cleaning. This centerstand includes a foot lever arm to aid in raising the bike off of the ground. Learn More$262.95
SW-MOTECH aluminum engine guard/skidplate Kawasaki Versys 1000, '12-'15Constructed of a 4mm-thick aluminum base plate and 3mm-thick side plates for heavy-duty, light-weight protection. Where the base plates and side plates overlap, it forms a riveted 7mm-thick rail for extra rigidity. Base plate includes side protectors that wrap around the engine block to provide both bottom and side protection. Learn More$280.95
SW-MOTECH Crashbars Engine Guards for Kawasaki Versys 1000 '12-'14Constructed of heavy-duty mild steel, SW-MOTECH crashbars are designed to provide maximum protection, optical integration, and high-quality fit and finish. Learn More$270.95
SW-MOTECH Bags-Connection HAWK 55w Halogen 2" Spot Auxiliary Driving Lights (Black or Silver)HAWK 55w Halogen 2" Spot Auxiliary Driving Lights, available in a black or silver aluminum housing, throw a 12 degree spot beam using an H3 55-watt, 500 lumen lamp. With aluminum waterproof housings, these lights come in pairs with a wiring harness and waterproof switch. Learn More$239.95


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Forget about a third time, the first time was the charm for Robert Sweeting.
His first time racing in the Johnson City Omnium, Sweeting became the first rider to win the Roan Groan road race and follow it up the next day by winning the overall omnium title.
Sweeting, a 24-year-old who resides in Asheville, won both the Roan Groan and Temple Hill Time Trial on Saturday for the Pro 1-2 class. He followed it up with a solid fourth-place in Sunday's Phil Bachman Toyota Criterium.
Representing the Kenda 5-Hour Energy team, Sweeting didn't have his teammates to push him along. Yet he was able to beat members of the 10-rider Team Athletix Globalbike for the overall title.
"This crit is super technical and I felt like we would rip it up for the first 10 laps, get a breakaway going and maybe even lap the field," he said. "So I raced it really aggressively. Globalbike had a great plan, had a few guys mark me, and refused to work with me. They forced me to chase and played it perfectly."
Still, they weren't able to hold off a determined Sweeting, who fought throughout Sunday's race to stay with the lead pack. He knew that falling back in the field wasn't an option.
"This is one of those courses where if you're riding in a top-five position, it can be relatively easy," Sweeting said. "But if you're riding in 30th place, it's the hardest course in the country. I just tried to stay up front and it was a little easier to take on a few of the Globalbike guys at a time."
With the fourth-place finish in the criterium, he rolled to a 64-50 victory over runner-up Joseph Welsh in the overall standings.
However, Welsh had the upper hand in the criterium.
The 22-year-old Memphis rider broke away from the pack with 10 laps to go and stretched out a big lead, which he maintained the rest of the way. In a battle of the Globalbike riders, he won by a quarter-lap over runner-up Benjamin Renkema of Greenville, S.C.
Welsh thought the 0.6-mile course around downtown Johnson City, with its many twists and turns, was a perfect fit for his style of riding.
"My true love is cycle-cross, and that is very turny," he said. "I like tight turns at high speeds, so I like it when it's really, really hard like it was today. A course like this not only suits me, but it's fun to race, more fun than a course which is wide open."
Welsh still expected the pack to catch him, especially drafting down the long straightaway past the finish line, but they were never able to close the gap. As the laps wound down, he heard the crowd roar louder each time, but only knew the race was in the bag when he hit the final turn.
"Three to go, two to go, the crowd was getting louder and louder," Welsh said. "I was trying not to look back so I didn't know how far up I was. You have to be careful. There are a quite a few ruts on the other side of the course, and I didn't want to wreck by doing anything stupid or not paying attention."
Pennsylvania rider Anna Barensfeld used an all-around strong performance to score the win in the women's division.
After winning Saturday's Roan Groan, she placed second in the time trials and second in the criterium to beat Sara Tussey of Winston-Salem, N.C., by a 69-61 margin.
During the criterium, however, it was Tussey who adapted best to wet conditions after an early-afternoon rain shower.
"It was a little tricky with the rain," Tussey said. "I usually don't race well in the rain, but when I got the corners figured out and the sun popped out, I was able to do my thing."
Her thing was picking the right strategy and the right time to make the winning move. She decided to go early instead of waiting for the last lap.
"I didn't want it to come down to a sprint, so I was looking for three, two, or one (lap) to go," she said. "There was a lull with three to go, so I hit it, got a little gap and held it to the line."
Nolan Tankersley, a 17-year-old high school student at Unicoi County High School, gave the local Tri Cities Road Club reason to celebrate.
He finished second ahead of another TCRC rider, Brent Baker of Kingsport, in Sunday's Category 3 race. By doing so, he clinched the overall omnium title 54-51 over Jimmy Picard, a 27-year-old from Richmond, Va.
"I was surprised by my results," Tankersley said. "Friday we went out on the road (for a practice ride) and I wasn't feeling it. Yesterday my legs weren't feeling it. Today I just came out and was able to get it."
Tankersley described Saturday's nine-mile ascent to the top of Roan Mountain as painful. However, it didn't slow him down in the criterium, where he was able to do better than expected.
"My goal was just to finish in the top five," he said. "I just wanted to get points for the omnium. Once I got second, I was thrilled."
A few other local riders were among Sunday's top finishers.
Chris Cannon of Jonesborough finished second in Category 5, followed by Jimmy Hayes of Elizabethton in fifth, and Alan Sparks of Johnson City in seventh. With his fifth-place effort, Hayes finished runner-up in the omnium results.
Among the juniors, Jordan Lewis of Gray posted a second-place and Eric Cooper of Erwin finished eighth.


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Groups and Centres
The Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences is a lively and diverse research community within which are the following research centres and groups.
Collaborative Research Scheme Projects
In 2010 the Faculty introduced the Faculty of Arts Collaborative Research Scheme (FCRS) grants. This scheme was initiated in order to promote new collaborative research projects that would encourage colleagues across Schools (and indeed Faculties) to work together in new and emergent areas and build research capacity in a range of different ways. The scheme is supported by the Faculty and the Deputy Vice-Chancellor of Research.
FCRS 2012 Awards
The following round in 2012 awarded grants to a further 6 new groups naming 58 separate researchers spread across all 5 schools in the Faculty and including researchers from the Sydney Conservatorium of Music, the Faculty of Architecture, Design and Planning, the Koori Centre and the Nicholson Museum.
FCRS 2010 Awards
In the initial 2010 round, the Research Committee awarded grants to 7 new collaborative research groups naming 57 separate researchers spread across all 4 schools in the Faculty and including researchers from Education and Social Work, Law and the Museums.
Research Centres
- The Medieval and Early Modern Centre
- Centre for International Security Studies
- Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies
- Centre for Time
- Sydney Centre for the Foundations of Science
- Australian Centre for Asian Art and Archaeology
- Centre for Classical and Near Eastern Studies of Australia
- Sydney Democracy Network
Research Groups
- Transnationalism and Translation in Literary Studies
- Early Modern Literature and Culture (EMLAC)
- Modern and Contemporary Literature and Culture (MACLAC)
- Archaeology of Sydney Research Group
- The Sydney University Research Community for Latin America
- The Nineteenth-Century Study Group
- Markets and Society Research Network
- Biopolitics of Science Research Network
- Social Transformation and International Migration
- Human, Animal, Research, Network (HARN)
- Environmental Humanities
- Gender and Modernity
- Nation Empire Globe
- Race and Ethnicity in the Global South
- Social Studies of Finance Research Network
- Law and Society Research Network
- The Quarantine Project
- Ancient North African & Phoenician Diaspora (ANAPD)
- Sydney Intellectual History Network


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Interventional Procedures
Atherectomy may be done during cardiac catheterization to open a partially blocked coronary artery. Once the catheter reaches the narrowed portion of the artery, a cutting device, a whirling blade (such as a rotoblade), or a laser beam is used to remove the plaque.
Pomona Valley Hospital Medical Center - 1798 N. Garey Avenue - Pomona, CA 91767 - (909) 865-9500 - Contact Us


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4:48 am
Thu March 7, 2013
Bolshoi Dancer Confesses To Masterminding Attack
By editor
Originally published on Thu March 7, 2013 6:53 am
In Russia, a prominent dancer with the fabled Bolshoi Ballet has confessed to ordering an attack on the company's director. The director suffered third degree burns after acid was thrown onto his face. For more on the scandals at the Bolshoi, Renee Montagne talks to writer Christina Ezrahi, author of Swans of the Kremlin: Ballet and Power in Soviet Russia.


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Rental Forms
Please review our informational brochure, produced by Hawthorne Publications, for more information, pictures of the space, floor plans and preferred vendor information. In addition, please Like Us on Facebook for more photos of recent events.
» Decatur House Event Rental Guidelines [PDF]
This two page document provides pricing and policies for renting the space. Please carefully review this document prior to submitting an application for your rental.
» Decatur House Event Rental Application [PDF]
After reviewing the above rental guidelines, please complete this one page application, which will give us a bit more information about your event and whether or not we can accommodate your rental request. You may print and fax it to 202-842-0030, attention Arioth Harrison. To send the completed application electronically, please download, complete and print to a PDF. Following this, you may attach it to an e-mail.
AV Package Rates, Policy, and Agreement
We are proud to provide our clients with a state-of-the-art and affordable audio-visual system to meet their basic event needs, including a podium and microphone, Blu-Ray DVD player, screens and projectors, wireless microphones and internet. Please contact the Director of Special Events for a complete listing of our packages, pricing, and policies.


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Boys Basketball
Aiken 60
Saluda 52
The Aiken High School boys basketball team improved its record to 7-1 on the season with a 60-52 win over Saluda in the first round of the Newberry Christmas Tournament played at Newberry College. Both Shawn Moore and Dramel Coleman scored 23 points apiece in Wednesdays game for the Hornets, who will play again today against the winner of the game between Mid Carolina and Clinton at 6:30 p.m.
Aiken JV 58
Silver Bluff 25
The Aiken High School junior varsity team posted a lopsided win in a game against Silver Bluff. The Hornets (5-2) were led by Devante Gaiters nine points, while teammate DJ Kitchens added eight and Machi Provost posted seven more. Silver Bluff was led by Jabren Holleys eight points. Aiken (5-2) will return to action in the new year, when it plays its next game at Westside (Ga.) on Jan. 4.
Girls Basketball
McCormick 45
Silver Bluff 19
The Silver Bluff High School girls basketball team lost its first-round game in the Bobcat Classic played at Lander University, falling to McCormick 45-19. Roxanna Cheek scored four points to lead the Bulldogs (6-3), who will play a second-round game on Friday at 5:30 p.m.
Notice about comments:
Aiken Standard is pleased to offer readers the enhanced ability to comment on stories. Some of the comments may be reprinted elsewhere in the site or in the newspaper. We ask that you refrain from profanity, hate speech, personal comments and remarks that are off point.
We do not edit user submitted statements and we cannot promise that readers will not occasionally find offensive or inaccurate comments posted in the comments area. If you find a comment that is objectionable, please click the X that appears in the upper right corner when you hover over a comment. This will send the comment to Facebook for review. Please be reminded, however, that in accordance with our Terms of Use and federal law, we are under no obligation to remove any third party comments posted on our website. Read our full terms and conditions.


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iMac is not booting, goes to firmware boot :O?
Hello everyone,
I recently bought a second hand iMac G3, 400MHz processor and 128mb ram, 10gb harddrive and it has as i suppose Mac OS 9.2. I've always wanted a Mac just for the fun of it, and i finally got it. I dont think this imac is dead, but i'm having trouble on boot. It is not booting the traditional way, it is going down to firmware boot.
It gives this info:
MacOS: Boot Failure! (0xF3C481F6)
Mac OS: parcel initialization failure - bad checksum
Then i have 2 choices from the firmware for booting or shutting down 1. mac-boot command and 2. shut-down command.
So, i give it the mac-boot command; in starts showing the mac face for a few seconds, then it displays this message below of it:
after maybe a minute it finally displays the face and ? symbol; typical of not finding the system. Problem is that, even starting the imac with the system disc on it and pressing "c" at bootime, it still goes to the firmware thing...
Is there a way to tell the imac "hey dont boot at firmware, boot at cd!!" ??
Oh, by the way...during the "/pci@f2000000/mac-io@17/ata-4@1f000/disk@0:5,\\:tbxi" message I can still press the "alt" key and it shows me the retry arrow, the system harddrive labeled "Lorelai's comp", the system CD and the straight right arrow.... i try clicking on the harddrive and also on the CD icons to try to boot, but it only refreshes the screen changing from the traditional blue/purple background to a red-ish background and arrow/drive's buttons get funny colors...
i dont know what is going on....i dont think the imac is dead....i guess it has to do with that firmware booting default thing...
please help....
thanks in advance.
Zap that pram: from a cold dead boot, hold down all four keys together:
apple option P R
You need to hear three start up chimes, then let go of the keys.
it's not working...i pressed the four keys, but is only gives 1 chime, and then it goes back to the firmware screen... :S
by the way i tried a dir cd:,\ and a dir hd:,\ command and they both list me the cd for the first, and the hd for the second...
can i start the installation from there? how do i do that?
Hmmm, Plan B.
Roll it over, open it up. Pull the ram chip (you are going to need more of that stuff if this works!). Pull the battery, press the PMU button. Be careful there, pressing for too short a time doesn't do anything. Pressing too long can fry it, killing the motherboard. One second. Put it back together. More prayers!
Ok, done that....nothing.....
what happens if i repeat the procedure? will i still fry the logic board?
i powerred it up again, and nothing...samething, firmware stuff again...
any suggestions?
Hi guys,
i finally managed to fix this thing, with some help from people at apple forums...the main thread is here
So basically i found the problem...iMac ran out of firmware battery...it was dead and i wasnt aware of it..so i checked it and changed it with the one from the working iMac...also i did the PRAM reset procedure with the firmware console comands:
after the iMac restarted, there was a black screen..wasnt booting at all, so i was intrigued about the status of the main ram modules...i replaced them with the ones from the working iMac and at last! the iMac came to life :O:O:O
now i have to buy a battery and a ram module or two, but the main problem is solved...
thankyou all,
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Glitter Makeup: Stila Jewel Eye Palette Look
Glitter Makeup: Stila Jewel Eye Palette Look
Just decided to have a little fun with Stila's new glitter-tastic palette last night Didn't have too much fall out — definitely apply less than you think you need, and then build up if you need to. (I tried two techniques – one on each eye; nearly no fall out on the latter technique!) It definitely has a bit of a wet look to it – very shimmering – but not so easy to capture in a still photo.
You will need the following…
- Eyes: MAC Soft Ochre Paint Pot (neutral beige base), MAC Blacktrack Fluidline (black), Stila Jewel Eyeshadow Palette (Black Diamond, Rose Quartz), MAC Stars 'n Rockets Eyeshadow (fuchsia-purple), MAC Beautiful Iris Eyeshadow (iridiescent purple), MAC Hush Eyeshadow (pink-toned highlighter), Urban Decay Lust 24/7 Liner (purple), Chanel Exceptionnel Mascara (black)
- Cheeks: Illamasqua Unrequited Blush (pink)
- Lips: Shiseido BE 109 Perfect Rouge Lipstick (soft fleshy beige), Le Metier de Beaute Dubai Lipgloss (sheer purple-pink)
- Brushes: 226 (fluffy crease brush), 219 (pointed crease brush), 249 (flat, firm brush), 239 (fluffy shadow brush), 116 (dense blush brush)
- Substitutes: N/A
For eyes, start by applying Soft Ochre paint pot as your eyeshadow base all over the lid with the 249. With the 249, apply Blacktrack fluidline all over the lid portion. Using the 239, apply Black Diamond eyeshadow on the eyelid. Next, apply Rose Quartz eyeshadow in the crease and slightly above with the 239. With the 239, lightly apply Stars 'n Rockets eyeshadow into the crease to add a pop of color. Lightly tap and brush Beautiful Iris eyeshadow directly above the crease to soften. To finish the eyeshadow look, sweep Hush eyeshadow as a highlighter on the brow bone. Bring everything together by applying Lust eyeliner on the lower lash line, and Beautiful Iris eyeshadow lightly patted below the lower lash line with the 219 brush. Finish by sweeping lashes with Exceptionnel mascara.
For cheeks, apply Unrequited blush to the apples of the cheeks and sweep upwards towards the temple with the 116.
For lips, apply BE 109 lipstick first, and then layer Dubai Gloss for a complementing lip.
Check out more photos!
Discussion and debate are highly encouraged, and we expect community members to participate respectfully. When asking a question, please check the FAQ section (above) for information about purchasing, price, dupes, and the like. If you have general feedback or need technical support, please contact us.
Comments that include advertisements, self-promotion, insults, etc. may be in violation of our comment policy and subject to deletion. Please see our comment policy for more information.


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If you promise not to sin again, North Carolina will let you off the hook.
The Tarheel State allows motorists who have violated some traffic and other laws to invoke what is officially known as a Prayer for Judgment Continued (PJC). But it is far from a free pass, and the decision to seek one has a considerable element of strategy to it.
Even longtime residents of the state are often confused about how the PJC works.
A PJC allows a finding of guilt but suspends entry of the conviction into the record books. The driver is expected to keep a clean record during a probationary period, typically three years. At that time, the conviction is expunged and all is forgotten.
But if the driver reoffends, he faces penalties not only for the new ticket but the old one as well.
What a PJC is not
A PJC is a sentence, not a plea. Attorney John Szymankiewicz of Raleigh said it is not unusual for a motorist to ask the court for a PJC. The accused are often surprised when the judge halts the proceedings and asks if that means the motorist is pleading guilty. Sometimes, the judge has to engage a defense attorney to explain the process to the motorist. The reason, of course, is that the judges and prosecutors are not allowed to offer such advice to a defendant.
A PJC is not a dismissal. Remember, a PJC is requested after a conviction and you "pray" for the court to "continue your judgment" -- in other words, suspend the decision on a sentence. Think of it as asking the court for leniency in return for your promise not to violate that or other laws.
A PJC request is not guaranteed. If you and your attorney decide to request a PJC, the judge is not obligated to grant it. Don't forget, you have already entered a guilty plea.
A PJC doesn't mean you don't pay. The defendant still pays court costs even when a PJC is granted. The judge may even impose a small fine. The key is that, if granted, a PJC prevents the infraction from counting against your driver's license or insurance points.
A PJC does not mean you can't face charges. If you receive a PJC, your violation is not completely forgiven. If within three years you commit another violation, expect the court to revoke the PJC. You will then face the original charge plus the most recent charges -- and all the points, fines and fees that come with those charges.
Who is eligible for a PJC?
Drunken drivers are not eligible. A PJC is not available if you've been convicted of driving while intoxicated.
Lead-footed speeders aren't eligible. A PJC is not available if you're charged with driving 25 mph or more above the speed limit.
Frequent speeders aren't eligible. The state has two different point systems, each with different rules on PJCs. The first system is driver's license points. A driver can have two PJCs on his or her motor vehicle record in a five-year period. In North Carolina, there is also a point system for insurance that selectively raises the rates for some offenses. A PJC can be used once every three years per insurance policy.
Only one person per policy is eligible. If your husband, sister, brother or anyone else on your insurance policy used a PJC in the last three years, you are ineligible.
When to use your PJC
Motorists would be wise to ask if the violation with which they are charged will result in points on their licenses or insurance points. For example, those convicted of driving with improper plates face no points; a PJC would be wasted.
Think of the PJC as insurance for worst-case scenarios, says CarInsurance.com consumer analyst Penny Gusner.
"If I had a teenage driver on my policy, I'd keep the PJC in my back pocket just in case," she says. "Their base rates will be higher, so the surcharge would be that much bigger."
In any case, first asking for a reduction in the charge to a non-moving violation is always a good idea, attorneys say. It doesn't hurt to ask, and it may save your PJC for another day.
Whenever you're working with the court, it's important to fully understand your options. Some defendants, in an effort to put a violation behind them, simply pay the fine or hire a lawyer to make the charge simply go away.
But a guilty plea means court costs, a fine, points against your license or insurance policy, and possibly higher insurance rates. And hiring a lawyer without asking questions about their strategy could come back to haunt you.
Szymankiewicz tells a story about receiving a speeding ticket in the years before he became an attorney.
"I paid a lawyer to represent me and I never heard back from him," he said. "Then I found out he used a PJC. I would have liked to have known that he was doing that. One thing readers should remember is that even if they hire attorneys, they need to make sure they understand how the attorneys are representing them."


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In a world of the functional, JIN+JA dares to be exceptional. An Inspired blend of fresh ginger, cayenne pepper, green tea, mint & lemon, JIN+JA is a completely different all-natural drink. The adventurous choice for health and wellness.
and why we chose them.Learn More
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text: The Beelzebub wiki last edited by fesak on 01/01/14 01:35PM View full history Also called the Lord of the Flies, Beelzebub is one of the prime devils inhabiting the eternal realm of suffering. He has dominion over decay and decomposition, and has existed since the creation of death itself. Consequently he uses the authority that comes with age to push himself into the thick of any political discussions within hell's hierarchy. For a time, Beelzebub ruled hell with Lucifer and Azrael as a triumverate, but returned to his former station when God sent the angels Remiel and Duma to oversee the infernal realm. Later, Beelzebub assumed a humanoid shape and crossed paths with the Earth based heroes Kid Eternity and Supergirl. He continues to spread his evil throughout the universe and will likely exist until the end of time.


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Lenny Tristia Tambun
While they celebrate Jakarta's anniversary every year, many Jakartans know nothing about why June 22 marks its birthday.
"Yeah, I know today is Jakarta's birthday, but I forget what we're celebrating," said Amara, an employee at Plaza Senayan, South Jakarta, on Friday.
Amara, who was born in Jakarta, said she had never thought about it.
Hanna, a sixth-grader who lives in Karet Tensin, Central Jakarta, when asked about Jakarta's anniversary, was similarly in the dark.
"Do you know why?" the 11-year-old girl asked back.
Juliana, a employee at a private firm who lives in Lenteng Agung, South Jakarta, did not even know that Jakarta celebrated its birthday on Friday.
"Isn't that next month?" she asked.
To remind Jakartans of the history of their city, a ceremony held on Friday at the National Monument (Monas) in Central Jakarta, included readings of the city's founding and history.
Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo led the ceremony while Shahnaz Haque, an actress, did the history reading.
"On June 22, 1527, Fatahillah, the Demak king, defeated the Portuguese forces who wanted to rule the area," she told the thousands of onlookers.
"The king named the small city Jayakarta, meaning 'city full of glory.' That's why we celebrate it as the capital's birthday," Shahnaz added.
During the ceremony, Fauzi handed out 1,387 awards to civil servants who had served for 15-30 years.
"The challenge and development of Jakarta in all sectors leaves various complex tasks to all of the city's offices and the residents. We are grateful that although we face challenges, we can still finish big and fundamental projects," Fauzi said.
Earlier in the day, he told administration officials and city councilors in an address at City Hall what the city had achieved during his term as governor.
"We achieved a lot," the governor said. "I congratulate all of you for working hard for the city."
Fauzi is seeking re-election in the July 11 gubernatorial election.
The event turned into a musical show when Fauzi presented two popular singers, Rossa and Afghan, who performed for the civil servants.
The civil servants sang along as each of the singers performed their hits.
"Although I was born in Sumedang [West Java], I am proud to be a resident of Jakarta," Rossa said. "This is the city that has raised me."


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Interest in rebuilding work strong in a challenging job market
An organisation trying to attract almost 1,000 people to train and work rebuilding Christchurch is back in Dunedin.
The Stronger Christchurch Infrastructure Rebuild Team was today hosting Work and Income clients.
And Work and Income says interest in the move is strong in a challenging job market.


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Vanderbilt Brain Institute
Vanderbilt University
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Project Categories
Building a Healthcare System Brand
Using engaging interactive exhibits Anode developed a unique strategy to educate Vanderbilt patients and visitors while they wait.
Give visitors and patients an interesting glimpse of the brilliant world deep inside our brains, and expose them to how Vanderbilt's work impacts human life in the areas of mental health and mental illness.
The Vanderbilt One Hundred Oaks facility is a renovated retail space that contains 22 clinics in more than 350,000 square feet. This large complex, with its high volume of daily visitors and patients, is a prime location for fulfilling VBI's community outreach objectives. Unfortunately, the subject of neurosciences is not one that lay people grasp easily—nor do they arrive with a predisposed interest in the topic.
Create three interactive exhibit areas that engage and entertain visitors in a participatory learning experience that connects with them on a personal level.
Stopping Visitors in Their Tracks with an Interactive Story About the Brain.
People with a destination in mind tend to overlook messages and installations that do not fit the scale of your physical space. For this large corridor at the Vanderbilt One Hundred Oaks facility, Anode created an interactive exhibit space filled with environmental graphics, fabric sails and a bank of five LCD monitors. Each display presents an attract animation featuring a specific brain function. As a visitor approaches each monitor, a hidden proximity sensor detects the movement and plays an educational animation about the respective brain function.
Educating a Visitor on a Mental Health Issue While Keeping the Content Private.
This exhibit creates a more personal setting for visitors and patients to learn about brain chemistry, anatomy and function, and mental health. The challenge was to provide a semi-private space where visitors could explore each topic in detail while listening to audio and video clips about potentially sensitive topics related to mental health.
Anode created a lounge environment incorporating three FireSign touchscreen monitors. Handheld sound wands allow each visitor to intimately hear audio and video clips about the subject matter. Anode worked with Vanderbilt personnel on the proper bench and countertop design for maximum usability. One of the three touchscreen stations was specially designed to be handicap accessible.
Making a Complex Story Engaging and Interesting.
To illustrate its national prominence as a world-class neuroscience research center, one of the goals of the VBI is to better inform the public about brain science and the ongoing research efforts at Vanderbilt. Two FireSign installations, along with wall graphics, are used to tell these stories through interactive audio and video. Overhead sound domes are used to focus the audio in the area directly in front of the touchscreen displays. This localized audio allows individual users to enjoy the interactive media without disturbing visitors in the nearby waiting area.


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Clarinda, The Musical
by Mike Gibb and Kevin Walsh
THU, FRI & SAT 8:00pm • SUN *2:00pm
photos by SUSAN J ROCHE | Click on thumbnail to see larger image
A US Premiere! Sponsored by the St. Andrew's Society of Jacksonville
SCOTTISH MUSICAL PLAY | Robert Burns and Edinburgh beauty, Agnes (Nancy) McLehose conducted a passionate love affair that gave rise to a famous series of letters written under the pen names Clarinda and Sylvander. At the age of 72, in her journal, under the date 6th December 1831 – 40 years to the day after they last met – she wrote "This day I never can forget. Parted with Burns, in the year 1791, never more to meet in this world, Oh may we meet in Heaven." "Clarinda" sees the events and relationships she was involved in from Nancy's perspective. Witty, courageous, flirtatious and coy in turns, she was in many ways untypical of her period. Though almost 200 years have passed, Nancy's story remains as relevant today as it did then.
Dick Kerekes & Leisla Sansom, EU JACKSONVILLE: "ABET's production of "Clarinda" is a real treat for Jacksonville audiences, with a superb cast, excellent direction by Rob Taylor, and music to delight the ear combined in a fascinating two hours of pure entertainment.. David Paul is masterful in his portrayal of Burns.. Kate Powell.. is a fine actress, well cast in a role that requires sensitivity and skill.. Leanne Elizabeth Brereton.. is delightful as Burn's wife and the mother of a number of his children.. You are going to love the music." READ FULL REVIEW
directed by ROB TAYLOR
musical direction by AARON MARSHALL
and starring
KATE POWELL as Nancy McLehose (Clarinda)
DAVID PAUL as Robert Burns
LEA BRERETON as Jean Armour (Burns)
DAVID JON DAVIS as James McLehose and Gavin Hamilton
ISABEL DONDERO as Jenny Clow


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Texas on the Potomac
Washington news with a Texas accent
Posts filtered on Tag
ATF Acting Director gets quizzed in confirmation hearing
ATF Acting Director B. Todd Jones on Tuesday advanced his bid to be the embattled bureau's first confirmed director in seven years, telling a Senate panel he was committed to raising the profile of "an agency in distress.'' With just over 5,000… [Read More]
Ted Cruz holds nothing back during sharp questioning of Chuck Hagel
Republican Texas Sen. Ted Cruz came out guns blazing against former Sen. Chuck Hagel, R-Neb., at his confirmation hearing before the Senate Armed Services Committee. The defense secretary hopeful has been dodging harsh accusations from the Republican Party all morning, but Cruz stood apart as an aggressive accuser. Cruz played a clip of an interview […] [Read More]
The early reviews are in: Chuck Hagel bombs on Capitol Hill
[View the story "A tough day for Chuck Hagel" on Storify] [Read More]


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Sonny Melendrez
Sonny Melendrez is a broadcaster, motivational speaker , and author, based in San Antonio. His positive multimedia site, SonnyRadio.com serves to leave thousands of daily visitors 'feeling better about being alive.'
Posts by Author
The Power of Compassion
"Often times, adversity brings out the best in us as human beings. It makes us want to be a better person, lead a better life and do something that matters." [Read More]
The Vinyl Four
"Those of us who remember a time when music was only on vinyl, truly appreciate the magical sound that can only happen when a needle touches wax as it dances atop the turntable." [Read More]
SA Woman Fights to Save Those with Hepatitis C
"My doctor immediately ran the test and the very next day (September 9th, 2011) I received the devastating news that I, too, was infected with this disease." [Read More]
Message of Last Lecture Lives On
"I can honestly say that, after watching this short video, your life may never be the same." [Read More]
Born To Be Loved
"Judges, attorneys, community organizations, professional organizations, county employees, businesses and CASA volunteers joined together to make the occasion extra special, as children officially joined the "forever families" they deserve." [Read More]
God's New Composer: Remembering Marvin Hamlisch
"A few months later, as I celebrated my 1 year anniversary on KMPC Radio, Marvin called in and said he was sorry he couldn't make the on-air party, but had a surprise for me. He then proceeded to play his piano while singing special anniversary lyrics to the tune of his national hit, The Entertainer. That was Marvin!" [Read More]
A Sign From Above
Late one night, as he walked aimlessly down the boulevard, he prayed for guidance. It was then that he heard an eerie sound piercing through the Austin city noise.
"I kept hearing this screeching eeeeck, eeeeek, sound and I looked up," he recalls.[Read More]
My Commencement Address to the Class of 2012
Learn to forgive. Grudges and resentment are darkness that will dim your future. Every minute you spend lamenting the sorrow of the past is a minute you will never get back. Focus on where you want to go, rather than where you've been. You wouldn't think of driving your car by staring at the rear view mirror. [Read More]
Panera: Bread of Hope
Here is the part that really got to me. The company reports that for every one who pays less than the posted suggested price, there is a customer who pays more. In other words, the concept has inspired customers who can afford the full price to donate even more as a way of doing their part. [Read More]
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