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First reviews, more pictures of the latest, hottest cars
|Chrysler Sebring
If You Want Mustard Cut, This Won't Do It
Great Value; But Dodgy Looks, Dynamics Mar Sebring
I have been a big fan of Chrysler and its Jeep and Dodge brands for bringing pizzazz and value for money to us price-gouged Europeans. But its new Sebring, designed to compete with the Ford Mondeo and VW Passat, just doesn't cut the mustard. It looks bland, and the interior quality is poor.
Being excited by Chrysler group styling has become a given. Look at the Dodge Caliber and the Dodge Nitro. Jeeps have a certain lasting attraction. Sure, these cars have minor interior quality problems, but the sheer bravado of the styling has always cancelled out any doubts for me. If you had any misgivings, the prices soon overcame them. Imagine the impact if the Sebring looked like a mini 300C?
The Sebring is very well equipped, but the interior is awful. In the model I drove, the doors and facia were decorated with faux wood which looked like a leopard skin design. Chrysler liked it so much, the motif was coordinated with the wood rimmed steering wheel.
Woolly steering, lumpy ride
I didn't drive the 2.4 litre 162 bhp V6 automatic, which costs £19,000 too. This might be the pick of the bunch in terms of value. Chrysler claims it will return an average 31.7 mpg too.
All Sebrings have "Limited" trim and are loaded with goodies including ESP, fog lamps, automatic headlamps, leather trimmed seats, powered driver's seat, tinted glass, air conditioning, and power boot release.
Chrysler says prices are 10 per cent below the competition. I don't think that will be enough. Even the cup holder, which either heats or cools your drink (you just know it's going to heat your cold drinks and freeze your coffee) won't lure the punters.a
(more on Chrysler see - Dodge Nitro)
Neil Winton July 12, 2007
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Rev. Alan Rudnick
Pastor, author, blogger, speaker, and social media curator
Yearly Archive for 2011
Hey, Stop Hating on Singles
Summer is usually the time for weddings and blissful couples. Everyone likes to see happy couples, right? For some single adults, attending a wedding is a painful reminder of their singleness. Growing up in and around churches, I saw a lot of pressure on singles. Some churches even offered "single" ministries that were just veiled […] [Read More]
Why do I struggle to embrace and adopt a faith?
A reader asks: Why do I struggle so much trying to embrace and adopt a faith/religion/practice? I'm a 43-year old, divorced woman that was raised Catholic. Went to parochial schools until the 6th grade until my parents moved us across the country where we didn't have that option, therefore my schooling going forward was in […] [Read More]
Church Bans Fried Chicken
File into the "what the…" category: a Mississippi church recently banned fried chicken (a staple of any church pot-luck in the south) from their fellowship hall. Reason: the church is too fat. Apparently, the story is big enough to catch the attention of Reuters. They quote the church's leader, Pastor Michael who proclaimed: "Our bodies […] [Read More]
A Bunch of (un)virtuous Monks
Church and religion doesn't have to be stuffy and boring. Several monks prove that. Enter the Unvirtuous Abbey. A bunch of monks give us everything regrettable about Christianity, culture, people, and Facebook but make us laugh at it… in a good way. The Unvirtuous Abbey ministers to people from their Facebook and Twitter page with […] [Read More]
Hey Reader, Email Me
I decided that we need some more interaction on this blog. The comments are always lively and informative, but I want to hear from you. Yes you, that reader that reads this blog often and never comments publicly. Today is your day reader. Starting today, I've added an email address where you can contact me. […] [Read More]
Computer Serves as Minister at Wedding
Just celebrated a wedding with a happy couple? Did they have a computer serve as a minister at their wedding? This couple did: Miguel Hanson and Diana Wesley get married Saturday, they won't stand before a gray haired minister holding a Bible. Instead, they'll be looking at a 30-inch monitor. On one half of the […] [Read More]
Fox News Host: Romney Obviously Not a Christian
Fox News is quietly making waves in religious circles this week as one of their own hosts classified presidential candidate Mitt Romney as "not a Christian." Romney is a member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormonism), which holds many doctrinal and theological differences with orthodox Christian sects. Fox and Friends host […] [Read More]
The 3 Things Harry Potter Teaches
When the Harry Potter books and movies came out a few years ago, you might remember the outcry from fundamental Christians, who claimed that reading the Harry Potter books was akin to sinful witchcraft. There many articles and websites devoted to steering Christians away from the dangers of the fantasy world invoking wizards, creatures, magic, […] [Read More]
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External References


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The long-awaited final Discworld novel by Sir Terry Pratchett and the fifth to feature the adventures of Tiffany Aching will be out in the UK on August 27th and in the US on September 1st.
The full text of Sir Terry's landmark BBC Richard Dimbleby lecture on the right to a life worth living and a death worth dying for.
From the extraordinary combined talents of Terry Pratchett and Stephen Baxter comes the fourth novel in the bestselling Long Earth series.
"The truth may be out there, but lies are inside your head"
"There was a light at the end of the tunnel, and it was a flamethrower."


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Black Leaders vs. Desert Storm
On the surface, the controversy over the role of black servicemen in the Gulf War revolved around complaints that black men and women were "disproportionately" represented among the troops assigned to Operation Desert Storm. Although blacks make up just 13 percent of the American population and approximately 15 percent of the age group from which most servicemen are drawn, their percentage in the armed forces is higher: 20 percent throughout the services; 33 percent in the Army; 20 percent in the Marines; and 15 percent in the Navy and Air Force. As for Operation Desert Storm, blacks were some 25 percent of total forces and 30 percent of the ground units thought to be most vulnerable to heavy casualties.
Again and again, black elected officials, clergymen, editors, educators, and community activists pointed to these figures in opposing the war, and most Americans thus came to perceive the issue of disproportionality as central to the relative lack of black support for President Bush's policy as indicated by every opinion poll taken during the crisis. Black leaders were not, of course, the only prominent Americans to object to that policy in the days prior to the outbreak of hostilities. But with the possible exception of the mainline Protestant clergy, black leaders stood out for the uniformity and intensity of their opposition to the use of force in the liberation of Kuwait. Black leadership was also notable for the stridency of its criticism and for its willingness to attack America's prosecution of the war after hostilities had been initiated. At least one prominent figure, Martin Luther King, III, the son of the martyred civil-rights leader, went so far as to urge black troops to refuse to fight. "We've been fighting a war we've been told to fight, and right here we don't have rights," King told a Chicago audience several days after the war had begun. "Every black soldier ought to say, 'You all do what you want to. I'm not going to fight. This is not my war.' "
While King's advocacy of mutiny by soldiers in time of war represented an extreme position, his claim that blacks are systematically denied equal rights was often reiterated in commentaries which invariably cited President Bush's veto of the 1990 Civil Rights Act as justification for black coolness toward the war. Yet it should not be thought that the antiwar attitudes of the black leadership were solely, or even primarily, motivated by narrowly racial concerns like the veto of the civil-rights measure or the high percentages of black combat troops. In fact, the statements of black leaders often dwelt on such broad, non-racial questions as the nation's role in the post-cold-war world, the nature of the Kuwaiti government, America's alliance with Israel, even the legitimacy of war under any circumstances. And on these central foreign-policy concerns, the views of black leaders often proved radically at variance with the views of the American people.
This was especially true of the Democratic members of the Congressional Black Caucus. That only the lone Republican member of the Caucus, Gary Franks of Connecticut, should have supported the Solarz-Michel resolution giving President Bush sanction for the use of force comes as little surprise, considering the antiwar sentiment which prevailed among all but a few Democratic liberals in the days prior to the war. However, a clear difference between black and white liberals was revealed, in stark terms, several days after the war began, when the House of Representatives took up a resolution supporting the troops and commending President Bush in his role as commander-in-chief. While before the war 183 House members had opposed authorizing the President to use military force, only twelve voted "no" or merely "present" on the measure commending the troops and the President after the war had begun. Of those dozen Congressmen, ten were black; the two others were Henry Gonzalez, Democrat of Texas, and Bernard Sanders, Vermont's freshman Socialist Congressman.
Nor did the war's quick conclusion, or the fact that American casualties were minimal, or the fact that black combat deaths (at 15 percent) were proportionately much lower than the black troop presence in Desert Storm, or the glowing national tributes to black military performance, move the black congressional delegation from its all-out antiwar stance. This was vividly demonstrated by the response of black Congressmen to yet a third measure relating to the Desert Storm operation, a routine $15-billion supplementary appropriation overwhelmingly approved after the war's successful conclusion. Of only eighteen Congressmen who opposed the appropriation, fully fifteen were members of the Black Caucus.
Aside from their votes, black Congressmen were also notable for the harshness of their attacks on the war—and on President Bush personally—and, at the same time, for their seeming lack of concern about Saddam Hussein's occupation of Kuwait, the plight of the Kuwaiti people, the threat posed by Iraq to Israel and other friendly nations in the region, or the implications of Saddam's past use of chemical weapons and his drive.
Like other critics, most black Congressmen saw the war as hinging almost exclusively on control of the Gulf's oil wealth. Congressman Charles Rangel of New York declared that the crisis was the result of "dipstick diplomacy that says we must expose our young people to death for oil." Congressman Floyd Flake, also of New York, asserted that "American blood should not be spilled for not [sic] one drop of oil." Congresswoman Maxine Waters of California went a step further, advancing the thesis that the war was about America's "having the ability to leverage this country against the European [oil] market . . . and Japan." A more radical note was struck by Congressman Gus Savage of Illinois, who argued that the real problem was not Saddam Hussein's aggression but rather
resource exploitation . . . where developed nations exploit the resources of undeveloped nations so that the undeveloped nations suffer increasing poverty . . . while the developed nations with the Eurocentric culture, the capitalist economy, prosper.
Another favored, if worn-out, cliché dragged in during the congressional debate was the notion of war as nothing more than the young being dispatched to slaughter by tired old men for the enrichment of elites or to further a pointless geopolitical goal. Congressman Ron Dellums of California stated that, in the end, "old men will sit down around a table to solve political problems after young men have died." To which Congressman Charles Hayes of Illinois added his opposition to the idea that "a bunch of old men should be determining whether our young men should risk their lives in an attempt to preserve revenue for mega-rich oil companies and Arab royalty."
Some Black Caucus members seemed close to embracing a pacifist stance. "Only a madman would want to go to war," Dellums said, "because war is killing, death, and destruction, nothing more, nothing less." Congressman Major Owens of New York saw war as useless slaughter: "My conscience tells me that if I vote for all this unnecessary killing, this mass murder, I become an accessory to murder." (Owens cannot be accused of inconsistency: after the war, he charged the United States with having behaved "almost the way we behaved at Hiroshima and Nagasaki.")
As for the fate of Kuwait, then groaning under Iraqi control, in speeches during the crucial debate prior to the war authorization, most Black Caucus members simply avoided the subject—an unusual omission given that this was the very issue which had provided the basis for the approval by the UN Security Council of the use of force. But several spoke of the Kuwaitis in tones of derision. "Two of the most undemocratic, oppressive nations on the face of the earth," was the description of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait given by William Clay of Missouri, while Kweisi Mfume of Maryland noted that "Kuwait by no means represented Jeffersonian democracy." And Hayes, after dismissing Kuwaitis as "wealthy people who inherited their wealth," managed to sneer at the foreigners, including hundreds of Americans, who had been held hostage by Saddam Hussein during the first months of the crisis as "people who were over there, making money."
It is, of course, true that neither Kuwait nor Saudi Arabia qualifies as a democracy. But Kuwait had made important concessions to democratic forces in the year prior to its occupation, and had earned a reputation as one of the more tolerant societies in the Middle East. In any event, the same black Congressmen who held Kuwait's human-rights record up to scorn were hardly known in the past for applying strict democratic standards to third-world countries. The Black Caucus, for instance, had been an enthusiastic supporter of Grenada's New Jewel Movement, an organization openly disdainful of parliamentary niceties, and individual members of the Caucus—among them Ron Dellums and Gus Savage—have expressed highly favorable opinions of Fidel Castro despite the Cuban dictator's totalitarian rule and the pervasive militarism of Cuban life.
In contrast to the confused logic and the double standards which marked their comments on the nature of the various Middle Eastern countries involved in the crisis, prominent blacks seemed genuinely moved by the prospect of heavy American casualties, especially during a ground campaign. Such fears were understandable in view of the widespread, and, as we now know, widely inaccurate predictions of tens of thousands of dead and wounded American soldiers issued both by the antiwar movement and by various military analysts. And the sincerity of black fears stood in notable contrast to the hypocrisy of peace-movement spokesmen as they anticipated massive U.S. combat deaths: how often did we hear one or another antiwar leader link the success of his cause to the return of thousands of body bags?
Yet even on this score there were hints that blacks, too, were not above exploiting war casualties to further political objectives. Thus, an activist black clergyman was quoted in the Washington Post as suggesting that black war dead might fuel a revival of the civil-rights protest movement:
Funerals become by nature political events, similar to what has happened in South Africa, and there would be tremendous growth in the antiwar movement in the black community [in response to massive black casualties].
And, in fact, the Reverend Jesse Jackson and other well-known figures shamelessly used the occasion of a funeral for a black New Jersey soldier killed in action as a forum to attack the government's prosecution of the war and to demand enactment of civil-rights legislation.
In General, for blacks of a leftist or strongly black-nationalist bent, the war functioned as a convenient weapon for the advancement of any number of ideologies or causes. Jesse Jackson told a rally that every bomb dropped on Baghdad deprived blacks of roads and schools. For Jack O'Dell, international-affairs director of Jackson's Rainbow Coalition, the war's lesson was that "racism has become the central ingredient in the idea of national chauvinism." Ron Daniels, former national director of the Rainbow Coalition, viewed the conflict through both nationalist and Marxist prisms, a perspective which led him to praise Saddam Hussein. Saddam, Daniels wrote, was being put down because he had tried to "break the back" of colonialism in the Middle East, in the course of which he had become a threat to "Uncle Tom" regimes like Kuwait. For Daniels, President Bush's New World Order amounted to "a new system of global white power and supremacy with the United States at the helm." As for Molefi Asante, an influential figure in the movement for an Afrocentric curriculum, Iraq was the latest in a long line of third-world victims of American imperialism. Meanwhile, the Amsterdam News, New York's leading black newspaper, managed to link the war to a plan to "re-whiten America by luring more and more Eastern Europeans to these shores, thereby reducing employment opportunities for black Americans."
Probably no group opposed to the war could equal the black clergy for bitterness and moral castigation. The Reverend Calvin O. Butts, III, the pastor of the Abyssinian Baptist Church, Harlem's most prestigious parish, told his congregants that President Bush had lied about the war, and he accused the media of working with the government to conceal the facts. The Reverend Herbert Daughtry called President Bush "the invader," and said the U.S. was a "greater monster" than Saddam Hussein. Father Lawrence Lucas declared at an antiwar rally that "there is no reason to justify the killing of people by George Bush because of oil." And a statement issued by a group of black leaders, but spearheaded by activist clergymen, described the war as "immoral and unspiritual" as well as "wrong, unnecessary, unprincipled, and dirty."
America was not the only target of criticism; a number of black clergy and other high-visibility black figures seized the opportunity to restate their distaste for Israel and for Israel's close ties to the United States. Father Lucas, for example, theorized that the war had been declared in order to "improve U.S. support to Israel," while the Reverend Ben Chavis, executive director of the Commission on Racial Justice of the United Church of Christ, declared that blacks should be in solidarity with Palestinians because "undergirding the whole conflict in the Gulf is the unresolved issue of the rights of the Palestinian people." In New York, Mayor David Dinkins drew sharp criticism from a number of prominent blacks for having joined Congressman Rangel in a wartime visit to Israel, a step Dinkins explained as a gesture of solidarity during a period when Israel was under Iraqi missile assault. Dinkins, it should be stressed, had strongly opposed the war, but this fact was deemed irrelevant by critics like Reverend Butts, who accused the mayor of being more concerned with New York's Jewish voters "than with his own community," or like the radical attorney Colin Moore, who blasted Dinkins for having failed to visit "South Africa or other countries on the [African] continent where people are involved in liberation struggles." Congressman Rangel, a consistent and outspoken opponent of the war, was nevertheless forced to end his speech prematurely at ending Israel.
In the midst of hostilities, Jesse Jackson was heard to complain that the views of black leaders were being ignored by the Bush administration in its making of war policy. Whether Jackson was serious in suggesting that Bush consult with those who share the global outlook of Dellums, Butts, or Jackson himself is unclear. In the past, of course, wartime presidents did meet with civil-rights leaders over the denial of basic rights suffered by the country's black citizens. But during World War II, the issues which Walter White and A. Philip Randolph raised with President Franklin D. Roosevelt were altogether crucial for blacks and for the successful prosecution of the war; one of those issues, ironically, was securing the right of the black soldier to fight for his country. To be sure, Randolph threatened a protest march in response to the widespread exclusion of black workers from defense-industry jobs. But Randolph was also committed to an Allied victory; and he acted in the hope that in addition to gaining crucial rights for blacks, his wartime crusades would strengthen the patriotic bonds between blacks and their country. The message of Randolph's generation of civil-rights leader—"Give us our rights and we will gladly fight for our country"—was far different from the embittered refrain of today's black leadership: "This is not our war."
Jesse Jackson, of course, believes he should be recognized as a foreign-policy expert as well as a protest leader. Yet statements he made before and during Desert Storm suggest his grasp of world affairs remains essentially the same as in 1984, when as a presidential candidate he delivered himself of absurd chants which likened Fidel Castro and Daniel Ortega to Christ. "There were no troops in Canada on our border about to bomb us," Jackson said shortly after the war began, summing up his grasp of the Middle East. To an antiwar rally, Jackson screamed that "When that war breaks out, our youth will burn first." And in the most tortured reasoning, Jackson announced that the establishment of the January 15 deadline for an Iraqi withdrawal "makes no sense" since President Bush "did not confirm a date for the liberation of South Africa or the liberation of Central America."
Unfortunately, the perspective on world affairs revealed in Jackson's various pronouncements prevails among those within the black political establishment who focus attention on foreign-policy issues. Insofar as there exists a distinctly black global view, it is not merely at variance with the American people's concept of their country's place in the world, but wildly so. The assumptions which instruct this mindset are a jumbled and often contradictory combination of selective pacifism, profound mistrust of American goals, and lingering identification with radical, anti-democratic third-world regimes and liberation movements. These assumptions led during the 1980's to a harshly critical response to the invasion of Grenada (heedless of the action's popularity in Grenada itself), an unrelenting animus toward defense spending, and an opposition to American support for anti-Communist insurgencies, including the struggle against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.
In a sense, then, the passionate opposition to the Gulf War conforms to a pattern of hostility to the exercise of American power, whatever the context. Nevertheless, the unrelenting opposition to the war remains highly unsettling due to its fervor and near-unanimity. Of generally recognized black leaders, only a few—Congressman William Gray of Pennsylvania, John E. Jacob of the Urban League, and Benjamin Hooks of the NAACP were among the most prominent—acknowledged the moral and political importance of responding to Saddam Hussein's aggression. Furthermore, segments of the leadership seemed to find the issue of black military "overrepresentation" less a cause for complaint than a weapon in the promotion of an anti-interventionist foreign policy.
The question of who fights for America is, in fact, worthy of serious examination. Blacks, Hispanics, and whites from modest economic backgrounds predominate in today's armed forces, and will continue to do so as long as America opts for a volunteer military. Although the awesome performance of U.S. forces in Desert Storm should go a long way toward resolving the debate over the battlefield effectiveness of the volunteer force, an argument against the current arrangement can still be made on the grounds that a volunteer force is incompatible with the country's democratic traditions.
But the alternative remains a reinstitution of the draft, an option which no black leader, or any antiwar stalwart, has endorsed. Here it is worth recalling that blacks were among the most fervent champions of the volunteer force during the debates which preceded its adoption in 1973 and which then focused on its troubled first years. In response to misgivings expressed by white politicians and military authorities that the composition of a volunteer army might be "too black," prominent blacks, like then-Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, responded with barely concealed rage. Mrs. Chisholm, herself no hawk, fumed: "All this talk about a volunteer army being poor and black is not an indication of 'concern' for the black and the poor, but rather of the deep fear of the possibility of a black army." As for the critical question of how black troops might react to suffering "disproportionate" casualties, Ron Dellums, no less, issued a statement distinguished by an uncompromising emphasis on individual responsibility:
Black volunteers understand what joining the military means. If, through exercise of free choice by individuals, there are [proportionately] more blacks in the military than in the population, we should expect a proportionately greater sacrifice. The whole idea of a volunteer army is that the individual will take this risk and this responsibiltiy by his or her free choice.
Speaking around the same time, the civil-rights leader Vernon Jordan detected a double standard in white fears about the possibility of high black casualty rates:
It is interesting that while American servicemen were fighting and dying in Vietnam there was little concern about the disproportionate numbers of blacks in front-line combat units and the casualty lists. Criticisms of the armed forces should be based on real issues, not on false racial concerns.
Black leaders were equally adamant on the sensitive issue of how black soldiers would react if assigned to "restore order" in riot-torn American inner cities, or in some controversial third-world setting, such as a civil war in Africa or Latin America. Margaret Bush Wilson, then-chairman of the NAACP, regarded suggestions that blacks might balk at such assignments as a "smokescreen thrown up by more subtle, sophisticated racists." Similarly, Clifford L. Alexander, Jr., who served as Jimmy Carter's Secretary of the Army, dismissed as racist the notion that blacks would refuse duty in certain parts of the world, including even South Africa.
Thus, right up until the Gulf crisis, the public posture of America's black leadership toward the volunteer army was one of wholehearted endorsement. In part, this was due to the fact that the volunteer military functioned as an instrument of upward mobility for thousands of black youths. There was also an understandable defensiveness over the subtle and sometimes not-so-subtle mutterings that a heavily black military would be an inferior or even disloyal military. In 1978, for example, then-Congressman Paul N. McCloskey, Jr. told an audience of Stanford alumni that it was "dangerous to have an all-black army," and added, by way of amplification, that "the Mafia was able to maintain its political and financial success by infiltrating the New York police department." Blacks, of course, were all too aware that the apprehensions which McCloskey was injudicious enough to express in a semi-public forum were being echoed, sotto voce, by other political and military officials.
There was, however, something a bit too glib in the assertions of Chisholm, Jordan, and others that the racial composition of the military was a subject not worthy of discussion. Jordan was not altogether accurate in declaring that the country had been unconcerned with the rates of black casualties during the Vietnam war. In fact, after civil-rights groups complained about the high percentages of black casualties suffered during the war's early years, military authorities took measures affecting the assignment of combat troops which substantially reduced those rates.
Nor were black leaders guiltless of obstructing the military's efforts at racial harmony. Martin Luther King, Jr., in addition to deploring Vietnam as a distraction from President Johnson's domestic agenda, came to accept the interpretation of that war as a form of racist imperialism, and urged blacks to boycott it. There were, as well, the demagogues of Black Power, ready to charge, as Stokely Carmichael did, that the war's hidden purpose was to "get rid of black people in the ghettos" by using them as "cannon fodder." While the degree to which Black Power ideology infected the troops is unclear, both black and white observers agree it was a force during the war's later years, particularly among black draftees from the Northern inner cities. At the same time, white-supremacist groups also gained a disturbingly wide following in the Army and Marines.
In contrast to all this, today, in the wake of Desert Storm's success, the military is being hailed as the most successfully integrated institution in American society. "The Army is the only place in America where a white will routinely be bossed around by black superiors," comments Charles Moskos, an authority on military-society relations. Journalists investigating the state of race relations in Desert Storm found a level of cooperation that was an inspirational story in itself. Repeatedly, black servicemen and -women stressed that in the armed forces they were treated with respect; that prejudice, if it existed, was much less significant than in civilian life; and that those assigned to Desert Storm had been too busy doing their job to worry about matters like skin color.
An obvious question is whether American society can learn anything from the military's success in race relations. Some civil-rights leaders have already announced the lesson: affirmative action works, and what is needed is passage of the latest version of the Civil Rights Restitution Act.
Now, it is true that the military has adopted a number of measures specifically designed to stimulate integration and tolerance: modest efforts to encourage the promotion of minorities into the officer ranks, special race-relations training courses for officers, and a strict policy of not tolerating prejudice within the various forces. These measures have been important, particularly as they send a reassuring signal to minorities about the atmosphere awaiting them during their service.
Ultimately, however, the military has become a racial success story primarily because of certain characteristics inherent in a volunteer service. To begin with, the abolition of the draft has eliminated those who resented service or the close interracial cooperation which the military demands. More to the point, the enhanced pay, benefits, and educational opportunities ensured that the military would draw better-educated, highly motivated enlistees, something which in turn has enabled it to strengthen already tough enlistment standards. If affirmative action has played a modest role in the successful integration of the armed forces, a much greater share of the credit belongs to the military's commitment to merit and standards, a quality sharply at odds with the logic of affirmative action. Black servicemen, in fact, boast higher educational credentials than white enlistees, and there are no special racial or ethnic admissions tracks of the type which have contributed to the unhealthy state of race relations on the nation's college campuses.
Reflecting on the controversy over the role of black troops in the Gulf, Edwin Dorn of the Brookings Institution has observed:
Man for man and woman for woman, this military is much better than the draft-era military of Vietnam—and I say that to address all those who think blacks and women have ruined standards in the military. The fact is that if you go out and talk to those soldiers at the 82nd Airborne or talk to the soldiers in the tank units at Fort Knox, they don't think of themselves as cannon fodder or victims, they think of themselves as professionals doing a job they are very well trained to do.
The esprit de corps which impresses Dorn, and which was vividly on display in interviews with Gulf War participants, reflects more than anything else pride in an institution which demands a high level of performance and rewards it when delivered. When asked their attitude toward military service, black troops invariably mention the opportunity to accomplish a mission they consider important; they mention fair treatment and an atmosphere of relative equality; they mention self-respect. They do not mention affirmative-action programs, racial preference, or reverse discrimination. Nor does anyone think that affirmative action is responsible for the emergence of such high-ranking black officers as the commandant of West Point, the deputy commander of Desert Storm, and, of course, Colin Powell, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
By any standard, Powell would seem an ideal figure of inspiration for black youth. The son of Jamaican immigrants, both of whom worked in New York's garment district, Powell received his early military training not at West Point or Virginia Military Institute but through the ROTC program at the City College of New York. Although officially integrated, the military Powell entered during the 50's was by no means the equal-opportunity employer of today, and Powell encountered his share of discrimination during stints at Southern bases like Fort Bragg, North Carolina and Fort Benning, Georgia. Yet Powell's credo on racial matters has been to regard his color as other people's problem, not his—an optimistic philosophy which helps explain his rise within the military.
For many black leaders, however, General Powell's commanding and articulate presence has posed something of a dilemma. By all accounts greatly respected by America's black population, Powell was generally ignored by black war opponents, many of whom in other forums have bitterly lamented the dearth of strong, successful, black men who could serve as examples for troubled youth. But the problem presented by Powell's highly visible role went much deeper than his association with a war of which black leaders disapproved. For as we have seen, many black leaders considered that war not just wrong, but immoral. By extension, Powell might well be regarded as a war criminal; he was not, after all, an infantryman just following orders, and if he did not make the political decision to declare war against Iraq, he was a crucial participant in the formulation of war-fighting tactics and strategy, including the bombing of Iraqi cities, the very thing Congressman Owens must have had in mind when he compared America's tactics in the Gulf to the use of atomic weapons against Japan.
Powell was also unsympathetic to complaints about the high percentage of blacks in the armed forces. Typically, he did not shy away from the possible consequences once war broke out:
If one out of four, roughly one out of five, is black, if the whole force accepts casualties, what would you wish me to do? Move the blacks from the positions they're in so that they will have a lower percentage of casualties? Every part of the force, whether it's Hispanic American, Pacific American, or lower-income white soldiers will probably sustain casualties in relationship to the percentage that they represent in the overall force.
What you keep wanting me to say is that this is disproportionate or wrong. I don't think it's disproportionate or wrong. I think it's a decision the American people made when they said have a volunteer army and allow those to serve who want to serve.
Powell also tartly noted that some of those complaining about disproportionality had, a few months before the crisis, complained to him that proposed reductions in the post-cold-war armed forces would disproportionately injure blacks by denying them the opportunity for advancement through military careers. And as for the argument that the high black military presence was due to a semi-involuntary "economic draft," Powell noted that blacks, as well as other groups (he might have mentioned poor Southern whites), had traditionally favored military careers for such reasons as education, advancement, "adventure," and simply because the military life appealed to them.
This was so even though, historically, blacks were treated no better by the military than by other American institutions. Throughout the first half of this century, quotas ensured a relatively low percentage of black troop representation, few blacks were promoted to the officer ranks, and no black officer was placed in command of white subordinates. Influenced by its strong Southern traditions, the military accepted as fact just about every racial myth of the day: that blacks were lazy and insensitive to racial slurs, that they preferred white to black officers, could not be taught to fly, or lacked the reflexes for armored combat (a special prejudice of General George Patton). As one historian put it, the prevailing attitude of the military establishment at the beginning of World War II could be summed up in the crud are."
Testimony to the depth of such prejudice is the shameful treatment of retired General Benjamin O. Davis, Jr. during his years at West Point, from which he was the first black to graduate in this century. Davis, who went on to become the commander of the Black Eagles, the legendary World War II flying unit, has just published his memoirs.1 In them he recounts that, while at West Point, for no other reason than race, he was subjected to "silencing," a practice otherwise reserved for cadets found guilty of honor-code violations. Except as required in the course of duty, no cadet would speak to Davis, and no one would share his room. After graduation, Davis's encounters with racial discrimination continued. A commanding officer encouraged him to enroll in law school and seek a political career; it was not "logical," the officer explained, for a black to command whites.
Infatuated with airplanes, Davis was initially rejected for training as a pilot since it was Army policy that blacks not be admitted to flight school; once, an Army doctor invented a history of epilepsy to justify rejecting Davis. Eventually, however, a group of black flyers was trained and sent into action in North Africa and Europe. Still, recalcitrant commanders attempted to have the unit reassigned to non-combat duty, reasoning, as a report from a high Army Air Corps official stated, that "The Negro type has not the proper reflexes to make a first-class fighter pilot." In spite of everything, however, Davis and his comrades prevailed, and their record of distinguished service was ultimately hailed throughout America.
The heroism of the black flyers, Davis believes, advanced both the Allied cause and the cause of the Negro, whose just demands for equality were growing more insistent as the war progressed. And there was a third cause to which Davis was deeply and personally attached: the cause of blacks in the military. Bolstered by an unyielding personal code which forbade his reacting with bitterness to acts of prejudice, Davis nevertheless remembers every insult, and he candidly admits to a preference for overseas assignments because of the American racial environment. At the same time he remains devoted to the military; in his view there is no more honorable profession. And he believes that America, with all its faults, is worth fighting for.
Davis and his Black Eagles served as an inspiration to past generations, and Colin Powell and the black troops of the Gulf conflict stand as a source of national pride today. As Haynes Johnson of the Washington Post wrote: "Black combat veterans [can serve] not only as role models for other blacks but also for whites." Yet few black leaders seem to have been shaken from their fixation on the theme of blacks as cannon fodder, or as victims of an economic "draft." No wonder, then, that one already sees evidence of black military resentment at the lack of support from black civilian leaders. Hearing criticism where they strongly believe that praise is warranted, black military men are beginning to ask, as the deputy commander of Desert Storm, General Calvin Waller, did: "What are our leaders doing in our communities to get our young black men off drugs? What are they doing to the streets?"
There has been much speculation about the broad political and cultural repercussions of the American military performance in the Gulf. President Bush's assertion that the war has enabled America to get out from under the Vietnam syndrome implies much more than a renewed respect for the military. Broadly speaking, the Vietnam syndrome entailed a reduced faith in America, in its world role, its key institutions, in its ability to solve its domestic ills, of which race relations counts as among the most important. Certainly one positive effect will be a diminution of negative views about blacks among whites. Future opinion polls will probably not find, as did a National Opinion Research Center poll taken before the war, that 51 percent of white Americans question the patriotism of blacks.
We do not know to what degree the whites in that poll were responding to statements by the nation's black leaders, although it seems reasonable to suppose that this was a significant factor. Unfortunately, a change in the perspective of the current black political leadership is highly unlikely. In contrast to many Americans who initially opposed the war but eventually came to identify with the goal of freeing Kuwait and handing Saddam Hussein a resounding setback, most black leaders seemed as dismayed by America's winning the war as with its having entered it in the first place. On the other hand, while polls showed blacks consistently less supportive of the war than other Americans, ordinary blacks were much more likely to support it than were their leaders. Indeed, an ABC-Washington Post poll taken after the war registered a stunning 77-percent black approval rating for President Bush, a figure which principally reflects deep pride in identifying with an American victory and a repudiation of the slogan: "This is not our war."
That this pride is not shared by most black leaders is tragic—tragic mainly because it betrays a view of world affairs preposterous in many of its essentials and ultimately irrelevant to the future course of American political life.
1 Benjamin O. Davis, Jr.: American. Smithsonian. Institution Press, 442 pp., $19.95.


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What: Farm BBQ
Where: Jefferson County Fairgrounds
When: September 4, 2014
Time: 6:00 pm
It's easy to forget what farming means to Fairfield. Each year, the Chamber does its part to recognize area farmers and their families for their contributions to our community by hosting the Chamber Farm BBQ at the Jefferson County Fairgrounds. Every Jefferson County farmer is invited to meet, greet and eat a free pork supper served up by the Jefferson County Pork Producers with all the trimmings.
It's an opportunity for the Chamber to say thank you and to network with the farming community by answering questions, understanding concerns and having what amounts to a down-home good time.
As with so many Chamber events, we couldn't do it without our sponsors and our committee. Here here.
Farm BBQ Committee
Jared Schultz — First National Bank
Jackie Hinshaw — Iowa State Bank & Trust Company of Fairfield, Iowa
Sara Adrian — Jefferson County Farm Bureau
John Sandbothe — Jefferson County Farm Bureau
Drew Johnson — Libertyville Savings Bank
Dave Reiff — Reiff Grain & Feed
Jared Schultz — First National Bank
Floyd Gourley
Thank you to this year's Farm BBQ Sponsors
Cambridge Investment Research, Inc.
Fairfield Farm and Home Real Estate
First National Bank in Fairfield
Foss, Kuiken, and Cochran, P.C.
French-Reneker-Associates, Inc.
Iowa State Bank & Trust Company of Fairfield, Iowa
Jefferson County Fair Board
Jefferson County Mutual Insurance
Jefferson County Pork Producers
Keosauqua Lumber
Purple Star Entertainment Group
Shawn McCarty State Farm Insurance


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I took a class call beyond the basics in which I am learning M1R, M1L, YO, KF&B, SSK, K2TOG and SP with yarn in front. At the end I'll have a nice mini shawl and I'm hoping I'll be able to make a scarf that uses YO and SSK throughout the pattern. I've tried to make it 4 times now ending with pulling the whole thing out and starting over. I wish I had started knitting many years ago, this is so relaxing and I end up with something unlike playing world of warcraft.
Knitting is one of those wonderful things we have that actually allows us to DO-OVER. My middle school kids are always asking for do-overs and I caution them that we can never undo or unsay anything. Unknitting, tinking, frogging, ripping, whatever you want to call it, offers a terrific chance to have a do-over. Thankfully, like most who are passionate about their craft, we don't do-over and leave it in a pile on the floor, we usually roll it up and start over...and over...and over until it comes out correctly. Keep learning, Don! It's what we do...forever. I liked the photo...thanks for sharing!
be careful! Lace is even more addicting then most knitting.
I've added a photo of the project for this class.
Congrats on the class. I learned a lot of what I know by being a voracious reader. Plus, the kindness of fellow knitters who shared their knowledge. Enjoy.
Good for you these are very valuable things to know in your knitting. I thought my self with books and youtube but I know some people learn better with live instruction.


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Students networked with alumni such as Steve Mitchell '08 during the Spring Backpack to Briefcase Alumni Networking Fair today (April 4).
Mitchell majored in criminology/criminal justice as an undergraduate, and serves as a police officer with the Rochester Police Department.
Sponsored by the Alumni Association, Office of Alumni and Family Relations, and the Center for Experiential Learning, Backpack to Briefcase is a series of events to help students achieve their career goals.
Alumni are also in town to meet members of the Class of 2014 at the annual Rising Stars event. A networking opportunity for seniors to discuss "Life after Keuka," they will met graduates working in a variety of career fields, as well Alumni Association Executive Council members.
Students also had the opportunity to have professional photographs taken.
More photos from Backpack to Briefcase.
More photos from Rising Stars.
The use of renewable fuels and aviation will be the focus of Keuka College's next Community Luncheon Series presentation Thursday, April 25, at noon in the lower level of Lightner Library.
Suzanne Hunt of Hunt Country Vineyards and founder and president of Hunt Green LLC, is the featured speaker. Hunt Green provides strategic advising for decision-makers in business, government, and not-for-profit arenas on a range of renewable energy, sustainable mobility, agriculture, and green design challenges.
Hunt, who also serves as senior adviser at the Carbon War Room, earned a bachelor's degree in environmental science from Penn State and a dual master's degree in international affairs and natural resource management from American University and the UN's University for Peace in Costa Rica.
The Carbon War Room seeks to accelerate profitable, entrepreneurial solutions which reduce carbon emissions. It focuses on the market barriers that reinforce the status quo and prevent capital from flowing to sustainable solutions with compelling returns.
She has worked with such clients as the U.S. Department of Energy, National Wildlife Federation, Inter-American Development Bank, Natural Resources Defense Council,
Wolfensohn & Co., Global Bio-energy Partnership, UN Food and Agriculture Organization, and a number of clean technology companies, among others.
Her most recent initiatives include work on the role of agriculture in climate change, renewable energy, and green building in South America.
At Hunt Country Vineyards, Hunt assists with the ongoing implementation of sustainability practices including biodiesel production and use.
Tickets for the luncheon are $12.75, $2.50 of which goes to the Penn Yan Keuka Club Scholarship Fund. The fund provides an annual scholarship to a local student attending Keuka College. Seating is limited, so reservations are advised.
Make checks payable to Keuka College and mail to: Office of Alumni and Family Relations, Keuka College, Keuka Park, N.Y. 14478. Reservations may also be made online at http://events.keuka.edu.The reservation deadline is Friday, April 19.
For more information, call (315) 279-5238 or e-mail email@example.com.
By Ryan Nichols '12
Freelance culinary and travel writer Karen Deyle, restaurant critic for the Rochester Democrat & Chronicle and author of Rochester Eats: 15 Years of Craves and Faves, will speak at Keuka College Thursday, Dec. 15.
Deyle will deliver the next Community Luncheon Series presentation at noon in the Gannett Room of Lightner Library.
A food writer for more than 15 years, she reviews restaurants in her Democrat & Chronicle column titled "First Bite." She is also travel editor and contributing writer for Travel Host of Rochester and the Finger Lakes.
Rochester Eats is a tribute to the independent restaurants and restaurateurs who have "fed us well over the past 75 years," said Deyle. "In talking to patrons and owners with first-hand stories, the collection developed into more of a 'scrapbook' effort that shares copies of menus and secret recipes."
The book profiles more than 100 local and regional restaurants, specialty food purveyors, and casual dining spots.
"There are glimpses of downtown dining spots like Sibley's Tower and McCurdy's Garden Room, Eddie's Chop House, and everyone's nostalgic favorite, The Manhattan," said Deyle. "There are pictures and stories from casual locales like Vic n Irv's and Don and Bob's, located at Seabreeze in an area once know as 'Hot Dog Row.' There are Sunday drive locations in places like Ionia, Naples, and Canandaigua."
Deyle also serves as communications manager at Cameron Community Ministries, a non-profit soup kitchen that serves nearly 50,000 hot meals a year as well as free dinners five nights a week for children through Foodlink's Kids Cafe program.
Tickets for the luncheon are $12.75, with $2.50 going to the Penn Yan Keuka Club Scholarship Fund, which provides an annual scholarship to a local student attending Keuka College.
Reservations are required, and must be made no later than Friday, Dec. 9. To make a reservation or for more information, contact Keuka's Office of Alumni and Family Relations at (315) 279-5238 or firstname.lastname@example.com. You may also register online at http://events.keuka.edu


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Create and publish sophisticated electronic forms using the latest version of the Microsoft form-creation tool InfoPath.
Shows how to create and publish sophisticated electronic forms using InfoPath 2010.
Demonstrates how Microsoft's solution, InfoPath, can be used to create custom forms and deliver them via email or web sites.
"lynda.com has made it possible and affordable to retool and get back to work after raising my kids. I can't imagine working without this resource now." —Maureen C.
more from our members »


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Well, the last few days — here and here — I've been in a decidedly ranting mood for the morning news.
Today, not so much. Instead, I think I'll just let the morning links speak for themselves.
But, before I do, tell me, is there anything you would like to rant about? If so, please share!
Habs and Hockey News
- Bob McKenzie reports on how the expiry of the current CBA can impact young RFAs, including P.K Subban. Speaking of P.K, apparently he is quite concerned about how fans will react to another lockout.
- HabsWorld continues its Fantasy Focus. After looking at Brandon Prust a few days ago, the gang turns to another hard hitter in Alexei Emelin.
- Another PK, this time former NHLPA director Paul Kelly, also shares his views on the current labor strife.
- Over at The Hockey News, Ryan Kennedy sheds some light on the recently formed but otherwise secretive CHL Players Association. Oh, and don't forget, former Hab Georges Laraque is the association's head.
- The Ottawa Senators have re-signed forward Zack Smith to a four-year deal with an average value of about $1.89 million.


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Click Here to Watch the Whole Video in HD at Bait Bus
BaitBus: Straight men getting busy with gay sex.
We're cruising around looking around a real man to bait today. After a few fails by the college we found a guy in a parking lot on the phone. Elle worked her sweet magic and lured him into the bus by saying she was trying to become a massage therapist. After he got baited and really pissed off we calmed him down with some cash, and he happily fucked Steve in the ass.
Pixels: 320X240 | Bitrate: 350K
Pixels: 640X480 | Bitrate: 700K
I'm so horny
His name is Ken he is gay and has been on other gay porn sites
I never got why the leave the car... but this is fake after all.
One of the fakest Bait Bus vids I've seen! LMAO at the folks sitting on the bus bench at start!
Yeah, he was not pissed off, he was stroking his cock thru his jeans the whole time


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-An excerpt from the preamble of the Hunting Retriever Club, Inc. Constitution "it is the purpose of this Association to support and protect the inherent rights of its members to own, hunt, bear arms, to promote the breed and type of dog of their choice and to promote complimentary conservation and management of game birds and wildlife species commonly pursued by members of the Hunting Retriever Club, In."-
Northern California
Sac River Hunting retriever Club was established to ensure anyone who has interests in hunting and the hunting retriever will have a place to go. No matter what age, level of experience or type of hunting breed, all are welcome. In this they will have the ability to share and learn as much as possible so that they may bring out and experience the natural hunting abilities of their hunting companion(s).
SRHRC is a family oriented organization focused on realistic hunting scenarios and strives to help continued education. This is to help owners, handlers, and breeders conduct themselves with confidence to help promote the well being of the hunting retriever.


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Some of the most sophisticated robots ever built are currently on missions to explore our solar system - and more are being designed and built to extend our reach farther from Earth. These unmanned explorers travel to remote and hostile environments where the secrets of our origins and destiny are hidden.
The wagon-sized Sojourner rover of the 1997 Mars Pathfinder mission led to the development of the sturdy twin Mars Exploration Rovers - Spirit and Opportunity - who will be replaced on the Red Planet by the next-generation Mars Science Laboratory, a larger, more powerful rover. Each mission, combined with data from orbiting satellites, has revolutionized our understanding of the Martian climate and will help us understand if humans can ever safely live on Mars.
Some missions are developed just to prove a technology. NASA's Deep Space 1 provided a successful test of highly-efficient ion engines which are now powering NASA's Dawn on its long journey to asteroid Vesta and the dwarf planet Ceres.
Robotic missions are structured over decades of planning to complement each other. Flyby spacecraft conduct the initial reconnaissance, followed by orbiters and, in many cases landers. Sometimes spacecraft are deliberately crashed into a planet or object, but only after careful consideration of potential contamination.
This layered approach is what put humans on the Moon. Ranger probes perfected the trajectory, Ranger impactors worked out some of the kinks and provided the first detailed photographs and Surveyor robots proved the landing technologies. The mission successes led to Apollo 11 -- America's historic Moon landing in 1969.
Current Mars exploration efforts are using the same techniques with 21st century machines.
In the outer solar system, the initial flybys of the Pioneer 10 and 11 and Voyager 1 and Voyager 2 , led to the advanced Galileo and Cassini-Huygens missions that revealed Jupiter, Saturn and their intriguing moons in stunning detail.
Future solar system exploration missions will experience an even wider range of possible conditions, from the comparatively benign environment of Mars, to the intense radiation environment around Jupiter's Europa, to the intense heat and crushing pressure within the atmosphere of Venus.


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A Very Snowy Weekend Predicted for the Northeast
If you live in New England, New York or New Jersey, there might be several inches of new snow outside as you're reading this – or a lot more.
Forecasters were predicting a potentially record-setting blizzard across much of the Northeastern United States starting Friday.
For many meteorologists, the question wasn't whether it would snow or not, but how much.
"There are going to be people in the Northeast who are going to be measuring snow not in inches but in feet," said Jeff Tongue, a meteorologist with the National Weather Service, in an interview with New York City TV station WNBC.
Several New England states, including Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut, were expected to see the worst of the snowstorm – as much as 30 inches.
(According to published reports, the all-time snow record for a single storm in Boston, Massachusetts, is 27.6 inches).
And as of Friday afternoon, New York City was expected to get up to 9 inches.
A blizzard warning was in effect from New Jersey to Maine.
(According to the National Weather Service, a blizzard warning means forecasters are expecting "a combination of strong winds (of at least) 35 miles an hour and very low visibility due to blowing or falling snow.")
A lot of kids in the Northeast got a snow day on Friday.
Officials didn't want parents, teachers and other people driving around later in the day, when conditions were expected to get worse.
In addition, Amtrak canceled train service along the East Coast — north of New York City — as of Friday afternoon.
And traveling by air wasn't any easier.
Thousands of flights were canceled before the storm even hit, in anticipation of dangerous conditions.
The snowstorm was expected to hit a number of areas that are still recovering from Hurricane Sandy.
And some new power outages were expected.
"(But) I'm not expecting anything like the vast power outages and problems we had with Sandy," said Ralph Bombardiere, the executive director of the New York State Association of Service Stations and Repair Shops, in an interview with Reuters news service.
The snowstorm was expected to move out of the Northeast on Saturday.


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Reclamaciones disponible en
Descripción (El texto procesado por OCR puede contener errores)
March 1966 E. H. HAUGEN ETAL 3,237,387
FILTER ASSEMBLY Filed April 20, 1960 2 Sheets-Sheet l if a? r INVENTOR5 MILTON A. POWERS EDMOND H. HAUGEN ATTORNEY March 1, 1966 HAUGEN ETAL 3,237,387
FILTER ASSEMBLY 2 Sheets-Sheet z INVENTOR5 MILTON APOWERS EDMOND H.HAUGEN k M ATTORNEYS 3,237,387 FILTER ASSEMBLY Edmond H. Haug'en, Ann Arbor, and Milton A. Powers,
Grosse Pointe, Mich., assignors to Shuttle Manufacturing Co., Milford, Mich., a corporation of Michigan Filed Apr. 20, 1960, Ser. No. 23,470 6 Claims. (Cl. 55-519) V fibers is disposed between sheets of plastic filter cloth and bound in an apertured frame of paperboard, the whole in turn enclosed in a circumferential metallic frame.
It is a major object of the invention to provide a novel filter assembly of laminated dry filtering elements having divergent electrostatic properties, supported in a nonmetallic apertured container, the whole being enclosed at the edges only in a circumferential metal frame.
A further object of the invention is to provide a novel filter assembly wherein a stack of dry filtering material is bound in a metal frame with provision for washing by immersion and ready draining.
It is an object of the invention to provide a novel filter assembly wherein layers of dry water resistant fiber and plastic cloth having electrostatic properties are supported in a non-metallic box-like frame.
Another object of the invention is to provide a dry filter assembly for removal of dust particles from air wherein a special apertured corner structure is provided for speeding draining after washing.
Further objects of the invention will appear in connection with the appended claims and the annexed drawings wherein:
FIGURE 1 is a front elevation of an air or like gas filter assembly according to a preferred embodiment of the invention;
FIGURE 2 is an end elevation of the filter assembly of FIGURE 1 partly broken away and sectioned to show the interior;
FIGURE 3 is an enlarged section substantially on line 33 of FIGURE 1 showing the different filter components;
FIGURES 4 and 5 are fragmentary front and end views of a corner of the assembly of FIGURE 1, partially broken away and sectioned;
FIGURE 6 is an enlarged front view of a filter assembly corner broken away and sectioned to show the drainage arrangement;
FIGURE 7 is a fragmentary partly sectioned end view of the corner of FIGURE 6; and
FIGURES 8-10 show fragmentary details of the channel binding of the filter assembly.
In its preferred embodiment the filter assembly of the invention comprises a narrow rectangular border frame 11 that is a uniform depth U-shaped channel of thin sheet aluminum, galvanized steel, or like lightweight rust resistant bendable metal, a single length of which extends around the entire periphery of the assembly with the channel opening inward. As illustrated one square cut end 3,237,387 Patented Mar. 1, 1966 of the channel is disposed at 12 in a corner and the other end 13 angle cut to interfit also enters the corner, and the ends are secured together as by a rivet or like fastener indicated at 14.
At the other corners, see FIGURES 8-10, the channel 11 is notched at 15, one side 16 of the notch being inclined and the other side 17 being normal to the base of the channel, and the base is offset at 18 (FIGURE 9 to provide for bending of the channel to the form of FIG- URE 10. Suitable added fastening elements 14 may be used in holes in the channel sides and rigidly secure each corner if desired.
Interiorly the filter assembly comprises a continuous body 19 of matted glass or like fibers, contacted on both sides by flexible filter sheets 21 and 22 of a woven plastic cloth or the like.
Body 19 is a uniformly thick rectangular mat of glass fibers loosely bonded together by a distributed resin. In a preferred form this is about one inch thick. As is known glass fibers have inherent electrostatic properties, as does the bonded glass mat.
The cloths 21 and 22 are identical rectangular single thickness sheets woven with a suitably open standard weave such as the known honeycomb or waffle weaves used in textiles generally. In commercial embodiments these cloths are woven from filaments or fibers of a synthetic polymer plastic material such as 'polyvinylidene, polyethylene, polypropylene, polystyrene and the like. Of particular value are woven sheets of linear polyethylene. As alternates to the woven fiber cloth just described, we may use a non-woven cloth, sheet material having apertures, or expanded apertured sheet material made from plastic or other base material having desired electrostatic properties. All of these synthetic polymer materials are water resistant and have inherent electrostatic properties which are selected to be diiferent from those of the fiber mat 19. For more detailed explanation of the electrostatic actions of various materials suitable for incorporation in electrostatic filters of the type here discussed, please refer to copending application Serial No. 63,018, filed October 17, 1960, by Edmond H. Haugen.
In the invention the relative electrostatic propenties of the woven sheets 21, 22 and the fiber mat 19 are correlated so that in normal operation air-borne dust and like particles which bear an inherent electric charge, or may be charged in transit, are attracted and held by the charged plastic sheets 21 or by the oppositely charged fiber mat 19.
The sandwich of glass fiber mat 19 and flexible filter sheets 21, 22 is enclosed in a lightweight frame 23 of moisture-proofed cardboard, paperboard or the like consisting essentially of two rectangular apertured sheets 24 and 25 of laminated paperboard ha ving edge flanges turned toward each other and interlocked. As shown in FIGURE 3 sheet 24 has one side edge flange 26 bent at right angles to lie inside and flush with Side edge flange 27 of sheet 24, and the interfit at the opposite side is the same but with the flanges reversed, flange 28 of sheet 24 here being inside flange 29 of sheet 25. The same structure is present at the other two sides of the filter, and along each side one or more staples or like fasteners 31 (FIGURE 2) secure the flanges together, so that the paperboard sheets provide a box-like stifi frame 23 which is substantially closed along most of the side edges and is apertured front and rear to permit air passage. This construction insures stiffness for the entire subassembly before enclosure within the metal outer frame and after final assembly prevents edge collapse under compression as the metal frame by itself does not protect against collapse from forces acting inside the periphery of the metal frame itself.
The apertures 32 in sheets 24 and 25, which sheets are parallel in the assembly, are preferably staggered in each sheet but preferably the apertures of each sheet are aligned in the assembly to provide a minim-um of air blockage and maximum filter area. Only suflicient areas of sheets 24 and 25 are retained between aperatures 32 to stiffen and support the filtering materials enclosed in frame 23 against sagging from or being forced out of alignment with the frame. The corners of the apertures are rounded to reduce tearing.
Each sheet 24 and 25 is preferably a laminate of stiff waterproof board or paper or like fibrous material. The laminated sheets may be further coated with a layer of wax whichdoes not melt at temperatures up to about 220 F. and which protects the paperboard during washing. Alternately a plain or colored plastic coating may be used.
In the process of manufacturing the filter assembly one apertured laminated paperboard sheet 24 or 25 with the edge flanges upturned is laid on a flat surface, the fabric sheet 2 1 is laid therein, the glass mat 19 is laid in, the fabric sheet 22 l-aid over the mat, and then the other paperboard sheet 25 is placed over sheet 22, the edge flanges of sheets 24 and 25 slidably snugly interfitting to form the box-like frame 23 which may if desired for ease in assembly be then secured by staples 31. This subassembly is then ready to be bound in the channel 11.
Referring to FIGURES 6 and 7, all of the corners of frame 23 are preferably cut off as indicated at 33, usually by cutting off the sheet corner and sections of the edge flanges as shown in FIGURE 7 at 34 and 35. These openings 33 constitute opposite corner openings in the frame 23, and they lie opposite the apertures 36 and 37 formed in the channel base at each corner of the border frame '11. The purpose of these openings 33, 36 and 37 is to provide for speedy complete draining of the entire assembly simply by poising the assembly on one corner after washing.
The invention provides a novel lightweight inexpensive air filter of high dust filtering efficiency. It consists of materials that are essentially inert with respect to water, so that there is no rusting or other similar deterioration. This is a completely dry filter in operation since it electrostatically attracts and holds the particles removed from the air, and no oil or other sticking impregnating medium is employed. The filter may be quickly washed with water or a suitable washing solution and speedily completely drained. T'he inert materials of the channel, mat and filter elements and the paperboard frame are susceptible of quick thorough washing, and once Washed the filter is fully renewed and ready for use. No oiling is necessary. The filter is symmetrical and reversible as to air flow so that no atension is required as to which side of the filter is inserted into the holder. It quickly dries completely after return to the air stream in the furnace.
It will be noted from FIGURE 3 that the metal border 11 projects across the front and rear sides of the filter assembly only to the extent of the outer periphery of cardboard frame 23. Within the border 11 the side flanges of the cardboard sheets of frame 23 fit snugly together and with the border so that the edges of the filter frame are rigidly supported and protected and there is no tendency to pull out of the border.
The box-like frame 23 is sufliciently stiff to maintain its shape and keep the filtering components in position, and the eqntinuous U-shaped metal border 11 gives rigidity to the whole assembly and supports the frame 23 all around its periphery and laterally adjacent the periphery so that the overall assembly is sturdy. The electrically insulating nature of box like frame 23 insures that the charged contents thereof, the oppositely electrostatically charged plastic cloth and glass fiber mat, are effectively insulated from the surrounding metal frame, so that the charges are not grounded to the metal frame and do not leak away.
During draining the U-shape of the border 11 acts like a trough to convey water to the drain holes at the lowest corners.
The invention may be embodied in other specific forms without departing from the spirit or essential characteristics thereof. The present embodiment is therefore to be considered in all respects as illustrative and not re strictive, the scope of the invention being indicated by the appended claims rather than by the foregoing description, and all changes which come Within the meaning and range of equivalency of the claims are therefore intended to be embraced therein.
What is claimed and desired to be secured by United States Letters Patent is:
1. A dry waterproof washable filter assembly for removing dust from moving air and other gases comprising a mat of glass fibers sandwiched between apertured sheets of waterproof synthetic polymer plastic material, .a laterally apertured box-like frame composed of relatively stiff water resistant non-metallic material enclosing said sandwich, and a rigid substantially U-shaped metal border assembly mounted on said frame and encompassing said frame all around its periphery.
'2. The filter assembly defined in claim 1, wherein said sheets of polymer material are flexible cloth woven from threads of said material.
=3. The filter assembly defined in claim 1, said box-like frame comprising apertured parallel front and rear sheets of said material having edge flanges turned toward each other and secured together within said substantially U- shaped metal border.
4. The filter assembly defined in claim 1, said border assembly comprising a single length of bendable U- shaped metal channel extending around and closely embracing said frame at its periphery.
5. A dry waterproof washable filter assembly for removing dust from moving air and other gases comprising a mat of glass fibers cap-able of carrying an electrostatic charge sandwiched between flexible perforated sheets of waterproof synthetic polymer plastic material capable of carrying a different electrostatic charge, a laterally apertured box-like frame composed of relatively stiff electrically insulating water resistant fibrous material enclosing said sandwich, and a rigid substantially U-shaped metal border mounted on said frame and closely encompassing said frame all around its periphery.
6. A dry waterproof washable filter assembly for removing dust from moving air and other gases comprising a mat of glass fibers capable of carrying an electrostatic charge, sheets of flexible polyethylene cloth on opposite sides of said mat, said sheets being capable of carrying an electrostatic charge different from that of said mat, a box-like frame of stiff electrically insulating fiberboard enclosing the mat and sheets with the sides of said frame apertured to expose said filter sheets for passing air therethrough, and a substantially U-shaped rigid metal binding mounted upon said frame and extending closely around the periphery of said frame.
References Cited by the Examiner UNITED STATES PATENTS (Other references on following page) UNITED STATES PATENTS FOREIGN PATENTS 2,297,601 9/1942 Williams 1 55-132 747,144 3/1956 Great Britain. 2,521,984 9/1950 Lang 55514 2,557,27-9 6/1951 Greenberg 55-5 15 PTHER FEFERENCES 2 597 927 5 1952 ,Endl-es 55 ,103 5 HOW Dust Fllte-r Selectmen Depends 011 13160308181165, 2 715 453 1955 Lange 55 359 Chan. E g N PP- 1961- 2,723,731 11/1955 Schaaf 55-329 2,784,132 3/1957 Ma'is e1 55 522 XR JULIUS GREENWALD, Primary Exam'mer.
2,789,663 4/1957 Camp 55 513 WESLEY 8. com, WALTER BERLOWITZ, ALBERT 2,877,863 3/1959 Lurie 55-514 T. MEYERS, Examiners.
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Jim Carrey needs a second wind, that's what this pitch is based on. The man has done fantastic things as far as a career arc goes, bouncing from physical comedy movies into more serious dramatic roles. Looking at his IMDB page, it becomes necessary to blur ones eyes and just pick out titles in sequential order: Jim Carrey never gave up physical comedy (though Series of Unfortunate Events might have been his last primarily physical role), it just got shoved to the side as the man attempted to become more of an actor and less of a comedian.
I Love You Phillip Morris, his latest, has had a hard time getting a release date in the US (we'll finally get to see it December 3rd) because of it's homosexual content. That not only makes the US film market look bad (and, honestly, the MPAA already makes us look pretty hypocritical as a movie-watching and parenting nation), but it's tugging on Jim Carrey like a stone. You don't want a stone on the tail of your rising star. Hollywood is about keeping leading man status, and Jim Carrey is doing the bare minimum. Sure, his name will come up attached to a project, but it's not something film fans necessarily rejoice.
A new hit means new offers (just ask Natalie Portman how the positive buzz on Black Swan is getting her an offer on every female role in pre-production), and what Jim Carrey needs is a new hit.
Don't Mention The Kid
What Warner Bros is likely looking for is a new franchise, but Ace Ventura isn't it. Need I remind anyone about Ace Ventura Jr: Pet Detective (which was originally announced as Ace Ventura 3)? That was based on a Jim Carrey-less Ventura world where his kid and grandfather (Rex Ventura) were the only family members present (besides the Mom, who was a damsel in distress, sorta). Somehow, Jr. ended up going direct to Warner Home Video.
The way to go with a new Ace Ventura is not with a movie for kids. Don't get me wrong, the first movie works great a s a kid's film, it's just that the character doesn't work well as a children's property. Of Jim Carrey's kingmaker properties (Ace, The Mask and Dumb & Dumber), each spawned an attempt to move Carrey's humor onto another character or re-focus the properties to children's entertainment (Jr, The Son of The Mask, Dumb & Dumberer). This is all a mistake. The thing that made these properties successful is Jim Carrey the manic character actor.
What Ace Was
What made Pet Detective and When Nature Calls so successful was stacking Jim Carrey's Ace against social classes that would reject him sight unseen and watching the madness unfold. At the end of the day, Ace Ventura is a Sherlock Holmes for animals – that includes a sharp wit, the ability to deduce based on simple visual clues and the general attitude of not caring what the world at large thinks. In When Nature Calls, there's even a scene where Ace punches the miniscule husband of an upper-class woman wearing a fox pelt. He wears the unconscious husband while pacing around the room: Ace Ventura is essentially a PETA member that has access to the logical part of his brain, and that's the character people lined up to see. It's a mistake to think that more animals equals more funny (What was the name of that sequel to Bruce Almighty?), what makes more funny is putting Ace in situations where decorum and social niceties stand in the way of a mystery being solved.
Whatever is happening at the beginning of Ace Ventura 3, it needs to bridge the gap of time between the mid-90s and now. One of the harder questions that should pertain to every sequel is: "Why now?" There isn't a good answer to that question in the previous films. There's a slight possibility we could assume When Nature Calls was a prequel to Pet Detective and pick up with Courtney Cox having a kid (or dying, or getting divorced so Ace has another shot at her), but we're not here to revive Courtney Cox, we're here for Ace and Jim Carrey.
The Presidental Pardon of Ace Ventura
I propose that Ace Ventura 3 should be about the line of sanity that separates Ace from a crazy person. There's a reason Ace is our protagonist, not a cat lady, and that reason is that the man is smart and heroic. That's why the subtitle, P.E.T.A.philia, draws a line that allows the Ace character to be beset on both sides by characters that hold opposing viewpoints. Rather than Ace only being up against the class system (either as a hired gun for a pro-football team or dealing with a Colonial sect in Africa), he now has the status quo on one side and another group of people (in this case, we're mocking PETA) who represent the disastrous results of sharing Ace's beliefs without any basis in morality or logic.
I apologize, now, to anyone that takes PETA very seriously, but when compared to the world of Ace Ventura, there's no way they don't get mocked.
I suggest getting Ace very close to the line that divides these two groups, then set him loose to do bit comedy, solve a mystery and…well, we've gotta have the catchphrases.
My pitch would start wit a cold opening scene where we learn that Ace accidentally ate a human on one of his globe-hopping animal adventures. The scene would take place in the late 90s (maybe he needs to find a particular animal before Y2K?), and would build as a comedic piece until, finally, Ace accidentally eats part of a human being. Somehow, this information gets out, even if it's through a classic flashbulb-cut-to-newspaper-headline edit. Ace Ventura should go to jail for cannibalism right off the bat. The audience gets to see how it's not really his fault, but the facts are there: cannibalism.
Flash forward to the current day, and (because our goal is to put Ace in a fish-out-of-water setting) the President's pet is missing. It would likely be a dog, but could be any pet that furthers the mystery that is set to unravel. The Secret Service – who I'm pretty sure has to protect Presidential pets – suspects that PETA has captured this animal because of friction between PETA and some seemingly inconsequential government bill that will likely end up being the lynchpin of the underlying mystery. The bill (or it could be an election, I'm thinking these few days out from MidTerms) adds a ticking time bomb to the story: they need to find the pet now.
Enter the Presidential Pardon of Ace Ventura, a man who has become PETA legend in his absence. While Ace has been in jail, quietly aging outside the spotlight, the MYTH of Ace Ventura has grown: he was an animal rights activist that finally crossed the line and ate people. The PETA of this comedy film sees this as a courageous act of protest.
The President needs Ace to track down his pet by infiltrating PETA and seemingly becoming their leader. This plot puts him in Washington, where social niceties are necessity, then moves him to a world of animal lovers that should be his paradise…until he discovers that the PETA of this comedy film is more idealistic-cum-crazy attractive women and malnourished, old vegan men (who likely joined to impress the women).
Ace Ventura as a character has gotten two movies to make the most out of Jim Carrey's physical comedy. What hasn't changed in either of those movies is the light-hearted nature that they lampoon basic social structures: football fans, the aristocracy, cops, near-racist natives, British colonials, women. He's the James Bond of the Pet Detective world, but he always comes back in the moral right. What would differentiate Ace Ventura 3 from the previous installments (and by doing so, justifying it's own existence) is the addition of a social structure that has all the same guidelines as Ace's character without any of the morals.
That's how Ace starts the movie by eating a person and still ends the hero who saves the day and reminds us that even animal rights can occasionally be taken way too seriously. It's about Ace Ventura as a moral character, which is what they've all been about.


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I don't get it. Look at that map. There's already a pipeline from Canada to Cushing, OK. Why don't they build the Cushing to Houston/Port Arthur connection and that complete the pipeline, utilizing the existing pipeline that is there?
True dat!
Another murderer walks. If this had been a man on trial, he would have gotten the death penalty. But because it's an attractive woman, she goes virtually scotch free. Women side with women and men just think "Oh she's hot, let's let her off."
This is the kind of dean that you want to have: business savy but understanding the need for a well rounded education and ethics. This is why schools like Tulane will always offer up something more than schools like LSU. At LSU you are trained to be a businessman. At Tulane you are educated to be a business and community leader.
Welcome to New Orleans, Ira Solomon.
uscaint, according to the Vikings website, the Metrodome roof will be repaired by early August, so the Saints will be playing the Vikes in climate controlled comfort in Minneapolis.
Now they say the flood will be a half foot below the levee so Butt LaRose won't flood. So that cat will probably be fine and even if it floods it may just be a couple of feet, so that kitty could sit it out on the porch. It'll be fine.
That kitty doesn't realize what's about to happen. There is some higher land on the porch and then the rooftop as the water rises. The prognosis overall isn't very good for that cat though. Fortunately I hear the water may not get as high as predicted. That kitty probably could survive as long as the water stays below the level of the roof of that house. As far as drinking water, it can drink the flood water, cat's stomachs are better than ours. There may be a diet of insects.
I would be a bit worried about alligators as that cat would be easy prey for them. Time will tell I guess. I hope the best for that kitty.
Cheap crawfish is a good thing for me!
You forgot getting rid of Osama bin Laden...
I'll be heading to the beach in a couple of weeks! Can't wait!
The reason why they are doing this is if they open up the Morganza fully then basically we'd have the situation where the MS River may change course. They are trying to avoid that.
Probably not a good idea, what if that barge of sulfuric acid leaked?
That kitty doesn't realize what's about to happen. There is some higher land on the porch and then the rooftop as the water rises. The prognosis overall isn't very good for that cat though.
In this photo to the right is north, 180 degree would make to the left north which is also incorrect. I think you mean 90 degrees rotation. That would make north point up.
Of course, there are no directions in space.
The problem is that the Jews feel entitled to the "Holy Land" but so do the Muslims. Most people don't see it's the same coin, just a different side. As long as fundamentalist religious views, or views that every word in the bible/koran is sacrosanct, then there will be tension. Israel is just as guilty of this as the Palestinians, religious views drive this.
Obama is trying to put the context of this in worldy political views instead of religious extremism. The logical/rational thing to do is to return to the boundaries that caused the most peace in the region, and that is the 1967 boundary lines.
If Israel could agree to that, then the US could agree to fully "have their back" in the event the Palestinians/Hamas keep their attacks/bombings coming. In other words, Obama is saying to Israel to play by the rules fairly and then there can unequivocally be no other conclusion than that Palestine is at fault. However, if both parties don't play by the rules, no one is better than the other.
Also remember that if one Israeli soldier is killed, Israel avenges it with killing maybe hundreds of Muslims in a retaliatory attack. That's not playing fair and by the rules either.
Obama is outlying the only way to peace in the area and Israel should buy into it, if they truly want peace. Then, let the US handle the Palestinians if they don't live up to their part of the deal.
Ha ha, he was no better than the "infidels" he so hated.
I think they said there are 110 gates, and 4 will be open by end of today. There will be 15 open when finished. Each gate is 10,000 cubic feet, so 15 would be 150,000 cubic feet. The MS River was forecasted to have 1,650,000 without the Morganza open, so the Morganza opening will reduce the flooding to 1,500,000 cubic feet which is the maximum allowed before problems arise.
A few questions:
1. Why don't the folks in the Spillway have elevated houses? That would solve all the issues right there.
2. Why are they working on temporary levees when they have known for 38 years that they spillway could have been opened?
3. Does anyone find it ironic that we are having a time of very high water when we're in a drought? We just haven't had a lot of rain recently. Do you think that perhaps the ground will absorb a bit more of the water than they think? Perhaps the flooding won't be as bad as predicted. When I was looking at the Bonnet Carre photos, I could see the water soaking parched fields. It was as if the ground was just soaking up the water.
Wait birthers, it says "Certificate of Live Birth" not "Birth Certificate" JUST LIKE OBAMA's so it must be a fake, right?
Got ya good birthers!!!!!
derrai80, you obviously have a bone to pick with the president. I bet that even if the photos were released, you would say they were phony or were "doctored" up. You are using this as a political point, with all the untrue rhetoric you said about Obama ruining the country and all. The TRUTH is that Obama did what Bush never could do, that in itself is more patriotic right there.
Do we really need to spike the ball in the endzone? I'm sure you'd like his body hanged, drawn, and quartered, but aren't we more civilized than 18th century England? Let me tell you this - are we better that Al Quaida or not? If we are the civilized nation that you profess we used to be, then what Obama did was indeed the civilized thing to do. To do otherwise would be un-American. We left Europe because of the cruel practices of parading dead bodies on the streets. Look up history.


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Full detailed profile on David Vickers Played by Tuc Watkins on One Life To Live Daytime Soap Opera.
Tuc Watkins
Birthday: 1966-09-02
When Dorian goes to visit David in jail, she asks for him to be tested as a donor for Jessica. Although Dorian says she's doing everything she can to be there for Clint, David thinks she's doing it to get brownie points with the Buchanan's. Dorian goes further to say, "I'm not asking you, I'm telling you." After Dorian reminds David that she knows he confessed because Asa offered him money to kill Spencer, David follows a guard to the infirmary. After David returns and says, "It's done," Dorian thanks him and says, "I hate seeing you here for something you didn't do. Don't you keep wondering who really did kill Spencer Truman?"
In the jail, David admits to Dorian that he didn't kill Spencer. When Dorian asks why he's saying that he did, David keeps hushed with the details. Suddenly, with a little coaxing from David to 'think,' Dorian says, "Someone's paying you to confess!" David admits that Asa promised paid him 10 million dollars to kill Spencer. While David fully intended to kill Spencer, someone beat him to it! "What Asa doesn't know, won't hurt him." David smiles, then explains his plan to wait it out� Not sure that David is handling the situation correctly, Dorian vows to save him from himself. David begs Dorian to butt out and to let him do this his way. However, Dorian fears that David will go down for Spencer's real killer.
In the jail, Asa shakes David's hand for killing Spencer, but says he wishes David would've waited until Spencer finished Blair off. With hatred, Asa brings up David's mother and how she said that Spencer was his son. When asked if Asa has the money, Asa tells David that he'll get paid when he gets out of jail, "So I can be sure that you'll keep your mouth shut!"
When Dorian tells David that she's going to do everything to get him out of this, David says, "Don't do that. I don't want out of this." After Dorian worries that people will think David is guilty if he doesn't fight the charges, David replies, "It doesn't matter what people think, I didn't do it!"
Back in Llanview, when John goes to the jail to let Dorian go, she says, "Does this mean that you found Spencer's real killer?" John says, "It looks that way." Suddenly, David appears. "David." Dorian smiles. John opens the cell and Dorian runs into David's arms thinking that he came back to Llanview to help her. However, David admits to killing Spencer, then takes her place in the cell! No matter how much David insists, Dorian is clearly upset and doesn't believe that David killed Spencer! John gives Dorian and David some privacy while he goes to process David's signed confession�
After Dorian realizes that David turned himself in to save Dorian from being prosecuted for a murder she didn't commit, Dorian promises to get him the best lawyer money can buy!
A guard comes into the jail and informs David that he has a visitor� Asa approaches, smiles, then says, "You did good Vickers. You earned every penny I paid you to kill your brother�"
In the Caribbean, when John accuses David of killing Spencer, David rambles on with his oh-so-missed humor. David goes on to tell John what he's been up to since leaving Llanview. When David won't fess up to the killing, John says, "You killed your brother and I can prove it." John shows David a picture from the hospital surveillance tape, then tells him he found out David flew into Llanview on the night of the murder. When John assures him that he's going to follow this through till the end, David says, "Okay, you got me. I whacked Spencer." Seeing as there's not an extradition law in the Caribbean, David thinks John should thank him, "I killed Spencer so you didn't have to." After David refuses to go back to Llanview with him, John shows David a picture� "Is that Dorian in jail?" David asks. After John explains that Dorian has motive - and could be charged - David agrees to go back to Llanview with him - after he finishes his drink!
Somewhere in the Caribbean, John looks around a resort and says, "So, where are you, you son of a �" Suddenly, John finds who he's looking for and approaches a lounge chair. "Hello Vickers. We need to talk about what you did to your brother�"
Dorian gets a call from David and pretends that she has a house full of people. After she hangs up, Dorian stares at the empty room around her� Just as Dorian shuts off the Christmas lights, Adriana and Rex come back. Adriana wishes her mom a Merry Christmas and they embrace!
« Back to David Vickers profile


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Admission is $2 for adults. Armbands for children are $10 and provide unlimited access to the games for all day.
The car show will have five best of show plaques and top 20 plaques. Car show registration is 10 a.m. to noon, and the fee is $20. Awards will be presented at 2 p.m. Proceeds to benefit the Band Booster Club.
Those wishing to be a sponsor should call (706) 832-2502 or visit jonescountybands.com online. For information on the car show, contact Tim Stewart at (478) 361-8117 or Jerry Mays at (478) 214-7436.