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Dan Devine
Wisconsin Assembly OKs $250M in public funding for new Bucks arenaDan Devine at Ball Don't Lie 19 hrs ago
The Milwaukee Bucks took a major step toward remaining in Wisconsin on Tuesday. With Bucks head coach Jason Kidd reportedly watching from the gallery at the State Capitol in Madison, the Wisconsin State Assembly voted to approve a bill that will earmark $250 million in public money to help fund the construction of a new downtown arena.
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With the "Atomic Age" palace expected to cost $500 million, though, a $250 million funding gap remained. The Bucks owners looked to the state of Wisconsin, and its taxpayers, to bridge that gap, and to do it quickly.
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Former NBA All-Star Vin Baker is training to manage a StarbucksDan Devine at Ball Don't Lie 20 hrs ago
Like countless other players, coaches and basketball obsessives, Vin Baker headed to Las Vegas Summer League last month looking for a job. The four-time All-Star, whose career ended in 2006 after years of on-court decline brought on by off-court struggles with alcohol abuse and ballooning weight, trekked to the desert on the invitation of Jason Kidd.
The Milwaukee Bucks head coach thought the former Olympian — who has since auctioned off the gold medal he won in Sydney as part of Team USA in 2000 — might be able to help the younger Bucks learn the finer points of post play and boxing out as a Summer League assistant coach. Moreover, he could also offer these hoops hopefuls a first-hand perspective on the temptations and dangers of living the NBA fast life.
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Gilbert Arenas reignites 'Hibachi!,' wins load of stuffed animals for kids
There haven't been very many fun reasons to bring up the name "Gilbert Arenas" in recent years, so it's nice to get an opportunity to recall the sunnier, lighter side of the open-book personality that made the former Washington Wizards All-Star one of the most popular players of the mid-2000s, courtesy of Gil's Instagram account:
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Nick Young gets Swaggy with Drew League winner, looks forward to 'fun' Lakers season
Nick Young's been lighting it up at the Drew League for years. The Reseda native and USC product's been a fixture at Los Angeles' premier pro-am hoops run — a Hollywood staple that's grown over the last four decades from a six-squad league to a 28-team Nike-sponsored machine that features frequent drop-ins from NBA players, college and high school stars, and playground legends — since back when he was with the Washington Wizards, well before "Swaggy," Iggy and Kobe were ever aspects of his day-to-day life.
How could we ever forget?
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Cavaliers bring back Matthew Dellavedova on one-year, $1.2 million deal
The Cleveland Cavaliers continued to go about the business of bringing back their Eastern Conference championship-winning roster on Monday, agreeing to terms with restricted free agent Matthew Dellavedova on a new deal that will keep the Australian point guard — who briefly became a folk hero when pressed into duty in place of the injured Kyrie Irving during the Cavs' run to the NBA Finals — in Ohio for the 2015-16 season, and perhaps beyond.
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Dan Devine is an editor for Ball Don't Lie on Yahoo Sports. Have a tip? Email him at firstname.lastname@example.com or follow him on Twitter!
Gregg Popovich: Becky Hammon hire not a gimmick, but rather 'a step in the right direction'Dan Devine at Ball Don't Lie 3 days ago
When the San Antonio Spurs brought Becky Hammon on as an assistant coach last summer, head coach Gregg Popovich didn't get too caught up in the historic nature of the hire. That Hammon was a woman, and would be the first woman hired as a full-time assistant coach in the history of major men's American sports, was secondary; to hear the legendary bench boss tell it, Hammon was first and foremost a savvy instructor whose "basketball IQ, work ethic and interpersonal skills" he admired, a whip-smart veteran whose understanding of the game and how to teach it would prove an asset to the Spurs' ongoing attempt to build and maintain championship-contending teams.
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Had a chance to speak to Buford tonight. Biggest takeaway from Hammon: "The most impressive part...we got better over the week." (1/2)
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Anthony Davis turned down 'Dancing with the Stars' because 'I don't want to embarrass myself'Dan Devine at Ball Don't Lie 3 days ago
It's been a heck of a year for Anthony Davis, the former University of Kentucky standout and No. 1 pick in the 2012 NBA draft. After being anointed an MVP in waiting by then-reigning NBA Most Valuable Player Kevin Durant last summer, Davis anchored Team USA's defense en route to FIBA World Cup gold, had arguably the most productive season by a 21-year-old in NBA history, was voted a starter on the Western Conference All-Star team by NBA fans, finished fifth in MVP balloting, led the New Orleans Pelicans to the franchise's first playoff berth since Chris Paul left Louisiana, and inked a contract extension that could pay him as much as $144 million to continue to lead New Orleans' basketball renaissance over the next five years.
The 10-man rotation, starring optimism about the NBA dealing with new billionsDan Devine at Ball Don't Lie 5 days ago
A look around the league and the Web that covers it. It's also important to note that the rotation order and starting nods aren't always listed in order of importance. That's for you, dear reader, to figure out.
PF: Houston Chronicle. Brian Smith talks to former star point guard, addict, coach and recovery guru John Lucas, who has "been contacted" by the Houston Rockets to work with Ty Lawson, whom the Denver Nuggets traded to Houston shortly after being arrested for his second DUI in six months. (That's one element of the outcome that many observers, including CBSSports.com's Ken Berger, hoped would result from Lawson's move to Houston.)
More NBA coverage:
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2015-16 NBA uniform leaks: New alternates for OKC, Mavs, Nuggets and more?Dan Devine at Ball Don't Lie 6 days ago
Several NBA teams have unveiled new uniforms for the upcoming season in recent months, with some — like the Los Angeles Clippers, Milwaukee Bucks, Philadelphia 76ers and Atlanta Hawks — undergoing full-fledged revamps and others — like the Charlotte Hornets and Indiana Pacers — adding spicy new alternate kits to their existing collection of threads. Evidently, though, we'll be seeing even more new unis during the next NBA campaign ... provided, of course, that this collection of 2015-16 Season Identity Updates that began to make its way around the Internet late Wednesday night via Reddit's NBA community and Andrew Lind of The Tidewater News is the real deal:
LeBron's big new deal with Warner Bros. could open door to 'Space Jam' rebootDan Devine at Ball Don't Lie 6 days ago
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Fresh off a successful feature-film debut in the hit Amy Schumer comedy "Trainwreck," LeBron James has made a major move toward future big-screen appearances. Warner Bros. Entertainment announced Wednesday that it's reached a deal with SpringHill Entertainment — the production company co-founded by the Cleveland Cavaliers superstar and his longtime business partner, Maverick Carter — "spanning all areas of content creation" and that "will see James' creative footprint touch all areas of" Warner Bros.' endeavors, including television, film and digital content.
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Warner Bros. filed new trademarks for "Space Jam" last month. Today announced deal with LeBron James. pic.twitter.com/WaZ33sXCsY
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Man Arrested after Limassol Grenade Explosion
A 40-year-old man has been remanded for five days in an investigation into a hand grenade explosion outside a 41-year-old Limassol woman's home, said police.
No one was hurt in the explosion, which damaged a neighbor's car outside the woman's house. A police spokeswoman said that there is no information about the man's motives and the investigation has just started.
The 40-year-old suspect was arrested in the early morning hours of January 26th by Limassol crime police.
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S. Weir Mitchell
Educated at the University of Pennsylvania, Mitchell received his MD from Jefferson Medical College in 1850 and followed that with study in Europe until 1851. Upon his return to the United States, Mitchell began his private practice and research in Philadelphia, interrupted by his service as an Army Surgeon in various Philadelphia hospitals during the Civil War.
Mitchell's medical studies during his lifetime ranged from nerve injuries to sleeping disorders, from ailuophobia (morbid fear of cats) to snake venom, and from the physchological effects of amputations to reflex paralysis. In addition, Mitchell introduced the use of inhalations of nitrite of amyl to check epileptic seizures. But he gained world-wide recognition for his "rest cure" for women, outlined in his book Fat and Blood (1884), that involved total bed rest, isolation, massages, and a rich, high calorie diet. The feminist writer Charlotte Gilmore Perkins, a one-time patient of Mitchell's, loosely based her protagonist's treatment in the Yellow Wallpaper on her own experiences with Mitchell.
While Mitchell wrote poetry and prose during most of his adult life, it was not until the late 1890s that it began to overtake his medical writings. At the end of his life, he became quite well known for his "romantic" historical novels. Some of Mitchell's more popular works of fiction included Hugh Wynne, Free Quaker and Roland Blake.
Mitchell died of influenza in Philadelphia on 4 January 1914.
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Texas Politics
All Texas politics all the time from the San Antonio Express-News and Houston Chronicle
Posts filtered on Tag
Guv race briefing: Roger Staubach, Haley Barbour, Farouk and Friedman, and Felix takes a gamble
Republican likes Staubach for Governor Who can unify Texas Republicans in the midst of a tough primary battle? How about a former Dallas Cowboys quarterback? At a luncheon on Nov. 13, Roger Staubach jokingly stated that he was planning a run for governor. Staubach is currently serving as an honorary chairman of Sen. Kay Bailey […] [Read More]
Bush ally explores run for governor as a Democrat
Fort Worth lawyer Tom Schieffer, a long-time close associate of former President George W. Bush, officially launched an exploration of running for governor in 2010 as a Democrat today. Schieffer told a Capitol news conference that Texas education is not preparing the state for a place in a global economy. "At the very time when […] [Read More]


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By RON KELLEY
Rev. Rob West, pastor of the First United Methodist Church of DeFuniak Springs appeared before the city Planning Board to answer question regarding the church's request for an exception to the rule governing the use of an empty lot behind the church on Crescent Avenue.
Rev. West explained that the church wants to institute a daycare and after-school program and offer a summer programs at the church, which is located within a residential district. The empty lot would be used for loading and offloading children from busses and private vehicles.
Planning Board member Jim Harmon had questions concerning traffic safety and suggested a separate entry and exit to improve the flow of vehicles and increase safety. Rev. West assured him they would do that and said that was one of the reasons why the church chose the empty lot over the parking lot across the street on Circle Drive. West said Crescent Street has less traffic and is safer and easier to cross.
Resident Ben Irvine, who lives on Crescent Street next to the empty lot, said he has no objection to the children's programs, but said he is sandwiched between the First Methodist Church and First Baptist Church (which operates daycare facilities and a school). "I moved to DeFuniak Springs because I wanted a peaceful, quiet place to live. Kids are kids. They yell and shout while they're playing, but these activities infringe on me."
Irvine related a recent example of being forced to close his windows and doors because of the noise from the children. Irvine also expressed concerns about maintaining the integrity of the city's historic district. "It's sad when you continue to sell our historic district down the river."
Harmon asked if a privacy fence between the church's property and his would be helpful. Irvine replied that, if the request were approved, a fence would be "a must."
Another resident, Shirley Penn, addressed the board and said, "First and foremost, we have to consider what is best for the children. If we can't see that, we're a sorry lot."
After discussion with City Planner Greg Scoville, Harmon motioned to approve the church's request provided they complete and implement a circulation plan for the drop-off point, install a 6-foot privacy fence between the lot and Irvine's property and install appropriate landscaping. Board member Kermit Wright seconded the motion.
It passed unanimously. The issue will now go before the DeFuniak Springs City Council for final approval.


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***Special Note for Walgreen's***
Walgreen's accepts manufacturer coupons and Internet printable coupons. At this time they do not double and there is no limit on how many you use of like coupons. You can stack Walgreen's ad coupons along with manufacturer coupons. Check out more about Walgreen's here.
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Dear Elizabeth,
I just bought myself a "silpat" after seeing them used on cooking shows. Now my cookies are spreading. Is the silpat causing this?
I hate to be the bearer of bad baking news. However, I have found that silpats do cause gluten-free cookies to spread more than if they were baked on parchment paper. My theory is: Since silicone is so slippery the cookies keep spreading until they have baked enough to hold their shape. And without gluten, (even with xanthan gum) the cookies can't "fight back" to retain a shape during the early moments of baking.
I have found that parchment paper is still the *very* best pan liner. I use it every time I bake. Nothing sticks to it and cookies don't over spread. Since you have a silpat at home, make a batch of cookies. Bake one tray on the silpat and another on a parchment-lined tray. Then you can judge for yourself if the silpat is causing you cookies to overspread.
Thanks for the website. I am newly diagnosed and I don't know where to begin! I thought I would ask you what I should stock in my kitchen for baking. What flours do you think are essential?
This is an excellent question! Beginning to stock a gluten-free kitchen can be overwhelming. Before I give you my list, I want to tell you that the "essentials" for each baker vary. I don't use bean or soy flours, so you won't see them on my list. Listed below are the flours I use most commonly in my recipes.
As you can see, it is not a jumbo list. Sure there are additional flours and starches I use. However, since you are just stocking your kitchen, this is where I would begin. I don't use a flour blend. So, you don't need to worry about having jars of different flours on hand. These few ingredients will get you nicely introduced to the world of gluten-free baking.
And now I ask other members, what do you consider essential? Talk about it in the forum. I'll post a thread! See you there!
Do you have a question? Ask me!


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Just curious if any of you serious eaters buys and wears Chefwear clothing and what you think of it. My girlfriend and I have several pairs of ultimate pants each and I have a few pair of shorts. We really like the patterns and the clothes is lightweight and comfortable. The problem we have is no two pair fit the same. We buy the same size but they are not consistent. She just got two pair of pants and the legs are about 5 inches longer than the last pair she bought which fit her perfectly. Anyone experience the same problem?
Talk is closed, but that doesn't mean the conversations have to stop!
Check out this post for a more thorough explanation, and jump onto our Facebook page or our Twitter feed to keep the conversations going!


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Don't miss your chance to see Ellie Goulding in Gulf Shores! Check out the schedule below for the concert date of your choice, then buy your Ellie Goulding Gulf Shores tickets before they sell out!
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Mason Hershey made his last weekend at Thomas Stadium one to remember.
A day after winning a game with a 12th-inning double, Hershey had two more run-scoring doubles as the East Tennessee State baseball team closed the regular season Saturday by completing a three-game sweep with an 11-4 victory over Jacksonville.
On Friday night, after a two-hour rain delay, Hershey capped a 3-2 ETSU victory with a walk-off double. It came after midnight.
"Had to push through," said Hershey, a senior catcher. "Coach always talks about toughness. Playing last night until 12:15 or whatever and going into extras and having to wake up this morning at 8 and get ready to play ... we've done it before. Especially being in my shoes, it was easier to get up this morning and get ready to play again and hopefully continue the momentum from what I did the night before."
The result left the Bucs (32-22 overall, 17-10 in the Atlantic Sun Conference) as the fourth seed in next week's A-Sun tournament at DeLand, Fla. They will face host school Stetson on Wednesday in the opening round.
Jacksonville, meanwhile, lost out on a tournament berth when USC-Upstate rallied in the bottom of the ninth for a 4-3 victory over North Florida. That left the Dolphins (17-38, 8-19) in ninth place.
Hershey's first double tied the game at 2-2 in the fourth. His second one came in the sixth inning and gave ETSU the lead for good at 4-3. It also began an eight-run barrage that broke open a close game.
"It was fun," Hershey said. "Whenever I'm on my hitting game, I'm more of a doubles hitter, so it's fun to go out with my last game at home hitting two doubles. It makes me feel good."
Chris Riopedre's three-run triple was the big blow in the big inning.
The Bucs finished with 11 hits and used five pitchers. Logan Rice (6-3) was the winner in relief.
ETSU coach Tony Skole wasn't sure how his team would respond after being at the park so late on Friday and having to come back for a day game.
"I was worried about it," Skole said. " It was such a quick turnaround, playing until the wee hours of the morning and having to get back here. And it was sort of a rainy morning. Guys weren't sure if we were gonna play or not. I'm proud of our guys.
"They played with a lot of energy. They played very relaxed and with a lot of confidence. They were able to really do some nice things."
Riopedre led the way, going 3 for 3. Kevin Phillips had two hits, including a solo home run, his second homer of the season. It was a no-doubter that almost reached the parking lot of the nearby apartments. Jeremy Taylor also had a pair of hits.
Ethan Loosen led the Dolphins with three hits and a pair of RBIs.
In Friday's late-night victory, Clinton Freeman pitched five scoreless innings of relief to improve to 5-1. He's 4-0 with a .50 ERA and eight saves in 20 relief appearances.
The Bucs kept some personal streaks alive. Andrew Green has reached base in 19 consecutive games, while Derek Niesman has a 12-game hitting streak and Alex Reynolds has reached in his last 17 A-Sun games.
"We wanted to gain some momentum and play well going into next week," Skole said. "Hopefully that will be the case."


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Hannah Dee BSc, MA, PhD University of Leeds
Senior Lecturer
Contact Details
Room Number..........:  E44
Building....................:  Llandinam
Phone.......................:   +44 (0)1970 621577
E-Mail........................:   hmd1
Home Page...............:   Personal
Hannah has a BSc in Cognitive Science (1996), an MA in Philosophy (1998) and a PhD in Computing (2005) all from the University of Leeds. Her research areas are computer vision for the analysis of human behaviour; the detection of shadows and reasoning about shadows; and student attitudes to the study of computer science. She has held post doctoral positions in Grenoble (France), Leeds, and Kingston upon Thames. She is also a women in computing activist and deputy chair of BCSWomen, the British Computer Society's group for women.


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Evans G2 as a bass reso head
Hello all!
Has anyone tried this? I was thinking to put these as resos as they are almost twice as cheaper than EMAD resos. I do muffle my bass drums with sponge so does it really matter if it's 2-ply? Will I lose the incredible low end I produce with EMAD resos? :)
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By Steven Donald SmithAmerican Forces Press Service
SILVER SPRING, Md., Jan. 31, 2006 Caffeine gum now available to U.S. troops is intended to improve performance and alertness in myriad tasks, a sleep researcher at Walter Reed Army Institute of Research here said.
"We've tested the caffeine gum in a laboratory where we had a lot of control, and we tested it in field studies. We found that it improves all sorts of performance and alertness tasks," Dr. Tom Balkin said in an interview at the institute yesterday. "And importantly, we didn't find any evidence that it had any detrimental effects."
Institute researchers concluded that the right amount of caffeine improves cognitive abilities, marksmanship, physical performance and overall vigilance, while preventing fatigue-related injuries and deaths.
The fruit of the research is a new product called "Stay Alert" caffeine chewing gum, which is now in production and available to U.S. armed forces and security agencies through military supply channels. Each pack of Stay Alert consists of five pieces of cinnamon-flavored gum, with each piece containing 100 milligrams of caffeine, equivalent to a 6-ounce cup of coffee.
"Our studies with caffeine have shown that at the right dose it's just as effective as some other stimulants that are more powerful, like amphetamines," Balkin said. "The advantage of caffeine is that it's widely available, doesn't require a prescription, and people have a lot of experience with it, so everybody already knows if they are sensitive to it or not."
Balkin said the caffeine gum has several advantages over other caffeinated products. For instance, the gum is easy to transport and is readily accessible, and the caffeine in the gum is absorbed much quicker. Its affects also are felt much sooner.
"When you chew the gum, the caffeine is extruded into the saliva and is absorbed right through the tissues in the mouth into the bloodstream. It gets into the brain very quickly, in about five minutes. It takes coffee about 20 to 25 minutes," Balkin said.
The researchers did several studies to determine the right amount of caffeine to administer. Their conclusion was that 200 milligrams of caffeine every two or three hours was the correct dosage for most people to maintain performance, he said.
Walter Reed got involved with the caffeine-gum project after an executive at Amurol Confections Co., a subsidiary of Wrigley's, asked if the Army would be interested in such a product. The answer was yes, and experts at the institute spent the next six years researching the gum.
"We spent six years in development, giving feedback to the company about dosages, etc.," Dr. Gary Kamimori, a behavior biology scientist at the institute, said. "Our research data regarding the affects of the gum was exciting, so we published the results."
When asked about possible safety hazards associated with misuse of the gum, Balkin said the bad taste of the gum would probably prevent its abuse. "The stuff doesn't taste that good. It doesn't taste as good as regular gum, so people are not going to be chewing it for the taste. I think most people will use it for what it's intended, and that's to help with alertness," Balkin said.
"There are other products that contain caffeine, like 'NoDoz.' I don't know the detrimental effect of their use, but it's not unusual for people to use caffeine," Dr. Debra Yourick, a WRAIR public affairs officer, added.
The gum will not be issued with regular military rations, but "there is an experimental first-strike ration for the Special Forces. One pack of gum is included in each special ration," Balkin said.
The Natick Soldier Center, which manages food and equipment research and development for the Army, also tested the gum and approved its use in the first-strike ration. The gum has been used in Iraq and Afghanistan since 2003.


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Regal Cinemas: $1 Summer Movies Plus Free Popcorn Coupon!
Regal Cinemas: $1 Summer Movies
During this 9-week festival, participating Regal Cinemas, United Artists and Edwards Theatres will offer selected G or PG rated movies for only $1.00 on Tuesday and Wednesday mornings at 10:00. A portion of proceeds from the Summer Movie Express will be donated to the Will Rogers Institute.
Regal Cinemas: $1 Summer Movies
Plus, because Regal Cinemas recently hit 1 million fans on Facebook, they have provided a coupon for one Free Small Popcorn from June 26 to July 1.
Print: Free Small Popcorn at Regal Cinemas


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- Willamette
- Athletics
- News Archive
- 2008
- October
- Ueno Leads by Six Strokes after First Day of NWC Fall Classic
Women's Golf | Saturday, October 18, 2008
Ueno Leads by Six Strokes after First Day of NWC Fall Classic
REDMOND, ORE. -- Willamette University's Whitney Ueno (Sr., Hilo, HI/Hilo HS) shot a 2-over-par 74 to take a six-stroke lead after the first day of the Northwest Conference Fall Classic, Saturday, Oct. 18 at the Juniper Golf Club. Whitworth led the team standings with a score of 341 for a 10-stroke edge over the University of Puget Sound in second place at 351. Willamette was seventh in the team standings at 423.
Ueno was 2-over-par (38) on the front nine, but shot even par (36) over the final nine holes. Her score easily led the field, with Sarah Bicker from the University of Puget Sound in second place after carding an 80 (43-37). Sarah McCown of George Fox University (41-41) and Brynn Hurdus of Linfield College (42-40) were tied for third place at 82.
There also was a tie for fifth place in the individual standings. Whitney Clunes of GFU shot 40-43--83 to match Krystal Pitkonen of Whitworth, who went 43-40--83.
Whitworth's 341 and the Puget Sound's 351 were followed in the team standings by George Fox in third place at 353. Pacific University was fourth at 357, with Linfield in fifth at 361. Pacific Lutheran University held sixth place with a score of 414 and Willamette was seventh at 423. Lewis & Clark did not field a full team and Whitman College did not compete.
Also competing for Willamette were Alex Johnson (Fr., Salem, OR/Blanchet Catholic School), Andrea Hand (Sr., Hillsboro, OR/Hillsboro HS) and Tanya Schiller (Jr., South Bend, WA/South Bend HS). Johnson finished second on WU's scoring chart with a 94 (45-49).
The NWC Fall Classic will conclude with another eighteen holes on Sunday, Oct. 19. Tee time is scheduled for 10 a.m. (PDT).
FIRST DAY RESULTSNWC Women's Golf Fall Classic
Redmond, Ore. (Juniper Golf Club)


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Book Of Music's Teti Speaker To Be Displayed At CES 2011
Italian manufacturer Book Of Music specializes in designing high-end premium speakers that end up looking more like work of art than speaker systems. The Teti Speaker is no exception and converges style and sound flawlessly. According to Book Of Music, their Teti floorstander is a "no conventional enclosure system and this no clever marketing on their part since Teti does stand five feet tall and redefines speaker design. The modern yet artistic aesthetics is no coincidence and the curvy design was finalized after careful consideration and a whole lot of testing. Care was taken to achieve a proper phase relationship between the two drivers which are from ScanSpeak. Other specs include an 1-inch ring radiator tweeter, a 6.5-inch paper cone woofer and a frequency response from 38Hz to 40kHz (±2dB) with a sensitivity of 89dB/W/m. Retailing for an exorbitant $9920 each, it is being rumored that the Teti will be exhibiting at the current CES 2011 in Las Vegas.


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The Morningside K-8 Academy community has high expectations for excellence. Teachers, staff, parents, students, and the community will work together to foster an environment where students are excited about learning and work at the peak of their abilities. We believe that learning is a lifelong process, one in which all the stakeholders are fully committed. We will provide an environment that is child-centered, maintaining a balance between the cognitive and affective domains seeking to develop the whole child. As a community rich in diversity, we take pride in and celebrate our uniqueness. We expect students to take responsibility for their actions, respect one another, and make ethical choices. We challenge our children to become critical and creative thinkers and problem-solvers who can work both independently and collaboratively using their failures as learning tools as they prepare to become productive citizens.
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As part of LGBTQ History Month, see Keynote Speaker Chris Stedman on Thursday, October 10 at 7 p.m. – Kelley Center Presentation Room. Chris Stedman is the author of Faitheist: How an Atheist Found Common Ground with the Religious. . … Continue reading
October 9, 2013
by jkremer
Comments Off on Atheism and Faithiest events


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Nicaraguan Harvest
Exactly six years ago Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza fled his country before the victorious onslaught of a popular revolution. This was no ordinary episode in the history of Central America, a region where governments have often disappeared abruptly and under violent circumstances. Rather, it marked the end of more than thirty years of political domination by a single family, in which local forces of revolutionary change were aided and abetted by other governments in the region and including, at the very end, the United States. Though elements of the revolutionary leadership were troubling to the State Department and some members of Congress, the new regime in Nicaragua began its life with a generous legacy of optimism, hope, and good will, both at home and abroad. To some degree, this was not to be wondered at: several political generations of Nicaraguans had convinced themselves that anything would be better than Somoza, and sympathetic foreigners could only regard the dynasty of uniformed thugs which had governed that country since 1934 as, at best, a grotesque anachronism.
Moreover, Nicaragua was seen in July 1979 as a laboratory where all kinds of lessons learned from other places could be successfully applied. Almost immediately after the fall of Somoza, the tiny nation was almost literally overrun with foreign well-wishers bearing unsolicited advice—Spanish, Portuguese, German, and Swedish Social Democrats; Congressmen and AID officials from Washington; representatives of the governments of Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, and Panama; and a remarkable assortment of revolutionary tourists—including, but not limited to, West German Trotskyists, Maryknoll nuns, Spanish Jesuits, Italian Marxists, and North Americans of all ages, classes, and conditions. Each of these groups expected the new regime in Nicaragua to validate its own peculiar notions of social and political change, though in the euphoria of those first days no one thought to ask whether one set of agendas was compatible with another. Nor did anyone apart from the authors of the 1980 Republican platform in the United States (and, ironically, some members of the new government in Managua) seriously consider the possibility that Nicaragua might become, like Cuba, an ally and client state of the Soviet Union. Rather, it was assumed on all sides that because the past had been so bad, the future had to be better.
The "future" is now here, and by the reckoning of all but the most inflexible apologists for the Nicaraguan regime, it is perceptibly and measurably worse. Nicaragua is not a wealthy country, but it has always been reasonably self-sufficient in basic foodstuffs, and also capable of producing or importing most basic consumer items. Indeed, over the past thirty-odd years, the living standards of the Nicaraguan people (like those in other Central American countries) had steadily risen, and the overall rates of economic growth had been, historically, quite impressive compared with most regions of the Third World. Since 1979, however, the indicators of Nicaragua's economic performance have pointed unswervingly downward. Taking 1978 as a base year, in 1982 agriculture, the country's principal source of foreign exchange, had declined 17 percent; industry had declined 18 percent; and commerce 27 percent. The only sector, in fact, during that four-year period which showed significant growth was the government, which had tripled in size since the current regime took power.
These stark figures represent a steady drop in living standards for the ordinary Nicaraguan. Private consumption fell in real terms by 12 percent in 1983 (the latest figures available), and official sources concede a 20-percent rate of unemployment. Salary levels have been frozen since 1981, and the annual rate of inflation has run in excess of 25 percent (according to Nicaraguan government figures). In spite of government subsidies for basic foodstuffs, for the first time in the nation's history there are serious shortages of staple items.
It is true, as spokesmen for the regime often point out, that the Nicaraguan revolution occurred a mere seven years after a devastating earthquake which leveled Managua, the capital, and visited untold millions' worth of destruction upon housing stocks, physical plant, and infrastructure. It is also true that, like other Central American countries, Nicaragua is suffering from a depression in the prices of its primary exports, and from increases in interest rates and in the cost of imported oil. However, unlike its neighbors, it has been the recipient of almost unlimited foreign assistance. Concretely, since 1979 the country has received some $3 billion in new foreign loans and $250 million in outright donations (including $118 million from the U.S. authorized during the Carter administration). At the same time, like other Central American countries, Nicaragua has been able to purchase oil from Mexico and Venezuela under preferential terms, and was permitted to "roll over" the old (Somoza-contracted) foreign debt with American banks—some $582 million—under exceptionally favorable circumstances. In addition, between July 1979 and November 1981, Nicaragua received an average of f 12 million in new lines of credit per month from the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank.
To put matters in some perspective, during the past six years democratic Costa Rica, Nicaragua's immediate neighbor to the south, has received a mere $250 million in international assistance from the United States and Western Europe. Thus, if Nicaragua has economic problems, they cannot be due to a lack of comprehension or even solidarity on the part of the outside world.
Nicaragua's problems are not, however, primarily economic but political. They arise from the disarmingly simple fact that control of what was a political revolution against Somoza has been effectively seized by a cabal of Marxist-Leninists—the Sandinista Front—who believe themselves in exclusive possession of historical truth and authorized to impose it upon a largely unwilling populace. In some ways what has happened in Nicaragua is not much different from what occurred in Cuba some twenty years earlier. In both cases, a hated dictator was overthrown by an extremely broad coalition of forces, including the business community, students, labor, the traditional political class, even the U.S. embassy. But the coalition's numerical preponderance was not sufficient in the immediate post-revolutionary period to counterbalance another group—heavily armed, better organized, more ruthless, and committed to a single unambiguous goal.
In Nicaragua, however, there were two crucial differences. The precedent of Cuba having been clearly established, no one could plead ignorance of the process whereby a democratic revolution in the Caribbean could be derailed into a totalitarian police state. Hence, the Sandinista Front had to take special care to reassure its democratic allies in the struggle against Somoza, as well as the United States and also other Latin American governments. This also meant that the actual rate at which the regime moved from control of the "commanding heights" to the institutions of daily life was bound to be much slower.
But more remarkable still was the fact that precisely because of the Cuban experience, Nicaragua's well-wishers at home and abroad were desperately anxious to accept the Sandinistas' stated commitments to pluralism, a mixed economy, and a non-aligned foreign policy. This was so because they shared the view that the tragic course of the Cuban revolution had been determined by the United States, whose alleged insensitivity to Castro's needs presumably "drove" or "forced" him into the arms of the Soviet Union. By the time it had become clear that a policy of conciliation and even appeasement was having no impact whatsoever on the conduct of the Nicaraguan government, these well-wishers were rescued by the advent of a conservative Republican administration in Washington. This allowed them to avert their gaze from the unbecoming spectacle of the Sandinistas asphyxiating Nicaragua's infant democracy in, as it were, the cradle, and to concentrate on the allegedly intemperate rhetoric of the White House, and later the iniquities, real or imagined, of the rebel force which arose to challenge the new dictatorship.
In retrospect it seems remarkable that so many otherwise well-informed people could believe that the Sandinistas were—or could come to be—a broadly representative political force responsive even in the most general way to the wishes of the Nicaraguan people. Their world view, their ideological commitments, even their strategies for achieving power were a matter of abundant historical record long before 1979. This much is clear from an important new monograph by David Nolan1 which examines in considerable detail what its author calls the "internal logic" of Sandinista ideology.
Founded in 1961, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) took its name from a guerrilla leader who had fought the American Marines in the 1920's and was subsequently murdered by the first Somoza. General Sandino was not, however, a Marxist, so that the link between his reflexively nationalist movement and the FSLN is purely metaphoric and folkloric. For as Nolan shows, the Sandinistas have always been Marxist-Leninist, and beyond that, conspicuously loyal to the Soviet position in world affairs. At no time have they seriously contemplated an "independent" form of Marxism such as we are repeatedly told they might assume were the United States to alter its own policies toward them. (They have even gone so far as to continue diplomatic relations with Taiwan rather than recognize the anti-Soviet government in Beijing, even though Taipei had strongly supported Somoza and had continued to provision him with weaponry to the very end of his rule.)
Moreover, although the leadership of the FSLN has split periodically, their differences have been purely methodological, pertaining only to the question of how to achieve power, not what to do with it once it has been attained. At times this has even meant temporarily shelving Marxist-Leninist rhetoric in order to reassure potential allies and, in the final phase of the struggle against Somoza, to persuade other countries to assist them with arms, base areas, and international recognition. Once in control of the army and police, the Sandinistas could afford to be more candid. To this effect, Nolan quotes Henry Ruiz, one of the nine members of the ruling National Directorate, who by June 1982 thought events sufficiently advanced to admit openly that
. . . the revolution's honeymoon is coming to an end. By this I mean the romantic idea among those who believed that the Sandinista peoples' revolution was an idyllic revolution in which the interests of a group of traitors and the interests of the real working people could be fused; a shortsighted point of view, from which our revolutionary directorate never suffered.
If this was so, it was only because the National Directorate, almost unique among observers of or other participants in the Nicaraguan revolution, had no desire to deceive itself. In that sense, the footnotes in Nolan's book are perhaps more dramatic than the text. For they demonstrate that Sandinista notions of power and its purpose have long been readily available—not in the secret files of Somoza's police or the computers of the Central Intelligence Agency, but to literate Nicaraguans in dozens of books, pamphlets, and periodicals, and to American policy-makers in the unclassified translations regularly circulated by Joint Publications Research Service (JPRS) and the Latin American series of Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS).
At this point the Sandinistas have clearly won control of the guns, the ministries, the media, and the largest portion of the foreign liberal public. They have demobilized most of the other political parties and forces active in the struggle against Somoza, and driven most of their leaders into exile. The Sandinistas' problem, however, remains how to extend their grip upon the institutions of civil society—the private sector, the peasantry, the labor movement, the Indian minorities on the Atlantic coast, and above all the Roman Catholic Church. As long as these groups exist as entities separate and apart from the Nicaraguan state, they will continue to resist Sandinista rule. The cost of this struggle in economic and human terms has already been very high, though if the resistance is defeated, it will be higher still.
The best account of how the Sandinistas grew from a small group of Cuban-trained guerrillas to their present eminence is that of Shirley Christian, formerly Central American correspondent of the Miami Herald now with the New York Times.2 While her book in many ways adds immeasurably to our knowledge of Nicaragua and the Sandinistas, her narrative of events between 1979 and 1981 tells us little that we could not have anticipated from a reading of Claire Sterling's book on the Communist coup in Czechoslovakia.3 That is, the Sandinistas utilized the classic techniques of political domination first developed by Lenin in 1918-23—the organization of "broad fronts" under whose ostensible banner a vanguard seizes power; then the consolidation of that power through control of the organs of state security; the elimination, one by one, of quondam allies ("salami tactics"); and the creation of parallel organs (trade unions, peasant organizations, legislative bodies) to replace those which the vanguard cannot dominate. To which must be added a new Nicaraguan contribution to the repertoire—a plebiscite cleverly disguised as a competitive election.
One of the virtues of Shirley Christian's book is that many chapters are subdivided chronologically. This allows us to see how little the growth of a totalitarian state in Nicaragua could have been a response to pressure from the United States government or the counterrevolutionary force which (until recently) it supported. Specifically, by the end of 1979, which is to say long before the Republican party had nominated Ronald Reagan and at a time when the Carter administration was actively courting the new Nicaraguan regime with money, technical assistance, and huge quantities of food and medicine, the Sandinistas had already imposed press censorship; established neighborhood surveillance committees to monitor the lives of ordinary citizens; and begun to establish—with Cuban assistance—the largest army and the most elaborate domestic police apparatus in Central America.
In 1980, again before the change of administrations in Washington, the Sandinista Front had peremptorily increased the size of the Council of State to 47 members and reapportioned the seats in its favor; postponed promised elections indefinitely; signed a party-to-party agreement with the Communist party of the Soviet Union; and begun to harass the leaders of Nicaragua's Permanent Commission on Human Rights.
In March 1981, two months after the Reagan administration took office, the contras were organized. For most of that year they were a force of negligible military significance, a few hundred men recruited mainly from the ranks of Somoza's National Guard by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and rather inexpertly advised by Argentine military officers and counterintelligence agents. At the time it was common for the Sandinistas themselves to poke fun at the contras—calling attention to their impotence and extremely limited political appeal.
Then in June 1981, the chief of the new Popular Sandinista Army, Comandante Humberto Ortega, made a secret speech to a gathering of military officers avowing that "without sandinismo we cannot be Marxist-Leninist, and sandinismo without Marxism-Leninism cannot be revolutionary," and admitting that the existing pacts with other, more moderate political forces had been mere expedients to get rid of Somoza, hold off U.S. military intervention, and keep the economy intact. This did not mean, he assured his audience, that the Sandinista Front had any intention of caving into a "bourgeois" political program; indeed, all non-Marxists who had been allies in the struggle against the dictatorship were now declared to be the enemy.
A few weeks later Assistant Secretary of State Thomas Enders visited Managua to discuss a possible démarche in relations. Enders made four demands of the Sandinistas—that they withdraw from arms trafficking into El Salvador; that they slow or cease their own military build-up, which was upsetting the regional arms balance; that they take steps to fulfill their promises of economic and political pluralism at home; and that they temper their association with Cuba and the Soviet bloc. In exchange, he offered a resumption of U.S. economic aid (which had actually been suspended in the last days of the Carter administration), and stern measures to prevent any exile force from attacking Nicaragua from U.S. territory or with U.S. assistance. His offer was categorically turned aside. Since the Enders mission in August 1981, relations between the Nicaraguan government and the United States have continued to deteriorate.
The real conflict, however, has not been the one between Managua and Washington; it has been the growing antagonism between the Sandinista Front and the people in whose name it presumes to speak. This conflict was, in a sense, inevitable, because a society can be organized effortlessly along Marxist lines only if the vast majority of the population has absolutely nothing to lose. Of course no such society has ever existed, and Nicaragua is no exception. By one authoritative estimate, in 1978 some 180,000 Nicaraguan families possessed property in one form or another,4 which when increased conservatively by a multiplier of five amounts to 900,000 people, or just short of one-third of the population. Whether such people qualify for the term "middle class" (or even "bourgeoisie") is a matter of sociological judgment or of one's political vocabulary. But so numerous a stratum would normally give pause to any government intent upon restructuring society—unless, of course, the government in question believed that even an extremely modest stake in the existing system of private property automatically rendered one morally deficient.
In the United States and elsewhere there is considerable confusion about the private sector in Nicaragua because the regime continues to insist that it favors a mixed economy, and because it can point to the fact that slightly more than half of the means of production formally remains in private hands. However, shortly after the fall of Somoza, all banks, shipping, and export-marketing firms were taken over by the state, so that from the beginning the government was in a position to control the disbursement of credit and foreign exchange. By 1983, the public sector was receiving-more than six times as much credit as the private, at far more favorable rates of interest. This, in conjunction with high taxes and price controls, has allowed the Sandinistas quietly to absorb private business through what appear to be perfectly legal procedures—first bankruptcy, then the takeover of defunct enterprises by their creditors (that is, the state).
This process has been slower than the Sandinistas' ideological predilections would normally dictate, because they understand that the apparent survival of a private sector in Nicaragua is a political fact which strongly influences their credibility in Western Europe and the United States. Then, too, some industries like cotton are highly centralized and capital-intensive, and require annual reinfusions of capital. This explains why cotton planters have been favored with relatively higher prices for their crop than producers of coffee, who tend to be small farmers without the kinds of skills, education, and capital which would allow them to emigrate, and whose fixed investment—in this case, the plants—is not readily transferable.5
But the most important indicator of the Sandinistas' ultimate intentions toward the private sector is the fact that they have deprived its umbrella organization, COSEP, of the political representation it originally received in the Council of State. As serious Marxists, they understand that economic power cannot be artificially separated from political participation: if the one is to be abolished, the other must eventually also be liquidated. In this instance, they are working both ends against the middle. Properly interpreting the signs of the times, leaders of the private sector have declined to accept periodic assurances of good will in place of concrete acts. Instead, over the past six years there has been a catastrophic flight of capital and managerial skills.
Because they are privileged beings in a society where most people are poor, businessmen in Nicaragua cannot expect to command much sympathy abroad. But for a variety of reasons the Sandinistas' treatment of COSEP has actually been somewhat gentle compared to that doled out to smaller entrepreneurs. One such group which Shirley Christian singles out for special attention is the market vendors. These are penny capitalists, many of them women, who rise at dawn to set up makeshift stalls in open-air markets, where they sell everything from rice and beans to articles of clothing and children's toys. In the Department of Managua alone, there are some 30,000 such people; she estimates that there may be another 30,000 scattered throughout the provincial market towns.
The problem began in early 1982, when the government suddenly declared that for the foreseeable future sugar would be rationed. Consumers were told that in order to obtain this most basic of items they would have to get a ration card from their local block (surveillance) committee; they were assigned stores according to the neighborhood in which they lived, and specific days on which they could buy their allotment. The stores were either "popular" groceries established by the government or supermarkets expropriated from Somoza or his cronies. The market vendors were not supplied. During the next three years similar measures were enacted for many other basic consumer items, all of which were removed from the normal channels of supply and demand.
To ask why sugar (and later rice, beans, corn, milk, bananas, cooking oil, and a dozen other articles) came to be rationed in Nicaragua when the country had never before suffered a shortage of foodstuffs is to ask the wrong question. It presupposes that the purpose of the Sandinista government is to encourage agricultural production and widespread consumption, whereas in fact its intention is to utilize food as a means of political control. It is in line with this intention that priorities are organized. Immediately after the revolution, the FSLN created a new agricultural marketing agency, ENABAS, to purchase the harvest from farmers and to provision the urban consumer. This effectively disenfranchised two groups which the government could not control: the vendors themselves and private middlemen, some of whom were simply independent cooperatives. The market vendors have fought back—with demonstrations, passive resistance, participation in the nation's growing underground economy, even at times with rough justice before sunrise when local Sandinista officials display an excess of zeal. But precisely because the government is willing to subordinate the normal imperatives of the market economy to its political agendas, in the end, other things being equal, it will win.
The creation of ENABAS also put the regime in a position to discipline the farmers, since it was now the only customer for their produce. At first there was no problem because ENABAS paid the farmers more than they would otherwise have received and sold their output at artificially low prices. As time went on, the ordinary rules of economics reasserted themselves, and the agency began to quarrel with producers over prices and also over access to certain essential inputs such as fertilizer and chemicals. Eventually, farmers saw no reason to produce beyond their immediate needs, and there was a dramatic drop in several basic foodstuffs, notably corn and beans. One cannot assume, however, that the Sandinistas found the shortages wholly disconcerting. Shortages, after all, justify the introduction of ration cards, which in turn enhance the importance and power of the block committees and also apparently underscore the need for agencies like ENABAS, which ostensibly address what is, in fact, a very serious national crisis.
The Sandinistas have also had their problems with the peasantry. Though historically much of the productive agricultural land in Nicaragua has been concentrated in large agribusiness combines, the country has always had a fairly numerous smallholder class and an even larger group of tenant farmers who worked subsistence plots. Unlike El Salvador, moreover, Nicaragua also has plenty of vacant land, and in fact in the days of Somoza there was even a small and poorly funded program to encourage homesteading in virgin territories. There was, then, a "land question" in Nicaragua, but it was far less pressing than in many Central American countries. Further, the immediate expropriation in 1979 of 2.75 million acres formerly belonging to Somoza, his associates, or simply people whom the FSLN decided to call somocistas in order to take their land, presumably equipped the government with a large store of rural properties with which it could abundantly satisfy peasant aspirations to ownership.
The difficulty has been, of course, that like Marxist revolutionaries everywhere, the Sandinistas do not look with favor upon private property in land, even on a very modest scale. Consequently, all the larger properties were converted into "state farms" or government-run cooperatives, and in many respects—though not all—the condition of peasants on these lands is not very different from what it was under Somoza. Peasants now receive training in literacy, to which, however, are attached ceaseless political indoctrination and what must be enormously boring classes in "anti-imperialism." Peasants are also encouraged to offer their sons for service in the new Popular Sandinista Army (ESP).
All this, but especially the failure of the Sandinistas to award individual titles of ownership (as they often quite uninhibitedly promised to do before 1979), has provided the contras with a ready source of food, recruits, and intelligence, particularly in the northern provinces bordering on Honduras. But the contras draw as well from smallholders who fear that they will be next in the sequence of expropriations, or at any rate forced to sell their produce at whatever prices ENABAS deems politically expedient. In some areas, matters have become so serious that the Sandinistas have had to evacuate these communities forcibly to areas far from military operations, or even to grant a limited number of deeds.
Before the revolution, Nicaragua possessed a small labor movement not notable for its political militance. This is not surprising: industrial workers received wages which put them considerably above other manual workers, and, as Shirley Christian acutely observes, "people who would be working in factories in more developed countries were, in Nicaragua, making their livings as small entrepreneurs"—market vendors, taxi drivers, and so forth. Again, not surprisingly, the labor federation which represented most industrial workers was closely tied in with the Somoza regime. Almost immediately after their victory, the Sandinistas essentially took over this trade-union movement and renamed it the Central Sandinistas de Trabajadores (CST), placing at its head a small group of activists from the underground days. By mid-1981, the CST accounted for roughly half the union membership; the other half was divided between the FTN, affiliated with the Christian Democratic International, and the FTU, with links to the AFL-CIO.
As with the peasantry, political indoctrination rather than the advancement of group interests has become the most important object of the CST. Wage increases and strikes have been prohibited, and when some workers have dared to contravene the orders of their putative leaders, they have been threatened with conscription into the army. Independent labor federations have found it increasingly difficult to operate, and as they face a state which will, in time, be the employer of sole resort, their future existence is in serious doubt.
The Nicaraguans who have suffered most from Sandinista rule are the Indians of the Atlantic coast—the Miskito, Rama, and Sumo peoples. Separated from "Spanish" Nicaragua by geography, language, culture, and religion, they were neglected by all governments prior to 1979. For many years the only outsiders interested in their welfare were Moravian missionaries (which perhaps explains why so many of their leaders are ordained pastors of that denomination). While the Miskitos did not participate in the uprising against Somoza, several of their younger leaders studying at the time at the National University in Managua were persuaded to offer public support to the new regime in exchange for promises of autonomy and communal control of forest lands.
Almost immediately difficulties ensued. The Atlantic coast is the region of Nicaragua closest to Cuba and also the historic route of U.S. Marine landings in the 1920's. The Sandinistas' principal interest in the region was military, and by 1981 some 7,000 troops were stationed there, disrupting the peace of the inhabitants by constant maneuvers, target practice, and the careless use of tracked vehicles. Nor did the Miskitos take kindly to the Cuban doctors and teachers who poured into the area, and who seemed more interested in raising the Indians' "political consciousness" than in teaching or healing. It was difficult, too, for people in the care of two or three generations of Moravian pastors to repose much confidence in leaders who boasted of being "scientific atheists."
The real difficulty, however, was the condescending attitude of the Sandinista leadership toward indigenous peoples. Luis Carrión Cruz, the member of the National Directorate delegated to handle Indian affairs, spoke openly of the Miskitos' "very large ideological backwardness," and refused any serious discussion of communal control of forest lands. The problem was not, of course, collective ownership as such, but the desire of the Sandinistas not to allow the emergence of new forms of property which did not in some way depend upon the state.
These developments led to violent incidents, the jailing of Miskito leaders, and a massive flight of younger Miskitos to Honduras, where they provided fresh troops for the tiny insurgency launched by former National Guardsmen. The Sandinistas responded by forcibly relocating some 15,000 Miskitos and Sumos from their ancestral villages; soldiers burned their homes, churches, and crops as they left. By 1984 it was estimated that at least 25,000 Miskitos, Ramas, and Sumos were in exile in Honduras; another 20,000 had been involuntarily resettled in other parts of the country. The Sandinistas often charm foreign innocents with the frank admission that they have committed "errors" with respect to the Indian communities. But as Shirley Christian notes, they did so with their eyes open: "the priorities were military security and political control. Past promises aside, these things were not negotiable."
The rapid decline of open political institutions in Sandinista Nicaragua has led to a transformation in the role of the Roman Catholic Church. As in Poland, the Church has become an opposition party manqué; though unable to overthrow the regime, it is the most important instrument of serious resistance within the country. A generation or two ago it would have been possible to dismiss this phenomenon as a reactionary hold-over from the old regime; such efforts have, indeed, been made, but they do not stand up very well in the light of recent history. The spiritual leader of Nicaragua, Cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo, has long been noted for his liberal views on social and economic issues, and was always one of the most courageous and outspoken opponents of the Somoza dictatorship.
The spectacle of a liberal cleric opposing the Sandinistas is especially discomfiting to well-wishers of the regime in Catholic circles abroad, for the Nicaraguan revolution has become one of the two or three most important repositories of hope for those clergy and laity broadly identified with the movement known as "liberation theology." For these people, ideologically speaking, there can be no disjunction between a Church committed to the interests of the poor and a government which formally embraces and practices Marxism. This notion dovetails with another held by the government—namely, that since (according to a 1981 poll) 80 percent of the Nicaraguans identify "religion" as the most important value in their lives, the regime cannot afford a direct confrontation with the Church. Rather, the Church must be absorbed and controlled. Hence the creation of a "People's Church"—a caucus (to use conventional political terminology) within the Body of Christ that either is declared to be, or at any rate soon will become, coterminous with it.
Nicaragua's revolutionary Christians have set about this application of Leninist principles to religious organization with some very distinct advantages. They have received generous donations from overseas, particularly from the World Council of Churches ($176,000), the National Council of Churches ($365,329), the Methodists ($100,000), the Presbyterian Program to Fight World Hunger ($10,000), and the United Methodists ($25,000). All this money has allowed them to maintain a full-time staff, mostly foreigners, who operate out of the Valdivieso Center in Managua. They are viewed with distinct benevolence by the regime, which periodically supplies them with access to controlled media, transportation, and other facilities (in exchange for which they periodically appear to give witness to visiting co-religionists).
More important still has been the way that the Sandinista turbas, or mobs, have attacked bishops and priests loyal to Cardinal Obando, including, most spectacularly, the Pope himself on the occasion of his visit to Managua in March 1983. The government or its dependencies have also harassed or expelled leaders of Protestant denominations insufficiently aggiornado, including Jehovah's Witnesses, Moravians, Seventh Day Adventists, and some evangelicals. And it has shut down Radio Católica, the property of the Roman Catholic archdiocese, the country's sole remaining independent station. Moreover, a person's religious views have become a crucial factor of survival in an increasingly difficult (and government-controlled) job market.
Under these circumstances, one would have the right to expect the Church in Nicaragua to be, at the very least, deeply divided, and this is the way many left-wing Christians in the United States and elsewhere have described it. Yet after a conscientious effort to determine the relative strength of the traditional and "people's" Churches, Shirley Christian found that most parish priests, including a majority of the foreign-born, usually support their bishops. Further, she discovered that "generally . . . the liberation priests did not attract big crowds to their masses." Cardinal Obando's dispute with the Sandinistas has made him the most popular man in the country, and the only reason the regime has not attacked him more strongly is out of fear of increasing his stature even further. She closes her survey with an interesting question—if the Sandinistas ever do succeed in subverting the Church hierarchy, will they continue to feel the need for their revolutionary Christian friends?
A regime which seeks to impose Marxist patterns of social control upon an unwilling population, and is willing to sacrifice its economy in the process, is bound to find an uncommon need for instruments of force and violence. This explains why, among other things, the Sandinistas have raised an army larger than that of all other Central American nations combined. It accounts for the need for massive foreign assistance from countries like Cuba, the Soviet Union, East Germany, and Bulgaria, whose major, perhaps only, real contribution to the armature of modern life is the art of domestic surveillance. It also explains the steady pattern of Soviet deliveries of military materiel to Nicaragua, including (up until 1983) smaller transport planes, helicopters, and tankers, as well as heavy weapons like tanks, armored personnel carriers, artillery, and aircraft. Thus, what at first glance appears to be an exclusively internal affair of the Nicaraguans—how to organize their own society—becomes a matter of legitimate security concern to their neighbors, and to the United States.
Such efforts at the Marxist reorganization of society will also lead opponents—when their patience and good will are finally exhausted—to grasp at whatever violent alternatives are available. In the Nicaraguan case, this has meant a veritable flowering and transformation of the contras. In a mere five years the contras have grown from perhaps 300 to 15,000 men, which is precisely three times the number of men who fought Somoza at the height of the civil war in 1979. There have been some qualitative changes as well: the preponderance of former National Guardsmen has dwindled, so that today only nine of the fifty-four commanders can be so described; as for the soldiers themselves, they now consist largely of peasants, shopkeepers, Miskito Indians, and, on the southern front, even former Sandinistas.
At the same time, there has been a drastic change in the political leadership of the resistance. It now includes not merely conservatives with good anti-Somoza credentials like Adolfo Calero and Fernando Chamorro, but social democrats and liberals who collaborated with the Sandinistas during their initial period of power—Arturo Cruz, former president of the Central Bank and ambassador to the United States; Alfonso Robelo, former member of the Council of State; and Edén Pastora Gómez, who as "Comandante Zero" was the most important combat hero of the revolution and later served it as Deputy Minister of Defense. The fact that so many commentators in the United States continue to talk about the contras in terms appropriate to five years ago says far more about the state of affairs in this country than the situation in Nicaragua or its immediate environs.
Partly as a result of such talk, Congress voted in May 1985 to cut off all aid to the contras. The day after the vote, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega went off to Moscow to confer with his allies—much to the horror and consternation of Congress. Precisely why so many Congressmen were in such an uproar over Ortega's trip—which was far from his first—is something of a mystery. Perhaps it was because in one single act Ortega had eloquently demonstrated something many Nicaraguans have known for six years: that the course of events in their country is following a logic of its own, not reacting to provocations from the United States. Members of Congress could have known this long ago had they simply focused upon the way the Sandinistas have treated their own people, instead of trying to squeeze the entire contents of Nicaraguan reality into the narrow tube of bilateral relations or, worse still, into the tiny prism of partisan politics. There is still time for them to reverse course, but they must act quickly, or all of us—Nicaraguans, Hondurans, Costa Ricans, and ultimately Americans—will reap a very bitter harvest indeed.
1 FSLN: The Ideology of the Sandinistas and the Nicaraguan Revolution, Graduate School of International Studies, University of Miami, 203 pp., $14.95.
2 "Nicaragua: A Revolution in the Family", Random House, 380 pp., $19.95.
3 "The Masaryk Case" (new edition), David R. Godine, 398 pp., $9.95.
4 Arturo Cruz Sequeira, "Introducción," in José Luis Velásquez and Arturo Cruz Sequeira, eds., Nicaragua: re-gresión en la revolutión (San José, Costa Rica, Editorial Cosmos, forthcoming).
5 Forest Colburn and Silvio de Franco, "Elite agraria en la revolutión nicaragüense," in Velásquez and Sequeira, Nicaragua.


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Red Sox Maul Indians' Pen, Advance to the World Series
The Curse of Rocky Colavito lives on.
The Cleveland Indians, once commanding a 3-1 lead in the American League Championship Series, saw their season end last night as the Boston Red Sox savaged their bullpen for eight runs in two innings -- an 11-2 win that gave Boston its 12th pennant. Baseball fans have long debated which is worse: a tight, agonizing game that ends in defeat, or a blowout that turns hope into folly. In the Indians' final game of 2007, their fans suffered both.
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"What a fold," mourns Bud Shaw in the Cleveland Plain-Dealer. "Cleveland's clocks and hearts were set on Tribe Time one minute, closing time the next. The final touch was Rafael Betancourt, the good Raffy in this postseason, dressing as Roberto Hernandez a week and a half short of Halloween. [Third-base coach] Joel Skinner's double clutch looked to be the tipping point until Betancourt went 'tilt.' Not sending Kenny Lofton home in a 3-2 game exemplified the final three pratfalls of the series with the Boston Red Sox. But that's not why The Indians were outscored, 30-5, in three consecutive losses. A sure, confident team looked suddenly overcome by the size of the stage."
The Indians blog The Disappointment Zone dissects Mr. Skinner's failure to test Manny Ramirez's arm by sending Mr. Lofton home as the tying run before trying for perspective: "96 wins, tied for the best in baseball, even with four fewer home games than every other team in the league. [C.C.] Sabathia is the likely Cy Young winner and [Fausto] Carmona will finish in the top five. [Ryan] Garko showed he can man first base for years to come. Betancourt transformed into the best set-up guy in baseball. [Jensen] Lewis and [Rafael] Perez emerge as scary arms in the bullpen even though they both began the season in the minors. The rally pies and Kenny Lofton turning back the clock. This was a great season, which is why it hurts so much right now.
For the Red Sox, meanwhile, it's another gutty comeback -- and a warning to the Colorado Rockies (remember them?) that some awfully big bats await them at Fenway Park Wednesday night. Manny? Big Papi? Sure, but the Rockies also best beware of Kevin Youkilis (who perhaps ought to be rechristened the Greek God of Hits) and Dustin Pedroia.
With Boston returning to the World Series, it falls to columnists to put the last shovels of dirt on the grave of the noble, star-crossed Red Sox. At Fenway last night there was no sign of Bucky Dent, Buckner or Aaron Boone, but plenty of the Dropkick Murphys, Kevin Millar, and Dancing Papelbon.
"And so the Sox are in the World Series for the second time in four years, which hasn't happened since James Michael Curley and George Herman Ruth prowled the narrow streets of Boston," Dan Shaughnessy writes in the Boston Globe, adding: "This must have been what it felt like in the early days of Fenway when the Royal Rooters ruled and the Red Sox were regular hosts of baseball's autumnal showcase. From 1915 through 1918, the Sox won three World Series. They did not win again until 2004, the beginning of a magical October run that has resumed over the last four days."
"Gone forever are the Red Sox of yesterday," writes Tony Massarotti in the Boston Herald. "In Boston, during the baseball season, there is now only an endless succession of tomorrows."
The Bosox of old, he writes, "made critical blunders and paid for them dearly, and were reminded, year after year after year, that they had made unforgettable, unforgivable mistakes. Not now. Not anymore. Now, when the Red Sox trail by a 3-1 series score, as they did against these Indians, people cite 2004 instead of 1986 or '78 or '67 or '46. The Red Sox celebrate their heroes instead of vilifying their goats, and the good things are anticipated more."
* * *
With the World Series matchup set, the Fix is proud to announce its 2007 World Series odesters -- Jason Sindler will do the honors for the Rockies, while Mike Bonafide pays homage to the Red Sox. Look for their odes tomorrow and Wednesday. And the Fix would like to tip its cap to Tim Cahill, our Indians odester. The Indians' loss left Mr. Cahill on the sidelines, but the Tribe will be back -- and we hope he will be too.
* * *
Before Game 7, an unhappy distraction: Pitcher Paul Byrd admitted, in the wake of a San Francisco Chronicle story, that he'd used Human Growth Hormone. (Baseball didn't ban HGH until January 2005, a week after the Chronicle says Mr. Byrd made his final purchase.)
Mr. Byrd -- a thoughtful man who's frequently spoken about his Christian faith without being strident about it -- didn't hide from the media, holding an impromptu press conference against a brick wall at Fenway Park. There, he insisted the HGH was to treat a pituitary-gland condition, noted that he'd paid for it with his own credit card and had it shipped directly to him, and said he'd been tempted to take more than the prescribed dosage in order to put more life on an average fastball but never done so.
On the other hand, Mr. Byrd's insistence that Major League Baseball knew of his condition and how he treated it was apparently news to MLB and the Indians, and two of his prescriptions were written by a dentist suspended in 2003 for fraud and incompetence.
In the Plain-Dealer, Terry Pluto writes of his desire to believe Mr. Byrd -- and of his doubts.
"I consider the Indians pitcher one of the best people I've met in sports," he writes. "We've had some long discussions about life away from sports, about dealing with temptations on the road. We talked about trying to live our faith and not coming across as a phony or being better than anyone else, and how we say we want to follow God and know there are times when we fell so short."
Undoubtedly, Mr. Pluto speaks for many fans when he writes that "I so want Byrd to be clean on this issue, but this is a mess."
* * *
In the NFL, it was a Sunday for nailbiters.
The Chicago Bears were stuck on their own 3, down 16-12 against the Philadelphia Eagles with 1:57 to go, a Philadelphia crowd baying at them and no timeouts. No matter: Brian Griese (whose helmet audio had cut out) led the Bears 97 yards, hitting Muhsin Muhammed in the end zone for a 15-yard TD pass with nine seconds to go.
In the Chicago Sun-Times, Rick Telander writes that Mr. Griese's audio malfunction "may have been a wonderful thing. Freed of any connection to the mother ship, and all the controlling influences of men in polyester wearing headsets and paid to tell him what to do, he directed as miraculous a come-from-behind drive as Bears fans have seen in, well, frankly, I couldn't tell you."
The Washington Redskins had to survive 13 fourth-quarter points from the Arizona Cardinals to escape with a wild 21-19 win: The final 30 seconds saw Arizona use three quarterbacks, score a touchdown, miss a 2-point conversion, recover an onside kick and just miss a 55-yard field goal. (Great game story from the AP here.)
"If the Redskins don't survive yesterday's game, it's not a reach to call it the beginning of the end, a defining moment that would set in motion Coach Joe Gibbs's second retirement from coaching after this season," writes Mike Wise in the Washington Post.
And in Denver, the Broncos' Jason Elam connected for a 49-yard field goal as time expired, good for a 31-28 win over the Pittsburgh Steelers.
"What the Broncos did against a strong Pittsburgh team, while playing without injured center Tom Nalen, receiver Javon Walker and cornerback Champ Bailey cannot be underestimated," Mark Kiszla writes in the Denver Post. "Missing so many veterans, this is a young Denver team, and the confidence of the Kid Broncs was shaken. In football terms, it was as close to a must win as the sixth game on the NFL schedule can possibly be."
-- Tip of the Fix cap to reader Don Hartline.
Found a good column from the world of sports? Don't keep it to yourself -- write to us at email@example.com and we'll consider your find for inclusion in the Daily Fix.
About the Fixers
Carl Bialik and Jason Fry write The Daily Fix every weekday morning for the Online Journal. The Daily Fix offers links to the best of the day's sports columns from around the Web -- whether it's the latest trade talk in major-league baseball or the newest furor about an athlete's life off the field.
Carl writes Numbers Guy, which appears alternate Fridays in the print Journal and each day online. Jason is an editor at the Online Journal. He also writes Real Time, which appears Mondays.
Carl is a fan of the Mets (and the A's, when the Mets aren't in it), the New York Giants, the Knicks, the New York Rangers, Yale and Syracuse. Jace's teams are the Mets, the New Orleans Saints and the Tampa Bay Buccaneers. He's also willing to give the Brooklyn Nets a shot.
More Sports
See more features and essays about the sports world, at the Online Journal's Sports page.


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From: William Austin Chinnery
Location: Kansas City, Missouri
Date: 01/18/2012
Dear Greg,
I am William Chinnery from Kansas City, Missouri. I really enjoyed reading Halo: Cryptum and Halo: Primordium. So far in my point of view you are really experianced in your knowledge of the Halo Universe. I think so far that the two books I've read so far from you, that you're my favorite Sci-fi writer. I was wondering, if at any time, you could visit Kansas City, Missouri for Book signings? Thank you for your time
William A. Chinnery
From: Greg Bear
Date: 01/20/2012
Thanks, William! I'd love to, but no trips are scheduled for the time being. Still, you can buy signed copies from a number of outlets, including the University Book Store in Seattle.


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Hart Publishing
This book is designed as a working tool for the study and practice of European Competition Law. It is an enlarged and updated second edition of the highly practical guide to the leading cases of European Competition Law, first published in 2008. This second edition focuses primarily on Article 101 TFEU (Ex Article 81 EC), Article 102 TFEU (Ex Article 82 EC) and the European Merger Regulation. In addition it explores the public and private enforcement of Competition Law, the intersection between Intellectual Property Rights and Competition Law and the application of Competition Law to State action.Each chapter begins with an introduction which outlines the relevant laws, regulations and guidelines for each of the topics, providing the analytical framework for the case entries that follow. The case entries are then set out is summary form, accompanied by analysis and commentary. Endorsements'This book should be in the library of every competition law practitioner and academic. The summary of cases is first class. But what makes it really stand out is the quality of the commentary and the selection of the material which includes not only the most important European judgements and decisions but also some of the leading cases from the US and European Member States.'Ali Nikpay, Senior Director, Cartels and Mergers, Office of Fair Trading 'The study of EU Competition law requires the analysis and understanding of a number of increasingly complex and lengthy European Commission and European Court decisions. Through the provision of case summaries, excerpts from the important passages and concise commentary linking these decisions to other key case law and Commission documents, this unique and impressive book provides the student and practitioner of EU competition law with an extremely clear and useful introduction to these leading decisions.'Dr Kathryn McMahon, Associate Professor, School of Law, University of Warwick 'The Guide is an invaluable tool for both students and practitioners. It provides a compact overview on the fundamental cases and highlights the essential problems in a clear and sharp analysis.'Dr Christoph Voelk, Antitrust Practice Group, McDermott, Will & Emery LLP, Brussels 'The leading cases constitute the heart of EU's competition law. Ariel Ezrachi has made an excellent selection of cases in his book, comprehensive but at the same time balanced and not overburdening. His own comments are concise and very much to the point.'Professor Ulf Bernitz, IECL, The University of Oxford
Ariel Ezrachi is the Slaughter and May Lecturer in Competition Law at the University of Oxford and the Director of the Oxford Centre for Competition Law and Policy. He is a Fellow and Tutor in Law at Pembroke College, Oxford.
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Entranced.FM is an independent internet radio station that broadcasts a mix of ambient, lounge, trance, and world music. The station can be received by a media player such as Winamp, Windows Media Player, or VLC Media Player. Registered Entranced.FM users can request songs, chat with other users, and participate in the forums. Entranced.FM provides a SOAP-based API for retrieving information about the song currently playing, information about songs queued up for play, or a list of songs previously played.
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Hang tight!
Recipe by Linda
"Nutty carrots!"
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1 1/2 pounds
carrots, coarsely chopped
2 pounds
parsnips, peeled and cut into 1 1/2 inch pieces
1/2 cup
butter, diced
1 pinch
ground nutmeg
salt to taste
ground black pepper to taste
I made this recipe instead of potatos for our holiday dinner and received great reviews for my work. Very tasty and different. Of note though, parsnips take a long time to soften. Steaming them for up to 30 minutes doesn't work, they really need to be boiled, otherwise you'll end up with lumps of parsnips in your whipped carrots.
I love both parsnips and carrots and imagined this would be a delicious way to combine them. I followed the directions exactly, but when I tasted it, it was bland mush. I started doctoring, using some of the suggestions in other reviews (I added a little brown sugar, kosher salt, a little pepper, a dash of allspice, and some ground ginger). That improved the flavor but not enough, so I tried adding a little honey and more ginger, and it was still not good.
21 Ratings
Very good. I think the it needs some more spices. Maybe onions and garlic will be good.
This is soooo yummy! If you like the flavor of parsnips, this recipe showcases it wonderfully! Thanks for a great recipe.
A tremendous blending of flavors! The consistency is of mashed potatoes. Great stuff!
Wasn't as tasty as I thought, but for those that love carrots & parsnips this will be a treat!
This side dish was a big hit at our St Paddy's dinner table. Everyone loved it and it will be a tradition from now on!
Surprisingly delicious! I made no adjustments, and it worked out wonderfully.
* Percent Daily Values are based on a 2,000 calorie diet.
Whipped Carrots and Parsnips
Serving Size: 1/8 of a recipe
Servings Per Recipe: 8
Amount Per Serving
Calories: 222
Calories from Fat: 109
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Brown sugar and chopped dates add a sweet counterpoint to spicy gingered carrots.
Simmered in brown sugar, these sweet, tender carrots are so quick and easy.
See how to make wonderfully caramelized "grilled" parsnips in the oven.