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Horrified by the realization that a great many Americans see him as an uncaring Herbert Hoover, the president who forgot New Orleans attempted with his address to the nation on Thursday night to remake himself as a Franklin Delano Roosevelt for the 21st century.
The president's speech from New Orleans was full of proposals, promises and pledges. But Americans will be excused if they wait for proof of this conservative's newfound compassion.
After all, the president was not just talking about rebuilding the Gulf Coast. He was talking about rebuilding his own reputation.
Nothing gets the Bush White House's damage control operation moving like declining poll numbers. And so it should come as no surprise that the president is suddenly "Georgie on the spot" in New Orleans.
After days of initially neglecting the humanitarian crisis that followed Hurricane Katrina, and then seeking to assign to others blame for the death and chaos caused by that neglect, the Bush team has suddenly noticed that the American people are upset. The president's approval ratings have dipped below 40 percent -- into what pollsters refer to as the "Nixon during Watergate" range.
So Bush is now positioning himself as the savior of the Gulf Coast. He has even taken what for him is the unprecedented step of accepting a small measure of accountability for his actions -- or, in this case, inactions. "To the extent the federal government didn't fully do its job right, I take responsibility," the president grumbled earlier this week. In his speech on Thursday night, Bush admitted that, "Americans have every right to expect a more effective response in times of emergency."
He'll get no debate there. Nor will he hear many objections to his opening of the federal-aid spiggots to help rebuild New Orleans and other communities along the Gulf Coast.
But there will be some lingering skepticism about whether George W. Bush really understands what it means to take responsibility.
In fairness, while Bush does not have a track record that inspires confidence in his ability to hold himself or his aides to account, his Thursday night address from New Orleans represented progress for an administration that has had a problem with accountability. At least Karl Rove did not dress the boy president up in a search-and-rescue team uniform and pose him in front of a banner, declaring "Mission Accomplished."
But if Bush really wants to be taken seriously when he says that he is willing to accept responsibility for federal failures, he needs to do more than simply tour New Orleans in an open truck, preach to the television cameras from that city's Jackson Square and promise to deliver the aid that any president -- Republican or Democrat, conservative or liberal -- would offer in such a circumstance.
If the president is serious, he should:
1.) Make it clear that administration aides who engage in cynical and divisive efforts to discredit state and local officials will be removed immediately from their positions. In a time of national emergency, the White House should not be playing politics in order to shift the blame for the missteps and misdeeds of the president and his appointees.
2.) Support the immediate creation of an independent blue ribbon commission to investigate why the initial response to the crisis was so miserable. The president should recognize that if there are fundamental flaws in the nation's emergency management systems, they must be corrected now -- before the next disaster hits.
3.) Take steps to ensure that the federal response to the crisis and its aftermath will be fiscally responsible and ethical. At a time when massive new expenditures are being made, the administration should abandon its proposal to rob the treasury by cutting estate taxes for the wealthy. Additionally, while federal funding of relief and rebuilding initiatives should be generous, it should also be audited and appropriate.
Major contracts with private corporations should never be awarded without proper bidding, and strict limits should be set on the profits that firms are allowed to take away from those contracts.
One of Bush's predecessors, Woodrow Wilson, put it well when he said, "Big business is not dangerous because it is big, but because its bigness is an unwholesome inflation created by privileges and exemptions which it ought not to enjoy."
If George Bush is really going to take responsibility for the renewal of New Orleans and the Gulf Coast, his most serious responsibility in the months and years to come will be to ensure that the hundreds of billions of federal tax dollars that are assigned to that endeavor do not merely enrich corporations that have contributed to his campaign and employed his vice president.
The president broke faith with the American people when, after Hurricane Katrina hit, he lost sight of his responsibility to provide immediate and sufficient aid to those most in need. If he now seeks to redeem himself, he must take personal responsibility for making sure that the promise of renewal is not squandered on profiteering.
Last spring, in an attempt to make President Bush appear to be more of a regular guy, the White House released a list of the tunes the commander-in-chief was listening to on his iPod. The list featured mostly country, alt-country and blues artists, including John Fogerty, John Hiatt, Alan Jackson, George Jones and Stevie Ray Vaughan. Perhaps the most interesting name on Bush's listening list was that of James McMurtry, the brilliant Austin-based songwriter who used his 2004 live CD to poke fun at the president's attempts to fake a Texaser-than-thou accent.
McMurtry responded to the news that Bush's playlist included his song "Valley Road" by politely suggesting that the president might not be the most serious listener of his songs, which frequently detail the damage done to Americans by rampaging corporatists and an uncaring government.
In case there was any doubt about the differences between George W. Bush's worldview and James McMurtry's, the musician posted a savage critique of the president and his pals, "We Can't Make It Here," on his Web site shortly before last year's election. That song, a haunting reflection on corporate globalization and wars of whim, was the highlight of McMurtry's set last month when he played at Camp Casey, the protest vigil organized outside the president's Crawford, Texas, ranch by Cindy Sheehan, whose son Casey was killed in Iraq.
McMurtry did not write the song to cheer on Sheehan's demand that the president meet with her. Nor did he write it in response to White House neglect of the suffering along the Gulf Coast in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. But "We Can't Make It Here" captured the mood of the moment in Crawford, just as parts of this epic song touch on sentiments that run deep among the evacuees from New Orleans, Biloxi, Mobile and all the other battered communities of the southeast.
Ultimately, however, "We Can't Make It Here" is about more than the White House's failures with regard to one mother or one crisis. It is about the dismissal of thousands of neglected communities and millions of neglected Americans who -- without the benefit of media attention -- regularly echo the the blunt closing cry of McMurtry's song for attention to the working poor who have lost their jobs to "free trade" and federal neglect and their children to a war founded on lies.
Written in the voice of a textile worker whose job was lost when a factory was shuttered and the production sent overseas, McMurtry closes his opus by asking:
Should I hate a people for the shade of their skin
Or the shape of their eyes or the shape I'm in
Should I hate 'em for having our jobs today
No I hate the men sent the jobs away
I can see them all now, they haunt my dreams
All lily white and squeaky clean
They've never known want, they'll never know need
Their sh- - don't stink and their kids won't bleed
Their kids won't bleed in the damn little war
And we can't make it here anymore
Will work for food
Will die for oil
Will kill for power and to us the spoils
The billionaires get to pay less tax
The working poor get to fall through the cracks
Let 'em eat jellybeans let 'em eat cake
Let 'em eat sh- -, whatever it takes
They can join the Air Force, or join the Corps
If they can't make it here anymore
And that's how it is
That's what we got
If the president wants to admit it or not
You can read it in the paper
Read it on the wall
Hear it on the wind
If you're listening at all
Get out of that limo
Look us in the eye
Call us on the cell phone
Tell us all why
George Bush refused to look Cindy Sheehan in the eye. He won't do any better by the workers who share the experience James McMurtry portrays. And, while this particular singer may have a place on the presidential iPod, he won't be singing at the White House anytime soon. But he will be singing to America. McMurtry begins touring this week in support of a great new album, Childish Things, which includes the track "We Can't Make It Here." (Readers can find the schedule at www.jamesmcmurtry.com) Don't make the mistake of missing the man whose songs speak more truth about America in five minutes than George W. Bush has in five years.
The Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on the nomination of John Roberts to serve as Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court began with an appropriate message from Wisconsin Senator Russ Feingold.
A maverick within his own Democratic party and the Senate as a whole, Feingold called upon the committee, the full Senate and all of official Washington -- a city that frequently is more concerned about images than Constitutional duties -- to get serious about the monumental task that lies ahead.
"Some have called for a 'dignified process,'" Feingold said of the confirmation process. "So have I. But at times it sounds like what some really want for the nominee is an easy process. That is not what the Constitution or the traditions of the Senate call for. If by "dignified" they mean that tough and probing questions are out of bounds, I must strongly disagree. It is not undignified to ask questions that press the nominee for his views on the important areas of the law that the Supreme Court confronts. It is not undignified to review and explore the nominee's writings, his past statements, the briefs he has filed, the memos he has written. It is not undignified to ask the nominee questions he would rather not answer should he prefer to remain inscrutable, or, worse yet, all things to all people."
Feingold continued, "This process is not a game. It is not a political contest. It is one of the most important things that the Senate does – confirm or reject nominees to the highest court in the land. And we as Senators must take that responsibility very seriously."
The unfortunate reality is that Roberts is unlikely to face an appropriate level of scrutiny. That's because, in many senses, the process is a game. Most members of the Judiciary Committee wear their responsibilities lightly. They want to appeal to the interest groups that they need to advance their political ambitions, so they will ask some tough questions. But they do not want to appear so "ideological" or "passionate" that the greater mass of voters in their home states might be offended, so they will not push as aggressively -- or vote as courageously -- as they should.
This political calculus has played out for a number of years. For the most part, nominees for lifetime sinecures on the highest and most definitional court in the land are given a free pass. That was certainly the case the last time that the Senate weighed a Supreme Court nomination.
In 1994, a less-than-appealing nominee of then President Bill Clinton, Stephen Breyer, swept through the confirmation process and was approved by an overwhelming Senate vote of 87-9.
Breyer, whose record as a U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals judge displayed an overwhelming bias in favor of corporate interests over those of consumers and workers, should have had a hard time getting on the court. He didn't. Though consumer activists warned that Breyer's confirmation would move the court in "an anticonsumer, antiworker, antienvironmental" direction, only one senator, Ohio's Howard Metzenbaum, challenged Breyer on his pro-corporate proclivities. In the end, even Metzenbaum (and, it should be noted, Feingold) voted for the nominee. Only a handful of conservative Republicans, who were mainly interested in poking at Clinton, rejected Breyer.
That was not as it should have been.
In its failure to scrutinize and effectively challenge Breyer's biases, the Senate let the country down.
Breyer certainly enjoyed a "dignified" confirmation process. But that dignity came as the expense of the Senate's Constitutional mandate to provide not merely "advice and consent" but to serve as a check and a balance upon the executive and his nominees.
Now, for the first time since Breyer was approved more than a decade ago, the Senate is called upon to accept or reject a new nominee to the high court. Again, the nominee has a record of extreme pro-corporate bias -- a record that has received scant notice as the debate over Roberts, such as it is, has tended to focus on so-called "hot-button" issues, such as reproductive rights.
Feingold set the proper standard when he suggested that Roberts must be subjected to the sort of broad, unapologetic scrutiny that Breyer so unfortunately avoided.
"It goes without saying that the Supreme Court is one of the most important institutions in our constitutional system and that the position of Chief Justice of the United States is one of the most important positions in our government," the Wisconsin senator explained. "The impact of this nominee on our country, should he be confirmed, will be enormous. That means our scrutiny of this nominee must be intense and thorough. In my view, we must evaluate not only his qualifications, but also his ability to keep an open mind, his sensitivity to the concerns of all Americans and their right to equal protection under the laws; not only his intellectual capacity, but his judgment and wisdom; not only his achievements, but his fairness, and his courage to stand up to the other branches of government when they infringe on the rights and liberties of our citizens."
This confirmation process will be a test for Roberts. But it will also test the Senate. Hopefully, the chamber's members -- including Feingold, himself -- will challenge John Roberts as aggressively as they should have Stephen Breyer.
Having finished the search for a luxury vacation home on the eastern shore of Maryland – which preoccupied him during the critical initial days of what is being called the worst natural disaster in American history – Vice President Dick Cheney jetted south late last week to inspect the damage.
With the wheels rolling for the purchase of his own $2.9 million home on the east coast, the Cheney was more or less ready to commiserate with the folks who had lost their homes on the Gulf Coast. Unfortunately, not all of the locals were prepared to thank the vice president for finally showing up.
Cheney was greeted in Gulfport, Mississippi, by a survivor of the disaster who – recalling the veep's blunt salutation for Vermont Senator Patrick Leahy during a visit to Capitol Hill last year – repeatedly shouted: "Go f--- yourself, Mr Cheney."
After Secret Service agents dragged the local man away, Cheney was asked by a reporter: "Are you getting a lot of that Mr. Vice President?"
Cheney answered: "First time I've heard it."
If Cheney had actually interacted with anyone on the ground, however, he would have heard a lot more. But the vice presidential visit was merely the latest in a series of photo opportunities by administration aides who are scrambling to undo the damage done by their plodding and disengaged responseto a catastrophe that was made much worse by initial federal neglect and incompetence.
Gulf Coast coast residents may be in shock. But they haven't lost their sense of outrage. As Cheney posed for the cameras, Gulfport resident Lynn Lofton approached reporters and told them: "I think the media opportunity right here is a complete waste of time and taxpayer money. They should have been here last week."
In fact, Cheney arrived just in time to, as he put it, "make certain that we're doing everything that needs to be done."
The former CEO of Halliburton needn't have worried. As has been the case since the Bush-Cheney administration took office: When trouble hits, Halliburton hits it big.
The firm that has collectedjbv more than $10 billion in Iraq-war related revenues is just
One of the first corporations to be awarded a reconstruction assignment after the hurricane hit was Halliburton's KBR (Kellogg Brown & Root) subsidiary, which has been tapped to repair damaged naval facilities in Louisiana and Mississippi.
KBR, which according to the able watchdogs at HalliburtonWatch.org has an ongoing $500 million contract with the Navy, will be in thick of the reconstruction process. And don't doubt that there may be more work coming KBR's way.
Joe Allbaugh, the former director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency, has a new job. He's lobbying for the Halliburton subsidiary in Washington and elsewhere. Conveniently, Allbaugh showed up in Louisiana on the day before Cheney's visit with the purpose, in the words of a Washington Post report, of "helping his clients get business."
Even if Allbaugh drops the ball, Halliburton is well covered.
The vice president can always be counted on to "make certain that we're doing everything that needs to be done."
John Nichols' book on Cheney, Dick: The Man Who Is President, was published by The New Press. Former White House counsel John Dean, the author of Worse Than Watergate, says, "This page-turner closes the case: Cheney is our de facto president." Arianna Huffington, the author of Fanatics and Fools, calls Dick, "The first full portrait of The Most Powerful Number Two in History, a scary and appalling picture. Cheney is revealed as the poster child for crony capitalism (think Halliburton's no bid, cost-plus Iraq contracts) and crony democracy (think Scalia and duck-hunting)."
Dick: The Man Who Is President is available from independent bookstores nationwide and at www.amazon.com*****************************************************************
Finally, we have discovered the roots of George W. Bush's "compassionate conservatism."
On the heels of the president's "What, me worry?" response to the death, destruction and dislocation that followed upon Hurricane Katrina comes the news of his mother's Labor Day visit with hurricane evacuees at the Astrodome in Houston.
Commenting on the facilities that have been set up for the evacuees -- cots crammed side-by-side in a huge stadium where the lights never go out and the sound of sobbing children never completely ceases -- former First Lady Barbara Bush concluded that the poor people of New Orleans had lucked out.
"Everyone is so overwhelmed by the hospitality. And so many of the people in the arena here, you know, were underprivileged anyway, so this, this is working very well for them," Mrs. Bush told American Public Media's "Marketplace" program, before returning to her multi-million dollar Houston home.
On the tape of the interview, Mrs. Bush chuckles audibly as she observes just how great things are going for families that are separated from loved ones, people who have been forced to abandon their homes and the only community where they have ever lived, and parents who are explaining to children that their pets, their toys and in some cases their friends may be lost forever. Perhaps the former first lady was amusing herself with the notion that evacuees without bread could eat cake.
At the very least, she was expressing a measure of empathy commensurate with that evidenced by her son during his fly-ins for disaster-zone photo opportunities.
On Friday, when even Republican lawmakers were giving the federal government an "F" for its response to the crisis, President Bush heaped praise on embattled Federal Emergency Management Agency chief Michael Brown. As thousands of victims of the hurricane continued to plead for food, water, shelter, medical care and a way out of the nightmare to which federal neglect had consigned them, Brown cheerily announced that "people are getting the help they need."
Barbara Bush's son put his arm around the addled FEMA functionary and declared, "Brownie, you're doing a heck of a job."
Like mother, like son.
Even when a hurricane hits, the apple does not fall far from the tree.
In 1975, when New York City teetered on the brink of financial default, the refusal of then-President Gerald Ford to back an aid package inspired the famous New York Daily News headline: "Ford to City: Drop Dead."
There was a measure of hyperbole in that headline, and it was at least a little unfair to Ford.
But in light of House Speaker Dennis Hastert's suggestion that rebuilding hurricane-ravaged New Orleans "doesn't make sense to me," it would not be a stretch to headline a report: "Hastert to City: Drop Dead."
Before the bodies had been pulled from the flood waters that have filled the streets of the Crescent City -- at least in part because of the failure of a Hastert-led Congress to allocate the funding needed to modernize the city's levees -- the Illinois Republican was displaying his brand of compassionate conservatism by saying of New Orleans: "It looks like a lot of that place could be bulldozed."
Most significantly, Hastert said that Congress ought to ask "some real tough questions" about whether to allocate federal funding for the job of restoring one of America's most beloved cities. The House Speaker's suggestion that "it makes no sense" for Congress to rebuild a city that is seven feet below sea level might sound like a warped version of conservative "tough love" if the man who is is second in the line of succession to the presidency after Vice President Dick Cheney had been similarly dismissive of plans to rebuild coastal areas of Mississippi and Alabama.
Unlike New Orleans, a 300-year-old city with a rich history but not a particularly rich populace, some of the hardest-hit areas of Mississippi and Alabama were upscale waterfront communities that have been built up in recent years, as real-estate developers have claimed more and more coastal wetlands for their oceanview projects.
But those Republican-leaning areas, which are home to people like former Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, R-Mississippi, were spared Hastert's talk of "tough questions."
Could the calculus really be this dark? Could the Speaker of the House really justify dismissing one community while caring for another for purely parisan purposes? Anyone who has watched this Speaker in action knows the answer to that question.
Hastert is about as crass a political player as you will find in Washington. Along with his political godfather, House Minority Leader Tom DeLay, R-Texas, the Speaker has made the House more partisan, and crude, than at any time in its history.
Hastert and DeLay keep vulture eyes on the political map. To the them, New Orleans is little more than a Democratic town full of African Americans, Latino immigrants, gays and lesbians and a few remaining pockets of southern white liberalism. Republican strategists have long been frustrated by New Orleans, a city so blue that it has often tipped the political balance in an otherwise red state. It was New Orleans that gave Democratic U.S. Senator Mary Landrieu her narrow first win in 1996 and her only slightly more comfortable reelection victory in 2002. Votes from New Orleans helped make Louisiana one of the few southern states to back Democrat Bill Clinton's 1996 reelection, and they kept Democrat Al Gore competitive with George W. Bush in 2000. In 2003, overwhelming support from New Orleans gave Democrat Kathleen Babineaux Blanco a come-from-behind win in the state's 2003 gubernatorial contest.
Notably, both Mississippi and Alabama have Republican governors and senators and have voted solidly Republican in presidential contests for decades. While Bush lost New Orleans by a 3-1 margin in his two presidential runs, he carried the Congressional districts that make up southern Alabama and Mississippi by margins of almost 2-1.
Hastert's honest initial statement of his views regarding New Orleans was an embarrassment to Republican Congressional leaders, but who didn't want to be seen as insensitive when they were busy pulling together votes for a face-saving aid package. So Hastert issued a backtracking press release, while his allies circled the wagons and began peddling the line that, "Hey, Denny's just a gruff old wrestling coach with a tendency to be blunt" -- much as they did in 2004 when Hastert announced shortly before the presidential vote that Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida terrorist network was pulling for the election of Democrat John Kerry.
Don't believe it. Hastert and DeLay see everything in political terms. And in the political calculus of the House Republican Leadership, New Orleans and cities like it have for a long time been written off as expendable. That's why New Orleans didn't get the infrastructure assistance it needed when the city's aging levies could have been strengthened to withstand a storm even as powerful as Hurricane Katrina. And that's why, in the immediate aftermath of Katrina, it made no sense to Denny Hastert to give any hope at all to the people of New Orleans.
Don't doubt for a second that, in his heart of hearts, Hastert believes New Orleans and other big cities are expendable, just as he believes that federal dollars should be poured without limit into the reconstruction of the coast-hugging upscale developments of conservative southern Mississippi and Alabama.
In the months and years to come, as questions arise about whether the federal government is caring equitably for all of Hurricane Katrina's victims, people of good will should never forget Denny Hastert's first reaction. If the Speaker is not held to account at every turn, there is every reason to fear that he will return to it -- and that New Orleans and its citizens will be victimized once more.
How convenient for the oil industry that Hurricane Katrina hit just before the traditional Labor Day-weekend hike in gas prices. Now, instead of having to fake up some absolutely absurd excuse for jacking up gas prices, the industry can try and dupe Americans into thinking that they are suddenly paying $3.25 a gallon because of a storm.
The oil industry's response to Katrina has provided a reminder of why it is so exceptionally profitable.
Even before a start had been made on assessing the damage caused by the tropical storm, energy corporations were cashing in. And every indication is that they plan to continue doing so--perhaps taking prices over the $4-a-gallon mark, according to James DiGeorgia, editor and publisher of the Gold & Energy Advisor and author of The Global War for Oil.
No one debates the fact that the hurricane has done significant damage to oil rigs, refineries and delivery systems along the Gulf Coast, a region that accounts for roughly 10 percent of US refining capacity. But roughly 90 percent of US refining capacity remains fully functional and, it should not be forgotten, the US has not stopped importing oil.
Additionally, the Bush Administration jumped to the aid of the oil companies long before the relief effort was in full swing.
The Environmental Protection Agency suspended summertime antipollution measures, lifting the requirement that refiners lower fuel volatility and cut sulphur levels. At the same time, the Administration moved to release oil from the nation's Strategic Petroleum Reserve, which was created more than three decades ago with the precise purpose of boosting fuel supplies in order to keep a lid on rising wholesale gasoline prices in a circumstance such as the one that has now developed.
Despite all the aid they are getting, however, the oil companies are not giving anything back. There is no evidence of a willingness on the part of these highly profitable corporations to sacrifice in a time of national emergency.
Make no mistake: These corporations should be able to absorb a hit. Over the past year and a half, the four largest oil companies--ExxonMobil, ChevronTexaco, Royal Dutch/Shell Group and BP Group PLC--have pocketed close to $100 billion in profits. During the first quarter of 2005 alone, those firms pulled in a cool $23 billion.
But instead of sharing the pain, they appear to be moving to squeeze every cent they can out of the crisis.
With oil-industry friends in charge of the White House and the Congress, don't expect much of a response from the federal level.
But this is one case where states have an ability to intervene.
Three years ago, in a move to protect against gouging, Hawaiian officials enacted legislation that allows state officials to set price caps on gasoline.
Now, as gas prices are skyrocketing in the aftermath of Katrina, a California legislator wants to give a state agency broad authority to regulate the cost of fuel.
State Senator Joe Dunn, a Democrat, has introduced a constitutional amendment that would allow the state Public Utilities Commission to require mandatory fuel reserves, set profit margins for oil and gas companies and order the construction of new pipelines. The measure would also bar agreements between energy corporations to reduce competition.
Dunn's amendment would allow the California Public Utilities Commission to cap prices, although the senator told reporters that step would only be taken as a last resort.
Dunn brings a refreshing bluntness to the discourse. Speaking to the Associated Press, he accused the oil industry of creating a dysfunctional market in California, in which competition is essentially eliminated. That, he explained, is why states need to step up their use of regulatory powers.
"Two years ago, when gasoline cost $2 a gallon, the industry said to give it time and prices would settle down. Now, we're seeing $3 a gallon," Dunn said. "People in California are no longer believing the excuses of the industry. If they can't fix their market behavior, we'll fix it for them."
It is certainly true that consumers should take steps to reduce their use of petroleum products--not just because of a storm in the Gulf of Mexico but because of the human, economic and environmental tolls this country's reliance on imported petroleum products has imposed. But petroleum companies should sacrifice as well. And if they are not willing to do so, states should remind them of their patriotic duty.
It appears that the only Americans who are not embarrassed by their associations with Pat Robertson, the former presidential contender and longtime host of the Christian Broadcasting Network program The 700 Club who lately has taken to recommending that the United States get back in the business of assassinating foreign leaders, are President Bush and Republican leaders in the House and Senate. Notably absent from the recriminations regarding Robertson's call for the "taking out" of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez were statements of condemnation from Bush, House majority leader Tom DeLay, Senate majority leader Bill Frist and the rest of the GOP leadership team.
Despite the fact that the President and his Congressional allies have failed to speak up in any significant way about Robertson's ranting, most responsible players in the national debate have done so. Denunciations have come from the progressive National Council of Churches and the more conservative National Association of Evangelicals--the leader of which said of Robertson: "He does not speak for all Christians or evangelicals"--as well as newspaper editorial pages and broadcast commentators on the right and left.
One of the toughest condemnations came from the Chicago Tribune's conservative editorial page, which declared that "Robertson's remarks should be taken for what they are: the ranting of a TV preacher who relies on controversy to keep the coffers full."
The widespread criticism of Robertson's advocacy for assassination has been heartening, as it suggests that most Americans have not degenerated into the indefensible relativism that would have the world's most powerful country offing critics like some sort of global organized-crime syndicate. The outcry is a reminder that the anger generated by Senate Select Committee on Intelligence chair Frank Church (D-Idaho) and his detailing of five attempts by US operatives to assassinate foreign leaders during the 1960s and '70s was no fluke--and that Robertson is on the wrong side not just of history but of the American mainstream.
At a time when some pundits have suggested that the United States might want to abandon its three-decades-old ban on assassinating presidents and prime ministers, the broad rejection of Robertson's rant has to be seen as a welcome signal. Even if the President and his compatriots do not quite "get it," they have to recognize that Americans would not take kindly to any official effort to sanction state-sponsored "hits."
Now, however, comes the touchier question: Should Robertson be allowed to continue spewing his goofball theories and wrongheaded strategies on national television?
The so-called "Christian broadcaster" initially attempted to lie his way out of a tough corner--he claimed he hadn't brought up assassination, when in fact he had, saying that "if (Chávez) thinks we're trying to assassinate him, I think that we really ought to go ahead and do it"--did not inspire confidence in him as an credible or honorable individual.
But Robertson finally offered a half-hearted apology in which he said, "Is it right to call for assassination? No..." So it appears that the man who sought the 1988 Republican presidential nomination has not lost all grounding in reality, even if his touchstone is more likely self-interest than recognition that he was wrong.
Still, decisions about who should or should not be heard cannot be made on the basis of the presumed moral failings of a particular broadcaster.
As such, it was right that executives with the "ABC Family" cable television channel rejected a call from Media Matters for America for the network to stop airing The 700 Club. Instead, the network quietly added a disclaimer that reads, "The preceding CBN telecast does not reflect the views of ABC Family"--a clear acknowledgment that the Media Matters folks were making an important point about Robertson's faults that stopped short of bumping his program off a popular cable channel.
Of course, if a progressive player in a similar position had called for killing off the troublesome conservative leader of some foreign land, cries for removing that individual from the public square that cable television has become would have been deafening. But progressives ought not embrace the politics of censorship that is so popular with the right these days.
Misguided as his initial statement may have been, Robertson's apology made talk of canceling the long-running television program of so prominent a figure extreme.
Wrong as he so frequently is, Robertson has a right to be heard until the marketplace of ideas finally rejects the damaged goods he so frequently peddles. Indeed, the outcry over Robertson's remarks reminds us that even right-wing broadcasters are sometimes held to account.
The Iraqis are having a hard time pulling together a constitution quickly enough to meet President Bush's public-relations timeline.
As I am not an Iraqi, I have no interest in meddling in the affairs of that troubled land. Of course, I would prefer that the Iraqis establish a system of self-governance that, like ours in the United States, seeks to erect a wall of separation between church and state, preserve the rights of small states and political minorities, protect against military and police abuses, and guarantee freedom of speech, freedom of the press and all the other basics of a functioning democracy.
If I was really writing a wish list, I might also recommend that the Iraqis do a better job than we do of limiting the power of corporate monopolies, keep special-interest money out of their politics, treating healthcare and education as basic rights and establishing reliable electoral systems.
But as an American, I should not be worrying about perfecting the Iraqi constitution before I go about the work of getting things right here at home.
This seems like basic logic to me.
But that logic escapes our President.
It is true that George W. Bush was not born and raised in my home region of the Upper Midwest, where the legacy of Wisconsin Progressive, Minnesota Farmer-Labor and North Dakota Non-Partisan League activism has imparted a rich faith in the perfectability of the American experiment and a keen awareness of the folly of telling the peoples of other lands how to organize their governments. As such, the President has little familiarity with what I happen to think is the healthiest of American political traditions.
But it would be reassuring if the President at least had a passing acquaintance with American history.
As efforts to reach agreement on an Iraqi constitution have stumbled again and again, Bush has sought to comfort in a bizarre analogy.
"We had a little trouble with our own conventions writing a constitution," the President told reporters in Idaho the other day, continuing a pattern of comparing the US and Iraqi experiences of writing a constitution that began several months ago when Bush explained, "[We] must remember the history of our own country. The American Revolution was followed by years of chaos.... Our first effort at a governing charter, the Articles of Confederation, failed miserably--it took several years before we finally adopted our Constitution and inaugurated our first President.... No nation in history has made the transition from tyranny to a free society without setbacks and false starts. What separates those nations that succeed from those that falter is their progress in establishing free institutions. So to help young democracies succeed, we must help them build free institutions to fill the vacuum created by change."
To hear members of the Bush Administration and their amen corner in the media tell it, suicide bombs must have been going off like clockwork in Boston, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Charleston back in the 1780s. But, of course, that was never the case.
While there were rowdy demonstrations and loud dissents during the years following the end of the British occupation of the Empire's former colonies along the Eastern Seaboard of North America, the period was characterized by relative calm as factions within the new nation debated the extent to which states should cooperate with one another.
Try as Bush and his followers may, they will find no historical record of Ayatollah Alexander Hamilton's militia hunting down followers of radical secularist Thomas Jefferson, nor of rival Christian gangs blowing up one another's houses of worship. Nor will they find a record of renegade Green Mountain Boys gunning down foreign troops who were supposedly present to "help young democracies succeed."
In fact, there were no foreign troops prodding the process along. The French, who played a critical role in helping the American revolutionaries throw off British colonial oppression, exited quickly. The Marquis de Lafayette, as good a friend as the American rebels had, did not return to the new republic until 1824.
To be sure, Lafayette had ideas about how the Continentals ought to organize the American experiment. But he was smart enough to recognize that constitutions are organic documents that cannot be written under timelines imposed by foreign powers, just as he recognized that democracies cannot form or flourish under occupation.
John Nichols is the author of Against the Beast: A Documentary History of American Opposition to Empire (Nation Books). Howard Zinn says, "At exactly the time when we need it most, John Nichols gives us a special gift--a collection of writings, speeches, poems and songs from thoughout American history--that reminds us that our revulsion to war and empire has a long and noble tradition in this country." Frances Moore Lappe calls Against the Beast, "Brilliant! A perfect book for an empire in denial." Against the Beast can be found at independent bookstores nationwide and can be obtained online by tapping the above reference or at www.amazon.com.
Often, when an executive faces lingering questions about his skills, he works extra hard to make sure that every "i" is dotted and every "t" is crossed.
Not so George W. Bush.
Indeed, if the "CEO of the USA" who is currently enjoying a five-week sojourn at his ranch in Texas keeps vacationing at the same rate, he will have spent the better part of two years of his presidency away from work.
Bush achieved a leisure landmark this month. The previous record for presidential slacking-off was 335 days. On August 18, Bush surpassed that number of days off, and he still has more than three years left in his second term.
Britain's Financial Times newspaper has dubbed Bush "the best-rested president in U.S. history."
That's a dubious distinction for a man who is not known for his attention to detail. Critics have not hesitated to suggest that the President's rest-ethic has cost the country dearly--after all, it was in August 2001, during the President's first extended stay in Crawford, that a briefing paper crossed Bush's desk detailing Osama bin Laden's intention to launch terrorist attacks within the United States. Instead of putting the country on high alert, the President put the report aside and continued relaxing--returning to Washington only a few days before the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.
While Bush may not be very good at managing major endeavors--he ran four corporations into the ground and then took a make-work job as a baseball team executive before finally turning to the family business of politics--the President is no slacker when it comes to rest and relaxation.
Now, if only he'd help the rest of us to get a break.
While Bush has been taking almost one week out of every month off since assuming the presidency, a substantial proportion of Americans are lucky if they get one week a year of paid vacation. And millions of workers get no compensated time off.
The United States, unlike other industrialized countries, fails to set a base standard for paid holidays. European countries have long required corporations to provide workers with three, four or even five weeks of paid vacation time. "Even developing countries often force companies to allow employees some time to recharge their batteries," the Financial Times notes. "El Salvador, Indonesia and Mongolia have all established a minimum of 10 to 15 days paid leave a year."
That's hardly a break at all when compared with Bush's annual average of almost ten weeks of vacation. But its a good deal more than most American workers will ever enjoy under the current system. Indeed, Americans are now working almost 500 more hours a year than their Dutch counterparts and thirty-seven hours--almost a full week--more than the average worker in the famously overworked country of Japan.
That's a radical reversal of the circumstance that existed in the 1950s and early '60s, when the Japanese and the Europeans worked more hours than Americans--and when Americans enjoyed greater prosperity and, if polls are to be believed, a greater sense of satisfaction with their lives.
Is it any wonder that Americans now complain that they have less time to spend with their families, less time for volunteering in their communities and less time for recreation and physical fitness than at any point in history? How appropriate then that, when reflecting on Bush's time-off record, economist Phineas Baxandall, of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government, observed that "George Bush is one of the few Americans who has time for family values."


text:
Melendez: Nick Diaz can hang with Andre Ward, boxing will be great for him
"I think Nick is the type of guy who just likes to challenge himself personally. He does the Ironman, that's why he did MMA, and that's why he wants to do boxing. He wants something to motivate him. I don't think he cares what anyone thinks, win or lose or what. He just wants to challenge himself and that's what he's going to do. I think he's also put himself in a good situation, where he has that bargaining chip now, maybe they're going to be forced to give him that top opponent to stay in MMA. So I think he's in a great situation."
"I respect that he's going to step in and do boxing and go outside his comfort zone and test himself. I think it's amazing and I think Fernando Vargas might be making a mistake."
"Just the dollar figure (for fighting a major match in boxing) and all that as well, I don't know what the contract says; it's just going to be a lot more persuading and also might evolve the MMA game as well."
"I know I can't hang with … top level pro boxers, I'm realistic, I know I'd get smashed. Now Nick Diaz … goes spar with Andre Ward who to me he is the best 167 pounder in the world out there and he survives. He has bad days, he might even have good days and that's the toughest guy in the world. If he can hang with him and have good days against him … I think he will do just fine with someone like Fernando Vargas and a lot of guys out there. He spars a lot of tough guys. He's already doing it, he's already there. He's also not naive about stuff, so I think it will be great for him."
Related MMA gear from the UG Store
Recent Comments »
4/18/11 10:11 PM by bsrizpac
4/18/11 5:59 PM by orcus
It would be spectacular if he subbed Woodley from his back in the first round. It sounds like he's worried he would be taken down and unable to do anything and lose the decision.
4/18/11 4:53 PM by caposa
the other thread i posted it on is kinda dead, so ill post it here too: Cesar Gracie was just on Mauro's radio show, here's a little breakdown on what they spoke about. Keep in mind I am just paraphrasing some of this About Nick leaving the spot of MMA for Boxing: -if Nick ever did something like that, he would be disappointed like everyone else because he's a fan of his too -There's a lot of fights out there, but not really many names left for him in Strikeforce -Tyron Woodley was offered the fight in April and Woodley's camp turned the fight down -Just doesn't feel like it would be a spectacular fight -There are a lot of misconceptions out there, Nick would have no problem signing with the UFC -Forza LLC never offered Nick a new contract. It was simply a new bout agreement that was necessary because of the new ownership. At first they didn't like the language of the agreement, but after sitting down with Zuffa's lawyers, Nick actually ended up signing. -Nick has 3 fights left under his Strikeforce contract -Nick has never asked for a fight with Sergio Martinez. Gracie says that he only mentioned the name because it was one of the names originally thrown at him. -Says that although Nick would fight anybody, he does not see that fight happening, and that it would be ludicrous to even think about. -Says they are pushing for a boxing match next because of the historical value of MMA/Boxing - Nick is about the challenge. It's the same reason he does triathlons. Not to be the best in the country, but because of the challenge. -Understands that Nick's payday would likely not be much bigger than he's getting now in MMA. He has been doing MMA for 11 years now and just wants a break in the schedule to challenge himself, whether its boxing or kickboxing. -Few different opponents are possible. He was contacted by a manager on friday. At first they were looking at a fight at 168lbs but the manager mentioned 175 lbs possibly. Hoping to have an announcement by the end of the week.
4/18/11 4:48 PM by Sans Lubricant
He couldn't knock out Noons but he will knock out Vargas? No
4/18/11 4:19 PM by kizzy
Ally he had to resign wit sf due to the champions clause in his old contract same wit gil
4/18/11 4:12 PM by THE CACTUS KID
He'll KO Vargas
4/18/11 4:10 PM by Sans Lubricant
Troll of the year ladies and gentlemen.
4/18/11 4:08 PM by THE CACTUS KID
Diaz gots what it takes to compete at a high level in boxing.He wont have to worry about kicks,takedowns,but only hands,so focusing on just punches and defending punches will make his boxing that much better.
4/18/11 4:06 PM by YouCantHandleMyRiddum
I am currently completing a Masters in Economics, so the jokes on you.You said, "Diaz already has won a pro boxing match against someone with a winning record"... That statement is simply WRONG! The fact that the guy went on to have a "winning record" doesn't matter. At the time he fought Nick Diaz, he was 0-0 and that's a winning record right? You idiot.By your logic, the guy with zero pro fight experience is the same as the guy with 10 pro fights experience.Btw 7-4 in boxing may be a "winning" record but it's the record of what you call a tomato can. Pure and simple.If you owned anyone, it was yourself.
4/18/11 3:53 PM by fiercedragon
LOL! i'm sure i could talk griff into taking a easy payday against nick diaz...lol @ nick competing w/ a top level boxer...

subset: commoncrawl


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Heat rash (prickly heat) is a red or pink rash usually found on body areas covered by
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In babies, heat rash can be
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scratching, and, in rare cases, a secondary skin infection may develop.
Heat rash can usually
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But if it doesn't go away after 3 or 4 days, or if it appears to be getting
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When you or your child has a rash, be sure to
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Most prickly
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the rash:
After the rash is gone, gradually expose your child to
warmer temperatures so that his or her skin can acclimate.
Last Revised:
September 1, 2011
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Medical Review:
William H. Blahd, Jr., MD, FACEP - Emergency Medicine & H. Michael O'Connor, MD - Emergency Medicine
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text: By Rachel Kytonen "On the day that I picked up her cell phone and read all those texts, my world shattered. Everything that I had spent 17 years trying to protect was gone. I can't describe the horror I felt." Those words were spoken by the mother of Mark Steven Holm's victim during sentenci...Read More


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text:
Mercurial Queues, or MQ, is a Mercurial extension that lets you keep work in progress as mutable patches, instead of as immutable changesets.
Read this first! It'll save you some lost work.
- You can destroy work with MQ. MQ puts you in a position where you're doing fairly complicated stuff to your uncommitted work. Certain operations make it easy to lose work. Watch your step.
hg qrefreshis destructive. It replaces your previous version of the current patch with what's in your working directory. The previous version is lost. So:
- Use
hg qcommit -m backupto keep versions of your patches.
- Avoid the
-foption, except for
hg qnew -f. Normally
-fis dangerous because it's sharp, but in this case it helps you out. In Mercurial 1.5 and later, you no longer need -f (local changes get into the patch by default).
- Don't use MQ in a repository anyone might pull from. MQ creates temporary changesets in your repo. If someone pulls one of them, you'll never get rid of it.
- Ensure you use the git diff format. Otherwise you will lose any changes to binary files.
- Ensure you have hg 1.3 or higher.
The output of a developer (on a good day, anyway) is patches. The MQ extension lets you treat a stack of patches as works-in-progress. You can apply them as Mercurial changesets, unapply them, edit them, and when they're done, turn them into permanent changesets and push them.
Each repository has its own queue of patches managed by MQ. They're just stored as files in a special directory,
To enable MQ, put this in your Mecurial.ini file (see mozilla-build in https://developer.mozilla.org/en/Windows_Build_Prerequisites) or
$HOME/.hgrc file:
[extensions] mq = [diff] git = 1
Don't forget the
git line. This allows changing binary files in your patches. Then, in the repository where you want to use MQ, type
hg qinit -c
This creates the patches directory and makes a separate hg repository in there for tracking your patches. (Advice: Don't skip this step. The separate hg repo is kinda weird, but the good news is, you never really have to think about it or look at it... until it saves your life.)
The life of a patch
The simplest possible life story of an MQ patch goes something like:
- Make some changes in your working directory.
- Use
hg qnew -f bug-155443to turn those changes into a patch. This commits a changeset that is under MQ's control.
- Continue editing. Use
hg qrefreshperiodically to put those new changes into the patch. (Use
hg qcommitto backup the queue changes.)
- Use
hg qdiffto review your changes so far.
- When the patch is complete and reviewed, use
hg qrefresh -eto give it a commit message, optionally use
hg qrefresh -u "Shawn Wilsher <firstname.lastname@example.com>"to change the patch author.
- Use
hg qfinish bug-155443to turn the patch into a permanent changeset (this turns the patch into a normal hg changeset).
- Finally,
hg pushyour patch to a public repository.
The basic MQ commands are:
hg qnew patch-name
Make a new empty patch and give it a name. The new patch is applied when it's created. That means it's a changeset. If you do
hg log -r .you'll see it. All the other
hgcommands, like
hg annotateand
hg grep, see it as a regular changeset.
Most people use
hg qnew -f patch-name. The
-fflag here means "take all these uncommitted changes in my working copy and make a new patch out of them". If you didn't use -f and get the message "abort: local changes found, refresh first", -f will make those local changes into the patch.
hg qrefresh
Update the current patch to include your latest uncommitted changes. You'll do this often.
hg qcommit -m "backup"
Save a snapshot of your
.hg/patchesdirectory as a Mercurial revision in the
.hg/patchesrepository. Do this often, too.
This does NOT save your uncommitted work. Use
qrefreshto put edits into patches and
qcommitto save snapshots of those patches.
hg qpop
Unapply a patch. This removes the changeset. The patch is set aside in your
.hg/patchesdirectory. You can do other work, then re-apply your patch later.
If you have multiple patches applied, you can
hg qpop -ato unapply them all.
hg qpush patch-name
Apply an unapplied patch. If the patch is out of date—that is, if you've done
hg updatesince the last time you refreshed it—then you might get rejects! The only thing to do in that case is to apply the rejects manually and
hg qrefresh.
With a patch name, this applies patches until the desired patch is on top.
hg qpush -aapplies them all.
hg qdelete patchname
Throw an unapplied patch away. This removes the patch from your
.hg/patchesdirectory (and from MQ's oversight generally).
This is surprisingly different than
hg qdelete -r, described below.
hg qrefresh -e
qrefresh -elets you set the commit message the way you want it. (You can use
hg qrefresh -m "message"instead, if you like.)
hg qfinishor
hg qdelete -r qbase
"Finish" the bottommost applied patch. It becomes a permanent changeset, suitable for pushing, using the commit message set with
You can only finish patches from the bottom (i.e. you can't finish a patch that's applied over unfinished patches).
hg qfinish -a(or
hg qdelete -r qbase:qtip) will finish all applied patches. See also #Reordering the queue below.
hg qimport -r tip
With no mq patches applied, reimport the last committed changeset into your mq. This is useful when, e.g., you forget to set a commit message for a patch before
qfinishing it.
- hg qimport filename_or_url
Import a patch into your queue, e.g. from Bugzilla. It is unapplied by default and the filename_or_url is the patchname. You can directly import a Bugzilla patch by using the Bugzilla attachment URL as the argument. In that case you may also want to use
-n patch_nameto specify the patch name.
Just as important are the commands that show you what's going on:
hg diff
hg status
- These show you only uncommitted edits—work that's neither committed nor in an MQ patch. After a
qrefresh, they'll both be empty.
hg qdiff
Show what the topmost applied MQ patch looks like, including any uncommitted edits you've made.
hg qdiff -p -U 8to produce patches for review.
hg qseries -v
List all MQ patches. Applied patches are listed as
A, and unapplied patches as
hg qapplied
List all the MQ patches that are applied, in queue order (that is, the order they were applied).
hg log -r qbase:qtip
Same thing, but show the changesets. (
qtipare tags provided by MQ. They always point to the bottommost and topmost applied patch.)
hg qunapplied
List all the MQ patches that aren't applied, in queue order (that is, the order they would be applied, if you did
hg qpush -a).
hg diff -r qparent
Export all applied patches in your queue as a single patch, without disturbing your queue.
To see more advanced commands, use
hg help.
To get a patch directly into your queue:
wget -O - url-to-patch | hg qimport -n name-for-patch -
or if you hare lucky
hg qimport -n name-for-patch url-to-patch
Advanced Topics
Rebasing patches
Rebasing for dummies. When you write a patch, it's based on whatever version of the repo you had when you started working. Of course, changes are constantly being pushed to the central repository, so by the time you want to push, you'll be out of date. Your changes are based on an old revision.
$ hg glog --template '{node|short} - {author} - {desc|firstline}\n' TIP -> o cd9f8db8ee0f - Devin Naquin <email@example.com> - Bug 383223 | o 103f04f54b14 - L. David Baron <firstname.lastname@example.com> - Tests for z-ordering of text-decorations. | o e3a4c136455b - Robert O'Callahan <firstname.lastname@example.com> - Support system proxy settings on OS X, fixi | o 745e0f997344 - Robert O'Callahan <email@example.com> - Support system proxy settings on OS X, fixi | o 9d80a1461309 - Robert O'Callahan <firstname.lastname@example.com> - Support system proxy settings on OS X, fixi | o 4721deb1dd19 - Diane Trout <email@example.com>, James Bunton <firstname.lastname@example.com> - Support syst | o 3e166c19d130 - Michael Ventnor <firstname.lastname@example.com> - text-shadow tests (bug 10713) | o c06307605f98 - Michael Ventnor <email@example.com> - Implement text-shadow rendering. | YOU ---->@ d243d3af29ed - Jason Orendorff <email@example.com> - [mq] Implement trebled fromps. |/ o 1df6e4240511 - Shawn Wilsher <firstname.lastname@example.com> - Bug 429987 | . . . (the past)
You have two choices:
- Go ahead and finish your patch now, then
hg mergewith the tip; or
- Rebase your patch before you finish and push it.
Rebasing is considered the polite thing. Merging leaves a merge changeset in the history.
It's best not to
hg pull while you have patches applied. The most foolproof way to pull and update is:
$ hg qpop -a # Unapply all patches $ hg pull $ hg update $ hg qpush patchname # Reapply patches -- watch out for rejects!
Warning: Rebasing across changesets that touch the same files as your patches can cause conflicts when you push! If this happens,
hg qpush will tell you, and it will leave
.rej files in your working directory. To avoid losing work, you must manually apply these rejected changes, then
hg qrefresh.
Rebasing for smarties. If you're used to Mercurial and MQ and you dislike
.rej files, you might want to consider MqMerge. This technique lets you rebase using your merge program, but it's a bit complex.
"Rebasing for smarties" for dummies.
hg pull --rebase will pull changesets from hg.mozilla.org and rebase your patches on top of them, allowing you to deal with conflicts with a merge program instead of
.rej files. See RebaseExtension and RebaseProject for more
hg rebase or
hg pull --rebase might lose rename data; this is a known bug that has been fixed in Mercurial 1.3.
Reordering the queue
Sometimes the queue ends up not being in the order you want. For example, maybe you've been working on two patches, and the second one (the topmost one in your queue) is ready to be pushed before the first one is.
If you have Mercurial 1.6 or newer, the best way to reorder your queue is
hg qpush --move. For example:
$ hg qpop -a # Unapply all patches $ hg qpush --move patchname # Apply only one patch, reordering as needed
With older Mercurial versions, you can do this:
$ hg qpop -a # Unapply all patches $ $EDITOR .hg/patches/series # Rearrange the lines of the series file $ hg qpush patchname # Reapply patches -- watch out for rejects!
Warning: Reordering patches that touch the same file can cause conflicts when you push! If this happens,
hg qpush will tell you, and it will leave
.rej files in your working directory. To avoid losing work, you must manually apply these rejected changes, then
hg qrefresh.
Folding multiple patches into one
hg qfold command allows you to merge a patch into another one:
$ hg qgoto my-first-patch # go to first patch $ hg qfold my-second-patch # fold second patch into it
Splitting a patch, the easy case: per-file splitting
If you have a patch that modifies
file1 and
file2, and you want to split it into two patches each modifying only one file, do:
$ hg qgoto my-patch $ hg qref -X path/to/first/file # take changes out of current patch and back into `hg diff` $ hg qnew -f patch-modifying-first-file # and take that into a new MQ patch
Here, the
qref -X command takes the changes to the first file out of the patch, so that they now show up in
hg diff and therefore get picked up by the
hg qnew -f.
Splitting a patch, the general case, including per-hunk and per-line splitting
If you need to perform finer patch splitting, for example per-hunk or even per-line, there's a great tool for that:
hg qcrecord. It's provided by the Crecord extension. Follow the instructions on that page to install it.
The qcrecord command creates a new patch in your queue from the changes in your working directory (as shown by `
hg diff`) - it does not edit existing mercurial queue patches directly. To split an existing mercurial queue patch you must first move the changes out from the patch and into your working directory, then delete the (now empty) patch from your queue (since qcrecord will create a new patch, not add to that old patch). Say you have a patch in your queue called 'my-patch' that you want to split it into 'my-patch' and 'my-other-patch', you would do something like this:
$ hg diff # Check there are no local changes in the working directory $ hg qgoto my-patch # Make sure my-patch is the most recently applied $ hg qref -X . # Move all changes out of my-patch and into the working directory $ hg qpop -f # Pop my-patch from the queue so that we can delete it, leaving the changes in the working directory $ hg qdelete my-patch # Delete my-patch (which is now empty) from the queue $ hg qcrecord my-patch # Select the pieces of the diff that you want in my-patch, and save $ hg qnew my-other-patch # Save the remaining pieces of the original patch to the queue as 'my-other-patch'
Or, with the latest version of the Crecord extension, that can be simplified to:
$ hg diff # Check there are no local changes in the working directory $ hg qgoto my-patch # Make sure my-patch is the most recently applied $ hg qcrefresh # Select the pieces of the diff that you want to keep in my-patch $ hg qnew my-other-patch # Save the remaining pieces of the original patch to the queue as 'my-other-patch'
When you invoke qcrecord, it will open a console-based dialog allowing you to select file-by-file, hunk-by-hunk, and even line-by-line, what changes you want to record into the patch that qcrecord will create. When you first launch hg qcrecord, it shows you a list of modified files:
SELECT CHUNKS: (j/k/up/dn/pgup/pgdn) move cursor; (space/A) toggle hunk/all (f)old/unfold; (c)ommit applied; (q)uit; (?) help | [X]=hunk applied **=folded [X]**M hello.cpp
Pressing 'f' toggles between folding and unfold (collapsing and expanding) the diff of hello.cpp:
SELECT CHUNKS: (j/k/up/dn/pgup/pgdn) move cursor; (space/A) toggle hunk/all (f)old/unfold; (c)ommit applied; (q)uit; (?) help | [X]=hunk applied **=folded [X] diff --git a/hello.cpp b/hello.cpp 2 hunks, 4 lines changed [X] @@ -1,4 +1,5 @@ #include <iostrea> [X] +#include <cmath> #include <cstdlib> double square(double x) [X] @@ -8,5 +9,6 @@ int main() { [X] - std::cout << square(3.2) << std::endl; [X] + double x = 2.0; [X] + std::cout << std::sqrt(square(x)) << std::endl; }
This allows us to select the lines to record in the patch. When we're done, we press 'c'.
- Using MQ to thaw/edit/refreeze history
- Sharing patch repos
- guards, maybe
- multiple queues, maybe
Bugzilla Integration
Rob Arnold has made a Mercurial extension called
qimportbz that makes it much easier to transfer patches between Bugzilla and your patch queue. See his blog post for more details. (Since that post was written, the command syntax has changed to:
hg qimport bz:1234567)
Ted Mielczarek has made that works the other way:
bzexport can take patches from your patch queue and attach them to an existing bug in Bugzilla. See his blog post for details.


text:
Jason Kidd did some work Thursday, a personal day for his Brooklyn Nets, when he assumed the role of Phil Jackson and Pat Riley and every other playoff coach who pounces on the fact that refs are human, too, and more willing to please after being rebuked before millions of onlookers.
Kidd was even naming names on his conference call with reporters, claiming that ref Tom Washington missed an obvious Toronto foul on Shaun Livingston in the wild and crazy climax to Game 5, and acting as if Washington impacted the result more than Joey Crawford did in Oklahoma City when he ripped the ball out of Kevin Durant's hands.
It was a smart move from a rookie head coach, smarter than his decision to leave Paul Pierce on his bench after the Nets staged their stunning rally Wednesday night to tie the Raptors. Kidd went on about Toronto's alleged flopping, and how his guys, especially Joe Johnson, wouldn't reduce themselves to such low-rent tactics unless, of course, the officials forced them to in Game 6.
Only here's the thing, no matter how the refs react Friday night in the Barclays Center: If the Nets lose this series, Jason Kidd will be the face of the biggest flop of all.
Deron Williams will be right there with him, since all he's done is help notarize the Knicks' breathless pursuit of Carmelo Anthony three years back. Williams was the Nets' consolation prize in the Melo chase, and one who hasn't provided much in the way of consolation.
But Kidd was the biggest gamble the Nets made, the one Hall of Fame-bound recruit meant to be in place long after the other two (Pierce and Kevin Garnett) are gone. He'd just come out of the Knicks' rotation. Mikhail Prokhorov wanted him, and Billy King eventually went along in large part because everyone believed Kidd would get the best out of Williams, his fellow point guard, and would make Brooklyn a desired destination for available stars around the league the likes of Pierce and Garnett, who combined to play as many minutes as Kidd did in the fourth quarter of Game 5.
Kidd hasn't coached Williams back to being a credible franchise player, and maybe nobody can. A max-out star who seems to run away from max-out responsibilities, Williams doesn't have the competitive soul Kidd had when he took a 26-win Nets team to back-to-back trips to the Finals, and that's a problem when matched against an opponent with Kyle Lowry's motor.
Pierce and Garnett? Though an argument can be made that Kidd did right by benching both in favor of the lesser lights responsible for the Nets' comeback in Toronto, they arrived in the Boston trade as veteran leaders and winners who would ease Kidd's transition to the bench and scare the daylights out of their old friends from Miami in the playoffs. They weren't meant to be endgame cheerleaders on a team threatening to lose to DeMar DeRozan before ever getting to Miami.
"This is about the Brooklyn Nets," Kidd said. "It's not about two guys."


text:
Nikki Junker: Perhaps Scott Adams is fighting for something he sees as the greater good. Perhaps he thinks that the freedom of expression on the Internet is more important than feelings.
Progressive Media Advocates
By Nikki Junker
Treva Brandon Scharf: Confident people don't bash themselves; they don't let negative thinking and self-loathing screw up a good workout or undermine their progress.
Edward Wasserman: The larger question, to me, was less why she did what she did, but why everybody seemed to care so much, and why her case provoked so much anger.
Joe Mathews: But with immigration flatlining and the climate drying up, it may soon be.


text:
"Professor Fensham borrows from Jane Jacobs the metaphor of 'the Dark Age ahead, ' bringing social and cultural analysis to bear upon a fresh theology of church and mission for our time and place. Drawing from deep roots in the trinitarian tradition, and borrowing insight from historic monasticism, he calls for a pilgrim, steward church that will speak and act constructively in the coming time of troubles. This is a creative, original work that will stimulate theological students and lay folk as well."-Harold Wells, Professor Emeritus, Emmanuel College, University of Toronto
"Insightful, provocative, instructive-words that describe how this book helps the church navigate the deep cultural challenge it now faces of massive technique organized through digitalization. Grounding the church's life in a missional hermeneutic of reading Scripture and the church's identity in the social Trinity, Fensham boldly, yet carefully, charts a course for engaging the dark age ahead."- Craig Van Gelder, Ph.D., Professor of Congregational Mission, Luther Seminary
Charles Fensham has a unique perspective on the emergent church. Born in apartheid South Africa and raised within the apartheid-tainted Reformed church, he is an immigrant to Canada with experiences of the church in France, Switzerland, the South Pacific and Africa. He teaches at Knox College at the University of Toronto.


text:
Why would my ex text me happy birthday after no contact for ages?
My Ex girlfriend text me a happy birthday text last week after 8 months with no contact.we decided to call it a day in sept last year as she was hot... Show More
Most Helpful Opinion
This indication... it's different in that you guy's haven't communicated in the past 8 months. I'm sure the people ahead of me kept an open communication with their.
I can see your confusion.
I think, it's her way of opening a conversation. Why else would you contact someone that you haven't spoken to in over 8 months!?
I say, if you're looking for answers for why she did you the way she did and finally get some closure, go for it.
If could care less... then don't. But, you wouldn't have kept her text just to delete and post about it on this site.
What Girls Said 2
What Guys Said 1
As my brother told me as I was starting to go through my divorce, "You will always love those you've loved." Just because you're not romantically involved or not talking doesn't mean that you aren't connected somehow.
She probably still wants you to be happy and would you rather she NOT say happy birthday?
Yeah very true what your bro said,but I think she lied to me about her not being with anybody else as only 2 months had passed and she was engaged!she said she had planned another trip traveling etc and then I found out that!just don't understand the 8 months no contact then a text!
In her world, she's happy. She wants you to be happy and she did not mean to bring up the pain again. Don't let her be in control of your happiness. Don't worry about what she meant by it and just go about making yourself happy, without hurting anyone else.
Have an opinion?


text:
I submitted the following letter to Senators Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer and Representative Tom McClintock:
Following the tragic news of the school shooting in Newtown, Conn., I must urge you to do something about the gun laws in this country. When will these repulsive episodes end? Forget about the power of the gun lobby and the NRA.
Forget about the slick slogans that say "Guns don't kill people, people kill people." Forget about the fact that the shooters have mental issues. Forget about the fact that anyone who wants a gun can find one on the black market.
What needs to be considered is that 20 children were slaughtered. They were innocent victims who were in a place that they and their parents and their country considered safe and secure.
Yet they have been taken before their time, their families destroyed, their young friends scarred by a frightening experience that will haunt them for the rest of their lives.
It is time to deal with the gun laws in this country. I am not opposed to the Second Amendment. But I am opposed to the types of weapons available (what private citizen needs assault rifles?), the number of weapons people can own, the types of people who can purchase weapons, and the types of people who can sell them.
I am aware that there are already many regulations on the books with regard to gun ownership, but obviously they are not working. Today, there are 20 children whose deaths, unfortunately, can now attest to this.
Regulations need to be in place to diminish the possibility that these tragic occurrences in safe environments will occur. I am calling on you, as my representative, to stand up to the nay-sayers, to the fear-mongers out there, and to enact stricter laws on gun control. As a nation, we must do something, and the time is now.
I am not a left-wing radical, but a 68-year-old, college-educated father and grandfather, who considers himself an informed citizen. This is the first time I have felt so compelled to write to an elected representative. I hope that you will carry my flag of hope for a better America.
Robert Burge, Auburn
I submitted the following letter to Senators Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer and Representative Tom McClintock:


text:
Ventamatic MaxxAir 18" Wall Mounted Fan w/ Sealed Motor HVM18$79.99
Product Features:
- Totally enclosed, energy efficient, PSC motor
- Fan head tilts 180 degrees
- 3-speed pull chain
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Campbell Hausfeld Semi Professional HVLP Turbine Spray Gun-MP3311$65.97
HVLP Turbine system spray gun with polymer gun body, aluminum canister and all purpose needle kit installed.
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- Warranty : 3 Years Lmt
- Weight : 2.38 lb
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Koch Grade 70 Binder Chain 3/8" x 20 Ft. - Yellow Chromate, Square Pail 818485$64.99
- Chain and hook assemblies in Grade 70
- Binder chains are fitted with two grab hooks, one at each end of the chain
- Maximum Load: 6,600 lbs.
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US Stove 36/55 Gal Cast Iron Barrel Stove Kit BSK1000$44.99
Heavy-duty cast-iron for increased durability. The cast iron barrel stove kits by United States Stove Company are an affordable alternative for economical heat required in small places like a garage, cabin, or ski lodge. All components are made from sturdy cast iron and are easily adapted to a 36 or 55 gallon steel drum by any handyman or do-it-yourselfer. Round 6" flue. Barrel Not Included.Learn More
Lasko Max Performance Pivoting Utility Fan U15700$69.98
Product Features:
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- Two 120v outlets— great for power tools, radios & work lights
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Wayne Submersible 1/3 HP Sump Pump RSP130$64.99
The Wayne submersible sump pump moves up to 2820 GPH. Fits 14in. wide opening.
- Includes tethered switch for automatic operation
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- Fits 14in. wide opening
SMV Industries 15" Side Wind Bracket Mount Implement Jack 15-BS$43.99Inner & Outer Tubes
Engineered for strength and durability with a tube overlap at extension of 3" for 10" travel jacks and 5" for 15" travel jacks.Standard Finish
Zinc chromate on the inner tube and black powder coat or royal zinc finish on the outer tube. Other finish options are available.Welded Footplate
4" x 7 1/2" on 2,250 lb. Jacks, and 6" x 8" on 5,000 lb. jacksFlange Mount
Features single pull pin snap ring mount and flange plate on 2,250 lb. Jacks. Double pull pin bolt on mount and flange plate on 5,000 lb. jacks.Tube Mount
Features 360 degree seam welded tube with four 90 degree locking positions. Unique double lock hitch pin assembly includes 5/8" plated pin. Heavy duty 2" internal mounting tube is included.Product Features
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- Side Wind Handle
- 14 7/8" Retacted - 29 7/8" Extended
US Stove Shaker Grate 40257$79.97
Replacement wood and coal furnace shaker grate, part number 40257. For units: 1300, 1500, 1537, 1557M, & 22AF.
This shaker grate works as both the front and back grate.
**Some models require two grates, check with your owner's manual.**
Dimensions: 11 5/8" x 5/8"Learn More
Wayne 115 Volt Transfer Pump 340 GPH PC2$69.99
The Wayne 115V transfer pump is a portable, lightweight pump that is ideal for household use. Plugs into any standard household outlet. The 6ft. suction hose and suction attachment remove water down to 1/8in.
- Corrosion-resistant chrome-plated bronze volute
- 3/4in. chrome-plated bronze connections fit standard garden hoses
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- Self-priming pump
- Removes water down to 1/8in. when water suction attachment is used
- Includes 6-ft. suction hose, water suction attachment and parts kit
- For cold water use only
Koch Grade 70 Binder Chain 5/16" x 20 Ft. - Square Pail 818455$44.99
- Chain and hook assemblies in Grade 70
- Binder chains are fitted with two grab hooks, one at each end of the chain
- Yellow Chromate Finish
- Maximum Load: 4,700 lbs.
- Used for Towing, Logging and Load securement


text:
Universal Fit
Apple EarPods with Remote and Mic
"Hi people. I have owned a pair of these earphones for over a year now, and this is what I think about them. I am a beginner reviewer so please, have some understanding. Also, English is not my native language, I am from Croatia. Build quality: I bought my Apple earbuds exactly one year ago, and they feel/look/sound just the same as on the day that I bought them, even though I..." --donniefalcone
Apple In-Ear Headphones with Remote and Mic
" Prelude Apple's stock earbuds that have been shipped with every iPod since its inception are quite possibly the most prolific and widely distributed tech accessory of all time. It's hard to go anywhere without seeing a pair of these things dangling from someone's ears. Casual listeners are bound to be satisfied by the decent performance of the earbuds but what about audiophiles? It's..." --TheGame21x
Apple iPod Earphones Headphones for iPod Nano, Touch & Classic
"I'm not sure if this is the same model I got with my iPhone 4s or not. There have been tons of different models of these buds released for different i-devices. The ones that I received with my 4s are (In my opinion ) absolutely worth at least 30-45 $ in my opinion. No they don't sound like my SENN HD 600 by any means at all, but for an earbud they are exceptional. The..." --GoldenGuy66
Ipod Earbuds Headphones for Nano
" 6.50 on ebay brand new 9.50 for the pair with a remote for that price. you gotta love it lol " --jockhater2
Apple In-Ear Headphones (White)
" I don't know whether it's a conspiracy or a joke, but Apple's talk of these being good quality just makes them seem like hilarious liars who could sell ice to eskimos. If their intent is to drive aftermarket sales, then they've managed it. As far as I can tell these things literally don't play bass. It's just not there. The midrange is ok, and if you're tired, they're ok for watching movies..." --BBBS
1964-S Single Driver Customs
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Apple M9128G/A iPod Remote Earphones iPod Remote And Earphones
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Apple iPod M9394G/B In-Ear Headphones
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Apple Earbuds (White with Gray Earbuds)
The iPod In-Ear Headphones have great sound quality and bass response, and come with three different sized caps to ensure the headphones fit comfortably and securely in your ear.
Apple In-Ear - Headphones (ear-bud)
Great sound quality and bass response / Includes three different sized caps to ensure the earphones fit comfortably and securely / For all iPods


text:
Lay your own earthen brick floor for about $60.
Related Topics
Abe Connally
Abe Connally and Josie Moores live with their two sons off the grid in the mountains of the Chihuahuan Desert. They develop innovative and practical solutions to homesteading on a budget. VelaCreations.com is the online documentation of their experiments and adventures.


text:
The PBXT Storage Engine (http://www.primebase.com/xt/) is getting stable and we decided to benchmark it in different workloads. This time I tested only READ queries, similar to ones in benchmark InnoDB vs MyISAM vs Falcon (https://www.percona.com/blog/2007/01/08/innodb-vs-myisam-vs-falcon-benchmarks-part-1) The difference is I used new sysbench with Lua scripting language, so all queries were scripted for sysbench.
Search Results for: opteron
Interesting MySQL and PostgreSQL Benchmarks
I had found pile of MySQL and PostgreSQL benchmarks on various platforms which I have not seen before. Very interesting reading. It does not share too much information about how MySQL or PostgreSQL was configured or about queries. Furthermore MySQL and PostgreSQL has a bit different implementations (ie SubQueries avoided for MySQL) so do not […]
Internals of InnoDB mutexes
InnoDB uses its own mutexes and read-write locks instead of POSIX-mutexes pthread_mutex*, the main reason for that is performance, but InnoDB's implementation isn't ideal and on modern SMP boxes can cause serious performance problems. Let's look on InnoDB mutex (schematic for simplification):
MyISAM concurrent insert
Arjen posted a good note about MyISAM concurrent-insert features, though I should mention concurrent-insert can be cause of scalablity and peformance problems on SMP boxes, especially on queries processing range-queries. The reason of problems is POSIX read-write locks, which are used to protect key_buffer from concurrent changes and called for each processed row. More info […]


text:
Buford seems so complete heading into Saturday's state title game.
ATLANTA - Warren Singletary scored on a pair of short touchdown runs and Hawkinsville defeated Irwin County, 15-6, for the Georgia High School Association Class A-Public state football title on Friday at the Georgia Dome.
Buford defensive linemen have been harassing opposing quarterbacks all season long. Now the hard-hitting, fast-talking unit is back on a familiar stage: the state championship game.
CARTERSVILLE - Momentum was moving fast in Cartersville's direction. Steven Reese changed that with one play.
Commerce at Irwin County
It's been two years since the Buford Wolves played at Weinman Stadium. But they haven't forgotten the standing-room-only crowd at Cartersville High and the atmosphere surrounding a 21-10 Buford win in the 2012 Class AAA semifinals.
ACWORTH - Gainesville was in it to the very end.
JEFFERSON - The Jefferson Dragons' run at a second state championship in three seasons ended Friday night at Jefferson Memorial Stadium.
BUFORD - Determination helped Joshua Thomas and Buford take control Friday night and punch the Wolves' ticket into the state semifinals for an eighth consecutive season.
COMMERCE - It wasn't a win for the highlight reel, but Commerce coach Michael Brown will take it.
Gainesville at Allatoona
BUFORD - For Evyn Cooper, it was all about being the next man up.
HAMILTON – Mikey Gonzalez has carved out his own legacy for Gainesville. His year as the Red Elephants' signal-caller will be remembered for winning huge games with clutch performances.
JEFFERSON - The No. 1-seed Jefferson Dragons put together another dominant performance in the Class AAA state playoffs Friday night at Memorial Stadium, ousting the No. 3-seeded Dodge County Indians, 27-7.
COMMERCE - Once Will Thomas found running room, there was no stopping him.
Page 2 of 93
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text:
Book a Tee Time at Casta del Sol Golf Course
Ready to play at Casta del Sol?
Submitted by admin on Fri, 2012-04-06 11:19
Our renowned 18-hole, par 61 golf course features two distinct tees, water play on 8 holes, and a variety of challenges that appeal to both beginning golfers and advanced golfers looking to refine their short game.
Book A Tee Time
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