text:
We are in no doubt, given the racial and political motivations, that this should have been rightly defined as an act of terrorism. By his own admission, the defendant Zack Davies had extreme neo-Nazi views and is a member of a white supremacist organisation.So why weren't the actions of Zack Davies seen as an act of terrorism, when a similar attack by a Muslim man would have been?]]>
"The revolution doesn't start a thousand miles away, it starts with you."
It could be a statement put out by ISIS, the group that has encouraged its sympathisers all over the world to take action in defense of the Caliphate. But actually that's the strapline on the front page of National Action, a neo-Nazi group in the UK that is committed to "fighting to recapture our country in an increasingly hostile and foreign environment".
Yesterday, Zack Davies was sentenced for the attempted murder of Dr Sarandar Bhambra, a man who was assaulted because he "looked Asian" according to Davies.
His family said after the sentencing:
We are in no doubt, given the racial and political motivations, that this should have been rightly defined as an act of terrorism. By his own admission, the defendant Zack Davies had extreme neo-Nazi views and is a member of a white supremacist organisation.
So why weren't the actions of Zack Davies seen as an act of terrorism, when a similar attack by a Muslim man would have been?
And who are National Action, the white supremacist organisation that indoctrinated Zack Davies?
National Action, in their own words, a "National Socialist youth organisation" typically aimed at men "in their late teens or twenties". They're not an organised and hierarchical network and, in their own words, shun that sort of organising. It's likely National Action choose a leaderless style of self-organising after the collapse of the EDL once Tommy Robinson left.
Their website states their mission:
Britain has become a nation of weak cowards who are hypersensitive and scared to say anything. Lying through fear is now considered normal – we have allowed hysterical twits to control how everything is done while our people limp towards rivers of blood. Where are the men who will tell the truth? Where are the men who will stand up and fight?
In June last year the Sunday Mirror ran an expose on them, calling them a Hitler-loving group that wanted to 'ethnically cleanse' the UK. Its not clear when the group started but its likely they were formed after the collapse of the BNP and EDL.
The Mirror revealed that they were trying to recruit students on university campuses and heaped praise on Norweigan terrorist Anders Breivik.
In a manifesto called 'Attack' posted on their website, I found this paragraph:
Nobody has ever gotten anywhere by being 'moderate'. Nobody has ever gotten anywhere by being 'nice'. Nobody has ever gotten anywhere by being 'intellectual'. Nobody has ever gotten anywhere by being 'respectable'. Men and movements got to where they did by one way and one way only. It is what the enemy calls Fascism, and so far as I have ever found it is the only thing that has ever worked. Just looking at it objectively the patriots in these two countries Germany and Italy used this method, this thing, and with it they kicked communism and took power all by themselves. Deep down isn't that what we want? Only done right this time.
Done right this time. Hmmm. I wonder what that means. The emphasis in the text above is mine.
There are also comparisons to al-Qaeda inspired suicide bombers.
Fascism produced people who were willing to fight – who is really willing to fight for anything today? I mean really believe in anything enough to face hardship for it? Muslims are an example, they strap bombs to themselves. In our case though most of our people are for whatever reason unable commit perfectly legal acts like voting for nationalist parties – and nationalist activists are unable to hold open meetings and speak the truth. If the health of a people is judged by how vigorously they defend their right to existence then we need to find things that make them do that.
There is open support for Nazi style fascism and heavy implication that this should be achieved through violence or at least force. But these people are not harassed by the authorities.
On March 21st around a 100 National Action sympathisers turned out for a demonstration in Newcastle. There were no police attempts to arrest them of course.
Zack Davies, the extremist who tried to kill Dr Bhambra, posted an image of himself in a balaclava with a large knife and the National Action flag hours before he carried out his attack, reports Channel 4. A large amount of white-supremacist material was found at his house.
National Action regularly posts videos online showing themselves training to fight. C4 News reported yesterday that the group also helped to promote "Isis-inspired" neo-Nazi training camps inside the UK where members learned hand-to-hand combat and trained with knives.
So why aren't they labelled as a terror group? And why wasn't Zack Davies's stabbing called the attack of a 'terrorist'?
Top image taken from the National Action 2014 'review' (PDF).
Opposition to all this [austerity] has barely begun. But there's no democratic reason for people to accept it. The Tories were elected by fewer than 37% of voters. Only 24% of those eligible backed the Conservatives – and that's not counting the unregistered.I know some people will not want to hear this but this is a ridiculous argument. ]]>
Opposition to all this [austerity] has barely begun. But there's no democratic reason for people to accept it. The Tories were elected by fewer than 37% of voters. Only 24% of those eligible backed the Conservatives – and that's not counting the unregistered.
I know some people will not want to hear this but this is a ridiculous argument.
I'm saying this because I'm also opposed to Tory austerity: we have to find a better argument than 'the Tories have no mandate' because it sounds ridiculous to anyone outside the hard left.
1) The Tories went into an election offering even more cuts. They did way better than the party that warned against having that level of cuts. This means we have to find a different way of selling our argument, not repeating it endlessly in the hope that by some miracle people will rise up against austerity.
2) Voters, by definition, are the people who vote. Of the people who voted the Tories did the best and that DOES give them legitimacy. That is how people see it and by pretending the election was a fraud makes lefties look silly.
Also, if we are indeed focusing on election turnout, it may NOT be a good idea to have anti-austerity protests headlined by a celebrity who urged people not to register or vote*. It makes us look really confused.
I'm not saying all this to make people depressed, though it will undoubtedly will do that to some. I'm saying this because I hate this line of argument as it doesn't have currency outside the hard left, and because the Left really has to start being consistent on registration and voting.
* the fact that Russell Brand changed his mind at the last minute doesn't absolve him, I'm afraid.
Survation, on behalf of Bright Blue the independent think tank & pressure group for liberal conservatism, conducted an in-depth study of ethnic minority voter's attitudes to immigration to inform their new report: A balanced centre-right agenda on immigration: Understanding how ethnic minorities think about immigration.
The report has six main findings:
· Ethnic minorities, like the wider population, are more concerned with having a well-managed immigration system and admitting immigrants who will contribute to the UK than lowering the overall number of immigrants
40% of ethnic minorities think that an ideal immigration system is one that is well managed and keeps out illegal immigrants. 25% of ethnic minorities believe an ideal immigration system is one that includes only those who contribute. Only 10% of ethnic minorities think that an ideal immigration system is one with fewer immigrants or no new immigrants (7%).
· The most important policy relating to immigration for ethnic minorities, like the wider population, is restricting migrants' access to benefits
The policy which ethnic minorities would most like to see introduced to improve the immigration system is increasing the time before new immigrants can claim benefits (43%). The second most popular policy is increasing border policing to cut down on illegal immigration (36%). These two policies are more popular than tightening the immigration cap on non-EU migrants (22%) or withdrawing from EU free movement of workers rules (16%).
· Ethnic minorities are more welcoming of different types of immigrants than the wider population
93% of ethnic minorities do not want a reduction in the number of international students coming to the UK. 92% do not want to see fewer professional workers coming to the UK and 84% do not want fewer skilled manual workers coming to the UK. Across all types of immigrants, ethnic minorities are more likely to say that their numbers should not be reduced than the wider population.
· Ethnic minorities are more positive about the economic and cultural impact of immigration than the wider population
72% of ethnic minorities agree that immigration has provided skills for our economy compared to 42% of the wider population. 65% agree that it has enriched British culture compared to 34% of the wider population. 52% agree that it has helped support our NHS compared to 40% of the wider population.
Ethnic minorities are also more likely to believe that immigrants are integrating. 73% of ethnic minorities think that most immigrants prefer to be in work than on benefits, compared to 46% of the wider population. 69% think that most immigrants contribute tax, compared to 40% of the wider population. 47% think that most immigrants speak fluent English, compared to 26% of the wider population.
· Immigrants themselves are positive about Britain and participate in local activities
An overwhelming majority of immigrants, 93%, are proud (either very proud or somewhat proud) to live in Britain. 87% of immigrants feel respect for the British political system. Moreover, in terms of social mixing, most immigrants participate in a range of local activities. 50% of immigrants go to the pub with friends or colleagues and 47% participate in local community organisations.
· Ethnic minority views of immigration represent a political opportunity for the centre-right
Changing the party's immigration policy is one of the top changes (24%) which would encourage ethnic minority individuals not currently seriously considering voting for the Conservative Party to consider it, behind only changing NHS policy and changing economic policy. There is an opportunity for the centre-right, and the Conservative Party in particular, to develop a policy agenda on immigration that strengthens its appeal to ethnic minority voters. Rather than a narrow focus on caps and clampdown, the Conservative Party should have a balanced agenda on immigration. This should include the championing of the significant benefits from immigration, as well as practical policies to address the challenges, and ensuring the system prioritises immigrants who contribute and places competent management of the system at the forefront of debate.
In the initial part I talk about the wrong assumptions I made in the run up to the election. I've written about that here too.
From 8m 15 seconds, I talk about the three big challenges the next Labour leader will have to grapple with.
From 19m 22 secs, I talk about the main leadership candidates (which included Chuka Umunna at the time).
(the sound quality improves after a minute)
(ht @Puffles2010)]]>
But I made other assumptions in the last election cycle and its only right to own up to them. Partly, I feel its important for my readers, but partly I think its worth articulating them so I can learn from my mistakes.
The biggest mistake I made was this. Over the last 2 years, the Labour leadership's ratings on leadership and economic competence started trailing that of the Tory leadership. I.e. Cameron was consistently seen as a better leader than Miliband (a gap that grew), and Cameron-Osborne were ahead of Miliband-Balls on economic competence. Because the polling stayed broadly positive, I assumed this was having very little impact on voting intentions. I also assumed that when it came to the crunch, people would vote with their hearts than on competence. BFM (Big Fucking Mistake).
Clearly, it has now been proven beyond doubt that if voters don't see you as a credible and strong leader, then they won't trust your promises. It doesn't matter how much they like your policies (Miliband's policies were quite populist) – they just won't trust you to deliver them. They won't place their faith in you. This should be a lesson for all of us on the left. Ed tried hard to shift those perceptions, and he improved, but he didn't try harder and earlier. I had assumed (mostly because of the polls) that voters didn't think this was a big enough deal. Clearly, it was.
The other big mistake was with UKIP. I assumed, again based on polling data, that UKIP hurt the Tories more than Labour. Many in the Labour leadership assumed this too. And this was true to an extent. But we didn't anticipate that the Tories would be much better at tempting back Tory->UKIP voters than Labour->UKIP voters.
I suspect Tories did this mostly by raising doubts about Miliband and his tie-up with the SNP. They said the election was going to be close — too close — and that this metropolitan geek was going to be under Nicola Sturgeon's thumb. "It would bring chaos."
It played not only into their English nationalism but perceptions of Miliband's weakness as a leader. Ex-Tory voters clearly got the message and returned back. Far too many ex-Labour voters didn't, primarily because we didn't connect with them, emotionally and culturally (I'll come back to that point another time).
The point is that Labour-> UKIP switchers hit us harder than many of us (including myself) expected, especially in places like Southampton Itchen. That assumption was also a BFM, though its unlikely Miliband could have stemmed that flow easily.
So yeah, I hold up my hands and admit it: both of these were pretty big assumptions and I got them wrong.]]>
Late last year, when he became leader, he said they could hang on to most seats in Scotland.
He said he was "astonished" at how "easy it's been to outwit the SNP". Yup, the SNP look totally outwitted.
Since he became leader of Scottish Labour, the SNP increased their leader over Labour until the elections.
Plus, his own ratings took a sharp dive after being elected. At the end of January 33% of Scots said he was doing well, with 43% saying he was doing badly. By March, just 26% said he was doing well, 51% said he was doing badly.
Worse, Murphy couldn't even convince Labour voters. Nicola Sturgeon's approval rating amongst Labour voters was just -4. Jim Murphy's net approval rating amongst SNP supporters was -54.
If Murphy can't convince tempt back SNP voters, he has no chance of rejuvenating Scottish Labour. And in the last 6 months he has been leader, he made a bad situation worse.
His entire campaign utterly failed. As Adam Bienkov earlier pointed out:
The campaign run by Murphy has been complacent, uninspiring and counter-productive. Murphy's central message – that a vote for the SNP is a vote for the Conservatives – is purely negative and gives voters zero reasons to actively back the Labour party. This strategy may have once seemed like Labour's best chance of hanging on in Scotland, but the unavoidable fact is that it has not worked. Yet even today Murphy is still sticking to his script, telling reporters that the poll results are "good for the SNP and great for David Cameron."
With Cameron victorious, Scottish voters are now more likely to think that only the SNP can stand up for them, especially since Labour in Westminster is talking about 'moving to the centre ground'.
So what is Jim Murphy's case for staying on leader of Scottish Labour, since he has utterly failed over the last 6 months?]]>
We expected this right? Tony Blair is becoming famous for repeating himself all the time.
There's also one glaring problem with this cliche: Cameron didn't win from the centre ground. In fact he moved further away from the electorate and voters rewarded him for it.
Britons saw Cameron as right-wing as Miliband was left-wing. They were both equally away from the centre.
In fact, Cameron was further away from the centre nearer to the election than he started off! And yet he increased his share of the vote and seats.
Furthermore, most of Miliband's major policies: cracking down on tax avoidance, abolishing non-doms, raising the 50px tax, focusing on the NHS etc – were very popular with the public. His analysis of people not being served by capitalism was right – even Tories like Fraser Nelson and Charles Moore admitted it.
So if this was about moving left or right, and about offering policies that chime with the public, why didn't Miliband win big?
Because people value authenticity, and they value competence. Labour gave them neither; Cameron at least offered latter. Miliband didn't have clarity of message either. People frequently misunderstood his positions or didn't believe in them. When it came to the crunch, they could not bring themselves to place their trust in the man (sadly). Miliband just wasn't believed, whatever he promised and however popular that was.
There's a lesson here for the left: popular policies don't necessarily win you elections if the person offering them isn't believable. Unless he or she is seen as authentic and competent enough to follow them through, you can offer free owls to everyone and people will still reject you.
There's a lesson here for the Labour right too: elections aren't always won from the 'centre ground'. That era of triangulation is over. Obama won, twice, on quite a liberal platform, railing against inequality and the top 1%, because he was seen as competent and determined.
UPDATE: There are other inconvenient facts too. As Peter Oborne points out:
Their prescription is curious after a general election in which the three parties which rejected the centre ground — the SNP, UKIP and the Greens — made the biggest gains in the popular vote.
Meanwhile the party which made the greatest claim to the centre ground — the Liberal Democrats — was virtually annihilated.
But don't let the facts get in your way, Mr Blair.]]>
The Labour leadership have finally settled on a clear line on the SNP.
Assuming that Cameron cannot cobble together a majority on 8th May and has to resign, that gives Ed Miliband his turn at forming a government.
Miliband says he won't do a formal coalition with the SNP (Nicola Sturgeon ruled that out ages ago anyway), nor will there be an informal 'Confidence & Supply' agreement with them. Instead, Labour either do a deal with the Lib Dems to get a working majority, or they work as a minority government.
The Labour leadership are confident they can work as a minority government because the SNP and other minor left parties won't vote down their Queen's Speech and trigger a second election. In effect they are calling Nicola Sturgeon's bluff because she has already committed to voting down a Tory Queen's Speech.
So the Labour leadership are pleased because they think Sturgeon has little leverage. But can this strategy be sustained for long?
Firstly, this is from last night:
This is going to hurt in Scotland. Don't believe Miliband would reject votes from SNP to let Tories in; bad phrasing pic.twitter.com/angXsrs55r
— Sunny Hundal (@sunny_hundal) April 30, 2015
The SNP are predictably spinning it as: Ed Miliband would rather let the Tories back in than work with the SNP. That is wrong. There is no conceivable prospect of Miliband resigning his government than having SNP on his side.
Caroline Flint later clarified it:
What [Miliband] ruled out was this idea that, somehow, to have a Labour government we're prepared to do a coalition or some other kind of confidence and supply deal [with the SNP].
But, at the end of the day, whoever forms a government, parties will get a chance to vote for a Queen's speech, vote for budgets, and vote for policies, that's the same with any government.
In other words: Hey Nicola Sturgeon, you are still welcome to vote with us! Just don't expect a quid-pro-quo arrangement of any sort.
OK. So that was a misstep but this strategy is still sound, right?
I'm not so sure.
Keep one important point in mind: a large proportion of Scots don't view the SNP as negatively as the English do. In fact, a large proportion of them (many of whom are ex-Labour voters) think the SNP have their interests at heart more than Labour. This seems obvious but a lot of people seem to be ignoring this.
More importantly, Nicola Sturgeon isn't going to let herself be outmaneuvered by Miliband so easily.
Since Labour still needs a majority of MPs for votes on legislation, Sturgeon will just make his life harder by getting SNP MPs to abstain or complain over small things. That would put Miliband in a difficult position: either negotiate with the SNP (and have the Right savage him for it) or appeal to Tory MPs (thus alienating the left and giving an electoral boon to Sturgeon).
In Scotland, Sturgeon will keep arguing that Miliband would rather do a deal with the Tories than the SNP. In England, the Tories will argue that Labour are breaking their promise and doing deals with the SNP. Either way Miliband will be constantly attacked on all sides.
This isn't ideal. Miliband's administration could soon become paralysed.
For Miliband to argue in Scotland that he'd rather have Tory MPs vote with him than negotiate with SNP MPs would further alienate SNP voters (many of whom Labour need back). In effect he will be giving up on Scottish Labour without much gain in return.
By saying Labour rejects any deal with the SNP, I think Miliband is making a mistake. I don't think this strategy can be sustained.]]>
But I don't think it will be that straightforward.
Firstly, it won't be easy from the Conservative side. Theresa May and Boris Johnson want their shot at being leader of the party and neither have time to waste. Neither want to wait another five years either, when more of the recent crop of Tories will want their shot.
Tory leadership hopefuls could make the argument to colleagues that another coalition would undermine the Tory party and force them to break more promises. Besides, Cameron has shown himself incapable of winning elections outright, so why not get rid of him and get a proper leader who will win in 5 years time? – they will say.
Many Tories, who will not want the straightjacket of another coalition, will find that a seductive pitch and may reject another coalition.
Secondly, its not a done and dusted deal from the Lib Dem side either. For a start, Clegg has to get approval from his fellow MPs and party members, and that won't be as straightforward this time.
There will be far more hostility from Lib Dems this time, for good reasons. These are some points made to me by Steffan John (@steffanjohn) over Twitter. I'm quoting him directly without embedding tweets to make it look cleaner:
1) Maths for majority isn't there.
2) Even if a small majority was, no national interest in unstable government with 4yr leadership contest.
3) 2010 had financial crisis backdrop and 4) threat of swift re-election. Neither there this time, so less pressure on Lib Dems
5) 2010 had common ground on civil liberties, localisation, constitutional reform, environment, raising tax thresh. All gone.
6) Labour not hated as it was in 2010; Tories far more Right-wing now. LD won't support again, esp. as Lab-LD-(SNP) is possible
Steffan John is a Lib Dem and makes some good points.
And here is Vince Cable's former SpAd Giles Wilkes
So let the Tories, in minority, try to cut 12bn off welfare, 25bn off unprotected departments, w/o LibDems there to excuse it.
— Giles Wilkes (@Gilesyb) April 19, 2015
There is, I think, a real chance Lib Dems will reject a coalition with Cameron, especially if there are signs of hostility from Tory MPs (stirred up by May and Boris).
That clears the way for Miliband to be Prime Minister, with Lib Dems choosing to either work in a coalition or sit on the sidelines, while the Conservatives choose their next leader.]]>
Most people, I suspect, would pick the latter option. Or at least, they would like to think they prefer the second option but they're easily seduced by the first.
Many of my colleagues on the left have been raving about the SNP for months. Today, when they released their manifesto, it turned out their spending plans and commitments weren't actually that different to that of Labour
@chrisshipitv @paulwaugh @TheIFS This is hardly news – both I & @resfoundation said exactly that several weeks ago
— Jonathan Portes (@jdportes) April 20, 2015
I just feel sorry for those people who had raved about how SNP would challenge austerity, only to find their fiscal plans were largely the same as Labour's plans.
The Guardian's George Monbiot put the SNP in the same category as Syriza, Podemos, Sinn Féin, and the Greens. Follow your convictions, he extorted! Ignore those bloody bean-counters and accountants from the Labour party who offer nothing other than limp policies, he added.
Oh. Now it turns out the SNP nicked half their policies and ideas from Labour. As Stephen Bush points out, it feels as if it is the SNP being pulled leftward by Ed Miliband. Ouch!
My friends, this is what happens when you focus on empty rhetoric rather than actual policies and commitments. Monbiot and others had been saying for ages that Labour and Tory austerity was the same until it turned out… that wasn't true.
THIS is why I keep saying, focus on the actual policies rather than the rhetoric, otherwise later you'll be left asking why politicians don't live up to expectations.]]>
I want to illustrate this point through a recent article by the Telegraph's Andrew Gillian, which screamed: Islamic 'radicals' at the heart of Whitehall.
Here's what happened: the government set up a group to advise them on tackling anti-Muslim prejudice, in parallel to the one tackling anti-semitism. It includes representatives from most major departments.
It is a very inclusive like few others, including Ahmadis, Ismailis, Sunnis and Shia Muslims together, plus other campaigners like Nick Lowles (Hope Not Hate). This is worth keeping in mind, especially since its conveniently ignored by Andrew Gilligan, because any "extreme" views would very likely be challenged by others.
The central allegation of the article is against Mudassar Ahmad, a case which is so flimsy you have to wonder whether a different agenda was being served.
Among its most prominent non-government members is Muddassar Ahmed, a former senior activist in the Muslim Public Affairs Committee (MPAC), an extremist and anti-Semitic militant body which is banned from many universities as a hate group
In fact Mudassar left MPAC years ago and was never involved in any of the main activities it was criticised for (and I was a frequent critics of MPAC). The article admits that later on too.
The main quotes come from Fiyaz Mughal from Tell MAMA, who is said to have left the group over "concerns". But Fiyaz actually left earlier last year. He is referred to by Gilligan as a "senior Muslim leader" even though he earlier undermined and attacked Tell MAMA's work (which led to a complaint to the PCC from Tell MAMA). One minute Gilligan thinks TM is dodgy and then he's a senior leader? What does that say about Gilligan's journalism?
When the article came out, I said maybe Fiyaz was justified if any in the group had made inflammatory statements.
But Hope Not Hate's Nick Lowles said to me in response: "This is the first time the antisemtic charge has been levelled on the group or its members. It is a complete red herring and an insult to everyone on the group." I trust his judgement.
And yet, by implication, people in the group are being smeared as 'entryists' (Fiyaz Mughal has conspicuously declined to fully justify his claims).
These kind of generalisations about Muslims are rare now, but still remain despicable. The Telegraph would never (any more) run headlines like 'secret plan by gays to take over Whitehall' – so why is this kind of language acceptable regarding Muslims?]]>
Last week, Cage director Asim Qureshi was invited on to the BBC to justify his comments on Mohammed Emwazi and debate other stances the group have taken.
He went from bad to worse. Qureshi was asked about a claim on the Cage website that British individuals are "killed on the whim of British security agencies" – he couldn't think of a single example. Later asked if he agreed with Haitham al-Haddad's views on FGM, stoning of women, domestic violence and more – Qureshi said: "I'm not a scholar".
To summarise, the leader of Cage, a self-described 'human rights organisation' can't even be clear on his own stance on several human rights issues. This is a joke, right?
A decade ago, when Asim Qureshi was speaking at a Hizb ut-Tahrir rally, he had no problems acting as a theologian and telling Muslims it was "incumbent upon all of us to support the Jihad [in Iraq, Chechnya, Afghanistan, Israel]". Has he become less informed about Islam since?
Supporters of Cage say this is about context, that he wasn't actually encouraging anyone to commit terrorism. Of course, jihad can also be non-violent according to the official definition, but its ridiculous to pretend that the wider context, where some Muslims think jihad implies violent extremism, is irrelevant. When Tommy Robinson said Muslims would pay if there was another 7/7 style attack – we know what he meant, he wasn't talking about financial compensation. At least he apologised; Qureshi hasn't.
I have two questions for Cage:
1) We agree that people should have access to justice and due process, and Cage keep referring to the latter re: the Mohammed Emwazi affair. So I asked: Did they think MI5 broke the law in any way in dealing with Emwazi?
2) Why didn't they release the full tapes of their conversations with Emwazi?
I've repeatedly put these two questions to Cage over Twitter. They've not answered, despite responding to attacks on me by others.
* * * * *
Its worth saying that Amnesty UK has never had a formal relationship with Cage. In an interview with Radio 4 they say their joint work involved hosting a few events for Moazzam Begg, and lending their name to some publications and letters. Recently they both signed a letter to Cameron calling for a judge-led inquiry into Britain's alleged involvement in the rendition and torture of terrorist suspects.
5 years ago, when Amnesty UK's work with Mozazzam Begg was questioned by former employee Gita Sahgal, I came to Amnesty's defence (though I actually wrote the issue was more complicated than many pretended it was). Recent events show that Gita called it right and I called it wrong, as did Amnesty. I'm happy to admit that, and I regret some of the intemperate language I used.
At the time I was defending Amnesty (not Cage) against people (excluding Gita) who wanted to undermine the organisation for other reasons, i.e. its focus on Guantanamo Bay and Israeli war crimes. I continue to think Amnesty is a great organisation but it should have refused to work with Cage then. I made lots of calls which turned out to be right (unlike many of Amnesty's critics) but in this case I was wrong. Gita Sahgal's instincts have been vindicated.]]>
Or take another example. Imagine you're a white working class kid who lives in a town like Luton. You've heard stories of Pakistani-gangs grooming young white girls and that the police is barely doing anything about it. The gangs make your life hell and, on top of that, they go around harassing gays and soldiers and saying they hate this country. They want to shariah law in town, the gangs say. So you join the English Defence League because you see them as the only people standing up against them. Is he a racist? Or is he a boy driven to join extreme groups in response to events around him?
By now you'll know what I'm getting at, though some people will no doubt claim these are false comparisons. They're not.
I'm sick of people who try and "contextualise" terrorism on the basis that someone else is to blame for what that person did. But yesterday, CAGE, which calls itself a human rights organisation (yes and Putin is a human rights activist), said the blame for the radicalisation of Mohammed Emwazi (aka Jihadi John) lay solely with the intelligence services.
Of course it did. Because saying anything else would require admitting that he was actually taught by other Muslims to hate non-Sunnis, be ok with the enslaving of Yazidi women, and behead aid workers. CAGE would never admit that. In their world, radicalisation only happens when the police or intelligence services question Muslims. As a caller to BBC radio yesterday put it: "I'm a black man. I've been stopped and searched by the Police on numerous occasions for no reason. That doesn't give me an excuse to murder people."
There is no doubt in my mind that CAGE were making excuses for a terrorist. Trying to paint him as a victim who was driven to his heinous crimes by security services (who, by the way, only half-heartedly tried to recruit him). And yet, many people who are normally outraged when the national media make excuses for white terrorists or EDL members, were silent yesterday or supporting CAGE, with a few honourable exceptions
Being so angry about foreign policy that you take it out on some innocent aid workers, journalists, local people — makes zero sense.
— Murtaza Hussain (@MazMHussain) February 27, 2015
Let's be clear about a few things. The security services are not going to stop questioning Muslims who they think are involved in terrorism-related activities. I only wonder why they didn't have Mohammed Emwazi under heavier surveillance earlier.
Secondly, CAGE did incalculable harm to the cause of people (like me) who think the security services do sometimes overstep the mark and harass people wrongly. If CAGE is their spokesperson then those people are fucked because they won't elicit any sympathy whatsoever.
The media is inconsistent in how it covers murders by Muslims and non-Muslims – I agree with this. But Muslims can't complain of bias in the national media and then fail to criticise a group like CAGE who want to "contextualise" how a man like him is driven to extremism (there were exceptions of course)
@sunny_hundal not all Muslims deny it. Some try to stand against the leftists-Islamists camp!
— Nervana Mahmoud (@Nervana_1) February 27, 2015
In fact I asked several times yesterday of the "context" that makes a man want to kill innocent aid workers (who were helping Syrians), and I got no reply. Funny that.]]>
There are usually two kinds of people who like to commentate on foreign policy matters: those who oppose any military 'intervention' in the affairs of other countries; and those who have no problems advocating military intervention and will always defend such action.
I happen to be in a third, less media-friendly category of people who thinks military intervention in the affairs of other countries is a possible last resort providing:
– it is carefully judged and isn't rushed into
– has a clear purpose and exit plan
– the public is adequately explained why such action is necessary and support it in significant numbers
– the plan isn't to leave the country in a worse state than it was
I accept that this is too nuanced for many people, especially on Twitter… but ¯\_(?)_/¯
Anyway. I also believe it really helps foreign policy debates if politicians admitted when they fucked up. I'm actually still astounded that Tony Blair – and Nick Cohen, by the way – aren't embarrassed to continue opining on foreign policy affairs and defending the invasion of Iraq. Living in a bubble makes you oblivious, clearly.
Like Iraq, we fucked up in Libya. We should say this so we can learn from it.
I mean, here we have Jonathan Powell, Tony Blair's former chief of staff who was then appointed by Cameron as the UK envoy, saying: "Libya could, if it goes down this spiral, end up as a failed state."
WTAF? There is no mention whatsoever of the UK's hand in deposing Gaddafi (which I supported at the time), and yet doing nothing whatsoever to ensure a transition to democracy. We have screwed up and yet we're pretending it's the Libyan people's fault their country has collapsed into violence. It beggars belief.
This has now become a pattern: we get involved in foreign conflicts and then we absolve ourselves of responsibility if the country collapses without proper institutions being put in place. Libya is in trouble because of us. We should have helped put institutions in place but we were too busy leaving to declare victory.
Aside from the lives lost in Libya, these kind of screw-ups also dampen public enthusiasm for genuinely necessary interventions in places like Syria*. Our own short-sightedness in foreign affairs is costing lives – of others and eventually ours, through blowback.
* PS – I don't accept Cameron passed the above tests when rushing into Syria over chemical weapons, which is I supported Miliband's brakes on the process.
If you watch ISIS's videos you are complicit in its terrorism, says Nesrine Malik at the Guardian.
Sorry, but this is ludicrous for various reasons. I have watched a fair amount of ISIS videos, unapologetically, and here are several reasons to do so.
1) To study what ISIS are doing and understand symbolism of what they're saying. ISIS videos are carefully constructed pieces of propaganda. If you want to defeat your enemy then you have to know them. This isn't just a military war but one of ideology, which makes it even more important to understand that ideology and its weaknesses. It also helps when you're debating with 'at risk' people to counter ISIS propaganda.
2) For work. Someone has to accurately report this shit, no? Someone has to study the video to see what else it reveals, and whether its actually a fake or not. The fact that ISIS have burnt alive a Jordanian pilot is news, whether people like it or not. So someone has to accurately report it, and others will use to build a better picture of ISIS capabilities and people.
3) Most importantly, I don't want sanitised and tightly controlled images from national news, I want to see gory details and make up my own mind. I want others to have that opportunity to do so too. War is awful and people need to know this.
For too long we've had coverage of news events and war from the perspective of news organisations that are are OK with showing sanitised videos released by governments, but don't want to show pics or videos of atrocities from their own side. YouTube has changed all that and I welcome it. I don't want to be told by others what I should or should not be watching re: war or conflict. And I certainly do not want the government stepping in and criminalising people for watching videos of external conflicts.]]>
The New York Times has published an extraordinary account of how the two terrorists who burst into Charlie Hebdo's office became radicalised.
Here are a few thoughts from the article, and more generally, that I think have the potential to change how western security services deal with al-Qaeda inspired terrorism.
1) Al-Qaeda's methods have changed to Mumbai style attacks.
If more such attacks take place across Western Europe, which seems likely, then I suspect they will be more in the style of Paris and Mumbai than the 7/7 bombings. Smuggling, building and learning about detonating explosives takes time and effort. It can also be a hit and miss. But a terrorist attack using an assault rifle is easier for al-Qaeda inspired jihadists to put together. The weapons are easier to get hold off and the practice required is minimal. Seems obvious to say, but I suspect the security services are worrying less about guys carrying backpacks and more about guys looking at acquiring AK-47s.
2) The security services are over-whelmed
The French secret service have a pretty good reputation but even they didn't see this coming, though the two perpetrators had previously been under surveillance.
After at least one of the Kouachis traveled to Yemen in 2011, the United States alerted French authorities. But three years of tailing the brothers yielded nothing, and an oversight commission ruled that the surveillance was no longer productive, said Louis Caprioli, the deputy head of France's domestic antiterrorism unit from 1998 to 2004.
The brothers appeared so nonthreatening that surveillance was dropped in the middle of last year, he said, as hundreds of young Muslims cycled back and forth to Syria for jihad and French authorities shifted priorities.
In other words, the job of tracking Muslims thinking about joining ISIS, or those who already have, or have already returned from Syria (estimated at 250 by ICSR), is over-whelming western security services. That means they're likely to demand more funding and more spying powers. It also means the rise of ISIS has created a lot more targets and problems.
3) Jailing jihadists doesn't help
One of the Paris attackers was earlier jailed in 2005 to 20 months in prison for attempting an attack. He was just an inexperienced and scared boy then. But, like numerous other cases, it was in prison that he met his future mentor and one of al-Qaeda's top operatives.
This presents a dilemma. We can't lock people up in prison forever, and yet that may be the place they become even more radicalised. We can't track them easily forever either, since it costs a lot of money and the rise of ISIS has made that much harder. So what do we do?
We need good de-radicalisation programmes, but there hasn't been a serious push across Europe or the USA to embrace them either. That, I think, is short-sighted. Prisons aren't helping.
Prison authorities quickly recruited a handful of Muslim chaplains, but jihadist hecklers disrupted their prayers.
"They would ask a religious question, and whatever answer he gave, they would contest it," the Muslim activist said. They would mockingly toss out questions: What did the imam think about jihad? What about the situation in Palestine? Why wasn't halal meat served in the prison?
These guys need aggressive de-radicalisation, not some half-hearted attempts.
4) More Muslims will be arrested merely for reading 'extremist' material
Also striking in the NYT report is that the French police had been tracking the terrorists, even to the point that they broke up another plot in 2010 involving one of the brothers. But it was thought there wasn't enough evidence to convict him despite this:
Among the texts recovered on the laptop — which were included in the court documents — was one titled "Operation Sacrifice." It described a plan of attack that eerily augured the actions he would later take.
"A mujahideen forces his way into the enemy's base or else a zone where there is a group and fires at point-blank range without having prepared an escape plan," it said. "The goal is to kill as many of the enemy as possible. The author will very likely die himself."
And here is the security service chief's nightmare – the guy they had been tracking and caught would later commit a major attack like the one he had read about. Fingers will be pointed at the French services, and I suspect MI5 here and the FBI will think its better to be safe than sorry from now on.]]>
Let's start from the proposition that the principles of freedom of speech, freedom of religion and secularism are inherently a good thing. I always do. I think our stance on them should be unquestionable, like against racism or homophobia.
When I explain or justify any of these principles in front of sceptical Muslims, I generally get a good response. I've done it a few times so I'm confident of this. The other day I posted my speech to a group of Muslim students on why they should want to live in a society where people have the right to insult their prophet, and they got it.
There's a minority who don't agree but I would say that generally it is not that hard to convince British Muslims about the importance of free speech and having a secular government. Once you sit down and have a debate with them at least.
But there are two problems, I find.
Firstly, it's not that they dislike the argument, it's sometimes more that they don't believe others are interested in free speech in the first place.
And they have a point, there are loads of inconsistencies in the government and media industry's behaviour when it comes to free speech. The Sun's editorial post-Hebdo was a classic case of demanding more freedom while attacking people who stand up for civil liberties.
Many Muslims say – hold on, if you don't always believe in free speech, why should I? How to answer that? I always say that at least we are agreed that there should be more free speech but it always sounds a bit hollow to me.
Secondly, the problem is that many liberals aren't interested in convincing others who are sceptical, but merely interested in stating that they are right and Muslims should lump it.
This isn't good enough.
We have to make the case for free speech in a way that says Muslims also benefit from free speech. In fact they benefit more than you white folks because they are far more likely to be spied on or locked up for saying inflammatory things than you.
So lets make that case without playing into a them v us narrative.
And let's also stand up for free speech when Muslims are being threatened. Some of the voices I hear piping up about free speech only do so when Muslims are the perpetrators not victims.
That isn't just inconsistent, it also makes me think you don't really care for the principles at stake. And that also makes it much harder for all of us to convince Muslims about why they should embrace more free speech and the right to insult their religion.]]>
Thanks for inviting me. I want to start with this picture. What I find funny is that Muslims and Sikhs are conflated so easily. They all look brown!
The other interesting point to note is how much things have changed. This was acceptable then [in the 1970s] in a way it isn't now. At least, not about Asians so broadly…maybe Roma.
I found many more such drawings, and to me they do illustrate that Britain has changed a lot since the 70s when the National Front marched unafraid on the streets, and cartoons like these were printed without an eyebrow being raised.
The challenges now are different than the ones our parents faced.
One of those is around free speech – the issue I want to raise today. After all, it was LSE where the recent controversy around the cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed was sparked off.
In 2005 I was invited to a debate on Channel 4 after a theatre in Birmingham had to abandon a play because a large mob of angry Sikhs had gathered in protest outside, and some had broken the windows. All this because they said it insulted their religion.
The play – Behzti ('shame') – didn't insult Sikhism, it had a scene where a woman was rapes in a Gurdwara (temple) on stage. Community leaders said the writer, a Sikh woman, was an attention seeker. They said she wrote it deliberately to inflame tensions. They wanted it stopped. I wrote and argued that it should stay open, not only because she was trying to raise an important topic, but because they had no right to close it down. But it was shut down because they were worried about threats and broken property.
I believe we should cherish the right to free speech. We should even understand the importance of the right to criticise, and even insult, religion.
Do I believe in insulting religious people just because they're religious? No. Do I go around insulting or denigrating religions. No. My mother goes to the temple every day!
What I want is for us to be tolerant of people who insult religion.
Why, you ask. After all, many see the Prophet Mohammed as their family. Why should you tolerate someone who insults your family? Good question.
The problem is we cannot live in a relatively free society without the freedom of speech and freedom to insult each other's beliefs. In fact, WE – people who are in the minority when it comes to our race or religion – should appreciate and cherish this freedom even more.
Freedom to criticise religion is the same as freedom to practice religion. One cannot exist without the other.
Think about the people who are on the streets spreading Dawah. Think about your right to say that you choose your faith over others because they are false. I want YOU to have the right the right to reject other religions. What if there was no freedom to criticise religion? Well, you couldn't reject other religions. You couldn't have people on the streets practicising Dawah.
If the mainstream clamp down on free speech or freedom to criticise religion – its always the minorities who lose out first. If Britain had a law against blasphemy – the first people in jail would be half the imams in the country.
If you appreciate the fact that Sikhs, Hindus and Muslims broadly have the same right as Christians, then you should embrace freedom of speech. If you think people shouldn't be locked up for expressing fringe and perhaps unpopular opinions, then you should embrace free speech.
And let's be clear about what I'm referring to here. What about anti-semitism? What about anti-zionism? Be as anti-zionist as you want – you should cherish that right.
Freedom to incite violence against a group of people because of their background – no. Not against Jews, Muslims or Sikhs. But demonising a group of people because of their backgrounds? Well, if we allow that for Jews, it will happen to Muslims too.
Freedom to reject or criticise Islam, Judaism or Sikhism? Yes.
The right to be offended? Yes. You have that right. The right to protest or boycott someone if they insult your religion? Yes. That's democracy. But the right to censorship? No. Threats of violence against people who do? No. A law against insulting religion. DEFINITELY NOT.
People don't automatically have the right to shut down a play, close down an exhibition, stop a book being sold, or stop someone from speaking peacefully just because they don't like it.
Why should you defend this freedom? Because you want… in fact you NEED the right to protest against the government… to speak out and say things the mainstream might find unpopular. The right to expose wrong-doing, even if others don't like it. When freedom of speech is curtailed, it is always used against minorities first.
I leave you with this. I was talking to a friend yesterday and she said the Prophet Mohammed was the first leader to introduce a pluralist constitution where Jews had the right to their own religion and did not have to believe in Islam. She added, by extension, they were rejecting Islam and rejecting the teachings of the Prophet. It was blasphemy. Yet the Prophet understood the importance of that right.
To my relief the audience clapped after, and many students came up to me after to say they agreed with me.]]>
Tuesday was a hard day to absorb the news. All year I've seen some really horrible videos, mostly by ISIS, showing men being shot in the back of their heads, throats slit or being buried in mass graves. But that day… maybe it was the pictures that came out of Peshawar, the Facebook updates from friends or just the nature of the massacre… I was nearly in tears. You can try but you can't always remain emotionless in the face of such news.
I wanted to wait at least a couple of days to collect my thoughts and write something about the politics surrounding this issue.
I can't even imagine the horrors that Pakistanis are going through. The Taliban have attacked over 1000 schools in the last five years and they become more vicious every year. How can you even live a normal life when you're not sure if your kids will come back alive from school?
I suspect this is a tipping point. The Taliban's desperation is being driven by infighting, defections and losing more support from the public. In June the Pakistani army launched a military operation against the Taliban and other jihadi groups – Operation Zarb-e-Azb – which also seriously degraded their capabilities. Most Pakistanis will always support their army against others. From here on, the Taliban in Pakistan (also called the TTP) is headed for a downward spiral: less people will join them, help them, donate to them and defend them in public. They may successfully mutate into something else, but its certainly likely that the TTP is now headed for doom.
And then there is the international politics. I've seen several people since yesterday blame American drone attacks for the Taliban's actions, or claim that this was all America's fault anyway since Pakistan was relatively peaceful before 9/11. I want to knock these two fallacies on their heads.
First, the drones. Yes there have been drones strikes in Pakistan but the vast majority have actually been in Afghanistan. The two countries are not the same. Afghanistan has its own Taliban that is different to the TTP and the former does not attack civilian or government targets in Pakistan (unlike the TTP). There are complicated reasons for this, but the point is that drones strikes in Pakistan are rare. It is not unusual for the TTP to kill more Pakistanis in a month than the US government has killed in 10 years of drone strikes. And most of those strikes have been with Pakistani government approval. See more on that here.
Why does the TTP kill innocent Pakistanis when it opposes the killing of civilians via US drones? Because their stated aim is to take over the country, rip up the constitution and install a system of sharia of their hardline interpretation. I'm not making this up – this was in their list of demands. They are waging a war against the Pakistani government and won't give up until their demands are met. The drones are a sideshow.
Then, the War on Terror. There's no denying that it has created instability in Pakistan (although Afghanistan was going through a quiet civil war before as the Taliban forcibly took over territory like ISIS have done).
But the seeds of Pakistan's instability were sown long before 9/11, when Pakistan was funding hardline groups in a proxy war against India. What frustrates me about the 'war on terror' argument is how western-centric and ignorant of South Asian history it is. The jihadi groups aren't new to Pakistan – what's new is their focus on creating chaos in Pakistan rather than India. (You may argue that the TTP is different to the likes of LeT and others that were focused on India, but the same infrastructure of hardline madrassahs, preachers and support in the Urdu media created the monsters).
I want Pakistan to be a safe, secure and prosperous country. I was also pleased, as someone of Indian origin, that India was the only country yesterday to mark the Peshawar massacre with silence, while not a single Middle Eastern country did the same.
But that safety and security will only come after enough Pakistanis realise that the Taliban itself is the problem, because they want to destroy the country as it exists and remodel it to their own twisted, hardline version of Islam. The United States isn't helping but blaming them is like focusing on a gash while your body is being destroyed by cancer. The Taliban is the cancer and its about time it was rooted out before it destroys the body of the Pakistani state.]]>
Both the politics of what's going on, and the numbers that underline it, are important.
The Labour leadership feel, quite rightly, that George Osborne wants to push public services off a cliff with unprecedented cuts. They lost the first fight on austerity, for reasons I outline here. But they recognise that if they don't fight Osborne back this time, he will once away get away with having the media debate on his own terms.
Which is why Miliband's speech is important today. He wants to hammer that the extent of Osborne's cuts will "return Britain to the 1930s" if he is allowed to hoodwink people into accepting them.
A few things to remember.
1) Labour has not signed up to the extent or the way Tories plan to cut the deficit. Ignore the hype, read this piece.
2) Miliband will say quite emphatically, as one of his key principles: Britain will only be able to deal with the deficit by tackling the cost-of-living crisis. That means a focus on raising wages, and cutting spending like housing benefit by building more housing.
3) Labour will "ensure that those with the broadest shoulders bear the greatest burden" – will be another key principle. That means a much bigger emphasis on tax rises than the Conservatives, to close the deficit.
And this is the key paragraph:
This is now a fight for the soul of our country. It is a fight about who we want to be and how we want to live together. The Tory vision is clear: the wealthiest being looked after, everybody else on their own, public services not there when you need them. Our vision is different: a country that works for everyday people, with public services your family can rely on, a government that prioritises working people so that we can earn our way out of the cost of living crisis, a Britain built on strong economic foundations.
I'm pleased that Miliband is seeking to expose Osborne's horrendous plans and set up a clear dividing line.
Rather than complain that this is another speech about the deficit than something important like the NHS, we need to see it for what it is: an attempt to expose Osborne's ideological agenda to permanently slash Britain's public services.]]>
Below is roughly what I said.
In the 1940s, When Vera Rubin told her school physics professor that she'd been accepted into Vassar, an arts college near New York City, he said, "That's great. As long as you stay away from science, it should be okay."
Predictably, she didn't. Rubin went on prove there was vastly more dark matter in the universe than previously thought, and overturned some basic laws of Newtonian physics.
And yet, she was turned down from the astronomy program at Princeton because they didn't allow women. For years the scientific community ignored her work, only accepting it later after her male colleagues validated it. She didn't get a Nobel prize for her work.
a) Before you came to this talk, I suspect some of you thought to yourself: I bet someone from the talk is going to open with a sob story of a gifted black-disabled-lesbian woman, to illustrate why we need positive discrimination.
But you're wrong – I oppose positive discrimination. I oppose positive discrimination with every breath because, like many of you, I believe it to be unfair. Why should someone get promoted just because they belong to a minority group, instead of their ability? It's wrong!
b) Between 1 and 3% of the British population are white men who graduated from Oxford or Cambridge. Yet, they completely dominate the worlds of higher academia, politics and business. Just 0.5% of all university professors in Britain are black. Just two FTSE 100 companies have a female chair.
THAT, my friends, is the most successful positive discrimination scheme of all time. A group of white, middle-aged men have successfully discriminated against anyone who didn't look like them for centuries. THIS is why I'm utterly opposed to positive discrimination!
c) Diversity isn't about gender or skin colour – it's about background, experience and mindset. But all of those are usually the by-product of having a different gender or skin colour. And studies consistently show that companies or groups with more diversity do better than those more homogenous. Why? Because people with different mindsets look to solve problems in different ways. If we want more innovation, we don't need more positive discrimination, but we do need more diversity.
d) Look around you: there is rampant positive discrimination everywhere – albeit in favour of white middled-aged men. But worse, because of this positive discrimination, we all lose out. Yes, even you, the white Cambridge man at the back – you lose out too!
I bet you're thinking: that doesn't make sense, I've hit the jackpot. how do I lose out? But you do.
If our companies and government had been more diverse to begin with, hiring talent from any gender, race or sexual orientation they could find, we would have far more progress than we do now. We could be chilling on hoverboards and flying around the world at twice the speeds for half the environmental cost. We could have solved our energy or poverty crisis .
Put it another way. It's a bit like me raising you all in prison and then saying, wouldn't it be great if the prisoners could also enjoy as much freedom as the wardens?
. We aren't fulfilling our potential as a civilisation because the vast majority of intelligent people out there don't get the opportunity to use their talents. They are shunned in favour of a narrow minority.
A woman Mexican engineer may have thought of a brilliant way to extend battery life. But since Apple hired its first high-ranking female executive in 24 years only recently, you are still cursing them for the shit battery life on your phone. You lose out too!
This is why I oppose positive discrimination, because so far it has been used to help white men. I want to see an end to this regime of positive discrimination.
Postscript: I was asked in the debate afterwards, so I'll make this clear: in order to redress the balance I think it's fine to have quotas for women, but not racial minorities.]]>
UKIP stooping so low they're using the sex abuse of children as a PR stunt. Wow (via @dandoj) pic.twitter.com/Z1i9yLi19N— Sunny Hundal (@sunny_hundal) October 25, 2014 The response by the usual UKIP-faithful has been that I should be more outraged about child sexual abuse than the poster. But...]]>
UKIP stooping so low they're using the sex abuse of children as a PR stunt. Wow (via @dandoj) pic.twitter.com/Z1i9yLi19N
— Sunny Hundal (@sunny_hundal) October 25, 2014
The response by the usual UKIP-faithful has been that I should be more outraged about child sexual abuse than the poster.
1) I have been writing about on of this kind of child sexual abuse (by gangs, usually of predominantly Pakistani-heritage men) for over ten years. Sometimes even at the risk of helping the BNP. I wrote two angry articles about the Rotherham scandal too. So don't preach to me on what I should get angry about.
2) You can be very angry about child sex abuse without using it as a PR stunt to score political points. This is what UKIP are doing.
What's more striking is UKIP hypocrisy.
UKIP MEPs have abstained on the issue of sexual abuse and sexual exploitation of children at the EU when it came up for a vote (thanks Gail)
And don't say UKIP never turn up to vote at EU affairs, because they do.
They couldn't bother to vote on legislation on child abuse at EU, but they're now trying to score political points from it.]]>
The comedian Russell Brand was interviewed on Newsnight last night about his book, which you can watch above.
One headline is that Brand casually implies 9/11 was an inside job because George Bush had links to the Saudis, before half-heartedly back-tracking.
But I was more depressed by the first 10 minutes of conversation, and I want to explain why because I think this matters in a wider context.
In the debate Evan Davis wants to ask Brand a simple question: what is the alternative you propose? The comedian, who has apparently written an entire book calling for a revolution, doesn't have a straight answer. Brand says the current system isn't working (partly true) and points to activism by others challenging the consensus.
Brand says he is merely a high-profile voice and his job is to amplify the work of others. I think that's fair enough.
But Davis has a more profound question that Brand clearly doesn't want to answer. My version of that question goes like this: If you want to replace the current system of capitalism with something else, who is going to make your jeans, iPhones and run Twitter?
I.e. capitalism clearly has downsides, but it also leads to products that people really want to use. The desire for profit has led companies like Apple, Levi's and Twitter to create popular products that – especially in the case of social media – we can sometimes even use for free (in return for being forced to watch advertising, of course).
In the debate, Evan Davis asks Brand about the fact that wages have historically gone up: making billions of people richer and allowing them to afford products like fridge freezers, TVs and iPhones. Brand's response is: "Mate, I ain't got time for a bloody graph".
And then there are other responses that suggest he is blindly oblivious to his own privilege.
Russell Brand says stop paying your mortgage or going to work. Let me know how that works out for you pic.twitter.com/OoMnD2d5c7
— Anita Singh (@anitathetweeter) October 21, 2014
The problem I have with Russell Brand is that his style of politics is anti-intellectualism on an epic scale. He isn't just leaving the heavy lifting to others, he casually dismisses facts like they are irrelevant.
Yes, our capitalist system is breaking down and our democracy has many flaws with it. But any discussion that starts with the premise that we need a revolution to over-throw the system must at least have a response to the inevitable: "and replace it with what?"
This isn't to say I'm in favour of unadulterated capitalism or that I think cooperatives, mutuals, non-profit groups or social enterprises have no place. In fact we need far more of them. But, in effect, the Russell Brand critique is mild because all it really wants is a bit less of what is currently on offer a bit more of… some nice things that other people are asking for. To dress that up as a 'revolution' is plainly fatuous.
The establishment humours Russell Brand because he poses little threat to the system. Newsnight has him on because he's good for their ratings, not because they want to bring down the system too. The lack of an effective critique means that people will listen to him, glaringly see the obvious contradictions and unanswered questions, and dismiss the Left as over-privileged white guys who don't want to work but want their iPhones anyway.
A few years ago, I was going past the occupation of Parliament Square. I was quite defensive of the activists in the media and wanted to spend a bit of time just getting to know them. Bad idea. I came in being quite sympathetic, but soon realised that some of the people there only spoke in cliches and hadn't actually looked into the nuances of what they were saying. The woman I was talking to seemed to think everything was a conspiracy. Soon she was joined by some people who firmly believed 9/11 was an inside job. I made an hasty exit. Of course, every group has its share of cranks but it was a very sobering experience.
If Brand gets more apolitical people to question the world they're in, then great. But I worry about something else: that there's a broader slide towards anti-intellectualism among lefties where facts don't matter and smart critiques are junked in favour of cliches. The world is a messy place and our politicians are very flawed people. But we have to work (sometimes within the system) to continually reform it and improve it, not wait around for some vague revolution that will never come. If the end result is the UKIP-isation of the Left then I don't want any part of that revolution.
Also worth reading: Why Owen Jones is wrong to suggest that criticism of Russell Brand is merely 'snottiness' — by Abi Wilks
Thrown in this debate are two academics – Rob Ford and Matthew Goodwin – who have written about UKIP in a book and therefore invited regularly to offer their opinions. I'm reading it now and it contains some great research. But I have a problem with their political analysis, which I find increasingly simplistic. Here is why:
Rob Ford and Matthew Goodwin (RF+MG) have a narrative that goes like this:
Working class voters are natural Labour territory. But the party is complacent about the danger they face from UKIP and that's why UKIP is doing so well in the north. Why, for example, didn't Labour increase their share of the vote in Middleton last night? Why are poorer voters struggling with austerity not going to Labour?
For example:
"Its a by-election". Yes, in a core seat, where Lab won 58% in 2001 and is running as oppo to unpopular austerity govt. Shld be 60% not 40%
— Rob Ford (Britain) (@robfordmancs) October 10, 2014
And other tweets where I'm accused of having my head "in the sand".
To be fair it isn't just RF+MG saying this – I've seen similar questions by others on Twitter too. But there are vast assumptions in each of those sentences that don't stack up.
1. Working class people are not natural Labour voters. Poorer voters are not always motivated by money or economic concerns; many working class people have always been culturally conservative. As Labour has become more socially liberal (rightly, in my view), they have flocked to the Tories. In the US and UK this happened during the Reagan & Thatcher era on the issue of race / immigration, and (more recently) on issues like homosexuality and gender equality. This is why Cameron wanted to challenge his own party on gay-marriage (to 'modernise' it) and faced a bigger backlash than Labour did. This is also why Farage doesn't back gay marriage despite his supposedly libertarian outlook.
More working class people have voted Labour traditionally, for economic reasons, but that doesn't mean working class people are "naturally" Labour. Nor should Labour go for every last working class vote, unless it wants to alienate its middle class voters.
2. The Labour leadership is not complacent about the threat from UKIP. I've heard directly from Ed Miliband in a private meeting that he thought UKIP were a "significant" threat to the party. There is no sign whatsoever that the Labour party is complacent about UKIP, though their main focus has always remained the Tories. Quite rightly too. This oft-repeated claim that Labour is "complacent" is outright rubbish.
3. Why didn't Labour do massively better last week in Middleton? Various reasons. Many were ex-Tory or ex-LibDem voters who disliked Labour and found a vibrant, new vehicle to register their support. Secondly, in most metropolitan areas in the Midlands or further north, Labour isn't the opposition – they are the incumbent. All politics is local, remember? Third, it takes a while for voters to forgive Labour for their mistakes of the past (Iraq, financial crash, immigration), and they won't just flock back quickly like some commentators think they should. It takes long, grinding contact with voters and mobiling around their issues to win back trust. Even four years is not enough.
4. Why aren't angry voters flocking to Labour on austerity? The fact that Rob Ford seriously asks me this question reinforces my broader point about the simplistic analysis. First, a lot of voters think they haven't been affected by austerity, or aren't motivated against it.
Second, Labour isn't vehemently anti-austerity anyway, the leadership has partly accepted the need for it! Those people have gone to the Greens
Third, many voters blame Labour for the austerity they've had to face, because they were in charge when the economy crashed.
For all these reasons, and more, Labour didn't see a big rise in support in Heywood. Labour is not on the verge of a landslide next year, and we knew this all along.
I have no doubt I'm going to be called "complacent" for writing this, which has become the standard non-response these days.
There is a final example of how this narrative is too simplistic. In almost interview given by RF+MG, they will get a nudge from the presenter to talk about how immigration is the biggest issue for Britons right now. So they will dutifully repeat the polling in interviews.
But again this is too simplistic. Douglas Carswell was vehemently pro-immigration and open about it, and yet won with a stonking majority. Locals gave all sorts of reasons for voting for him, including street lights, not having seen their Tory MP and much more. Plus, in places like Manchester or London, Labour cannot run with an anti-immigration or anti-multiculturalism message as it will repel more of their voters than it will attract.
I will only say this. A lot of Labour seem to be under the impression that their party should be doing much better now, without recognising it takes much longer to turn around people's indifference to Labour. This is why no party in British history has turned around a stunning defeat by the next election.
Its unfashionable to say this, but a Labour panic over UKIP (in the way Gordon Brown panicked over immigration after the Gillian Duffy incident) could hurt its own prospects far more than responding more calmly and carefully.]]>


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Are mobile apps the future of banking?
Souqalmal.com explores the future of banking and whether technology will replace traditional banking.December 18, 2013 12:13
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Souqalmal.com explores the future of banking and whether technology will replace traditional banking.December 18, 2013 12:13
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Aira Force
Well, we certainly chose the right weekend to visit the fall. My only regret was we did it on the Saturday and not the Sunday, after a night of torrential rain!!! Still, it was impressive enough, even if it did rain for most of the walk.
The site belongs to the National Trust who bought over 750 acres of Gowbarrow Park, including the fall, when the land was in danger of being sold to be built on. It's a beautiful Victorian landscaped park, set in a fantastic woodland of pines, ash, birch, yew,oak, beech, hawthorn and I'm sure many more species of trees. The contrasts of the greens of the trees,the greys of the rocks and the inky black of the water were incredible.
The non too strenuous circular walk up and around the river and fall is relatively easy but some parts, particularly the steps, are steep and can be slippery. Make sure you wear decent footwear and a good waterproof as although you are under trees most of the time, the drips are often worse than the rain!
If I remember rightly, there are three bridges for viewing and changing sides. These were originally built from timber but were replaced with slate and are in keeping with the surroundings. The two upper bridges were built in memory of two brothers, from the Spring-Rice family from nearby Watermillock, one who died in the Boer war and the other in 1918. The lower, upper bridge is where you view the 69 foot waterfall and what a view you get.Be prepared to get a little wet if it's in full spate! I really wouldn't have liked to have fallen in the swirling brown torrent.... not a pleasant thought.
Wordsworth was a frequent visitor here and wrote the poems, The Somnambulist and Airey Force.
As it's a National Trust place, you pay to park. Not sure how much, as we had membership. There are toilets and a cafe.
- National/State Park
- Adventure Travel
- Hiking and Walking
Ravenglass & Eskdale Railway
Known to locals as ' La'al Ratty ' -- that's Cumbrian dialect for ' little narrow way ' - the Ravenglass & Eskdale Railway is a 15-inch (38cm) narrow-guage line operated by old steam locomotives and sometimes by new diesel ones.
The line dates back to 1873 when it was used to transport iron-ore from Boot village in Eskdale to Ravenglass on the coast. It was originally a larger guage (3 feet / 91cm) but the line closed in 1913 due to falling demand for the iron-ore mined there and to insufficient passenger traffic in the summer.
However, in 1915 the model maker Wynne Bassett-Lowke and his associate R.P.Mitchell wanted a line where they could test their model steam locomotives -- they re-guaged the line down to 15-inches (38cm) and the line re-opened fully in 1917.
Following the closure of the iron-ore quarries in 1953, the line again nearly closed in 1960 but enthusiasts and financial backers stepped-in to save the situation and thus the present Ravenglass & Eskdale Railway was born.
The journey from Ravenglass to Dalegarth is 7 miles long and takes approximately 45 minutes. The line runs through woodland and marshland and with the Scafell range in the distance the journey is a delight. The terminus at Dalegarth is an ideal place for walkers to explore Eskdale and at the Ravenglass end there is a railway museum with lots of photos of the history of the line and the Roman occupation of the nearby port hamlet of Ravenglass is evidenced by the substantial remains of the Roman Bath House.
The railway operates every day from April through to the end of October and on selected dates in other months (please see the website below for details).
- Trains
- National/State Park
Pencil museum
I really never thought so much about a pencil having a history but the pencil museum is very interesting and worth visiting. It traces the history of pencil making from the discovery of Borrowdale graphite in the 1950's . The industry started as a small cottage industry to become a fast modern day industry with high speed production methods. There are also visual presentations and exhibits showing pencil making.
- Museum Visits
- Family Travel
Keswick is the logical 'capital' of the North Lakes -- on the north shore of Derwent Water, backed by Skiddaw and with fells to the south, it's the ideal base for exploring that area. My photo is of the Moot Hall in the centre of Keswick -- it was built in 1813 and since then it has been a prison, a courthouse, a museum, the town hall, a market, and it now houses the tourist information office -- if you use its clock to see the time, be careful because it only has one hand. As you'd expect in this area, there are plenty of shops selling outdoor clothing and equipment -- and there are lots of pubs, cafes and restaurants to keep you watered and fed.
- Hiking and Walking
- Backpacking
- National/State Park
Brougham Castle
Having already visited this castle twice before (being former English heritage members) Oct. 2006 we just parked on the bridge and enjoyed a lunch in the motorhome whilst admiring the view.
Brougham Castle is a 13thc. fortress built close to the site of a Roman fort, bulit to guard the crossing over the river Eamont. The castle proved it's worth time and again by thwarting invading Scots.
The keep is the oldest standing part and there is access to the three floors. The great hall is found on the first floor, on the second is the Lord's chamber in which Lady Anne Clifford died in 1676 and on the third floor there is a passageway within the walls all the way round. There are also superb views over the surrounding countryside from up here. Not for those who suffer from vertigo!!
The castle belongs to English Heritage and there is a shop and an exhibition of Roman tombstones from the Roman Fort. There is free parking either on the beautiful bridge spanning the Eamont or in a nearby layby. Good views are to be had of the castle from the bridge, particularly impressive when the river is in full spate like on our visit.
- Architecture
- Castles and Palaces
- Historical Travel
Leven's Hall
Leven's Hall is a countryhouse just south of the Lake District (a few km. south of Kendall, close to the village of Leven)
You can visit the gardens and the interior of the house as well. We only visited the gardens which are great. As people who visit English gardens know, they can be very big. This was just a medium sized garden, but what is so special is that it is a topiary garden, which means that they cut the shrubs in all kinds of forms .
This lake is located alongside the road between Keswick and Windermere. You have a great view on the lake if you take the trail towards Helvellyn, the second highest peak of the Lake District.
This trail starts from a parking lot by the roadside somewhere halfway the Thirlmere. From this parking lot, you can also opt for a walk through the forest, which must be very nice as well (trees, streams, flowers, etc.)
Acorn Bank
This is a wonderful walled garden which has old varieties of flowers. There are also fruit trees and there is a lovely 17th century house that is made of red sandstone .In the herb garden there are loads of medicinal and culinary herbs - never seen so many. There are woodland walks ad a tea room where we had a god cup of tea after exploring.
It looks over the Eden Valley and I thought it is a lovely quiet day out. It belongs to the National Trust.
open 19 March - 30 October wednesday to sunday.
- Family Travel
If You Go Down In The Woods Today....Grizedale
Follow the main sculpture trail, in Riddings Wood, from the car park across the road from the visitor centre.£2 to park. You will come across some unusual and unexpected things. There are over twenty sculptures, some inter-active and others just "different."
Grizedale Forest is home to the largest collection of sculpture in the landscape and was started in 1977.
- Hiking and Walking
- Cycling
- Arts and Culture
Stockghyll Waterfalls
This is a pleasant, relatively easy uphill walk from the centre of Ambleside. Walk a short distance up Stockghyll Lane and follow directions to the left, through a small gate.
The walk follows the tumbling beck all the way, passing some beautiful riverside property on the opposite bank. It's only about a 15 min walk on a well marked path which divides and crosses the river by a lower bridge and again at the top. For the best views of the 18 metre falls, keep to the right hand side path where you'll come to a viewing area. Once above the falls, cross over the bridge to the opposite side for a slightly different view, thus making it a circular walk (I never like to return anywhere by the same route!!!)
Best viewed after plenty of rain, although we visited after some heavy rainfall and I wouldn't say the falls were anywhere near to being in full spate. The river gorge is beautifully green, created from a variety of typically English trees.
- Family Travel
- National/State Park
- Hiking and Walking
Grasmere lake
Wordsworth described this area as "'The most loveliest spot that man hath found' -- his favourite destination was the small island in the lake -- this is privately owned now so don't land there if you hire a boat.
If you walk from Grasmere village around the west side of the lake (on the road to Rydal Water) there's a small cafe that offers great views of the lake -- my photo was taken from that cafe -- you can hire rowing boats from there if you're feeling energetic, or just sit and have a drink or snack as you admire tranquil Grasmere lake.
- Backpacking
- National/State Park
- Hiking and Walking
Lakeside and Haverthwaite Railway
This is a stretch of re-instated railway, running a steeply graded 3.5 miles from Haverthwaite, near Newby bridge, along the Leven Valley to Lakeside, on the south west side of Windermere.The trains are re-fettled steam trains, lovingly restored by enthusiasts. It is run by a private company, Lakeside Railway Society Volunteers and has been open as a tourist facility since the early 1970's. The 3.5 miles is all that now exists of the original line between Barrow, Ulverston and Lakeside, which closed in the 1960's.
You can just take the train ride to Lakeside where the Aquarium of the Lakes is situated, (a worthwhile tourist facility) or combine it with a trip on the Lakeside Steamers, journeying up the lake to Bowness or Ambleside. Bowness is a popular stopping off place, there being plenty to see and do, including the Beatrix Potter Museum.
The station at Haverthwaite has an engine shed to look round, tea rooms and a souvenir shop. Lakeside also has a swish restaurant, looking over the lake.
Frequent themed days and an ever popular Santa Train in the Christmas run-up.
Parking, but you have to pay.
- Trains
- Family Travel
- Cruise
Wast Water
On a clear, sunny day Wast Water can look truly beautiful -- but if the weather is a bit inclement, then Wast Water can look somewhat foreboding. It's England's deepest lake at 258 feet, it's 3 miles long and 1/2 mile wide -- but it's the 1,500 feet crumbling, vertical wall of scree on its south shore that gives Wast Water it's dramatic impact.
There's a narrow road that runs the length of the north shore of the lake from Nether Wasdale in the west to Wasdale Head in the east -- magnificent views are afforded the whole way and as you look towards Wasdale Head you can see the fells and peaks that surround that end of the lake, Kirkfell, Great Gable and Lingmell-- if you're staying in this area there's great walking and climbing to be had all around.
- National/State Park
- Road Trip
- Hiking and Walking
Lakeside & Haverthwaite Railway
Railway enthusiasts and families alike would enjoy a ride on the Lakeside & Haverthwaite Railway -- it was formally a branch line of the Furness Railway which used to carry freight and passengers from Lakeside (at the southern tip of Lake Windermere) down to Ulverston and Barrow-in-Furness -- the original line was finally closed by British Rail in 1967, but after much work by railway preservation enthusiasts and tough negotiations with the British Rail Property Board, this 3.5 mile stretch of the line was re-opened for passenger service in May 1973.
The journey from Haverthwaite to Lakeside takes just 15 minutes and the timings are linked to pleasure boat departures from Lakeside up to Bowness and Waterhead (Ambleside) -- if you want you can purchase a ticket to include a cruise on the lake.
The Haverthwaite terminus is a busy place with lots of locomotives being serviced or renovated (see my photos) -- there's a mixture of steam and diesel plus some steamrollers and old army vehicles.
The service from Haverthwaite to Lakeside operates from April through to the end of October.
- Trains
- National/State Park
Coniston Water
Coniston Water is linked to both John Ruskin (the Victorian writer, artist, art critic, poet, philosopher) who lived at Brantwood on the east shore for 28 years until his death in 1900 and more recently to Donald Campbell who died on Coniston Water on 4th January 1967 whilst attemting to increase his own water speed record in his boat 'Bluebird' - please see separate tips about Ruskin and Campbell.
Coniston Water, at 5 miles long and 1/2 mile wide is the 3rd largest lake in the Lake District -- the village of Coniston is on the west bank, backed by the peak 'The Old Man of Coniston'. The village is quite a busy place with boat trips leaving from the jetty and walkers using the village as a base to explore the surrounding fells -- and of course there's the interest of Ruskin and Campbell for visitors.
For some nice views of the lake, from Coniston village take the B5285 signposted Hawkshead and then shortly take the right turn towards Brantwood (Ruskin's House) - this will take you along the east shore with fine views across the lake to Coniston and the Old Man of Coniston.
- Road Trip
- National/State Park
- Hiking and Walking
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Dear BushwickAugust 11, 2014English • Brooklyn, United States
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Skip this place. Average at best. Friendly service, tho.
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Split a roast beef sandwich w/a buddy, ask for extra gravy on the side. Enjoy with mesquite BBQ chips & a cream soda - my classic after-school/post swim team treat.
Never lean back in the dining room chairs!
Try the Sunseri Fizz champagne cocktail.
In the lobby, say hi to Felicia or Cyrus and grab a copy of The FADER.
Have your driver pick you up curbside; otherwise it's a long walk to the parking lot.
Perky sommelier gives good wine recs. Wish the lobster pot pie was up to par.
Pomegranate white tea: make a pitcher and ice it for the summer.
Best shoe and bag repair. Replaces broken zippers like a champ. Prices are moderate, fair for NY.
Parisienne style is super sloppy, but seriously tasty. Turkey burger is really juicy!


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