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The National's Aaron Dessner on Dark Was the Night, New National album
"It just takes a really long time to turn these amorphous turds of rock songs into something that lasts and is interesting and has elbows and is special."
By Tom Breihan on March 31, 2009 at 5:50 p.m. EDT
There are plenty of benefit compilations out there. Many of them have impressive lists of contributors, and all of them are for good causes. But very few really feel like a moment. The Red Hot Organization's Dark Was the Night feels like a moment.
The National's Bryce and Aaron Dessner curated the album, turning it into a seamless, cohesive whole. And for the first time, many of indie rock's big dogs-- Sufjan Stevens, Arcade Fire, Feist-- really feel like they belong to a scene together, one where everyone knows everyone and bigger bands work with smaller ones. It's like The Chronic for white people who wear thick black glasses.
On May 3, many of the contributing artists will perform together at New York's Radio City Music Hall. Already on board: Bon Iver, Dirty Projectors, Feist, My Brightest Diamond, Sharon Jones and the Dap-Kings, and TV on the Radio's David Sitek. As the show approaches, the producers will add more names.
Earlier today, we spoke with Aaron Dessner about Dark Was the Night, the Radio City show, and the "amorphous turds" that will one day become the new National album.Pitchfork: What do you have in store for this Radio City show?
Aaron Dessner: Yeah, I suppose we should start rehearsing. [Laughs] We're planning this big show to promote and celebrate the album. We're trying to basically get as many of the people that are on the album as possible to come perform.
Pitchfork: Have you given a lot of thought to how the show is going to flow?
AD: Yeah, we thought a lot about that. We're going to have two halves. The first half will be songs from Dark Was the Night, and then there will be a short intermission. And then afterwards, there will be mini-sets by different artists and collaborations, both things that relate to Dark Was the Night and some that don't. Not every artist will do a mini-set, but most will. That's basically it. We're trying to keep the show manageable in length, you know, so it's not four-and- a-half hours or something. But it will be a lot of music.
Pitchfork: So this is going to be a really elaborately planned out affair, right?
AD: Yeah, that's probably why we chose Radio City. The stage is so big, and I think that there will be some musicians who will play with a lot of the people there. Probably my brother and I, and the drummer from the National, and some other people will end up playing with a lot of different people. We had to hire a really experienced production manager to coordinate the flow of it, and we're going to do two full days of rehearsal where everybody's there. I've never really done something like this, so we hired some experts to walk us through it. We don't want long changeovers or anything like that. I think we'll pull it off. It's still a relatively manageable group. There will be more people added than what's announced right now, but it's still going to be manageable. Everybody will be backlined. When there are big gaps, we'll have some special transitional material.
Pitchfork: Are there any further guests you want to announce right now?
AD: You know, we're hours or a day from another one, but nobody I can announce right now. Bon Iver was added last week. There's definitely a few more that are on the way. We're thinking about trying to announce one a week. It's tricky to fit this into people's schedules. Unless [the artists] are on a break or something-- like we are-- they have to juggle a lot of things. We're just trying to make sure that once people commit, they're fully committed. So we're waiting. It should be really, really exciting and just a great concert. We're going to hopefully make use of [Radio City's] huge, huge pipe organ, trying to figure out what we would use that for. Apparently you can use it. We're trying to figure that out.
Pitchfork: Have you ever played there?
AD: Yeah, we opened for Arcade Fire there right before Boxer came out. When you're up there, the stage feels like a football field or something. It's really wide. It's such an amazing feeling to look up. It's such a beautiful room. It's kind of intimidating. I think it will be intimidating again, but hopefully you can just kind of tune it out when there's 6000 people staring at you. It's a really nice place to do this kind of thing, and the record has gone really well. People have been really supportive, and it's been raising a lot of money for Red Hot to fight AIDS. That's the point of this concert: To raise more money and raise more awareness about the record, and promote to it, and also to get these people together in person. So many people donated their time and their music to this record, and it just seems like a no-brainer to get people together and actually play a concert.
Pitchfork: Are you and your brother actually friends with most of the people you got together for this record and this show? Or do you just admire their music?
AD: It's a mix. There's definitely many people on the record that we are friends with. A lot of that's just touring over the years. You meet people, and you know get to know them. A lot of them we consider friends. All of them are people whose music we respect. That was the only criteria for inviting people to participate on the record: just respecting them as musicians and feeling like they would contribute to something that would ultimately be cohesive, just because of the quality of the music. There were a lot of people whose music we respect-- who we invited-- who couldn't do it for one reason or another. There were quite a few people who wanted to contribute but didn't have time or were on tour or were recording their own albums, or who just don't make a lot of songs and it would be tricky for them.
Actually, there are people on the record who don't make a lot of songs, and it was tricky for them, also. For instance, I wrote a song with Bon Iver, "Big Red Machine", that's on the album. I never met him in person, actually. We just communicated by email, so we were sending things back and forth. It's kind of funny. I feel like we know each other in a weird way, via email. He's a really, really nice guy, but I've never actually met him in person. Then there's others, like Sufjan. He literally lives like two blocks away, so that's how that happened. Every song on the album has its own little backstory. In some cases, we were going through third parties to reach people.
Pitchfork: It's kind of hard to believe that there's anybody who you wanted for the album who couldn't make it, given the number of people you did get.
AD: I know. It's weird. I mean, it wasn't like we intended to make a 50-song album. There were some artists-- for instance, LCD Soundsystem or Animal Collective or Joanna Newsom-- who would've been amazing to have as part of this. But either we couldn't get to them-- in the case of Joanna Newsom-- or they didn't have time-- like LCD Soundsystem. He couldn't commit and really get something down, but he wanted to. I think Animal Collective were distributed all over the world and working on their own stuff, but they expressed interest in doing it, and if it had dragged on longer, it may have happened. There's probably 10 or 12 versions of that story. In the end, we kind of said that's enough. We're really, really happy with the outcome.
Pitchfork: It must have taken just a ton of effort to wrangle all of these people. And way more than your average compilation, it actually flows like an album. Everything fits together.
AD: Thanks. It was really tricky to sequence. As much as there is a tone, and some of it that seems like it flows, there's other things [on the album] that are quite different. It took almost two-and-a-half years, and there were times when we didn't get anything done for a few months because we were on tour or because no one was submitting anything. It was a nice project to have in the midst of heavy-duty touring and stuff because you'd be out there and you'd see people that you were hoping to get in touch with. And because time moves really quickly when you're on tour and you're doing stuff. So even though it took two-and-a-half years, in a way it didn't seem like that long because you're just constantly playing concerts and moving all the time. The days kind of disappear.
Pitchfork: Could you see yourself doing more of these shows like the one at Radio City? Or maybe another album somewhere down the road?
AD: We've been talking about London and Paris, actually. We're trying to figure out a way to do it. I think we would need a sponsor or something to be able to get people over there. We definitely would like to try to do one in Europe. I'm sure Red Hot will make more records. Probably, the next record that they make will be quite different and focus on a different musical community or something. I wouldn't rule another one out, but probably not for quite a while. My brother and I are constantly doing all kinds of different projects, so we are working on other things now. I think this will be our contribution to the Red Hot legacy.
Pitchfork: What else are you and your brother working on now?
AD: Well right now we are in the midst of working on the next National record. We're kind of in the early stages, but we're getting into it. In a way, we're further along than we were at this stage of Boxer because we actually have songs. With Boxer, we were sort of spinning our wheels without songs for the early part of it. The way we work, it just takes a really long time to turn these amorphous turds of rock songs into something that lasts and is interesting and has elbows and is special. That could take a year, probably. But then, Bryce and I are working on a lot of instrumental music and some other collaborations.
Pitchfork: So this next National record is still a long way from completion? Do you guys have a title yet or anything?
AD: No, we don't have a title. We often joke that it should be one word and start with a C. The last two, it's been Alligator and Boxer, so we're talking about Caligula or something. No, we don't have a title or a lot of the names to the songs. The way they start is just as somebody's musical sketch, so that person names it. A lot of times, those names stick around for a while, and there's a few that stay. So right now, almost all of the songs I've written are named after Civil War battles, and I'm getting kind of attached to them. And slowly, Matt [Berninger, singer] will change them to something. It's always kind of sad to see it go. There's really no title of the record and no song names yet.
Pitchfork: So this isn't going to be a concept album about the Civil War or anything?
AD: No! For whatever reason, you gravitate to certain subjects, and I read a lot of history. There are so many books out about Abraham Lincoln out now because it's the bicentennial of his birth. I've known a lot about the Civil War, but I'm just getting more into it. And my parents live down in West Virginia, and I have to drive through the Shenandoah Valley pretty often to go visit them. You actually drive right by Gettysburg and some other spots where there were huge battles. I started to pull off the road and check them out.
Actually, on Thursday my brother and I are performing at this library in Philadelphia [the Rosenbach Museum] that has all of Abraham Lincoln's letters. Bryce wrote a bunch of brass stuff that's like kind of Civil War-inspired or from that era, reinterpreting some of the tunes from that era. Yes, it would be fun to make an album like that, but no, we're not that kind of band. We don't really do concept albums or anything. When you're writing the music, it's easy to just go through all the Civil War battles you can think of.
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|SUMMARY: Co-branding deals, wherein a micro-version of your site appears on another more trafficked site, have been hot since the mid '90s. Marketers used to boast about how many deals they closed. Then they started bragging about how they worked with partner sites to get more clicks from their co-brand links. These days the game is not about traffic or clicks. It is about conversions. How do you get all that lovely co-brand driven traffic to actually buy something from you? Interested? Check out this brief Case Study on how eretailer Novica.com increased their co-brand sales from National Geographic and NPR...
Get the latest research on email, lead gen, and social media along with MarketingSherpa updates and promotions.
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(were you seeing no hope long taking profit) or maybe institutional trading
The sales were big volume to move so much. Not us little guys.
they sold because they are waking up to MTG was just a GS scam, a pos and years away from profits if ever. What's your reason for being long? You bought into the BS?
No more run-off risk because of new capital raised: no a GS scam. It is a game changer. It could turn profitable in Q1/2013. MTG is totally different now.
Sentiment: Strong Buy
Apparently I bought in. At least I made money on BBRY today to offset some of this loss. Why are you so sure they won't benefit from improvement in housing market over time.


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NYC Chamber Orchestra, GPYO & Festival Choruses at Lincoln Center
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The last date listed for NYC Chamber Orchestra, GPYO and Festival Choruses was Sunday June 17, 2012 / 8:00pm.
Currently at Avery Fisher Hall
Mostly Mozart Festival Orchestra at Lincoln Center
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Mostly Mozart's diverse summer music festival returns to Lincoln Center with a series of… More
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The show's running time is two hours, with a 10-minute intermission.
About the Ticket Supplier: Manhattan Concert Productions
Manhattan Concert Productions is an esteemed production company dedicated to excellence in music making, hospitality and travel details. Through their Masterwork, Octavo, Children's Choir, Cathedral, Broadway, Debut, and Symphonic Series' alongside New York City Jazz Festival, MCP has provided opportunity to thousands of musicians in choirs, bands and orchestras that have performed at famous venues throughout the United States and many countries abroad.


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Past Events
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November 21, 2002 // 12:30pm — 2:00pm
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Beginning in the summer of 2002, the Foresight and Governance Project at the Woodrow Wilson Center began commissioning papers from leading scholars and practitioners in public administration to explore ways to increase and improve foresight in the public sector. The authors of these papers will be presenting their ideas throughout the coming year and the key recommendations will be summarized in a final report.
The End of Canada?
November 21, 2002 // 8:30am — 10:00am
Canada Institute
Mel Hurtig spoke about the perceived erosion of Canada given increasing economic, cultural, and military integration resulting from post-9/11 security measures at the Canada-U.S. border. He stated that while it might be too late to save Canada, he had considerable faith in the ability of the Canadian public to retain their vision of government as a provider and a protector of the public good.
The Role of Agricultural Science and Technology in Reducing Hunger, Improving Livelihoods, and Increasing Economic Growth
November 20, 2002 // 11:00pm
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Featuring Robert T. Watson, Chief Scientist and Director of the Environmentally and Socially Sustainable Development Network, World Bank
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November 20, 2002 // 11:00am — 12:00pm
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Sabrina Ramet, Professor of Political Science, Trondheim University, Norway, and former Wilson Center Fellow
The Challenges of Higher Education in Central and Eastern Europe
November 20, 2002 // 3:00am — 4:00pm
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Yehuda Elkana, Rector, Central European University, and Member, Board of Directors, Civic Education ProjectCosponsored by the Civic Education Project
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November 19, 2002 // 11:00pm
Global Europe Program
Nanotechnology and the Environment
November 19, 2002 // 12:30pm — 2:00pm
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Following on the footsteps of Bill Joy's now famous Wired article (Why the Future Doesn't Need Us), a number of people and organizations have begun to raise serious questions about the potential social and environmental impacts of nanotechnology. A recent piece by the ETC Group (No Small Matter! Nanotech Particles Penetrate Living Cells and Accumulate in Animal Organs) has received significant coverage in the popular press. How much do we know about the environmental impacts of nanotechnonly? Who is looking at these issues and who should be? How do we separate science from pseudoscience and hype? And what can we do to ensure that the public and policy-makers do not become so fearful of nanotechnology's risks that they reject or restrict its promise?
Russia Counts: The 2002 Russian Census
November 18, 2002 // 11:00am — 12:00pm
Kennan Institute
Cynthia Buckley, Associate Professor of Sociology and Associate Director, Center for Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies, University of Texas, Austin; and former Title VIII-Supported Short-Term Scholar, Kennan Institute
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November 17, 2002 // 11:00pm
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His Excellency Mikhail S. Gorbachev, former President of the Soviet Union and current President of Green Cross International.This event was co-sponsored by Global Green USA and Green Cross International.
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November 15, 2002 // 2:00pm — 4:00pm
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The war on terrorism, triggered by the terrorists' attacks of September 2001, has been no exception to wartime Congresses giving Presidents additional powers to combat national security threats at home and abroad. The USA Patriot Act and other executive actions aimed at increasing domestic surveillance and detention of suspected terrorists have raised concerns about abuses of civil liberties. How Congress and the courts are responding to this delicate balancing act between security and liberty will be the subject of this Congress Project Seminar.


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I am a writer and almost finished with my first novel.
I like the sound of rain. My favorite element is strontium. I share the same name with a professional basketball player. I am learning to play guitar.
I enjoy drinking coffee, playing my old Nintendo, making lives more interesting, watching old sitcoms, and making inappropriate hand gestures to my neighbors.
I don't really subscribe to any particular political affiliation. I'm seriously thinking about getting a goldfish. I have a Rubix cube that I have never been able to solve. My name rhymes with limb.
Anyway, I try my best to be a fun and interesting person.


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Will you be able to resist boot legged copies of STID?
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May 2 2013, 12:40 AM
Fleet Captain
Re: Will you be able to resist boot legged copies of STID?
DarthTom wrote:
One thing of interest I noticed since more studios are now electing to release films internationally first instead of the US - is the boot legged copies are showing up at the ususal places before even a US release.
Over the weekend I rode the train to an event in Atlanta and already the guys hawking shit on the train were hawking
Iron Man 3
which just opened up internationally over the weekend. Amazing.
Will you be able to resist a boot legged copy of STID?
I will. I have never had a boot-legged copy of any movie. I will wait for it to come out on DVD and that will be my copy. Until then, I will see it in the movie theater (and paying for the tickets). I am a straight arrow on this subject. No need to cheat the makers of the movie from making a profit.
"Cogley was old-fashioned, preferring paper books to computers. He had an extensive collection of books, he claimed never to use the computer in his office."
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This is an over 55+ location and for mostly long term occupants. However, they do have a few short term spots. We stayed 4 nights in a 45' motorhome. The park is quiet and the showers are clean. There is a pool, but we did not have an opportunity to use that area. We would stay here again.
If you own or manage Twelve Oaks RV Resort, register now for free tools to enhance your listing, attract new reviews, and respond to reviewers.


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Bringing change from the inside out
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"I have tried raising money by asking for it, and by not asking for it. I always got more by asking for it."
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X-Men Mutant Protocols: A1298C Homozygous
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What is Politics?
"What is Politics?" is the question taken up by a conference co-sponsored by the Hannah Arendt Center and the Villa Aurora in Los Angeles earlier this month. Hannah Arendt dedicated her work to the reinvention of the public realm and to freedom in political action. Today, as in the 1960s, her ideas inspire theoretical debates as well as civil political initiatives.
The conference, with lectures by experts on Hannah Arendt's work, focused on the influence of her European-American experience and the particular importance of transcultural exchange in Arendt's theory of political action. Speakers included Marie Luise Knott, Anson Rabinbach; Princeton University, Peg Birmingham; DePaul University, Robert Harrison; Stanford University, Martín Plot; California Institute of the Arts, Wolfgang Heuer; Freie Universität Berlin, and Roger Berkowitz; Bard College. Most of the talks were videotaped and are now online. They are your weekend read. Happy Thanksgiving.
The False Culture of Utility
"Culture is being threatened when all worldly objects and things, produced by the present or the past, are treated as mere functions for the life process of society, as though they are there only to fulfill some need, and for this functionalization it is almost irrelevant whether the needs in question are of a high or a low order."
--Hannah Arendt, "The Crisis in Culture"
Hannah Arendt defines the cultural as that which gives testimony to the past and in preserving the past helps constitute our common world. A cultural object embodies the human goal of achieving "immortality," which as Arendt explains in The Human Condition is not the same as eternal life or the biological propagation of the species. Immortality concerns the life of a people and is ultimately political. It refers to the particular type of transcendence afforded by political action. In "The Crisis of Culture," Arendt shows how culture has a political role insofar as it creates durable and lasting objects that contribute to the immortality of a people.
The danger Arendt confronts in "The Crisis in Culture" is that mass culture makes art disposable and thus threatens the political ability of cultural life to produce lasting and immortal objects. The source of her worry is not an invasion of culture by the low and the base, but a sort of cannibalization of culture by itself. The problem is that mass culture swallows culture and subsumes it under the rubric of need. The immortal is degraded to a biological necessity, to be endlessly consumed and reproduced. Durable cultural objects that constitute a meaningful political world are thereby consumed, eroding the common world that is the place of politics.
Arendt's point is first that mass culture—like all culture under the sway of society— is too often confused with status, self-fulfillment, or entertainment. In the name of status or entertainment, cultural achievements are stripped down and repackaged as something to be consumed in the life process. She would argue that this happens every time Hamlet is made into a movie or the Iliad is condensed into a children's edition. By making culture accessible for those who would use it to improve themselves, the mass-culture industry makes it less and less likely that we will ever confront the great works of our past in their most challenging form. Eventually, the watering down of once immortal works can make it difficult or impossible to perceive the importance of culture and cultural education for humanity and our common world.
However, Arendt does not offer simply a banal critique of reality television as fast-food. We might recognize a more insidious form of the risks she describes in the new intellectualism that marks the politics, or anti-politics of the tech milieu. What has been termed Silicon Valley's anti-intellectualism should instead be understood as a forced colonization of the space potentially inhabited by the public intellectual.
The prophets of the tech world see themselves as fulfilling a social and political duty through enterprise. They unselfconsciously describe their creations as sources of liberation, democracy, and revolution. And yet they eschew politics. Their abnegation of overt political activity is comprehensible in that, for them, 'politics' is always already contained in the project of saving the world through technological progress.
We see such exemplars of technological cultural salvation all around us. Scholars and cultural figures are invited to lecture at the "campuses" of Apple and Google, and their ideas get digested into the business model or spit back out in the form of TED talks. Even Burning Man, originally a 'counter-cultural' annual desert festival with utopian pretensions, has been sucked into the vortex, such that Stanford Professor Fred Turner could give a powerpoint lecture titled, "Burning Man at Google: A cultural infrastructure for new media production." The abstract for his article in New Media & Society is even more suggestive: "…this article explores the ways in which Burning Man's bohemian ethos supports new forms of production emerging in Silicon Valley and especially at Google. It shows how elements of the Burning Man world – including the building of a sociotechnical commons, participation in project-based artistic labor and the fusion of social and professional interaction – help to shape and legitimate the collaborative manufacturing processes driving the growth of Google and other firms." Turner's conclusion virtually replicates Arendt's differentiation between nineteenth century philistinism and the omniphagic nature of mass culture:
In the 19th century, at the height of the industrial era, the celebration of art provided an occasion for the display of wealth. In the 21st century, under conditions of commons-based peer production, it has become an occasion for its [i.e. wealth] creation.
The instrumentalization of culture within polite society has given way to the digestion and reconstitution of culture in the form of gadgets meant to increase convenience. Would-be cultural objects become rungs on the hamster wheel of life's progress. Progress as the ultimate goal of technological cultural innovation is a vague concept because it is taken for granted due to the self-contained and self-enclosed nature of the industry. Where it is defined, it is demonstrated through examples, such as the implementation of the smart parking meter or the use of cloud networking in order to better administer services to San Francisco's homeless population.
In a recent New Yorker article on the tech revolutionaries, George Packer writes, "A favorite word in tech circles is 'frictionless.' It captures the pleasures of an app so beautifully designed that using it is intuitive, and it evokes a fantasy in which all inefficiencies, annoyances, and grievances have been smoothed out of existence—that is, an apolitical world." Progress here is the increasingly efficient administration of life.
When tech does leave its insular environment and direct its energies outward, its engagements reflect both its solipsism and focus on utility, which for Arendt go together. The Gates Foundation's substantial investments in higher education impose the quantitatively verifiable standard of degree completion as the sole or main objective, which seems odd in itself, given Gates' notoriety as a Harvard drop-out. The efforts of the Foundation aim less at placing Shakespeare in the hands of every fast-food worker, and more towards redirecting all of cultural education toward the development of a cheap version of utilitarian aptitude. Such tech intellectualism will ask, "What is the point of slaving over the so-called classics?" The claim is that the liberal arts vision of university education is inseparable from elitist designs, based on an exclusive definition of what 'culture' should be.
"What is the use?" is the wrong question, though, and it is tinged by the solipsistic mentality of a tech elite that dare not speak its name. The tech intellectual presents the culture of Silicon Valley as inherently egalitarian, despite the fact that capital gains in the sector bare a large burden of the blame for this country's soaring rate of inequality. This false sense of equality fosters a naïve view of political and social issues. It also fuels tech's hubristic desire to remake the world in its own image: Life is about frictionless success and efficient progress, and these can be realized via the technological fix. "It worked for us, what's the matter with you?"
For Arendt, culture is not meant to be useful for employment or even the lofty purpose of self-cultivation; our relationship to culture nurtures our ability to make judgments. Kant's discussion of taste and "common sense" informs her notion of the faculty of judgment in art and politics. In matters of taste, judging rests on the human ability to enlarge one's mind and think with reference to an "anticipated communication with others" and "potential agreement." Common sense, as she uses it, "discloses to us the nature of the world insofar as it is a common world." Culture and politics are linked in that both can only exist in a world that is shared. She writes:
Culture and politics, then, belong together because it is not knowledge or truth which is at stake, but rather judgment and decision, the judicious exchange of opinion about the sphere of public life and the common world, and the decision what manner of action is to be taken, as well as to how it is to look henceforth, what kind of things are to appear in it.
That culture and politics are about enacting judgments, rather than truth or technique for the advancement of biological life, is a point that is clearly missed by the tech intellectuals. The establishment of utility as the sole goal of higher education represents only one section of a general lens through which the world appears only as a series of practical problems to be figured out. In this paradoxical utopia of mass accessibility, insulation, and narrow-mindedness, applied knowledge threatens to occupy and pervert culture at the expense of political action and care for our common world.
-Jennifer Hudson
The Political Weakness of Empathy
Political thought is representative. I form an opinion by considering a given issue from different viewpoints….This process of representation does not blindly adopt the actual views of those who stand somewhere else, and hence look upon the world from a different perspective; this is a question neither of empathy, as though I tried to be or to feel like somebody else, nor of counting noses and joining a majority but of being and thinking in my own identity where actually I am not.
-Hannah Arendt, "Truth and Politics" in Between Past and Future, p. 241
In response to the shootings in Aurora, Colorado in July, President Obama had this to say:
While we will never know fully what causes somebody to take the life of another, we do know what makes life worth living. The people we lost in Aurora loved and they were loved….They had hopes for the future and they had dreams that were not yet fulfilled. And if there's anything to take away from this tragedy, it's the reminder that life is very fragile…What matters at the end of the day is not the small things; it's not the trivial things…Ultimately it's how we choose to treat one another and how we love one another.
This speech was disturbing for a number of reasons. Yes, it was full of clichés and tired appeals to the hopes and futures of people who are nothing but a vague idea to Obama's audience. But most disturbing of all was the fact that it revealed the response of the country's highest public official to a breakdown of public safety was essentially a complete abdication of responsibility for the public.
In this speech, Obama refuses to articulate what Arendt calls political thought, instead luxuriating in the experience of empathy and asking the audience to the do same. The problem with speaking and thinking of politics as a sphere in which individuals must try "to be or to feel like somebody else," as Arendt saw it, is that feeling with another does nothing to acknowledge and maintain the plurality that is so necessary to politics. In empathy, one remains isolated and alone as an individual, albeit an individual with a different set of emotional experiences than what one had before. In this instance, Obama puts himself into the shoes of those individuals who lost family and friends in the shooting and asks his Florida audience to do the same. In so doing, he transforms the event from one that confronts the American polity with questions about our shared public space—about national gun control laws and issues connected to the lack of appropriate physical and mental health care—into a question of the appropriate personal response to loss. Seen in this light, it is not at all surprising that the President would conclude his speech by telling the audience that he and his wife will hug their daughters a bit more tightly that night.
Characterizing what is surely a public problem into an issue of bedtime rituals among family members reveals not only the extent to which politics has given way to personal concerns, but also the unhappy possibility that not even our political leaders are able to move beyond personal concerns to take responsibility for the public as a whole.
It is tempting to interpret Arendt's quote as an admonition to individuals to reveal themselves in political action. This understanding of Arendtian politics and action is the most familiar one and Arendt's language of "being and thinking in my own identity" certainly evokes the language of personal courage she uses to describe the political actor in The Human Condition. There she ascribes to the decision to enter politics a courage that is necessary to bring to the public light one's thoughts and deeds as undeniably one's own and to "ris[e] into sight from some darker ground" (The Human Condition, 71).
But these lines of "Truth and Politics" strongly suggest that the public appearance one makes as an individual must somehow be tied intimately to other people. What one reveals, in other words, is not oneself in one's personal sentiments, but rather one's opinion, which necessarily takes into account the viewpoints of other people. The rising from a dark ground into the light of the public is less about revealing oneself in all one's uniqueness and more about situating or orienting oneself within a realm of others from whom one may or may not differ. It is for this reason, I think, that Arendt considers empathy to be destructive of politics. In empathy, we appropriate the other to collapse the distance between us that would make possible our orientation in the world. One cannot be "oriented" in the absence of external markers against which one can orient oneself.
The consequences of reading politics as a world of empathetic individuals are dire. Empathy makes it easy to justify the appropriation of others' lives and perspectives as one's own. In the name of feeling with the victim, we can often leave the victim even more impoverished than he was before the outpouring of empathy. The loss suffered by those in Aurora has become the sadness and pain of those for whom the victims of the shooting, both living and dead, were really nothing but examples of our country's political failure. On top of what these victims had already lost, it is possible that they might also lose ownership of the event. Such an appropriation has implications beyond the aesthetic or moral. The political problem with Obama's speech is not simply that he did not reveal himself or that he appropriated the suffering of the Colorado victims. It is that his empathy allowed him to refuse to take responsibility for the community as a whole and it made it easy for the rest of us to do the same and to do so with a clear conscience. Taking care of one's community and one's neighbors is measured by the degree to which one can take care of the imagined personal pains of others, not one's response to the institutional and other structural conditions that have made such events so commonplace in this country.
Arendt's distinction between engaging with the viewpoints of others and feeling with another is ultimately a foundation for political responsibility, not just courageous action understood independently of one's responsibility to the public world. To the extent that politics requires courage, it requires courage not simply to reveal oneself in a crude individualism, but to take responsibility for the big questions of our community. There is of course nothing wrong with hugging one's children at night. But to define one's political self in this act and to ask others do so as well is to shirk one's responsibility for the community and to tell us that such an abdication of responsibility is not only acceptable, but also laudable because it is "human" and feeling. This might not be a necessary consequence of empathy, but, as Arendt tells us, it is an inherent possibility and a threat.
-Jennie Han
Hannah Arendt & the Case of Poetry
"The accusative of violence, like that of love, destroys the in-between, crushes or burns it, renders the other defenseless, strips itself of protection. In contrast to this stands the dative of saying and speaking, which confirms the in-between, moves within it. Then again there is the accusative of the singing poem, which removes and releases what it sings from the in-between and its relations, without confirming anything. When poetry and not philosophy absolutizes, there's rescue."
-Hannah Arendt, Denktagebuch, vol. 1, p. 428 [August 1953], (my translation.)
When I was in college, puzzling over Arendt's work for the first time, I read Hanna Pitkin's famous essay "Justice: On Relating Private and Public," which contains some of the most-quoted words ever written about The Human Condition: "What is it that they talk about together, in that endless palaver in the agora?"[1] This question grew in part out of Arendt's love of the troublesome phrase "for its own sake," which, when used to characterize political action, seemed to imply that genuine action had to be about nothing but itself, gloriously pointless: praxis as peacock-feather. Yet at other times Arendt took the edge off of this austerity: "Most words and deeds," she says, almost offhandedly, "are about some worldly objective reality in addition to being a disclosure of the acting and speaking agent."[2] They talked about a thousand mundane things.
This week's passage, drawn from Hannah Arendt's notebooks from 1953, elegantly uses a grammatical idea to hold these two thoughts together. As readers of German will know, the "accusative" and the "dative" are two of German's four grammatical cases, in which pronouns and nouns are changed, or given specific endings, to signal their relationship to another part of a sentence. The accusative case is used, roughly, when something is the direct object of a verb—when we are in the register of cause and effect, you might say, in which one thing "accuses" another through the linguistic mark it bears of an action that was taken upon it. The dative case, by contrast, is used for indirect objects, and originally with objects to which or to whom something is given. (And that means, incidentally, that acknowledging givenness isn't a matter of submitting to the brute, determining force of things as they are: to be given something is not to be struck with it, no matter how unalterable it may be.)
These are very different kinds of relationship, as Arendt emphasizes by tying this grammatical distinction to her oft-repeated contrast between violence and speech; but they are also relationships that can exist, side by side or even hand in hand, in a single course of action. It happens all the time in language: we give something (accusative) to someone (dative); or, as Arendt says elsewhere in her notebooks, we speak about something (über, accusative) with others (mit, dative). She also suggests that speech that isn't about anything—speech that has lost its "Über"—isn't an admirable exemplar of human freedom, but merely the "last residuum" of speech; bare, formal logic; on its way to silence.[3]
And, although Arendt herself doesn't make this point explicitly, we might also notice that the phrase "for the sake of" (um...willen in German) indicates yet another kind of relationship, for it takes the genitive case, the case of possession (for God's sake). The "sake" in "for the sake of" is also a cause, but not in the sense of efficient causality, nor even in the sense of an ultimate purpose, if that is understood as the final term in a linked chain of means and ends. It is more like a "cause" in the sense of a legal issue, a dispute that bears on or is relevant to certain parties—both their cause and their case. To say that action is for its own sake, from this grammatical perspective, is not incompatible with action being about some particular object, nor with action establishing indirect relations between people that are mediated by that object. It means only that nothing outside the field of action itself determines the range or sustains the intensity of its relevance.
The other striking part of this passage, of course, is its suggestion that, at least sometimes, human activity can stand between, or straddle, the accusative of violence and love and the dative of speaking and saying. Arendt's example is "the accusative of the singing poem," which has a direct object, but acts upon it in a distinctive way: not violently or absorptively, but by "releasing" it, she says, from the in-between and its relations. Arendt presents this release as a kind of "absolutization," but not the kind performed by philosophy—or at least some kinds of philosophy—where, as she had put it in her notebooks a few months earlier, an object is abstracted or isolated from all worldly relations in order to be measured according to a standard that comes "from outside," that is, which is itself also grasped in isolation.[4]
What happens in the "singing poem," then, is not absolutization as universalization, as a stripping-away of muddying particularities, but absolutization as the creation of something particular that can subsist, for a while, as its own world, that can be encountered as an appearance and not, or not yet, as a means to an end. This is what Arendt, in one of her essays on Bertolt Brecht, called the "precise generality of the literary art."[5] The poem places a dark, silent margin around its object, a horizon that turns us back to the specificity of its words—of its own words, for its own sake. Yet its removal of itself and its object from the in-between is only provisional, for what it releases from the world it then releases into the world, transfigured in what—in a few years—Arendt will call "a veritable metamorphosis in which it is as though the course of nature which wills that all fire burn to ashes is reverted and even dust can burn into flames."[6]
These flames do not destroy the world, but braze together its cases.
-Patchen Markell
[1] Hanna Fenichel Pitkin, "Justice: On Relating Private and Public," Political Theory 9, no. 3 (August 1981): 336.
[2] Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958),
[3] Hannah Arendt, Denktagebuch, vol. 1, 214; 345.
[4] Ibid., 339.
[5] Hannah Arendt, "The Poet Bertolt Brecht," in Brecht: A Collection of Critical Essays, ed. Peter Demetz (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1962), 45.
[6] Arendt, The Human Condition, 168.
The Truth About Politics
"Factual truth is always related to other people [...]. It is political by nature."
-Hannah Arendt, Truth and Politics
"Our inheritance was left to us by no testament"
-Hannah Arendt, quoting René Char, Between Past and Future
In his acceptance speech, the recipient of the 1997 Hannah Arendt Prize for Political Thought wondered why he of all people had been chosen for it. He was, he said, a pragmatist, a practitioner of politics, not a political thinker. At the time he was already a prominent figure in contemporary politics: as a courageous pastor in the GDR who did not shy away from conflict with the regime, as a participant in the freedom movement of 1989 which led to the fall of the Berlin Wall, and, since 1990, as the Federal Commissioner for the newly created Stasi Archives, which was tasked with processing the history and crimes of the socialist dictatorship. This man, the winner of the 1997 Arendt prize, is the recently elected German Bundespräsident, Joachim Gauck . [Under the German constitution, the President is the country's highest representative, while the Chancellor is the head of government and most influential political figure in the German parliamentary democracy (Angela Merkel currently holds the latter position).]
The connection between Arendt and the highest office of the German government makes sense only in light of its oddity and of the unorthodox character of Joachim Gauck. His comment in the acceptance speech that he is a political practitioner rather than a political thinker marks a striking difference between himself and Arendt. One could say, however, that Gauck's political actions largely constitute the realization of a political understanding that Arendt herself theoretically and conceptually developed. Their shared center of gravity can be formulated in a sentence from Arendt's "Introduction into Politics": "The meaning of politics is freedom."
It is fitting, in a certain way, that the intellectual correspondence between Arendt and Gauck is least to be found in his text Plea for Freedom. This small book, published shortly before his election, can be read as the manifesto of his presidency. The book, divided into the three chapters "Freedom," "Responsibility," and "Tolerance" preaches more than it reflects. Generalized talk of "the soul," and of supposed anthropological constants such as "the human psyche," or the universal desire for happiness and healing overshadows the knowledge upon which the book is based: that politics comes out of plurality and exists in the living modes of "relatedness."
When writing serves to express a political program, it becomes a part of the process of political action. Action and thought cannot occur simultaneously, Arendt notes. Thought and consideration become possible only when action has become history-- that is, when it has been completed and can be retold as a story and reflected upon.
Joachim Gauck's best texts are distinguished by the fact that they are written out of personal experience. They speak from the perspective of an "I" that knows that political speech must be concrete and therefore limited. The more I generalize, the farther I distance myself from the solid ground of the facts. For a theologian, this may not be self-evident. In his acceptance speech for the Arendt prize, Gauck does not pay lip service to the prize's eponym-- as did so many of those to whom Arendt became "hip" after 1989-- by claiming her as the inspiration for his political actions during the dictatorship. Rather, he recognizes his own lapse in not studying Arendt's texts at the right time. He sees it as a failure to confront the intuitive striving and fighting for freedom with "conceptual clarity and precision," quoting Arendt's On Revolution.
Does this lack of conceptual clarity point to a romanticization which placed (the self-perceptions of) personal actions in the world of wishful thinking instead of in the world of facts, Gauck asked? The question is directed at himself and his contemporaries. "Did it suffice to have an opinion about reality, whose facts I hadn't thoroughly developed?" he reflects with reference to Arendt in his afterword to the Blackbook of Communism (1998). I individually can hold an opinion, almost like philosophically wise thoughts or words; facts, on the other hand, are political, since I always share them with others. Arendt formulated it thus in Truth and Politics: "Factual truth is always related to other people [...]. It is political by nature."
This understanding of the eminently political quality of facts shaped Joachim Gauck's work as the Federal Commissioner for the Stasi-Archives. Perhaps this constitutes the greatest accomplishment of his life: Gauck's work secured the documents and archived materials without which the history of the SED-dictatorship and its repressive apparatuses could not have been written.
In the months after the fall of the Berlin Wall, hundreds of citizens and members of opposition groups occupied the headquarters of the state secret police in East Berlin and other cities of the GDR. The Stasi had already begun to destroy documents on a large scale. Approximately 130 miles of files were saved, where 3 feet of files could contain up to 10,000 pages. The Stasi had collected approximately 6 million personal files-- 4 million on citizens of the GDR, 2 million on citizens of the old Bundesrepublik. What was to be done with such a legacy?
Many demanded that the files be closed or even destroyed in the interest of "national peace." One could expect such a vote from former GDR elites, who could be prosecuted or face moral discredit if the files were made public. But even reputable social-democratic politicians like Egon Bahr and, out of quite different motives, the West German secret service, wanted to prevent the Stasi files from becoming publicly accessible.
The "inherited burden of dictatorship," Gauck called this legacy in his Memoirs (2009). It is an inheritance left with no testament, one could say with Arendt and René Char. It is an inheritance without precedent, for which a legal, political, moral, and historiographic procedure had to be found before any work could begin. Joachim Gauck, along with more than 3000 staff members, created the blueprints for dealing with the material. Since 1990, victims of Stasi persecution, as well as the media and researchers, are able to read and study the files of the state surveillance apparatus.
The fact that this is now possible cannot be taken for granted. Since the transition to democracy, other countries such as Poland, Hungary, and Romania have decided against opening their archives. In Germany, it's one of Gauck's major accomplishments to have successfully carried out the demand of the East Germany democracy movement to make the Stasi files publicly accessible.
The Federal Commission for the Stasi-Archives is now a permanent institution in Germany. The commission is internationally respected, and stands as a symbol for Germany's way of dealing and coming to terms with dictatorship after 1989. The legal and administrative character of the commission, and the basis of its success, is largely thanks to Joachim Gauck's capacity for political judgment, as he was the first director of the Commission from 1990 to 2000. Gauck, the unconventional political activist from the Baltic, recruited a legal and data protection expert from Bavaria as an administrator, to help carry out the revolutionary civil movement's lofty goal of universal access to the records. The two persistently maintained this political demand in the face of the reservations and greediness of West German administration and political parties. Gauck recognized that the new Commission for the Stasi Archives would have to fit into the institutional structure of West Germany, and that this framework had to be confronted without naivete or arrogance.
During and since the first national elections in unified Germany in 1990, naivete and arrogance towards the power of established parties and institutions relegated almost all of the East German opposition groups to political meaninglessness. The widespread feeling that the momentum of political freedom was too quickly muted by, and swallowed up into the institutional structure of West Germany burdens the unification process to this day. The Federal Commission for the Stasi Archives is one of the few achievements in which something truly politically new came out of the momentum of freedom in 1989.
The election of Joachim Gauck connects the memory of this founding moment of political freedom with the highest office in Germany—which is delightful, but also feels incongruous. It may also appear incongruous to many that Gauck is the first nominee in Germany's post-war history who was not elected President directly from another high political office. Since 2000, Gauck has worked for foundations, and as a free-lance writer and lecturer. He is less a man of the political class than a political man. This symbolic fact is one that might have interested Hannah Arendt.
-Thomas Wild,
with Anne Posten
Thomas Wild will begin teaching at Bard in the fall and will join the Hannah Arendt Center as a Research Associate.


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Pa. police arrest man in 1985 murder
By Michael Rubinkam
The Associated Press
SCHUYLKILL HAVEN, Pa. — Police arrested a man Thursday in the 1985 killing of a 13-year-old boy whose body was found months after he left home on a bicycle.
Police arrested Joseph Geiger on the 23rd anniversary of David Reed's disappearance after leaving home in Schuylkill Haven.
"We got him," said state police Sgt. Craig Stine.
Geiger, 43, was arrested by state police as he left his home in nearby Pottsville to go to work. He was scheduled to be arraigned later Thursday on charges of third-degree murder, voluntary manslaughter, abuse of a corpse and tampering with evidence.
The announcement gave no information on a possible motive. Police and prosecutors planned a news conference to discuss the arrest later in the day.
Until recently, Reed's death had been classified as "undetermined." State police exhumed the body in January after turning up new evidence. After studying the remains, officials ruled in early July that the case was a homicide. They also said at the time that they had identified a suspect.
David's brother, Joseph Reed of Fort Myers, Fla., had long suspected foul play and said last month that he welcomed the renewed interest in the case.
The boy's badly decomposed remains were found in a remote thicket on the edge of town in December 1985, about a half-mile from his bicycle. Two experts had initially theorized the boy might have succumbed to an undiagnosed case of diabetes.
Schuylkill Haven is about 75 miles northwest of Philadelphia.
Copyright 2015 Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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Terra Centauri Beta 0.5 Released!Jun 30, 2015 Terra Centauri: Last Stand News 2 comments
Terra Centauri: Last Stand is having its first public beta release! Come check it out!
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- Whole grain: Made with 100% whole grains
- Vegan: Made without any ingredients sourced from animals
- Wheat free by recipe: No wheat ingredients; but because our bakery also makes products containing wheat, we can never guarantee that any are truly "wheat free"
- No refined sugar: Sweetened entirely with honey, maple syrup, rice syrup, or fruit sweetened
- Low saturated fat: 1 gram or less saturated fat per serving
- Low sodium: 140 mg or less sodium per serving
- High fiber: 2.5g or more fiber per serving
- Cholesterol free: 0mg cholesterol


text:
45 points
More About Points »
Glenshaw, PA
Recent Activity
Question Asked:
when at opperating temp., the check engine light comes on and the speedometer stops working and also there is no first gear or overdrive. I was told it was a transmission solenoid and also it could be a speed sensor. anyone else have this problem, and if so, what the heck was it? I really do not want to put a lot of money into a 15 year old car even though i do like its comfort and ride. Thanks in advance!
Answer Ranks
This week's top 10
|1 stevieray1
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|10 BrianLankford


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XhtmlWeaver is an agile web development agency, based in Sydney, Australia, specialising in delivering high quality W3C Compliant Markup (xHTML 1.0 Strict), Cascading Style Sheets (CSS), clean jQuery based javascript code and WordPress solutions in short turnaround with affordable price.
The site is purely built with django for the order centre, with a django powered client support system. It sits on top of debian/mysql/nginx/uWSGI
Tags:ordersystem, order, Business
Visit this website at http://www.xhtmlweaver.com/
Created by ross on 12th Apr 2011


text:
Celery With Almonds
3 Dec 2010
|1 Tablespoon
|1⁄2 Teaspoon
|To Taste
|Light cream/Milk
|1⁄2 Cup (8 tbs)
|2 Tablespoon
|Bias sliced celery
|3 Cup (48 tbs)
|Sliced mushrooms
|1 Cup (16 tbs)
|Dry white wine/Chicken broth
|1⁄4 Cup (4 tbs)
|Sliced almonds
|1⁄4 Cup (4 tbs), toasted
Combine cornstarch, salt, and pepper; stir in cream or milk.
Set aside.
In wok melt butter or margarine over medium heat.
Add celery and mushrooms; stir-fry for 8 to 10 minutes or till celery is crisp tender.
Stir cream mixture; stir into wok.
Cook and stir till thickened and bubbly; cook and stir 2 minutes longer.
Stir in wine or broth.
Cover and cook 1 minute longer.
Garnish with almonds.
Recipe Summary
Difficulty Level:Easy
Course:Side Dish
Method:Stir Fried
Preparation Time:5 Minutes
Rate It
0 Comments
Celery With Almonds Recipe


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BOBSTER ECHO Ballistics Smoked Goggle
Regular Price: $62.99
Special Price: $19.88
Sign up to get notified when this product is back in stock
Availability: Out of Stock
Product Code:AC-APP-BECH101
The Echo is a new addition to our ballistics approved eyewear. Featuring removable temples and foam for a goggle conversion, enhancing the versatility. This eyewear comes with 2 frame fronts with anti-fog clear and smoked lenses in order to interchange the lenses according to lighting conditions. A retainer strap is also included to use in the sunglass version to ensure eyewear stays in place. MOLLE case and cleaning cloth included.
Frame Color : Black
Frame Finish : Matte
Frame RX Ready : Yes
Lens Upgrades : N/A
Warranty : Lifetime against Manufacturing Defects
Frame Material : Polycarbonate
Lens Color : 2 Sets: Anti-fog smoked & anti-fog clear
Storage : MOLLE Carry Case
Frame Convertible : Yes
Lens Coatings : 100% UVA and UVB protection, Anti-Fog
Lenses Interchangeable : Yes- 2 Frame Fronts Included
Frame Temples : Skull
Frame Foam Type : Flame Retardant Removable Closed Cell Foam
Frame Measurements : Temple to Temple: 131mm; Temple length 119mm; Height 44mm
Lens Material : 2.2mm Polycarbonate
Special Features : Ballistics Approved, Converts to a goggle, Has retainer strap for use with sunglass, Bezel lenses available for purchase for RZ lenses
Standards Met : ANSI Z87.1-2003 +, MCEPS/ Military Ballistics Impact Standards
Additional Information
|Canada Compliant
|PreOrder Lead Time in Weeks
|Battery & Charger Included
Customer Reviews
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text:
VIEWS: 9 PAGES: 3 CATEGORY: Press Releases POSTED ON: 11/29/2013 Public Domain
DENVER--(BUSINESS WIRE)--American Midstream Partners, LP (NYSE: AMID) today announced it is holding an open season to offer current and prospective shippers the opportunity to subscribe to firm capacity on one or more versions of a proposed reconstruction of the American Midstream Midla, LLC ("Midla") mainline pipeline in Louisiana and Mississippi. The open season commenced on November 27, 2013 and will close on December 27, 2013 at 5 p.m. CST. The open season is to gauge customer interest in r
Pages to are hidden for
"American Midstream Announces Open Season For Reconstruction of Midla Pipeline"Please download to view full document


text:
SintecMedia unveiled a new suite of media business products at the 2010 NAB Show. The additions include OnTrack for business intelligence, OnTarget for airtime planning optimization and OnRequest for monetizing new media.
The OnTrack media business intelligence tool provides decision support tools and multidimensional analytics to maximize revenues. OnTrack brings together dynamic data warehousing, efficient ETL, customized analysis and various on-demand data views to manage all media information created by the organization.
OnTarget is an interactive airtime optimization product whose advanced mathematical algorithms perform booking and placement of spots and promotions.
The OnRequest platform supports the monetization of a media group's nonlinear business. It provides a unified and accessible warehouse for all programming, scheduling, ad sales and planning to increase the efficiency of business operations and maximize opportunities.
An Inside Look at Four Virtual Reality Start-Ups
What Moves the Social TV Needle?
Mark Kudsi Directs 'Art of Patron Virtual Reality Experience'
BT Renews Intelsat Deal
Top Twitter TV Shows for 2014-15 Season Unveiled
comScore Introduces MobiLens Plus
North Korean Propoganda Art Inspires the Credits of 'The Interview'
Imaginary Forces Creates Kaleidoscopic Titles for 'Bosch'
Filmmaker Embraces Short Documentary Format with Oscar-Nominated 'Crisis Hotline'
North Metro Television Goes Wireless with Comrex LiveShot
Spectra Logic and HauteSpot Networks Introduce Body-Worn Camera Video Surveillance Solution
Huge Ultra HD Display Lights Up Times Square


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Come Out and Support the East Titans Saturday
Make plans to head down to Riverside Stadium and support the East Titans this Saturday. These boys and coaches have earned your support and made history doing it. The Titans advanced to the regional semifinal against Hays Consolidated, which defeated Kerrville Tivy 10-0 last Saturday to take a 2-1 series win
Help Us Help a Caring Giving Family Today
Sadly, the worst things sometimes happen to the nicest people. Heidi and Paul Sanchez who are known by many in our community, whether it's through the volunteer work they have done, Heidi caring for your pet as her own or on the baseball field. Thursday morning their house caught on fire. Thank goodness t
Time to Play Ball Jaguars
The University of Houston-Victoria Jags are in Jackson, Mississippi. They are the fifth seed in the Jackson Bracket for the NAIA National Baseball Championship Opening Round. The Jags will play today at 11
UHV Lady Jaguars are Headed to Montgomery Alabama
For the second consecutive year, the University of Houston-Victoria softball team has earned a berth into the NAIA National Championship Opening Round.
The Jaguars were one of seven teams to earn an at-large berth to the four-team double-elimination tournament which will take place May12-14. The Jaguars will be headed to Montgomery, Ala., as the second seed to participatein this year's event and will face No. 3 seed Indiana University-Southeast. The other two teams in the Auburn Montgomery bracket are top-se
Warrior's Weekend Needs Your Help
Warrior's Weekend VIII is approaching fast! Warrior's Weekend VIII will be held on Saturday 17, May 2014. The troops will arrive Saturday morning around 9:00AM, by chartered buses from Brooke Army Medical Center, joining other wounded soldiers who arrived earlier from other military installations across the country. After a grand wel
Mom Aspires Daughter to Greater Things
It's that time of year again when everyone is praising their mother on how much they mean to them and/or how much they love them. Honestly I don't know where to start. My mother has never left my brother's or my side our entire lives. She is truly an ama
A Tribute to my Beautiful Angel Mother: Marla Hartman
This week represents another one of the "firsts" since my precious mother went to be our angel and momma in heaven instead of on earth. There are so many things that run through my mind as I remember past Mother's Day celebrations and being with my mom on her special day is something I will always treasure.
Many of you kne
Love You to the Moon and Back
Mom I am so incredibly blessed to call you my mom. There is so much to say but thank you is at the top of my list. You are amazing and I hope you know how grateful I am for all the sacrifices you made for me
I Admire My Sister
When I was growing up I always wanted to be a teacher and my twin sister wanted to be a vet. As I got older I realized I didn't have the patience to be a teacher but my sister pursed the career of teaching. Teaching is one o
2nd Annual Bill Griffin Classic Car & Truck Show
Come join us this Saturday for the second annual Bill Griffin Classic Car and Truck Show! Last year they had a huge turn out expecting a even better turn out this year so come join us !!! Classic ca
Jaguar Andre Del Bosque Thanks His Mom
This I know that there are not enough words in any language to fully express how Alana and I feel about you. Despite that, I would love for you and the world to know that you mean the world and more to all of us. God couldn't hav
Thank You Mom
Mother's Day Week is here and I wanted to take the time to express how much my mother means to me. Growing up my father worked in the oilfield so he wasn't home a lot. In return that meant my mom had to be both mother and father most of the time for us girls. I admire my mother


text:
Top Definition
A very small person, like a midget.
"dude i don't think he can even reach the water fountain."
"Yea i know hes a nimplet."
"Yea i know hes a nimplet."
by Shinyshinefosho May 04, 2008
Type your email address below to get our free Urban Word of the Day every morning!
Emails are sent from email@example.com. We'll never spam you.×


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38 year old woman | Miami, FL, USA | Seeking men 33-40 within 50 miles
Never say never...
I'm from the NY area and travel there frequently to see friends and family which I hold near and dear to me. I do a lot of outdoorsy things like going to the beach, kayaking, snorkeling/scuba, going to the Everglades, boating and anything related to the Keys. I'm totally a movie buff and could probably give you a run for your money on movie quotes. I'm more of a pub/bar kinda girl and not really into the club type scene. Although I enjoy relaxing, I am pretty spontaneous and will just take a road trip for the sake of getting out of town and visiting friends or exploring new places. Looking for someone that doesn't take life to seriously and can laugh so hard that they cry. Someone that can have fun being out with a bunch of friends or just spending time together doing nothing but snuggling on the couch watching a movie. Would love to meet someone that has an open mind, is laid back, has a quick wit and can enjoy the simple things in life. If that sounds like you, feel free to say hi. I won't bite.....but that's negotiable. ;-)
Camping , Coffee and conversation , Cooking , Dining out , Fishing/Hunting , Hobbies and crafts , Movies/Videos , Music and concerts , Exploring new areas , Travel/Sightseeing , Watching sports
Aerobics, Baseball, Cycling, Dancing, Football, Golf, Running, Swimming, Tennis / Racquet sports, VolleyBall, Walking / Hiking, Weights / Machines
Don't display my sign
I have Dogs
Have a 60 pound Shepherd/Rottie mix, who is vacationing in NY.
Middle of the Road
NY, DC, the Keys, Seattle
The sound of the ocean, the sunrise, music in all forms, my dog, tattoos, sarcasm, wittiness, to laugh, technology...
Z{{Cta}} {{#if HasMoreInfo}} ?{{CtaSecondary}} {{/if}}
|What she is looking for
|5'10" (177cms)
|5'10" (177cms) to 8'11" (271cms)
|Body type:
|No preference
|No preference
|No preference
|No Way
|No Way
|Social Drinker
|Social Drinker
|Technical / Science / Computers / Engineering
|No preference
|I'll tell you later
|No preference
|Never Married
|Never Married, Widow / Widower, Divorced
|Have kids:
|Yes, and they sometimes live at home, Yes, and they live away from home, Yes, and they live at home
|Wants kids:
|White / Caucasian
|Latino / Hispanic, White / Caucasian
|Christian / Catholic
|No preference
|Bachelors degree
|No preference


text:
USA PATRIOT Act Topics
An archive of Democracy Now! reports on the USA PATRIOT Act since it was signed into law by President George W. Bush on October 26, 2001. It has been reauthorized several times by both President Bush and President Barack Obama.
- Bush called for a renewal of the controversial Patriot Act saying, "key provisions of the Patriot Act are set to expire next year. The terrorist threat will not expire on that schedule." We speak with the Executive Director of the American Civil Liberties Union. [includes transcript]January 21, 2004 | Story
- We speak with the ACLU about the FBI's demand for guest and passenger information in Las Vegas over the New Year's holiday period using the Patriot Act and subsequent rounds of anti-terrorism legislation passed to give the FBI an expansion of its information-gathering powers without judicial oversight. [includes transcript]January 06, 2004 | Story
- "Lying has been one of the essential tools of [Bush's] presidency"–We speak the Nation's David Corn about his new book The Lies of George W. Bush: Mastering the Politics of Deception on how the president lied about the invasion of Iraq, tax cuts, the environment and September 11th. [Includes transcript]October 31, 2003 | Story
- "If you repeat it loudly enough it will become the truth"–MIT Institute Professor of Linguistics and author Noam Chomsky speaks out on U.S. hegemony, controlling the domestic population through fear and the historical parallels of current U.S. foreign policy. [Includes transcript]October 22, 2003 | Story
People's Historian Howard Zinn on Occupied Iraq, the Role of Resistance Movements, Government Lies and the MediaOn this Indigenous Peoples Day, we hear from historian Howard Zinn who wrote extensively about Columbus' so-called discovery of the Americas. Today Zinn examines the occupation of Iraq, the role of the media in the build-up to war and the historical role of dissent in the United States.October 13, 2003 | Story
- Democracy Now! speaks with prolific author, journalist, Village Voice columnist and longtime civil liberties commentator Nat Hentoff about the controversial USA Patriot Act.October 01, 2003 | Story
The deadline for complying with some major provisions of the USA Patriot Act has arrived including requiring banks and other financial institutions to gather more detailed information on their clients to prove their identities and make sure they're not on any watch...
- In a telephone call to the American Library Association, Attorney General John Ashcroft decided to disclose previously classified information on how many requests law enforcement officials have made for records from libraries and businesses under the Patriot Act. He did not indicate how soon information would be released. [Includes transcript]September 18, 2003 | Story
- Attorney General John Ashcroft attends a closed meeting with law enforcement officials to defend the Patriot Act against mounting claims that it undermines civil liberties. We host a debate between the New York Civil Liberties Union and the Federation for American Immigration Reform.September 09, 2003 | Story
The U.S. Government Wanted 'To Make An Example Out of Me': Young Webmaster Heads to Prison for Political WebsiteSherman Austin heads to jail today for a one-year term. He was charged with "distribution of information relating to explosives, destructive devices and weapons of mass destruction" after someone posted bomb-making information on his political website, raisethefist.com. Once he is is released he is banned from associating with anyone who wants to change U.S. government 'in any way.'September 03, 2003 | Story
- The suit seeks to have a major section of the U.S.A. Patriot Act declared unconstitutional arguing that the law gives federal agents virtually unchecked authority to spy on Americans. We speak with ACLU attorney Noel Saleh.July 31, 2003 | Story
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