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Rubyby Cynthia Bond
Staff Pick
Ephram Jennings spends a lifetime in love with Ruby Bell. He is a good man with good intentions, but is she too broken to reach? A harrowing tale set in rural Texas in the '50s, Ruby is a story — and a woman — you will not be able to forget. Years and years and even generations of pain can bury a person too deep for redemption, yet Ephram can only love Ruby because that is all he knows how to do. Dark, horrific, and disturbing, Ruby is one amazing book that will crawl beneath your skin and infect you with its characters — which, surprisingly, is not at all a bad thing. This one will be on my Top Five list this year.
Bond weaves a web of madness and ghosts in this scary and very disturbing read. I feel like the book needs a warning label: explicit and devastating scenes! Yet the story and Bond's writing are so astonishingly volcanic. One of the best books I have read this year.
Synopses & Reviews
Publisher Comments:
The epic, unforgettable story of a man determined to protect the woman he loves from the town desperate to destroy her — this beautiful and devastating debut heralds the arrival of a major new voice in fiction.
Ephram Jennings has never forgotten the beautiful girl with the long braids running through the piney woods of Liberty, their small East Texas town. Young Ruby, "the kind of pretty it hurt to look at," has suffered beyond imagining, so as soon as she can, she flees suffocating Liberty for the bright pull of 1950s New York. Ruby quickly winds her way into the ripe center of the city — the darkened piano bars and hidden alleyways of the Village — all the while hoping for a glimpse of the red hair and green eyes of her mother. When a telegram from her cousin forces her to return home, thirty-year-old Ruby Bell finds herself reliving the devastating violence of her girlhood. With the terrifying realization that she might not be strong enough to fight her way back out again, Ruby struggles to survive her memories of the town's dark past. Meanwhile, Ephram must choose between loyalty to the sister who raised him and the chance for a life with the woman he has loved since he was a boy.
Full of life, exquisitely written, and suffused with the pastoral beauty of the rural South, Ruby is a transcendent novel of passion and courage. This wondrous page-turner rushes through the red dust and gossip of Main Street, to the pit fire where men swill bootleg outside Bloom's Juke, to Celia Jennings's kitchen where a cake is being made, yolk by yolk, that Ephram will use to try to begin again with Ruby. Utterly transfixing, with unforgettable characters, riveting suspense, and breathtaking, luminous prose, Ruby offers an unflinching portrait of man's dark acts and the promise of the redemptive power of love.
"Bond's debut novel is difficult to read for its graphic and uncomfortable portrayal of racism, sexual violence, and religious intolerance in East Texas in the 1960s and '70s. Bond is a gifted storyteller, able to make the reader squirm with anger and unease as she vividly depicts how easily bad things happen to good people. Ruby Bell is a middle-aged black woman living a feral existence in the woods of Liberty Township, a poor black community where the intolerant and superstitious inhabitants treat her with disgust as a social outcast and an unrepentant sinner because she's a prostitute. Ephram Jennings grew up with Ruby and has been in love with her for years, despite her reputation. He too is shunned and ridiculed — because of his feelings for her. Their romance remains sad and painfully one-sided, regardless of Ephram's tender good intentions. Even his doting older sister, Celia, is embarrassed and ashamed by Ephram's behavior, and her deep, visceral hatred of Ruby goes back decades. Flashbacks reveal why Ruby chose a life of prostitution and why Celia hates her, as well as why Ephram struggles to get out from under his sister's influence. All of the family drama is set amid an ingrained culture of sexual exploitation of women and children, racial brutality, and the community's passive acceptance that these things are facts of life. This is a grim tale, well told, but there's no comfort in these pages — just tragedy and heartache." Publishers Weekly Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.
"Channeling the lyrical phantasmagoria of early Toni Morrison and the sexual and racial brutality of the 20th century east Texas, Cynthia Bond has created a moving and indelible portrait of a fallen woman....Bond traffics in extremely difficult subjects with a grace and bigheartedness that makes for an accomplished, enthralling read." Thomas Chatterton Williams, San Francisco Chronicle
"A beautifully wrought ghost story, a love story, a survival story....[A] wonderful debut." Angela Flournoy, Los Angeles Review of Books
"Ruby is a harrowing, hallucinatory novel, a love story and a ghost story about one woman's attempt to escape the legacy of violence in a small southern town. Cynthia Bond writes with a dazzling poetry that's part William Faulkner, part Toni Morrison, yet entirely her own. Ruby is encircled by shadows, but incandescent with light." Anthony Marra, author of A Constellation of Vital Phenomena
"From the first sentence, Cynthia Bond's unforgettable debut novel, Ruby, took hold of me and it hasn't let go. Cynthia Bond has written a book everyone should read, about the power of love to overcome even the darkest of histories." Amy Greene, author of Bloodroot
"Bond proves to be a powerful literary force, a writer whose unflinching yet lyrical prose is reminiscent of Toni Morrison's." O, The Oprah Magazine
"In Ruby, Bond has created a heroine worthy of the great female protagonists of Toni Morrison…and Zora Neale Hurston…Bond's style of writing is as magical as an East Texas sunrise." Dallas Morning News
"If you love well-written historical fiction and multifaceted grown-up characters, put Ruby at the top of your beach bag....Bond delivers multiple goods with this one." Essence
"[A] dark and redemptive beauty....Bond's prose is evocative of Alice Walker and Toni Morrison, paying homage to the greats of Southern gothic literature." Library Journal (starred)
"[A] powerful, explosive novel. Bond immerses readers in a fully realized world, one scarred by virulent racism and perverted rituals but also redeemed by love." Booklist (starred)
A haunting debut novel from gifted storyteller Cynthia Bond, Ruby brings to life a suffocating African-American community in East Texas — Liberty Township — where, nearly a century after emancipation, the residents are anything but free. When the glamorous Ruby Bell returns to her hometown after living in New York City, her sanity unravels as she faces the secrets of her past. All around her, the families from her youth spin gossip and shake their heads at her strange, wild behavior. At the root of her pain is a tale that no one dares to hear. The only one courageous enough to try is Ephram Jennings, a wounded soul himself who has loved Ruby all his life.
About the Author
Cynthia Bond has taught writing to homeless and at-risk youth throughout Los Angeles for more than fifteen years. She attended Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism, then moved to New York and attended the American Academy of Dramatic Arts. A PEN/Rosenthal Fellow, Bond founded the Blackbird Writing Collective in 2011. At present, Bond teaches therapeutic writing at Paradigm Malibu Adolescent Treatment Center. A native of East Texas, she lives in Los Angeles with her daughter.
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UnitedHealth Group unh 0.2873327313028487% UnitedHealth Group Inc. U.S.: NYSE USD122.16 0.35 0.2873327313028487% /Date(1436216668089-0500)/ Volume (Delayed 15m) : 6476347 AFTER HOURS USD122.36 0.200000000000003 0.16371971185330714% Volume (Delayed 15m) : 46495 P/E Ratio 20.15841584158416 Market Cap 115951422904.897 Dividend Yield 1.6371971185330714% Rev. per Employee 791447 More quote details and news » has hit a slow patch for earnings growth, and its stock is a touch pricier than those of its peers. That combination might not look inviting for either growth or value investors, but both should consider buying shares. United (ticker: UNH) is poised for a return to peppy growth in coming years—and an even faster rise in free cash flow. That could bring bigger dividend payments and plenty of share repurchases. The stock price could rise 40% over two years.
Over the past decade, United's earnings per share more than tripled, but Wall Street expects the nation's largest health insurer to generate a meager 3% increase this year, followed by 7% next year. As the economy improves, patients who've been skimping on health care to save on co-payments are expected to return to their doctors, raising costs for insurers. Also, Obamacare next year will cut payments for lucrative Medicare Advantage plans, sold by private insurers like United as an alternative to standard Medicare.
Shares of United sell for 12 times this year's earnings forecast, versus 15 times for the Standard & Poor's 500 index. Investors can find bigger discounts with Aetna aet -6.4377340450960086% Aetna Inc. U.S.: NYSE USD117.43 -8.08 -6.4377340450960086% /Date(1436216410997-0500)/ Volume (Delayed 15m) : 16387512 AFTER HOURS USD117.82 0.389999999999986 0.3321127480200971% Volume (Delayed 15m) : 46556 P/E Ratio 19.442052980132452 Market Cap 43828094278.0762 Dividend Yield 0.8515711487694797% Rev. per Employee 1211260 More quote details and news » (AET) and Cigna ci -0.7626015252030504% Cigna Corp. U.S.: NYSE USD160.06 -1.23 -0.7626015252030504% /Date(1436216680740-0500)/ Volume (Delayed 15m) : 4353365 AFTER HOURS USD159.34 -0.719999999999999 -0.44983131325752845% Volume (Delayed 15m) : 15295 P/E Ratio 20.15869017632242 Market Cap 41510722410.8661 Dividend Yield 0.024990628514307136% Rev. per Employee 965914 More quote details and news » (CI) at 11 times earnings or Wellpoint (WLP) at 10 times. But United seems a better buy, for two reasons.
The first is Optum, United's hodgepodge of fast-growth health-care businesses. It provides information-technology services, like Cerner cern -0.36507009345794394% Cerner Corp. U.S.: Nasdaq USD68.23 -0.25 -0.36507009345794394% /Date(1436216400177-0500)/ Volume (Delayed 15m) : 2025023 AFTER HOURS USD68.23 % Volume (Delayed 15m) : 14182 P/E Ratio 46.101351351351354 Market Cap 23562462795.672 Dividend Yield N/A Rev. per Employee 228736 More quote details and news » (CERN), which trades at over 30 times earnings, and prescription plans, like Express Scripts esrx -1.355894217839534% Express Scripts Holding Co. U.S.: Nasdaq USD88.03 -1.21 -1.355894217839534% /Date(1436216400313-0500)/ Volume (Delayed 15m) : 3562387 AFTER HOURS USD88.03 % Volume (Delayed 15m) : 18308 P/E Ratio 33.09398496240601 Market Cap 65081928676.4413 Dividend Yield N/A Rev. per Employee 3461990 More quote details and news » (ESRX) at 15 times earnings. There's a mental-health and drug-counseling business that competes with Magellan Health Services mgln -0.3012480275426768% Magellan Health Inc. U.S.: Nasdaq USD69.5 -0.21 -0.3012480275426768% /Date(1436216400153-0500)/ Volume (Delayed 15m) : 235952 AFTER HOURS USD69.5 % Volume (Delayed 15m) : 5957 P/E Ratio 30.482456140350877 Market Cap 1904895449.87396 Dividend Yield N/A Rev. per Employee 571911 More quote details and news » (MGLN), which goes for 15 times earnings, and a preventative-care operation, like Healthways hway 0.4244482173174873% Healthways Inc. U.S.: Nasdaq USD11.83 0.05 0.4244482173174873% /Date(1436216400237-0500)/ Volume (Delayed 15m) : 481181 AFTER HOURS USD11.83 % Volume (Delayed 15m) : 7507 P/E Ratio 394.3333333333333 Market Cap 420522452.396926 Dividend Yield N/A Rev. per Employee 279729 More quote details and news » (HWAY), which sell for more than 50 times earnings.
HEADWINDS IN United's larger health-plan business are masking Optum's fast growth, but that should soon change. By 2015, Optum will contribute 29% of operating earnings, up from 16% last year, according to Chris Rigg, an analyst at Susquehanna Financial Group. Wall Street expects earnings per share by then to hit $6.46, a 19% increase from this year's forecast. As Optum's growth becomes more obvious, the stock's premium to the health-plan group will increase, Rigg predicts. At 14 times the 2015 forecast, it would fetch about $90, or 38% more than the recent price of $65. Add to that a 1.7% yearly dividend yield.
There's more to like about Optum than fast earnings growth. With health insurance, more customers means more premiums collected, but also more cash that must be set aside for future health-care claims. Cash demands for Optum are much smaller, so United's free cash flow is likely to expand faster than its earnings in coming years. Wall Street is projecting $7.8 billion in 2015, up from $5.5 billion this year. Calculated against today's price, that will make for a free-cash-flow yield of nearly 12%.
That should afford some more perks for stockholders. Last month, United boosted its dividend payment by 32% and authorized more shares for repurchase. Expect more of the same in coming years. Last year, the company spent nearly $4 on repurchases for every dollar it paid out in dividends. If it spends the same this year as last, total cash returned to shareholders—dividends and repurchases combined—will work out to a yield of nearly 6%.
THE SECOND REASON to like United is that its health-plan business should prosper over the long term. Its scale will allow it to focus on profit margins rather than market-share growth in the early stages of the Obamacare rollout. For example, United plans only modest participation in the new health-plan exchanges for the previously uninsured. Those will bring a rush of new customers, but many will have pent-up demand for health care, so costs are expected to be higher than average. Early participants may price their plans too low in an effort to gain market share. United can afford to wait and see where pricing settles before making a play for market share.
Meanwhile, its Optum business will help drive down costs for its health plans, giving it a competitive edge, especially during the Medicare Advantage squeeze. That should pay off in future years as the ranks of the insured swell.
United is slated to report second-quarter earnings on the morning of July 18.
In a recent survey of 103 primary-care doctors by Wedbush Morgan, an investment bank, more than half reported flat or lower patient volumes. That could be a sign that the return to higher utilization rates is occurring more slowly than expected, and that health insurers like United will fare well in their earnings reports. The bigger reason to like the stock, however, is healthy growth potential and a set of attractive options for the company down the road. It can continue to use Optum as a cash cow and a means of creating in-house cost advantages for its health plans. Or it can diversify the business' customer base over time and eventually spin it off at a premium valuation. Either route should prove rewarding for shareholders.
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text: As cited in numerous eMarketer reports, when it comes to consumer penetration and adoption of Internet technologies, especially broadband and mobile phones, Asian and European countries are far more advanced than the U.S. Even Canada is fully two years ahead of the U.S. in terms of household broadband adoption. But when it comes to consumer zeal for shopping and actually making purchases online, the U.S. is in another league. In the U.S., 61% of the nation's Internet users made a purchase online in 2004. The U.K. ranked second, with 51.5% of its Internet users making online purchases, followed by Germany at 47.9% and Canada at 47%.


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Club photos & Calgary BMX jersey orders Thursday June 18! Get your BMX photo taken this Thursday at the track by Champions Photography! Pose with your gear and get an action photo. Order forms will be available in the office. This is also a great time to order a club jersey. Calgary BMX jerseys are white with black & red details and can be personalized with a name on the back (no numbers unless you are... Read more
SUPERCAMP is creeping up on us next month...July 16-19! Calgary BMX has extended the early bird special this week just for Calgary BMX riders: Register by the end of racing on Thursday night, June 4th and just pay $275 instead of the regular price of $300! To secure your spot we are just asking for a $100 deposit. We can take payment at the track of cash, check, credit or debit. The difference can be paid... Read more
Where: 5608 Burbank Cres SE Calgary AB T2H1Z6 (Google Map Address) When: Sunday, May 31st Time: 10 am - 3 pm BMX day is a Alberta-wide event for anyone in the province who wants to try BMX! Its a great way for people who are curious about BMX but haven't been on a track to come out an try it the sport - including adults. We provides a safety orientation and show new riders how... Read more
Mon. & Thurs. 7 pm District racing -register by 6:30.
Tues. 6-7:30 pm Calgary BMX Race Team Coaching
Tues. 7:30-9 pm High Performance Coaching Athletes
Wed. 6-7:30 pm Recreational members
Wed. 7:30-9 pm Performance members training
Sat. 10am-2 pm Open Track
* All riders must hold a current Alberta Bicycle license to ride on the track (Club Enrollment Options)
Registration is now open! Secure your spot with a $100 deposit per rider then pay the difference by July 1. $275 if registered before Mar. 31, 2015. For more details see SUPERCAMP 2015. The Deerfoot Inn and Casino is providing a special rate of $139 per night which includes a full hot breakfast per person. Book by 16 June using rate code GMSBMX7.
Booking accommodation early? Check out our official accommodations the Deerfoot Inn and Casino who are providing a special sports rate of $139/night, including a full hot breakfast, per room per night (weekends only). Just quote rate code "GMSBMX15". Check out www.deerfootinn.com for more details or call the Hotel directly at 403-236-7529 or toll free at 1-888-875-4667.
Order your coffee from calgarybmx.kaffakarma.com and 30% of the proceeds come to us!


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Product Information
Prelude on "Engelberg" composed by Charles Villiers Stanford - Digital Sheet Music
When In Our Music God Is Glorified
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Prelude on "Engelberg" digital sheet music. Contains printable sheet music plus an interactive, downloadable digital sheet music file.
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Mrs. Cynthia Yvonne Stokes Miller, 61, died Monday, May 26, 2014, at the University of Mississippi Medical Center in Jackson, MS. Funeral services were held at 2:00 P.M. on Thursday, May 29, at Porter Funeral Home, with … Read more
Obituary – Charlie Mac "Sammy" McIntyre
Charlie Mac "Sammy" McIntyre
Mr. Charlie Mac "Sammy" McIntyre, 78, passed away on Thursday, May 29, 2014, at the Mississippi Veteran's Home in Kosciusko, Mississippi. Visitation was held at Nowell-Massey Funeral Home in Louisville on Friday, May 30, 2014, from … Read more
Obituary – Hazel Louise Sanborn
Mrs. Hazel Louise Sanborn, 88, died Tuesday, May 27, 2014, at Holmes County Hospital in Lexington, MS. Funeral services were held at 11:00 A. M. on Friday, May 30th, at Noxapater Baptist Church, with Rev. Chris Vowell and Rev David … Read more
Full Winston County Journal Electronic Version 5/28/14 a
We now have a subscription service for our website. If you are a current print subscriber, please email us at email@example.com with your name, email address and mailing address, and you can access this content as part of your print … Read more
Red Hills Fest lifts spirits, brings fun
From press and staff reports
It was a gorgeous Memorial Day weekend as Winston County residents took part in the 34th Annual Red Hills Festival in downtown Louisville this past Friday and Saturday.
The weather could not have been any … Read more
Debris removal underway
From staff and press reports
With a month gone by since the tornado hit Winston County, debris removal in the county and city is underway.
The city after an initial approval of 4D Construction in partnership with Southern Debris Removal … Read more


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Guidebook headquarters is located in the center of the Silicon Valley, on University Avenue in sunny downtown Palo Alto.
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Our SF office is in SoMa, a short walk from Caltrain and BART stations and the ballpark.
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We've chosen to build our East Coast presence in downtown Raleigh. Hello delicious BBQ!
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Guidebook's Asian HQ is based in the Gangnam (yes, from the song) district of Seoul.
We've crossed the pond, building our EMEA headquarters in London's West End, just a block from Piccadilly Circus.
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We are looking for talented and creative people to help us grow our company. At Guidebook, you will have a chance to work with a creative, ambitious team in a fast-paced environment. We encourage our employees to achieve to their potential, and give them the tools and the freedom to do it.
Hard work is a must at a successful start up, but we reward ourselves for it. We have no limit to the amount of vacation that employees can take, Smash Bros games are a daily ritual, and we enjoy going out for company meals.


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Critical and near-critical reflections of near-inertial waves off the sea surface at ocean fronts
Journal of Fluid Mechanics (2015)
The Impact of Finite-Amplitude Bottom Topography on Internal Wave Generation in the Southern Ocean
Journal of Physical Oceanography (2014)
Quantum vortices in a glass of Bose-Einstein condensate
Strong particle dispersion by weakly dissipative random internal waves
Journal of Fluid Mechanics (2013)
Large scale energy transfer from an internal gravity wave reflecting on a simple slope
Procedia IUTAM (2013)
Forcing of oceanic mean flows by dissipating internal tides
Journal of Fluid Mechanics (2012)
Reflexion of a plane wave onto a slope and wave-induced mean flow
Geophysical Research Abstracts (2011)
Local generation of internal solitary waves in an oceanic pycnocline
7th Int. Symp. on Stratified Flows (2011)
Génération de solitons dans une pycnocline par un faisceau d'une onde interne
19ème Congrès Français de Mécanique (2009)
Attracteur d'ondes internes. Simulations numériques, structure spatiale et non-linéarités.
Numerical simulations of the local generation of internal solitary waves in the Bay of Biscay
Nonlinear Processes in Geophysics (2010)
Numerical simulation of a two-dimensional internal wave attractor
Journal of Fluid Mechanics (2008)
Generation of internal solitary waves in a pycnocline by an internal wave beam: a numerical study
Journal of Fluid Mechanics (2011)
Réflections et réfractions non-linéaires d'ondes internes
Comparison of laboratory and numerically observed scalar fields of an internal wave attractor
European Journal of Mechanics - B/Fluids (2011)
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Lycée Saint Louis
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Commerce Northeast Georgia Mountains
Listed on the National Register of Historic Places, Commerce has an impressive historic downtown Commercial District with a collection of 19th and 20th century commercial and industrial structures reflecting the charm captured by Olive Ann Burns in her novel, Cold Sassy Tree. Commerce is on the U.S. 441 Heritage Highway. Shopping, restaurants and a train track down the center of town take you back to a more relaxed era. Although shopping at Tanger Outlets and Commerce Crossing may be high on a lot of folks plans, others come to Commerce because of drag racing. Atlanta Dragway is an NHRA-sanctioned track and has a full schedule of events throughout the year including NHRA's Southern Nationals in April. Don't miss going to Funopolis Family Fun Center, with mini golf, laser tag, arcade games and much more for the whole family! Sandy Creek or Deer Trail golf courses offer traditional golfing in the foothills of the North Georgia Mountains.
Visitor Information Center
1645 S Elm Street
Commerce, GA 30529
Phone: 706-335-2954
OfficialVisitor Information
Free Georgia Travel Guide
The state's official Travel Guide is your complete resource to planning a vacation in Georgia. Find trip ideas, attractions, events, activities, accommodations, maps, travel resources and much more.
Website: http://www.exploregeorgia.org
Phone: 1-800-VISIT GA (847-4842)
Commerce Travel Guides
Jaemor Farms at Banks Crossing
Shop our store year-round for fresh baked breads, homemade cakes and ice cream. Our shelves are stocked with 150 different jellies, jams, preserves, sauces, dressings and more.
Website: http://www.jaemorfarms.com
Phone: 706-335-0999
Tanger Outlets Directory
Store Directory and Map
Website: http://www.tangeroutlet.com
Phone: 706-335-3354
The Veggie Patch at Bouchard Farms
The Veggie Patch at Bouchard Farms offers a wide selection of the freshest certified organic tomatoes, peppers, herbs, and salad greens year round.
Website: http://www.veggiepatchga.com
Phone: 706-616-7869
Double Oaks Golf Club3100 Ila RoadView on Map
706-335-8100Double Oaks is an 18 hole, par 72, daily fee public golf course. Double Oaks offers six sets of tees for all skill levels from junior tees to championship tees which... Find Out More
Funopolis Family Fun Center40155 Hwy 441 SView on Map
706-335-3866Funopolis Family Fun Center is the place "Where the Fun Begins and Never Ends"! We offer attractions for all ages including, mini golf, bumper boats, go karts, laser... Find Out More
Jaemor Farms at Banks Crossing40081 U.S. Hwy. 441View on Map
706-335-0999Jaemor Farms, a 350-acre family-owned and operated farm, was established in 1981 by Jim Echols and family. It is the main outlet for the peach and apple production... Find Out More
Deer Trail Country Club224 Country Club LaneView on Map
706-335-3987Designed by Albert Jones, the Deer Trail golf course opened in 1940. This nine-hole semi-private golf course in North Georgia has rolling terrain and undulating greens... Find Out More
Howard Johnson Inn Commerce GA148 Eisenhower DriveView on Map
706-335-5581Howard Johnson Inn Commerce is conveniently located off Interstate 85, which is just a short drive from Athens, home of the University of Georgia. Amenities include... Find Out More
Dandelion Inn - Commerce30747 US Hwy 441 SouthView on Map
706-335-5183The Dandelion Inn is conveniently located immediately off of Interstate I- 85, Exit 149. We are proud to present our guests the biggest motel in our area, with a beautiful... Find Out More
Super 8 Commerce152 Eisenhower DriveView on Map
706-336-8008Zoom into our Super 8 Commerce hotel near Atlanta Dragway on your trip through northeast Georgia. Located just off Interstate 85 - and a short distance to Athens where... Find Out More
Holiday Inn Express & Suites - Commerce30539 US Hwy. 441 S.View on Map
706-336-8666The newest hotel in Commerce, Georgia is the Holiday Inn Express Hotel & Suites located near Interstate 85 and Exit 149, making it convenient for both business and... Find Out More
Peking Palace271 S Elm StView on Map
Wendy's Old Fashioned Hamburgers30462 Highway 441 SView on Map
Ruby Tuesday167 Steven B Tanger BlvdView on Map
Checkers Drive-In Restaurants30564 Highway 441 SView on Map
The dining information on this page is supplied by the Georgia Restaurant Association.
Up to 10% offSave with AAAHampton Inn Commerce153 Hampton CourtView on Map
Being a member of AAA/CAA has plenty of advantages — and this one could become your favorite! AAA members can save up to 10% off our Best Available Rate at Hampton. Just enter your member number when you book online, and make sure to bring your AAA membership card to the front desk when you check in... > Find Out More


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I thought this was a good alternative to a wedge of lemon. Now I just have to figure out how to make a felt "glass" to put the drink in!
Cut out your pieces. Two rounds in white, one long skinny "rind", and 12 or so tear drop shapes.
Place the tear drop shapes on the round pieces to create a lemon effect.
Sew down the tear drop lemon sections.
Sew the "rind" to one side of the rounds. Then, making sure the tear drop lemon sections are on the outside, sew the other round to the "rind".
Leave a space to stuff!
Stuff your lemon slice and sew shut. Voila you have a slice of lemon... or any other citrus fruit you choose.
Hi again, congreatulations of your feautering!!!!! awesome!!!
awesome made!!! Looking like the real one;-D
imma make a huge lime ♥
This is so adorable, how fun!
they really should make clear felt....that would work for the glass!
they could be coasters
omg this is cute now i need to make one
This is so cute! It is going on my to-do project list for my great niece. Thanks for sharing it with us.
Did you know you can use used fabric sofiners as stuffing for these projects! I found this out because we just throw those away and buy stuffing. Why can't we give them new life!


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Jordana Brewster in AG Adriano Goldschmied
Jordana Brewster attends the launch of Kinect for Xbox 360 at the Galen Center in Los Angeles, California. Jordana is wearing a pair of AG Adriano Goldschmied skinny jeans, nude platforms and a sequined shirt. I absolutely adore Jordana and this look, I love all of the neutrals together. Please click this blog post to view more images of Jordana in AG Jeans. Buy AG Jeans at Boutique to You.
Katie Holmes in Denim Cut Offs
Katie Holmes was seen leaving her New York City home with a script in her hand and wearing a pair of light wash cut off jeans. I often find with Katie that it's always a hit or miss when it comes to her fashion sense, sometimes she looks amazing and other times I am not sure what she is doing. I like this outfit though as it's quirky and fun! Her style has improved a lot lately too!
AnnaLynne McCord in Rock & Republic
AnnaLynne McCord attended Billabong's 4th Annual Design For Humanity Benefit at the Paramount Studio Lot in Hollywood, California over the weekend. She was wearing a pair of Rock & Republic Snake Charmer Exotic Wash Denim Leggings. I think these leggings are really cute and the print on them is different! AnnaLynne really wears them well! Buy these jeans at Bergdorfgoodman for $148.
Images courtesy of Wireimage.com


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By Humphrey Malalo NAIROBI (Reuters) - Dozens of Kenyans rallied in Nairobi on Monday against homosexuality and a lawmaker said U.S. President Barack Obama should not push a pro-gay agenda when he visits the country later this month. Obama has hailed last month's U.S. Supreme Court decision to allow same-sex marriage but few share his views in Kenya or other African countries, where more socially and religiously conservative views generally prevail. "We are telling Mr Obama when he comes to Kenya this month and he tries to bring the abortion agenda, the gay agenda, we shall tell him to shut up and go home," lawmaker Irungu Kangata told the demonstrators outside parliament.
NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — A demonstration against homosexuality in Kenya fizzled Monday after attracting only a handful of protesters.
Athens (AFP) - 13:20 GMT - Story so far - Greece said "No" to more austerity in a historic referendum on Sunday, dismaying its European creditors and making the country's exit from the euro more likely. * Eurozone finance ministers are to meet at 1100 GMT on Tuesday, hours before leaders from eurozone nations meet in an extraordinary summit. * Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras and German Chancellor Angela Merkel have agreed that Greece will present fresh economic proposals on Tuesday.


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Rare Disease Claims The Life Of A Local Father [PHOTOS]
A very rare neurological disease took the life of a local man, and now his family is trying to raise money for research.
A very rare neurological disease took the life of a local man, and now his family is trying to raise money for research.
Proper skin care is essential in order to prevent harmful, long-lasting consequences to your skin. Here are three ways you can keep your epidermis in the best possible shape:
An ongoing investigation by the Food and Drug Administration has prompted Consumer Reports to urge parents not to use spray-on sunscreen on or near children.
What happens when you ask someone to do something "like a girl"?
Here's a story sure to tug at the heart-strings.
A brand new family medicine program is opening in Flint!
A lot of Americans made this former 'Good Morning America' host a big part of their morning routine for 17 years. Today, she could really use some extra good thoughts and prayers sent her way.
The little-known Chikungunya virus, which has no vaccine, has been confirmed in the continental United States. Here's what you should know.
Wow, I was really surprised by number two and number 10.
Mekayla Diehl, Miss Indiana, didn't even crack the top 20 in last weekend's Miss USA pageant but she is a winner, nonetheless.
See why...
A California woman posted a photo from her college graduation ceremony on Facebook..click ahead to see the photo people are talking about.
Swimmers are well aware of the dangers of drowning, but many of us aren't as familiar with secondary drowning and dry drowning. Here's what to look out for.


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L2 syntactic processing has been primarily investigated in the context of syntactic anomaly detection, but only sparsely with syntactic ambiguity. In the field of event-related potentials (ERPs) syntactic anomaly detection and syntactic ambiguity resolution is linked to the P600. The current ERP experiment examined L2 syntactic processing in highly proficient L1 Spanish-L2 English readers who had acquired English informally around the age of 5 years. Temporary syntactic ambiguity (induced by verb subcategorization information) was tested as a language-specific phenomenon of L2, while syntactic anomaly resulted from phrase structure constraints that are similar in L1 and L2. Participants judged whether a sentence was syntactically acceptable or not. Native readers of English showed a P600 in the temporary syntactically ambiguous and syntactically anomalous sentences. A comparable picture emerged in the non-native readers of English. Both critical syntactic conditions elicited a P600, however, the distribution and latency of the P600 varied in the syntactic anomaly condition. The results clearly show that early acquisition of L2 syntactic knowledge leads to comparable online sensitivity towards temporal syntactic ambiguity and syntactic anomaly in early and highly proficient non-native readers of English and native readers of English.
To fully account for a language user's competence of a language it is necessary to explain how different types of linguistic knowledge are used during sentence comprehension. A speaker of two languages presents a particular challenge as it is necessary to describe comprehension in the non-native and the native language. Previous psycholinguistic research investigating L2 acquisition has been primarily concerned with the representation of languages in bilinguals, and has focussed on two issues: the organization of the lexical and conceptual system, and the access of lexical-semantic information (see Kotz & Elston-Guettler, 2007 for a recent review).
The question of how non-native speakers comprehend syntactic structure in their L2 has received less attention, and previous research had only sparsely provided detailed and conclusive comparisons of native and non-native online syntactic comprehension. More recently though, L2 syntactic comprehension of, for example, phrase structure constraints and verb agreement has been investigated with online measures such as ERPs (Hahne, 2001; Rossi, Gugler, Hahne, & Friederici, 2006; Tokowicz & MacWhinney, 2005; Weber-Fox & Neville, 1996; Weber-Fox & Neville, 2001). The use of such a temporally fine-grained measure allows investigating how L2 speakers of a language process syntactic information while sentence comprehension unfolds in time. Most importantly, such an online measure can reveal implicit processing of syntactic knowledge that may be distinct from explicit syntactic knowledge as evidenced in grammaticality judgment (see for a similar argument, Tokowicz & MacWhinney, 2005). However, there is no ERP evidence on a second syntactic phenomenon namely syntactic ambiguity in the L2. Thus, the focus of the current L2 study was to investigate syntactic ambiguity and syntactic anomaly in parallel in non-native and native readers of English.
Monolingual research on syntactic processing has reported early syntactic components such as the early left anterior negativity (ELAN) and left anterior negativity (LAN) (for an overview see Friederici, 2002), and a late centro-parietal positivity called the P600 (e.g., Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992). The P600 is evoked by a number of different syntactic manipulations such as violations of agreement (Hagoort, Brown, & Groothusen, 1993; Osterhout & Mobley, 1995; Vos, Gunter, Kolk, & Mulder, 2001), of verb inflection (Friederici, Pfeifer, & Hahne, 1993; Gunter, Stowe, & Mulder, 1997), of case inflection (Münte, Heinze, Matzke, Wieringa, & Johannes, 1998), of pronoun inflection (Coulson, King, & Kutas, 1998), of phrase structure (Friederici et al., 1993; Hahne & Friederici, 1999; Neville, Nicol, Barss, Forster, & Garrett, 1991), of case marking (Coulson et al., 1998; Friederici & Frisch, 2000; Frisch & Schlesewsky, 2001, 2005), and of verb-argument structure (Friederici & Frisch, 2000; Frisch, Hahne, & Friederici, 2004; Osterhout, Holcomb, & Swinney, 1994).
In addition, a P600 is also elicited by syntactic ambiguity (Friederici, Hahne, & Mecklinger, 1996; Frisch, Schlesewsky, Saddy, & Alpermann, 2002; Kaan & Swaab, 2003; Mecklinger, Schriefers, Steinhauer, & Friederici, 1995; Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992; Osterhout & Holcomb, 1993), and by increased syntactic complexity (Friederici, Hahne, & Saddy, 2002; Kaan, Harris, Gibson, & Holcomb, 2000; Kaan & Swaab, 2003). Some authors have argued that the P600 elicited by outright syntactic anomaly runs a different time course and displays a different scalp distribution than the P600 elicited by syntactic ambiguity (see Kaan & Swaab, 2003). While Hagoort and colleagues (Hagoort, Brown, & Osterhout, 1999; Van Berkum, Brown, & Hagoort, 1999) have linked the frontally distributed P600 to the revision of non-preferred ambiguous structures, Friederici et al. (2002) extended the frontal P600 to sentence complexity. On the other hand, Kaan and Swaab (2003) disputed the fact that the processing of sentence complexity and non-preferred syntactic structure is restricted to a frontal P600. Their results showed that the integration of syntactically complex and non-preferred structures also affects the posterior P600 that has been linked to repair processes of anomalous syntactic structure. Furthermore, the posterior P600 amplitude rise and latency was larger for anomalous than non-preferred structures. These results suggest that posterior positivities may reflect both revision and repair and can be distinguished by amplitude rise and latency.
ERP reports on L2 syntactic processing have not been very consistent. Weber-Fox and Neville (2001) investigated open/closed class word processing and reported an age of acquisition (AoA) effect (latency delays) for closed class words (N280), but not for open class words (N350). A P600 was only elicited by phrase structure violations if syntactic rules were acquired before the age of 10 (1996), while an early left anterior negativity (N125) was not found in any of the tested bilingual groups. A second and later left-lateralized negativity (300–500 ms) showed a bilateral distribution after an AoA of 10 years. Hahne and Friederici (2001) studied phrase structure violations in late (after the age of 10) L2 learners and did not find any syntax related ERP effects. In another study Hahne (2001) reported P600 effects (but no ELAN) for late L2 Russian learners of German. A similar result was reported by Müller and colleagues (Mueller, Hahne, Fujii, & Friederici, 2005). Native adult German speakers acquired a miniature grammar of Japanese. Phrase structure violations resulted in a P600. In a recent study by Rossi et al. (2006) the authors propose that the variable results in L2 syntactic processing may not just depend on AoA, but also on the level of achieved L2 proficiency. Comparing the ERPs of late high and low proficient German and Italian learners of Italian and German, respectively, they reported a comparable syntactic processing pattern for both phrase structure and agreement violations in late high proficient learners. Late low proficient learners showed a bi-phasic pattern (ELAN/P600) to phrase structure violations with a reduced and delayed P600, but only a delayed P600 to agreement violations. The authors claim that these differences across groups and syntactic structures suggest deviant neural processes in online syntactic and thematic processing in L2 learners despite highly advanced behavioural skills. However, the fact that native-like syntactic processing profiles can be seen in late proficient L2 learners calls into question whether AoA is the sole and driving force in L2 attainment of syntactic knowledge. Lastly, Tokowicz and MacWhinney (2005) addressed the critical issue of syntactic transfer effects in late L2 learners. Comparing tense-marking that was comparable between L1 and L2, determiner number agreement that differed between L1 and L2, and determiner gender agreement that was specific to L2, they reported P600 effects for similar sentence structures in L1/L2 and L2-specific syntax. In addition, they reported dissociations of online P600 effects and offline behavioural responses. While L2 learners displayed online sensitivity to grammatical violations, they responded at chance level during grammatical judgment. The authors concluded that behavioural task demands could cause such a dissociation (see for a similar argument McLaughlin, Osterhout, & Kim, 2004).
Next to considering the effects of cross-linguistic syntactic similarities, the effect of syntactic ambiguity resolution is a completely understudied issue in L2 online sentence processing, and has not been investigated with ERPs so far. However, eye-movement recordings show that highly proficient L2 readers can be "garden-pathed" (i.e., go by the preferred reading of a sentence structure (Frazier & Rayner, 1982) in the same manner as L1 readers (i.e., Frenck-Mestre & Pynte, 1997; Juffs & Harrington, 1996)). However, sensitivity to syntactic ambiguity appears to be critically influenced by AoA, proficiency, and cross-linguistic syntactic similarity (for a review see Frenck-Mestre, 2005). As reported in Dussias (2003), Fernàndez (1999) presented results that late learners of English (L1 Spanish) used L1 parsing strategies while processing syntactic ambiguity (relative clause attachment (RC)) in English), while early learners varied in their attachment preference with some showing a monolingual profile and others showing late learner profiles. Similarly, Dussias (2003) compared proficient L2 speakers of Spanish or English to monolingual speakers of the respective L2 while they were reading temporarily ambiguous sentences (RCs). This approach allowed testing whether L1 parsing strategies influence L2 parsing. Based on respective Spanish and English monolingual results Dussias predicted that if L2 speakers use the same structural and contextual constraints as a native speaker of the respective L2, then L2 speakers of Spanish should use a high attachment strategy and interpret a RC noun phrase (NP) as referring to the first noun of a complex NP, while L2 speakers of English should apply low attachment, that is, should attach the RC to the second noun of a complex NP. Results from an offline questionnaire did not confirm the main predictions. Data from an online behavioural study supported low attachment preference in L1 Spanish-L2 English speakers, but not high attachment for L1 English-L2 Spanish speakers. The seemingly contradictory offline and online behavioural results were explained by processing delays that may result from a dual syntactic system that prefers late closure, or by language exposure that may favour the syntactic attachment used in the current language context.
Taken together, the L2 ERP results on syntactic anomaly detection and the offline and online behavioural results on L2 syntactic ambiguity point to the necessity to study L2 syntactic comprehension online, to directly compare L1 and L2 syntactic processing similarities and differences, and to directly compare L2 syntactic anomaly and syntactic ambiguity processing. Such an approach can deliver critical results and implications for the theoretical formation of the human parsing system.
Here, we tested L2 syntactic knowledge in early and highly proficient L2 readers of English by directly comparing the processing of temporary syntactic ambiguity and syntactic anomaly. The choice of early high proficient L2 readers of English rather than late L2 readers was to ensure that if the L2 syntactic processing system is calibrated to processing syntactic knowledge in a native-like manner, detection of temporary syntactic ambiguity and of syntactic anomaly should result in similar ERP patters as in native readers of English. Thus, in addition to early and highly proficient L2 readers, a monolingual English group was tested to confirm this hypothesis.
Furthermore, we wanted to find out if (1) phrase structure violation that adheres to the same syntactic principles in English and Spanish results in a comparable posterior P600 effect in non-native and native readers of English. For example, unacceptable English sentences such as "The broker hoped to sell the stock was sent to jail." and the Spanish translation equivalent "El broker deseaba vender el stock fue enviado a la carcel." would result in a syntactic violation. In English the auxiliary "was" violates phrase structure rules if the initial reading of the sentence is an active clause reading. In Spanish the sentence requires a relative pronoun "que" that introduces a relative clause. However, the violation position in the respective sentences varies between English and Spanish.
With respect to (2) temporary syntactic ambiguity (here induced by verb subcategorization information in English) we predicted that if temporary syntactic ambiguity is distinct in L2, then highly proficient L2 readers of English should show a similar P600 pattern as monolingual readers of English (see Hoover and Dwivedi (1998), Juffs (1998), Tokowicz and MacWhinney (2005) for similar arguments on L2 syntactic specificity). To illustrate, temporary syntactic ambiguity in an English sentence such as "The broker persuaded to sell the stock …" is not possible in a Spanish translation equivalent "El broker convenció para vender el stock …". Here, the transitive verb (convencer) requires an accusative object (a alguien) and the following complement needs to be preceded by a preposition (para) to render the sentence acceptable. Thus, the Spanish translation equivalent "El broker convencido para vender el stock fue enviado a la carcel." of the acceptable English sentence "The broker persuaded to sell the stock was sent to jail." does not resolve temporary syntactic ambiguity as both the short and the long Spanish sentence examples require (i) a prepositional phrase to introduce the complement, and (ii) the inflection of the main verb "convencer" is marked differently in the two sentences (convenció vs. convencido).
Following the results of Osterhout and Holcomb (1992) and Kaan and Swaab (2003), the current study should also allow to critically evaluate (3) whether a P600 elicited by temporary syntactic ambiguity shows a more frontal or a similar posterior P600 effect as outright syntactic violations (i.e., phrase structure violations). If the P600 elicited by temporary syntactic ambiguity shows a more posterior distribution, but a different latency and amplitude rise than the P600 elicited by syntactic phrase structure violation then both revision and repair of syntactic structure coincide in a posterior P600 effect. In addition, we expected N400 effects on final words based on semantic constraints imposed by the sentence context (Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992). If indeed, L2 readers of English process semantic constraints in a similar fashion as L1 readers of English there should be comparable N400 effects in the two groups.
Lastly, given the findings of Weber-Fox and Neville (1996), Osterhout, McLaughlin, Inoue, and Loveless (2000), and Tokowicz and MacWhinney (2005), we predicted (4) a possible dissociation of ERP results and behavioral acceptability judgment.
As previously reported, the P600 is not just sensitive to outright syntactic anomaly, but also to processing differences between sentences that are syntactically legal. Osterhout and Holcomb (1992) reported P600 effects in temporary syntactically ambiguous sentences as well as for phrase structure violations. Consider the short sentences (1) "The broker hoped to sell the stock." and (2) "The broker persuaded to sell the stock". The infinitival marker "to" in sentences such as (2) should elicit a P600 as the transitive verb "to persuade" in an active sentence requires a noun phrase (direct object). Thus, a clausal complement can only be attached to the sentence in form of a passivized reduced relative clause (The broker [who was] persuaded to sell the stock …). As this is not the case in (2) the sentence is rendered unacceptable. However, sentence type (2) can become acceptable providing a reduced relative clause extension such as (4) "The broker persuaded to sell the stock was sent to jail." On the other hand, sentence extensions to short sentences including an intransitive verb such as "hoped" in (1) renders a long sentence such as (3) "The broker hoped to sell the stock was sent to jail." unacceptable in comparison to (4) as the auxiliary verb "was" violates phrase structure rules in English if an initial simple active reading of the sentence is pursued. Summarizing the predictions presented in Section 1 we hypothesize that if early proficient non-native readers of English have native-like syntactic knowledge, both groups should show P600s elicited by the two types of unacceptable syntactic structures as compared to acceptable syntactic structures.
Two groups of Tufts undergraduate students (12 per group, 6 female per group) participated for class credit (L1 group) or were paid (15 $, L2 group). The age range was 17 to 24 (mean age: 19). All participants were right handed according to the Edinburgh Handedness Inventory (Oldfield, 1971). All participants had normal or corrected-to normal vision. L2 participants were selected on the basis of a language questionnaire (see Table 1), age of L2 acquisition (mean: 5.3 years), the same L1 language background (Puerto Rican Spanish), similar social and educational background, and comparable use of L1 (speaking in social contexts) and L2 (reading and writing, speaking with English friends), as well as two behavioural comprehension tests, a Grammaticality Judgment Task (Linebarger, Schwartz, & Saffran, 1983) and the Test for Reception of Grammar (T.R.O.G; Bishop, 1982).
We created four lists that each contained 120 sentences (see example types (1)–(4) above). A total of 15 intransitive verbs and 15 transitive verbs were used. Sentences such as (1) exemplify that the verb can be used without a noun phrase (intransitive verbs), while verbs in sentences such as (2) require a noun phrase (transitive verbs). Transitiveand intransitive verbs did not differ in mean frequency (Kučera & Francis, 1967) in the present tense (intransitive = 74, transitive = 64, t(14) < 1) or in the past tense (intransitive = 80, transitive = 37, t(14) = 2.00, p > .05), or in mean length (intransitive: 7.6; transitive: 7.7). Verbs were repeated approximately the same number of times (6–9 times) in different sentence contexts, and acceptable and unacceptable sentence types across the four lists. Sentences were counterbalanced across the four lists such that each list contained only one version of each sentence and 30 exemplars of each sentence type. The entire set of experimental sentences is provided in Osterhout and Holcomb (1992). The four lists were counterbalanced across participants.
Filler sentences were not included for the following reasons: (i) number and length of the sentences, (ii) upkeep of data quality (reduced physiological and cognitive artefacts etc), (iii) active and reduced relative clause sentences appear equally often, and each verb appears equally often in acceptable and unacceptable sentences, and (iv) replication (see Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992).
Participants saw the following trial sequence: A fixation cross (500 ms) in the centre of a computer screen was replaced by single words (300 ms) in a word-by-word manner. The inter-stimulus interval was 350 ms. Sentence-ending words appeared with a period, and were followed by a 1450-ms blank screen. Then a prompt signalled the participants to judge a sentence as acceptable or unacceptable by pressing one of two buttons. The response hand (left or right) was counterbalanced across participants. Participants were seated in a sound-attenuating chamber and instructed to carefully read each sentence before making the required judgment. Participants were provided with a few examples of syntactically acceptable, syntactically unacceptable sentences. If they did not understand the criteria for acceptability, additional examples were provided. The total ERP session lasted approximately 2 h including preparation time.
EEG activity was recorded from 13 scalp locations, using tin electrodes attached to an elastic cap (Electrocap International). Electrode placement included International 10–20 system locations (Jasper, 1958) of homologous positions over the left and right occipital (O1/2), frontal (F7/8) regions, and frontal (Fz), central (Cz), and parietal (Pz) midline sites. In addition, several non-standard sites such as anterior temporal (FT7/8), temporo-parietal (TP7/8), and centro-parietal (CP5/6) were applied. Vertical eye movements and blinks were monitored by means of an electrode placed beneath the left eye, and horizontal eye movements were monitored by an electrode positioned to the right of the right eye. The 15 channels were referenced to the left mastoid electrode, and were amplified with a bandpass of 0.01 to 100 Hz (3db cut off) by a Grass Model 12 amplifier system. The right mastoid electrode was recorded actively and provided a channel to re-reference data after data collection.
Continuous analog-to-digital conversion of the EEG and stimulus trigger codes was performed online by a Data Translation 2801-A board and an AT-compatible computer, at a sampling frequency of 200 Hz. Epochs comprised 1180 ms following the critical stimulus presentation aligning the epochs to a 100 ms pre-stimulus baseline. Trials characterized by excessive eye movement (vertical or horizontal) or amplifier blocking were rejected. For analyses involving words embedded within sentences, less than 10% of the trials were removed per condition. ERPs were quantified by computer as the mean voltage within a latency range following presentation of words of interest, relative to baseline of activity.
Separate ANOVAs with repeated measures on the Grammaticality Judgment Task (Linebarger et al., 1983) and the Test for Reception of Grammar (T.R.O.G; Bishop, 1982) revealed no significant differences of reader type (all p > 1). Native readers of English scored 95% correct on a variety of grammatical structures, while non-native readers of English scored 94% correct. The T.R.O.G led to similar results; native English readers: 99% correct, non-native English readers: 98% correct.
A 2 × 2 × 2 analysis of variance with the between-subjects factor Group (native/non-native), and two within-subjects factors, Type (acceptable/unacceptable), and Length (short/long) was applied. Overall, native readers of English judged the acceptability of sentences more securely than non-native readers of English (F(1, 22) = 14.01, p < .001), and short sentences were judged more securely than long sentences (F(1, 22) = 6.90, p < .01). A three-way interaction of Group, Type, and Length (F(1, 22) = 15.38, p < .001) showed that native readers of English judged 94% of the short sentences (1), and 80% of the long sentences (4) as acceptable, while they judged 86% of the short sentences (2) and 91% of the long sentences (3) as unacceptable. Non-native readers of English also showed differences in the acceptability judgment of short and long sentence types. Short sentences such as (1) were judged highly correct (96%), while long acceptable sentences such as (4) were judged at chance level (56%). Short sentences of type (2) and long sentences of type (3) were judged as unacceptable at (66%) and 91%, respectively (see also Fig. 1).
ANOVAs of repeated measures were applied separately to midline and lateral sites. Midline analysis included the between-subjects factor Group (native/non-native), and the within-subjects factors Type (acceptable/unacceptable), and electrode-site (FZ, CZ, and PZ). Lateral analyses included the between-subjects factor Group (native/non-native), and the within-subjects factors Type (acceptable/unacceptable), electrode-site (frontal, anterior temporal, temporo-parietal, centro-parietal, and occipital), and hemisphere (left/right). For data reduction sentence types (1) and (3) (acceptable) as well as sentence types (2) and (4) (unacceptable) were combined for the analysis of temporary syntactic ambiguity (at the position of the infinitival marker "to") as the sentences were comparable up to sentence-ending noun "stock" in the respective sentence types. Analysis of phrase structure violation (at the position of the auxiliary verb "was") was calculated for sentence types (3/unacceptable) and (4/acceptable) only.
To protect against excessive Type I error due to violations of the assumption of equal variances of differences between conditions of within-subject factors (Huynh & Feldt, 1976; Keppel, 1982), the Geisser-Greenhouse correction (Geisser & Greenhouse, 1959) was applied when evaluating effects with more than one degree of freedom. We followed significant interactions with planned pair-wise comparisons. Based on visual analysis of the averaged waveforms in both groups and a conventional latency range of the P600 (e.g., Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992: 500–800 ms) two time-windows were calculated: 500–650 ms (early) and 650–800 ms (late). These two time-windows were defined on the basis of onset and offset differences of the critical words "to" in sentence types (1), (2), (3), and (4) and "was" in sentence types (3) and (4) in native and non-native readers of English. In addition, Friederici and colleagues (Friederici et al., 1996) and Kaan and Swaab (2003) reported latency differences between a P600 elicited to outright violations and a P600 elicited to ambiguous/non-preferred sentence structures. Thus, to capture latency differences between the potentially different P600s and differences between native and non-native readers of English, a separation into two time-windows was thought to be warranted. In addition, a negativity preceding the P600 in phrase structure violations was quantified based on visual inspection and previously reported negativities (Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992; Weber-Fox & Neville, 1996). Lastly, to quantify a previously reported end of sentence negativity (see Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992), acceptable and unacceptable nouns in the four sentences types ("stock" in short active sentences and "jail" in long passive sentences) were evaluated in a classical N400 time-window between 300–500 ms.
Brain responses to the infinitival marker "to" in acceptable and unacceptable sentences are displayed in Fig. 2A and B for native and non-native speakers of English, respectively. In this and subsequent analyses, the general shape of the obtained waveforms was consistent with that previously reported by others (e.g., Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992).
Analysis of midline sites did not reveal differences in Group in either time-window (p >.6, respectively), but a main effect of Type (F(1, 22) = 5.54, p < .03) in the late time-window showing a more positive-going brain wave elicited to "to" in unacceptable (2 and 4) than in acceptable (1 and 3) sentences.
Analysis of lateral sites did not reveal main effects of Group in the early and late time-window (all p > .1), or Type (p > .1) in the early time-window. However, a main effect of Type in the late time-window (F(1, 22) = 7.29, p < .01) was significant. Again, unacceptable sentences (2 and 4) showed a more positive-going waveform than that for acceptable sentences (1 and 3) elicited by the critical infinitival marker "to" (Fig. 3).
Analysis of the sentence-ending noun "stock" in the short sentence analysis resulted in a marginally significant main effect of Type at midline sites (F(1, 22) = 3.39, p < .08), and a main effect of Type at lateral sites (F(1, 22) = 4.87, p < .04). Neither main effect interacted with Group (all p > 1). Thus, both native and non-native readers of English show a sentence-ending N400 negativity in short sentences (see Fig. 4A and B).
Brain responses to the auxiliary verb "was" in unacceptable sentence types (3) and acceptable sentences (4) are displayed in Fig. 2C and D for native and non-native readers of English, respectively (see also Fig. 3)
Analysis of midline electrodes in the early time-window revealed no Group differences (p > .7), but of Type (F(1, 22) = 11.58, p < .003). The auxiliary verb "was" in the unacceptable sentences elicited a larger P600 than "was" in the acceptable sentences. This effect extended into the late time-window (F(1, 22) = 12.39, p < .002), and was stronger at posterior electrode sites (F(2, 44) = 5.43, p < .02).
Analysis of lateral sites in the early time-window yielded a main effect of Type (F(1, 22) = 6.77, p < .02) and a four-way interaction of Group, Type, Hemisphere and Electrode Site (F(4, 88) = 3.16, p < .05). Follow-up analyses by Group did not confirm a three-way interaction between Type, Hemisphere and Electrode Site in either group. However, a marginally significant effect for Type was found in the non-native speakers at left posterior electrode sites (F(4, 44) = 4.11, p < .08, w2 = 0.205). In the late time-window there was a main effect of Type (F(1, 22) = 9.12, p < .006) and a three-way interaction of Group, Type, and Hemisphere (F(1, 22) = 4.87, p < .04). Break-down analysis by group revealed a larger right-lateralized P600 effect in native readers of English (F(1, 11) = 7.27, p < .02, w2 = 0.343), while non-native-readers of English showed a left-lateralized P600 effect (F(1, 11) = 4.11, p < .03, w2 = 0.205).
Analysis of a negativity preceding the P600 effect did not result in any effect at midline sites (all p > .1), but a main effect of Type (F(1, 22) = 5.57, p < .03) and a three-way interaction of Group, Type, and Hemisphere (F(1, 22) = 4.05, p < .05). While the negativity preceding the P600 was marginally significant at left hemisphere electrode-sites in native readers (F(4, 44) = 2.86, p < .08, w2 = 0.134), a significant effect was found for non-native readers at right centro-parietal/occipital electrode-sites (F(4, 44) = 4.21, p < .02, w2 = 0.211).
Analysis of the sentence-ending negativity comparing the acceptable noun "jail" to the unacceptable noun "jail" revealed a marginal effect of Group at midline sites (F(1, 11) = 3.24, p < .08), a main effect of Type (F(1, 22) = 4.14, p < .05), and an interaction of Type and electrode-site (F(2, 44) = 10.42, p < .001) confirming that the negativity was largest at Pz. At lateral sites there was a marginal effect of Group (F(1, 11) = 4.26, p < .06), a marginal effect of Type and electrode-site (F(4, 88) = 3.23, p < .06), and a significant interaction of Type and hemisphere (F(2, 88) = 5.01, p < .01) confirming a sentence-ending negativity that was larger over right than left hemisphere electrode-sites and an overall slightly smaller amplitude rise in non-native than native readers of English (see Fig. 4C and D).
The current experiment set out to investigate the processing of temporary syntactic ambiguity and syntactic phrase structure anomaly in early highly proficient non-native and native readers of English. With this approach we tested the hypothesis whether early highly proficient L2 readers of English parse syntactic knowledge in a native-like manner dependent on factors such as structural similarity between L1 and L2, and structural specificity in L2. Furthermore, the experimental set-up allowed the testing of P600 synergies between syntactic ambiguity and syntactic anomaly in both native and non-native readers of English. Lastly, next to testing L2 compared to L1 syntactic competence we were interested to see whether online ERP measures go hand in hand with behavioural measures.
Offline testing of grammaticality judgment and grammar reception confirm native-like syntactic competence in L2 readers when response time is unlimited. However, behavioural data measured in a delayed acceptability judgment task (as part of the ERP measurement) reveal a different pattern. Overall, non-native readers have lower acceptability rates than native readers. In particular, the judgment of long acceptable sentences is near chance-level (56%), followed by relatively low acceptability rates for short unacceptable sentences (66%). On the other hand, ERP data show that both native and non-native readers of English are sensitive to the detection of syntactic anomaly and temporary syntactic ambiguity even though the distribution and latency of the P600 elicited by syntactic anomaly as well as the negativity preceding the P600 vary as a function of reader type. Furthermore, the P600 elicited by temporary syntactic anomaly is broadly distributed, is delayed in its onset/peak latency, and has a lower amplitude rise than the P600 elicited by phrase structure violations in both groups. Sentence-ending negativities are found in both groups of readers. However, the amplitude rise of the sentence-ending negativity is smaller in non-native than native readers of English when parsing phrase structure information.
In the following we will first address the apparent discrepancy between offline and online behavioural data, and the online behavioural and ERP data. Next, each P600 effect will be discussed with respect to reader type, L1/L2 structural similarity or L2 specificity, and the characteristics of the P600s elicited by the two different syntactic manipulations. In the same context and manner the sentence-ending negativities will be discussed.
Two differences are apparent when comparing offline and online behavioural data, and ERP measures and online behavioural data. To test non-native readers' knowledge of L2 syntax we used two tests of syntactic competence. In these two tests (Grammaticality Judgment Task by Linebarger et al. (1983), and the Test for Reception of Grammar (T.R.O.G; Bishop, 1982), both L2 and L1 readers of English were tested with no time constraints. The judgment task consisted of a variety of syntactic complexities and anomalies, including verb subcategorization and phrase structure, and the scores are based on a 50% chance level criterion. The T.R.O.G assesses language comprehension via naming and pointing to pictures, and is designed to test the meaning and syntax of words as well as of sentences. While the behavioural results of the T.R.O.G may not be all that surprising as naming and pointing may have been guided by the meaning of words and sentences rather than their syntax, the grammaticality judgment task clearly tested syntactic competence. Even so, both groups of participants judged grammaticality highly correctly.
One explanation for the discrepant offline and online behavioural results could be that participants in the online experiment experienced time pressure which in turn may have affected the acceptability judgment. On the contrary, they did not judge grammaticality under time pressure in the offline tasks. Second, while the proportion of acceptable and unacceptable sentences was equivalent in both the online and offline tasks, the number of syntactic structures tested varied between the tasks. For example, next to subcategorization and phrase structure information, word order, word category, verb agreement, and pronoun reference were tested in the offline grammaticality judgment task. Thus, in comparison to the online acceptability judgment task, the proportion of equivalent syntactic structures was lower in the offline grammaticality judgment task. Lastly, while it is clear that non-native compared to native readers of English accept an unacceptable short sentence (2) as acceptable more often, they also judge acceptable long sentences (4) as unacceptable thus rendering this judgment at chance level. One plausible explanation is that non-native readers do not have trouble detection syntactic anomaly per se, but may encounter increased difficulties when they have to parse a more complex sentence construction such as a sentence in the passive voice. In the current experiment, the long sentences are passive sentence constructions while short sentences are active sentence constructions. As referred to by Rossi and colleagues (2006), Guasti (2004) suggests that the active voice is acquired before the passive voice in L1 syntax acquisition. A similar acquisition dynamic may apply to L2 syntax acquisition. Thus, the use of passive voice rules may be more vulnerable as passive constructions require movement of elements. This is an interesting point in support of the current results and should be followed up in future experiments.
However, the ERP results seem to go hand in hand with the offline behavioural data displaying sensitivity towards L2 syntax. Both non-native and native readers of English elicited a P600 to temporary syntactic ambiguity and phrase structure violations. Dissociations of ERP and behavioural measures have also been discussed in previous L2 syntax research. Weber-Fox and Neville (1996) reported that early and proficient (4–6 years at age of exposure) non-native readers of English (L1 Chinese) show reduced acceptability for unacceptable sentences (phrase structure violations) in comparison to native readers of English, while showing a comparable biphasic pattern of a negativity/P600 in the ERP. Interestingly, in this study non-native participants made more errors judging an unacceptable sentence than an acceptable sentence. However, phrase structure violations were embedded in active rather than passive sentence constructions. Furthermore, data from late L2 learners have also shown that ERP measures dissociate from grammaticality judgment (Osterhout et al., 2000; Tokowicz & MacWhinney, 2005). While participants showed the expected P600 elicited by syntactic violations, behavioural judgment was at chance level (Osterhout et al., 2000) or above chance for sentences constructions that were similar between L1 and L2 or specific to L2 (Tokowicz & MacWhinney, 2005). Both groups of authors have argued that explicit grammaticality judgment may intermix with additional processes such as decision making, response preparation, and motor response. This in turn may render grammaticality or acceptability judgment a more complex and multilayered response than the online detection of syntactic violation and/or syntactic ambiguity as reflected in the ERP. This point is quite relevant in tasks that include a delayed response as the response is moved outside the realm of language-specific processing. Lastly, some authors have argued that the grammaticality judgment task may not be a good measure of L2 linguistic knowledge (McDonald, 2000) or may over-/underestimate L2 syntactic knowledge (Juffs, 2004). In particular, McDonald (2000) pointed out that variables such as syntactic rule types or interpretation of ungrammatical constructions may alter the results of a grammaticality judgment task and renders the task unreliable.
With respect to the current evidence we conclude that there are distinct differences in offline and online behaviour in L2 readers of English as measured by the grammaticality/acceptability judgment tasks. These differences may result from time-constraints as well as from the proportion and type of syntactic rule tested in the respective tasks. Furthermore, dissociations between ERP and behavioural measures go hand in hand with previous evidence (Tokowicz & MacWhinney, 2005; Weber-Fox & Neville, 1996). This applies specifically to the detection of temporary syntactic ambiguity. Furthermore, the results from phrase structure violations reveal that L2 syntactic vulnerability is not restricted to syntactic anomaly, but may also apply to syntactically more complex constructions such as acceptable passive constructions. However, the present data clearly provide further evidence that ERPs and behavioural measures may tap into different processing stages during syntactic processing as previously reported for syntactic processing (Osterhout et al., 2000; Tokowicz & MacWhinney, 2005) and lexical-semantic processing (Kotz, 2001; Kotz & Elston-Guettler, 2004; Kotz & Elston-Guettler, 2007).
Previous monolingual research on syntactic anomaly detection suggests that the effect size and distribution of the P600 varies as a function of severity of a syntactic anomaly (Coulson et al., 1998; Gunter et al., 1997; Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992). If the syntactic anomaly renders a sentence fully ungrammatical, the effect size of the component should be large. If however, a violation renders a sentence only temporarily syntactically unacceptable the effect size should be small. This hypothesis has been confirmed in studies that investigated syntactic ambiguity and syntactic anomaly detection in parallel (e.g., Kaan & Swaab, 2003). In addition to effect size, it has also been reported that the two syntactic processing types may show topographic differences (e.g., Friederici et al. 2002; Hagoort et al., 1999; Van Berkum et al., 1999).
The P600 elicited by temporary syntactic ambiguity in native and non-native readers is small, is marked by a delayed onset (650–800 ms), and is broadly distributed. These data fit previous results in monolingual English participants (Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992) even though the previously reported P600 latency was longer (500–800 ms) and the component had a fronto-central distribution (Exp.1, but not Exp. 2). However, the fact that both reader groups show the same P600 effect suggests that there are no detectable online processing differences between the groups. These data serve as first online ERP evidence on L2 temporary syntactic ambiguity processing. Furthermore, the data go hand in hand with evidence from eye-movement recordings in highly proficient L2 readers that show native-like syntactic ambiguity resolution (e.g., Frenck-Mestre & Pynte, 1997; Juffs & Harrington, 1996) and are partly in support of a behavioural study by Dussias (2003). In addition, as discussed in Section 1 and by Tokowicz and MacWhinney (2005), L2 sentence structure that does not have an equivalent in L1 may be processed more easily than a structure that may be formed differently in L1 and L2. In the current experiment, temporary syntactic ambiguity in English has no equivalent in Spanish, thus the early highly proficient non-native readers of English may recognize the rule of L2 language-specificity.
In addition, the P600 was followed by a sentence-ending negativity in both reader groups. Osterhout and Holcomb (1992) initially (Exp. 1) offered two interpretations for this negativity. Either it reflects a semantic misfit as has been discussed in the N400 literature (Kutas & Federmeier, 2000) or it is elicited as a result of the unacceptability of a sentence.
In the final discussion of the paper, the authors concluded that the N400-like effect elicited in both short and long sentences can be associated with "the difficulty associated with integrating linguistic material at the semantic-message level, regardless of the cause of interpretative problem" (p. 800) Following this argument, the N400 elicited in both unacceptable sentence types may reflect the participants' difficulty to integrate sentence final words into sentence context when either syntactic ambiguity or syntactic anomaly is embedded in the preceding sentence context. However, both native and non-native readers show the same size N400 effect which supports the conclusion that sentence final integration is comparable between the two groups. This goes hand in hand with data from Kotz (2001) who reported comparable N400 word-level priming effects in early highly proficient L2 speakers of English and monolingual speakers of English. Furthermore, this result is different from the N400 data reported for late learners that often show a delayed N400 and/or N400 amplitude reduction (see for example, Ardal, Donald, Meuter, Muldrew, & Luce, 1990; Weber-Fox & Neville, 1996).
One question that remains open is why the P600 amplitude, peak latency, and distribution diverge from the initial P600 results of Osterhout and Holcomb (1992). Interestingly, while the P600 elicited by temporary syntactic ambiguity had a fronto-central right-shifted distribution in Experiment 1, the effect was more evenly distributed in Experiment 2. As different participants were tested in the two experiments, inter-subject variability may be the cause of such differences. In addition, Kaan and Swaab (2003) clearly showed that the processing of non-preferred syntactic structure is not restricted to a frontal P600. Rather both syntactic anomaly detection and the integration of non-preferred structures (i.e. syntactic ambiguity) co-occur in a posterior P600. However, a posterior P600 elicited by syntactic anomaly was larger and lasted longer than the one elicited by non-preferred structures. These results suggest that posterior positivities may reflect both revision and repair and can be distinguished by amplitude rise and latency. This is confirmed in the present data as well. We extend this interpretation and propose that inter-subject variability may influence the distribution of the P600 elicited by temporary syntactic ambiguity.
Coming back to the initial hypothesis that the size and latency of the P600 may vary as a function of severity of syntactic anomaly, the current results confirm such a hypothesis. As the manipulation of temporary syntactic ambiguity (i.e., verb subcategorization information) did not render a sentence fully syntactically unacceptable, the readers may have recovered more easily. This in turn may have influenced both effect size and duration of the P600. However, we can not exclude the possibility that non-linguistic factors such as working memory capacity, perceivability, and heuristic strategies can alter the underlying processes involved in syntactic ambiguity processing, and may critically influence how a reader resolves ambiguity. Monolingual evidence on syntactic ambiguity resolution points to such a possibility. In these studies effect size differences or even different components as well as distribution differences have been reported for high and low working memory capacity (e.g., Frisch et al., 2002; Mecklinger et al., 1995). It is therefore important to investigate possible linguistic and non-linguistic factors separately in future studies of L2 syntactic ambiguity processing.
Native and non-native readers detected syntactic anomaly that reflects a violation of phrase structure rules in English. In both groups the amplitude rise was larger and the scalp distribution more posterior compared to the P600 elicited by temporary syntactic ambiguity. Also, the latency of the P600 extended across both time-windows thus covering the previously reported duration of a P600 elicited by syntactic anomaly (500–800 ms; Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992). However, the effect was most distinct at left hemisphere leads for non-native readers, while native readers displayed a previously reported right-posterior P600 effect. Thus, while the P600 effect was comparable in both groups, the scalp distribution of the P600 was quite different.
These distributional differences lead to an important question. Do distinct syntactic processes in non-native language comprehension elicit ERP components that tap into different neural sources than the ERP components elicited during native language comprehension? In this case, why would this play a more immanent role in phrase structure rules than in temporary syntactic ambiguity? Both syntactic manipulations render a sentence unacceptable by violating a closed class item such as a preposition ("to") or an auxiliary verb ("was"). Furthermore, according to previous L2 evidence (Tokowicz & MacWhinney, 2005) one would expect that if there is L1 and L2 structural similarity, as is the case in the current experiment, L2 syntactic processing should be facilitated in highly proficient non-native readers. To our knowledge only one previously published ERP study provides evidence on early L2 syntactic phrase structure effects (Weber-Fox & Neville, 1996). The authors reported that early bilinguals responded to phrase structure violations (P600) if syntactic rules were acquired before the age of 10. This effect was preceded by an early negativity (N125) and a late negativity (300–500 ms). The negativities varied as a function of age of exposure. An early left anterior negativity (N125) was only found in bilinguals who acquired their second language between the ages of 1 to 3 years, and in late learners (after the age of 10) with a bilateral distribution. A temporo-parietal and left-lateralized negativity (300–500 ms) was reported for early bilinguals (1–3, 4–6, 7–10 years at age of exposure). The authors concluded that changes in ERP asymmetry (as reported for late learners) may be associated with changes in language lateralization and increased involvement of right hemisphere structures.
While such changes in laterality have been reported, most neuroimaging evidence shows that non-identical neural sources in prefrontal cortex vary with language exposure or usage in early bilinguals (e.g., Perani et al., 2003) or vary in the extent of activation in Broca's area in late proficient bilinguals (Rüschemeyer, Fiebach, Kempe, & Friederici, 2005). In a recent paper Jeong and colleagues (2007) investigated the effect of syntactic similarity during L2 auditory language processing in Korean late trilinguals with equally high proficiency in their L2s (English and Japanese). Comparing activation in syntactically similar languages such as Korean and Japanese, the authors report no activation differences between the two languages in per-isylvian language areas while they find activation differences between syntactically dissimilar languages (Korean/ Japanese and English). Latter results nicely demonstrate that next to age of exposure topological differences in L1 and L2 may modify brain activation patterns. However, the current ERP and fMRI evidence is too limited to explain the distributional differences found for phrase structure violations in native and non-native readers of English. Most likely, the distributional differences in the non-native readers result from the negativity preceding the P600 over posterior right hemisphere electrode-sites, while the positivity over left-hemisphere sites was unaffected. In comparison, the right posterior positivity is not modulated by a preceding left-lateralized anterior negativity in the native readers (see also Osterhout & Holcomb, 1992). The true nature of such distributional shifts needs to be further explored by replicating the current results with a larger set of electrodes and a larger number of participants. This should substantiate whether different neural mechanisms underlie syntactic processing of phrase structure rules or not. Lastly, on a note of caution, distributional differences of scalp ERPs do not allow to deduct neural sources as scalp ERPs reflect the summation of potentially numerous neural generators (see for example Van Petten & Luka, 2006). Clearly, additional work is needed to differentiate the effects of early L2 exposure and proficiency, but also structural differences and similarities between languages to fully understand the dynamics of L2 syntactic attainment.
To fully understand the human syntactic parsing system it is necessary to look into the multiple structural subtleties that constitute such a system. Here we investigated two syntactic phenomena, namely temporary syntactic ambiguity (i.e., verb subcategorization information) and phrase structure constraints in English. While latter structure was tested with classical syntactic anomaly detection, verb subcategorization information led to temporary syntactic ambiguity. The fact that both deviant syntactic information types elicit a P600 speaks to successful syntactic parsing in native and non-native readers. However, differences in amplitude size, peak latency and distribution indicate that the processing of temporary syntactic ambiguity and syntactic anomaly may be influenced by subject variability as well as potentially different or additional cognitive mechanisms. Furthermore, we tested the boundaries of the human syntactic parsing system by looking into early L2 syntactic attainment. L2 syntactic acquisition in native readers of Spanish with high reading and speaking proficiency in their non-native language English (as evidenced by self-rating scales) showed similar online syntactic parsing to native readers of English, while online behavioural data were different. These results add to previous evidence in early and late L2 learners that ERPs are a sensitive and useful tool to tap into the processing dynamics of L2 syntactic knowledge attainment.
We wish to thank Ruth De Diego Balaguer for critical input on the Spanish translations and Silke Paulman for edits on a pervious version of the paper.
PubMed Central Canada is a service of the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) working in partnership with the National Research Council's Canada Institute for Scientific and Technical Information in cooperation with the National Center for Biotechnology Information at the U.S. National Library of Medicine(NCBI/NLM). It includes content provided to the PubMed Central International archive by participating publishers.


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How did three Danes end up being tortured in Lebanon?
The army officer and alleged collusion in Yemen
27 Feb 2013 11:26 GMT | Sport, Football, Portugal
Real Madrid's crushing victory away to Barcelona to reach the King's Cup final has fired out a warning to Manchester United ahead of their Champions League last 16 return at Old Trafford next week.United manager Alex Ferguson was watching from the stands at the Nou Camp on Tuesday when Real romped to a 3-1 semi-final second leg victory, helped by a double from the outstanding Cristiano Ronaldo.
"We are level at 1-1 (with United) and we have to try and score, and to keep a clean sheet. We need to do what we did hereat Old Trafford"
Real captain Iker Casillas
Real reached the May 18 Cup final coming back from a 1-1 home draw, the same result United achieved at the Bernabeu in the first leg, to triumph 4-2 on aggregate with a commanding display against their arch-rivals.Despite an inconsistent league campaign which has left Real third, 16 points adrift of leaders Barca, they proved they could rise to the occasion when required and batter a side who have beaten United twice in European Cup finals in recent seasons."We hope this will be a pivotal moment for us," Real captain Iker Casillas told reporters, when he surprisingly appeared to speak instead of coach Jose Mourinho."We are level at 1-1 (with United) and we have to try and score, and to keep a clean sheet. We need to do what we did here at Old Trafford," added Casillas, who is out of action recovering from hand surgery. "The team played to their strengths very well. I think Madrid have beaten Barca tactically and are deserved winners of the tie."
Confidence boostMadrid let Barca dominate possession but denied them the space to work their magic, as AC Milan had done when surprising the visitors 2-0 in their Champions League last 16 first leg last week.Ronaldo outshone World Player of the Year Lionel Messi, scoring in a record sixth consecutive 'Clasico' away from home, the first goal coming from the penalty spot and the second after a trademark fast counter-attack.
The Portugal forward, a former United player who was applauded by visiting fans at the Bernabeu where he headed Real level two weeks ago, hailed the result for it's morale-boosting effect."We want to continue in the same vein," he told Spanish television.
"This game gives us enormous confidence for the trip to Manchester."Real are seeking a 10th European Cup, and Mourinho a third with different clubs, and he has made it clear the domestic trophy and the Champions League are his priorities this season with the defence of their league title all but over.
Source: Reuters
Manchester United take away goal into Champions League second leg as Shakhtar Donetsk and Borussia Dortmund also draw.
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Display custom feeds for Facebook Pages, Groups, Events, Album Photos and Covers -Twitter, Instagram, Pinterest and YouTube on pages, posts or widgets
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I'm new to oauth and I'm trying to connect to the Vimeo Advanced API. I have a couple questions for you, and I hope they are pretty easy to resolve.
First, will connecting using oauth cause a prompt or can it be silent? I'm trying to get info from private videos and vimeo is telling me I need oauth authentication to do so.
Second, I have looked at...
I have created the base string based on the instructions in the oauth guide, but I don't know what to do now that I have it.
Here's the code I have so far (variable data is left out for security purposes):
$http_request_string = "method=" . $oauth_method . "&oauth_consumer_key=" . $oauth_key . "&oauth_nonce=" . $oauth_nonce . "&oauth_signature_method=" . $oauth_signature_method . "&oauth_timestamp=" . $oauth_timestamp . "&oauth_version=" . $oauth_version . "&user_id=" . $oauth_user_id;
$base_string = $oauth_method . "&" . urlencode($oauth_method) . "&" . urlencode($http_request_string);
$key = $oauth_key . "&" . $oauth_secret;
Could someone please provide me with advice or a guide by which I know how to connect via PHP? Or let me know if it's not possible to do so without a prompt?
Thanks a bunch, like always :)


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The March of the Penguins Now Starring Humans
The March of the Humans (NSFW)
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The March of the Penguins had way too many birds in it. How 'bout we replace a few (or all) of the birds with waddling human extras? For sex appeal, natch.
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tglynn 7 years
Um...I want to comment, but I have no idea what to say about this LOL
sweetpeabrina 7 years
Random male willies freak me out still. :/ Just like the nude bicycle one. They just... flop around... like a dead fish. :(
amh678 7 years
SO weird...
amh678 7 years
SO weird...