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Notes & Reviews:
On this disc internationally acclaimed bass Sir John Tomlinson and pianist David Owen Norris bring together settings of Michelangelo poems by Britten, Wolf and Shostakovich. This unique program is frequently played by the duo in theatrical Michelangelo-themed performances and can now be heard on CD for the first time.
The Observer, 8th September 2013
With the experience of a long operatic career, and a voice still richly intact if understandably at times a little weathered, Tomlinson brings drama and wisdom to the feelings expressed here.
Gramophone Magazine, October 2013
A sort of King Lear-style meeting of voice and repertoire, especially in the Wolf and Shostakovich cycles...Rhetorical moments go fairly well, the Wolf songs having particular authority.
BBC Music Magazine, December 2013
Few basses have the right inky-black colour [Shostakovich] imagined...Tomlinson does, and he chills the soul...Owen Norris, sometimes overpedalling in the earlier songs, brings a special focus to extraordinary accompniments...The sound captures the velvet that still sometimes envelops the wear and tear of his voice.
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Patriots to sign Brown WR Buddy Farnham after his weekend tryout - 0 Comments
At the Patriots rookie mini-camp this weekend, there were five unnamed tryout guys along with the 21 others. By the time the fourth practice started on Saturday afternoon, there was just one.
And now, that player -- ex-Brown receiver Buddy Farnham -- will be signed by the Patriots soon, I'm told. The record-setting Bears player is also an Andover native.

subset: commoncrawl


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XGA - extended graphics array
Short for extended graphics array, a high-resolution graphics standard introduced by IBM in 1990. XGA was designed to replace the older 8514/A video standard. It provides the same resolutions (640 by 480 or 1024 by 768 pixels), but supports more simultaneous colors (65 thousand compared to 8514/A's 256 colors). In addition, XGA allows monitors to be non-interlaced.
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Cartoon: "The Noodle Maker"
MWA, Rangzen, and the Future
By Jeffrey S. Inglis
This article follows up on the Final Declaration of Rangzen Conference conducted in May 23 and 24 of 2015 in New Delhi.
I wish to congratulate the leaders, the organizers and the participants of this important conference. It has the potential to become an ongoing event that will be of fundamental importance to the future of Tibet.
However, if that is to happen, I suggest that the conference agenda become much more comprehensive in at least acknowledging the vast array of complex and challenging issues.
In reading the Constitution, it is not difficult to note that countless actions undertaken by the state are not in compliance with the Constitution; nor is it difficult to understand that the lack of compliance enjoyed by the state is due to the absence of legal and political accountability mechanisms. (2)
Election Commission Announces Preliminary and Final Election Dates for Sikyong and 16th Tibetan Parliament
Source: Tibet.net (the official website of the CTA)
By Staff Writer
Mr. Sonam Choephel Shosur, the chief Election Commissioner accompanied by Additional Election Commissioners Ven. Geshe Tenpa Tashi and Mr. Tenzin Choephel at the press conference, 10 June 2015.
DHARAMSHALA: The Election Commission of the Central Tibetan Administration today announced the dates for the preliminary and final election of Sikyong of the 15th Kashag and members of the 16th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile.
"The preliminary election for Sikyong and members of the 16th Tibetan Parliament is slated for 18 October 2015. The final election would be held on 20 March 2016," Mr. Sonam Choephel Shosur, the Chief Election Commissioner, said. The Election Commissioner is accompanied by the two Additional Election Commissioners appointed recently by the standing committee of the Tibetan parliament in lieu of the upcoming elections.
The election commission also announced the new rules regarding campaign expenses and activities of the candidates.
"The total campaign expense for a Sikyong candidate should not exceed INR 8 Lacs and the campaign expense for a candidate for the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile should not exceed INR 3 Lacs," the Election Commissioner said, adding that all campaign activities should cease two days before the final Election Day.
The election commission urged the candidates to submit their names and details to their local election commission before announcing their candidacy. They also urged the candidates to refrain from excessive campaigning in sensitive areas such as Nepal where the local people are recovering from a severe natural tragedy.
The 2016 general election will elect the fourth directly elected Sikyong (earlier Kalon Tripa) and the 16th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile. The 16th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile would be composed of 45 members with ten representatives each from the three traditional Tibetan provinces; two representatives each from the four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism and Bon religion, two representatives from North and South America, two representatives from Europe and Africa, and one representative from Australia and Asia (excluding India, Nepal and Bhutan).
For a complete detail of the announcement, click here.
Originally published at http://tibet.net/2015/06/election-commission-announces-preliminary-and-final-election-dates-for-sikyong-and-16th-tibetan-parliament/
Under the Streetlight in Exile
By Lobsang Gyalpo
Some of you may know this story which is also known as the streetlight effect:
A police officer sees a person crawling around under a streetlight and asks him what he is doing. "Looking for my keys," replies the person. "Where'd you lose them?" asks the officer. "'Across the street," comes the answer. "Then why look here?" questions the surprised officer. "'Cause there's lots more light here," explains the person, continuing his search.
The streetlight syndrome reflects pretty much, in my opinion, our (Tibetans) approach or strategy to regaining our independence or autonomy or cultural survival or whatever. Whether this goal is to be achieved by violence or non-violence or through the middle way is one aspect that has to be considered. However, there is also another equally, if not more important, issue that has been completely ignored. The crux of the problem here is that our entire effort has been and continues to be concentrated on actions outside Tibet (under the street lamp) as opposed to inside Tibet (across the street) which is where the holy grail, be it independence or autonomy, etc., is to be achieved.
Obviously it is easier to search under the street lamp. Outside Tibet we are able to hold protests, lobby governments, organizations, politicians and celebrities, raise awareness of the Tibet issue through the media and public-awareness events, etc. However, the reality is that our goal for change inside Tibet cannot be achieved without actions that take place "across the street" i.e. inside Tibet. I am not aware of any freedom struggle that was successful solely through efforts undertaken outside the country in question. Understandably, we continue to search under the streetlight because we are comfortable with doing this. We know how to do this since we have been doing this for quite some time now and are now well trained in this type of support activity. We can see under the streetlight.
Searching across the street poses problems. It is more difficult to search there because we cannot see there. This difficulty forces us to confront the question whether we really want what we say we want. If we really want what we say we want, we would then start searching across the street even though it is dark there. We would then do something about the lack of light there. As Confucius has pointed out, "It's better to light a candle than to curse the darkness."
Strategy without execution
I am not discrediting what we have been doing so far nor do I mean to belittle the invaluable assistance provided by our supporters through their lobbying activities. This is certainly something that also needs to be done but cannot by itself alone attain what we claim we want. This glaring shortcoming in our efforts to date is something that has been completely overlooked in the ongoing, endless debates on rangzen, autonomy, middle way, etc.
It has been all about what we want and nothing at all about how to get it. Our obsession with this topic in this context is simply puerile. Simply saying we want this or that is not going to change the status quo. The Chinese government is not going to all of a sudden get all jittery and keel over just because we opt for rangzen or whatever.
"Strategy without execution is hallucination", as pointed out by Mike Roach, CEO of CGI, a 31,000 person IT firm, in a presentation to a McGill MBA class. Even if we were to achieve consensus on this contentious topic it would still not bring us any closer to our goal. Rangzen was the de facto vision prior to the advent of the Middle Way but that still did not get us any closer to our goal then. If non-violence is our strategy, great but it has to be related to non-violent actions inside Tibet. Rangzen? OK but here too we need activity inside Tibet that will lead to rangzen there. And yes, there are things that can be undertaken inside Tibet. Once we accept the premise about where the focus should be directed, then we start coming up with ideas about what can and needs to be done.
The non-struggle
The aspirations and activities of the Tibetans in exile are often referred to as a "struggle". However, to be brutally honest, apart from the period of armed resistance carried out from Mustang in Nepal, there is no "struggle" in exile. Whereas Tibetans in Tibet, those that have not thrown in their lot with China, are truly struggling, our actions outside Tibet to date, cannot be termed a struggle. We are now doing pretty much the same as or maybe even less than the "injis", our non-Tibetan supporters, and that definitely cannot be construed as a struggle. Organizing and taking part in 10th March demonstrations once a year is not a struggle. Our non-struggle in exile should not be confused with the genuine article in Tibet.
What's in a name?
The Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) is basically living up to its name. It is dedicated, as far as I am able to ascertain, to administration. Administration has nothing to do with what Tibetans claim they want. Administration was crucial for survival in the early years of exile and the CTA has fulfilled its initial role superbly. Now, however, after more than 50 years in exile, administration should not be the primary focus of this organization unless no other more pressing agenda exists for the continued existence of this organization.
Currently, the CTA operates more like some kind of a Ford Foundation, fully occupied with keeping itself running albeit without similar financial resources. If a more pressing agenda does exist, either the focus of this organization should be changed or a parallel organization should be created fully dedicated to addressing the needs of this more pressing agenda or someone else or some other group must step in to ensure that the goals of this overriding agenda are met. This, of course, assumes that we do have such a higher priority agenda other than pure administration. Could this perhaps be that of a government-in-exile?
The Miriam Webster dictionary defines government-in-exile as "a government temporarily established on foreign soil following the occupation of its own territory by another authority". The keyword here is temporary. Unfortunately, in our case, the CTA is beginning to look more and more like a permanent establishment. A more pressing agenda would imply the goal of moving from the status of a government-in-exile to that of government of a country which would further imply implementation of actions to achieve such a goal.
Our success is our enemy
Tibetans enjoy the dubious distinction of being the most successful refugees. While survival in exile was obviously the top priority during the early days in exile, our very success in adapting to life in exile is now our enemy. The good life, relatively speaking, has led to complacency and a lack of urgency that weighs down the Tibetans in exile to the point of inertia. Hence the current execution strategy of all parties concerned, be it proponents of rangzen or autonomy or middle way, of simply sitting and waiting for something to happen e.g. China imploding internally due to domestic strife and political dissent and resulting in our wishes being fulfilled.
Of the around 140,000 estimated Tibetans in exile, how many are actively engaged in doing something concrete for Tibet? Sadly, the answer is only a few. Simply holding or participating in protest rallies is not enough. After more than 50 years in exile, we certainly do not suffer from a lack of highly educated professionals or financially stable Tibetans or Tibetans who have the time and capability to engage actively for their country.
We have been busy all these past years mobilizing support among the international community for Tibet but have failed to mobilize the Tibetans in exile. The majority of the Tibetans in exile have washed their hands of all responsibility by conveniently placing the entire burden of achieving the goal of freedom in Tibet on the CTA and His Holiness. Richard Gere recently, in an appeal to Members of European Parliament, quoted His Holiness: "It is not enough to be compassionate, we must act." This hits the mark, for us Tibetans, unfortunately and painfully dead center.
Proactive vs Reactive
We must act, as opposed to just reacting only to events inside Tibet as we have being doing till now. Resorting to solely criticizing the CTA is nothing else than weaseling out of our responsibility. If the CTA is not doing what it should be doing, then we Tibetans need to step in ourselves and start taking matters into our own hands by doing what needs to be done with or without the CTA. Business as usual just does not cut it in our precarious situation.
In our recent past, Tibetans have taken the initiative to act in times of crisis. In the 1950s, concerned individual Tibetans acted on their own to form the People´s Association or Mimang Tsongdu to counter the growing influence of the Chinese in Tibet. Armed resistance to Chinese rule in Kham was initiated beginning in 1956 by Tibetans who chose to act rather than wait for the Tibetan government or someone else to do something.
Placing all our bets on the international community is also definitely not a winning proposition. We may chide and deride governments and organizations that kowtow to China for economic benefits but it would be the height of naivety for us to expect them to act otherwise. Quite possibly, we would also act in like manner if the roles were reversed.
Living in Dharamsala within the Tibetan establishment, being surrounded by supporters and being witness to the various and frequent pro-Tibet activities that take place seduces us into the illusion that progress is being made in the political arena. However, all one has to do to shatter this delusion, is to be on the ground in Tibet itself to realize the insignificance of our efforts to-date to bring about change
Wake-up Call
We may be winning a few skirmishes and battles here and there outside Tibet as a result of our lobbying and public awareness activities but we are losing the war in Tibet where our presence is, as far as public knowledge goes, non-existent and which has been undergoing momentous and far-reaching negative changes over the years of a magnitude that we cannot even begin to comprehend from our comfortable armchairs in exile. We might as well be light years away on another planet for all the difference we have been able to make to the people in Tibet. Simply wringing our hands and bemoaning our fate as we impotently watch events unfold inexorably and relentlessly in Tibet from the sidelines can only lead to total victory for China.
China will never, of her own free will, give up Tibet. There is simply too much at stake – geopolitics, economics and highly charged, emotional nationalism - for China to do so. The international community is a dead end, a characteristic that has plagued Tibet since the early days of the invasion. Commenting on the important factors that led to the demise of Tibet in the period leading up to the invasion by China, Melvyn Goldstein makes the following observation:
"Equally important was the refusal of Tibet's traditional friends and neighbors to provide effective diplomatic and military support … When Britain left India in 1947, it abandoned its interest in Tibet, yielding all initiative to the newly independent Indian state. … And two years later, in December 1950, when Tibet appealed to the United Nations for help, it was the British delegate who spoke first, informing his colleagues on the world body that after a half-century of intimate relations with Tibet, His Majesty's Government felt that the status of Tibet was unclear and suggesting that Tibet's appeal be postponed." [1]
As for India then, Nehru saw Tibet as a threat to Sino-Indian friendship and Melvyn Goldstein concludes that as a result "The Tibetan policy pursued by the Indian government forced Tibet into a settlement with China on China's terms." [2] Tsering Shakya too confirms this lack of support then and notes that this "refusal of the British Government and others to provide any kind of assistance was, in the Dalai Lama's words, 'terribly disheartening'." [3]
For over 60 years now we have been singing the same old song:
The situation in Tibet is getting worse.
The world must help Tibet.
However, after 60 years of repeating this mantra we still continue to lack significant political support. So my fellow countrymen, it is high time to ask not what the world can do for our country but instead to ask what you can do for your country.
We keep admonishing the world that time is running out for Tibet. On the other hand, however, the urgency of the situation in Tibet has not been enough of a concern for us to warrant any changes or adjustments to our modus operandi.
The current situation in exile mirrors eerily the conclusion drawn by the British in 1946. During the period of the regency following the death of the 13th Dalai Lama, Tibet fell into a state of political chaos:
"In a letter to the Foreign Office in New Delhi, A. J. Hopkinson reveals British frustrations with the situation in Lhasa;
The Tibetan Government, as had been said often enough during the past two years, are going through a particularly bad state of supineness and apathy. It is difficult to help them, unless they are willing to help themselves; and unless they are anxious to help themselves and likely to do so effectively, we do not particularly want to get identified with any particular party, or marked out as hostile to any other. It is for the Tibetans themselves to pull their own chestnuts out of the fire, if they want to, which they have not shown much signs of during the last few years." [4]
We must not repeat the "ostrich–head-in-the-sand mentality" that "rendered Tibet unable to function effectively" [5] in the time period leading up to the signing of the 17-Point Agreement in 1950. Hence, whatever the goal, if we don´t do anything ourselves, no one else is going to pull our chestnuts out of the fire for us. In which case, let´s face it, barring a deus ex machina, we will never achieve whatever it is we claim we wish to achieve.
CTA Reloaded
With this thought in mind and also bearing in mind my initial reference to the streetlight effect, the following quote from a stirring scene in the movie, The Lord of the Rings, conveys, in my opinion and figuratively speaking, a fittingly applicable message to us all:
"Forth, and fear no darkness!
Arise, arise! Riders of Théoden!
Fell deeds awake: fire and slaughter!
Spear shall be shaken, shield be splintered,
a sword-day, a red day, ere the sun rises!
Ride now, ride now! Ride to Gondor!"
— J.R.R. Tolkien, The Lord of the Rings - The Return of the King, Book V, Chapter 5: The Ride of the Rohirrim, in which the beacons of Gondor are alight, calling for aid and the riders of Rohan ride to the aid of and lift the siege of Gondor.
The beacons in Tibet have been lit - over one hundred and forty and counting. It is up to each one of us to heed this CTA – Call To Action. To this end, I quote from the Final Testament of His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama wherein he makes a coincidentally identical appeal with respect to the imminent danger to Tibet that he foresaw from the communists in China:
"Use peaceful methods when they are appropriate; but when they are not appropriate, do not hesitate to resort to more forceful means…
The future of our country lies in your hands. Whether you are a chief minister or
simple government official, monk or lay person, teacher or disciple, secular leader or
ordinary citizen, I urge you to rise up together and work for the common good in
accordance with your individual capacity." [6]
A Tibetan Netizen Asks: "Who Is to Blame for the Instability of a Society?"
Was the Diplomat of the 13th Dalai Lama a Russian Spy?
By Tsering Woeser
Aren't They The Lucky Ones?
By Woeser
Published on RFA on May 15, 2015
Writer Tsering Woeser has used her blog "Invisible Tibet," together with her poetry, historical research, and social media platforms like Twitter, to give voice to millions of ethnic Tibetans who are prevented from expressing themselves to the outside world by government curbs on information. In a recent commentary, she says Tibetans shouldn't play into mainstream fantasies about their own heritage:
Recently, a young Tibetan couple's wedding photos were labeled with all kinds of epithets, such as "dazzling the nation," "beyond dogma," "moving into secularism," and other eye-catching headlines, going viral on the Chinese Internet.
Then, even the Chinese official news agency Xinhua reported the wedding, calling it an example of a modern Tibetan wedding of the post-1980 generation, with the groom on one knee, holding a ring to propose, while the bride cried with happiness. "So with the zeitgeist," [Xinhua proclaimed.]
This young Tibetan couple hail from Kardze [in Chinese, Ganzi] Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (the husband, Gerong Phuntsok) and from Barkham [Ma'erkang] county in Ngaba [Aba] Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan province (the wife, Dawa Drolma).
They are Tibetans who come from largely agricultural regions, with the highest level of penetration of Han Chinese culture.
From these reports, we learn that Gerong Phuntsok graduated from Beijing's Central Nationalities University and runs an advertising agency in Chengdu, while Dawa Drolma studied music at the Ngaba Teachers' College and now runs an online jewelry business.
Their wedding album can be sorted into two different types of photos: images showing them as "modern Tibetans" wearing suits, skirts, and shades, and a wide-brimmed hat, drinking coffee and wine, running, listening to rock music, driving a sports car or flying in a helicopter, just like the children of so many Hollywood stars, cutting a dash in Chinese and foreign cities on holiday, looking no different from the models in today's Chinese fashion magazines.
They are fit for display in the window of a wedding photography shop.
Worthy of comment
In the other group are the "traditional Tibetan" photos, in which they appear in so-called national dress, wearing prayer beads, hands clasped and heads bowed as if in prolonged devotion. These are taken atop the Potala Palace, or in Jokhang temple, or spinning wool outside a yurt with a yak on the grasslands. But they still look like models, and they seem to be performing.
These, too, are fit for display in a bridal boutique window.
If such a wedding album is just made so people can have photos of themselves to hang on the wall on share among a small circle of friends, there is nothing wrong with it. If it is used for commercial publicity, it is a different matter, and if it is used for political propaganda, then it is worthy of comment.
But these young Tibetans' wedding album has gone viral, and not just in China. Even the BBC and the New Yorker picked up on it.
It seems the photos are being read as a demonstration of the modernization of the lives of young Tibetans who are different from their forebears, who possess a dazzling modern style to rival their peers, but who also harbor feelings of nostalgia and a sense of tradition.
This makes me want to laugh. The fact is that this young Tibetan couple has no real experience of pilgrimage or herding and the fact that, for all their traditional appearances in the photos, they are still the petty bourgeoisie of today's China.
Fantasy Tibetans
Such fantasy Tibetans are to be found in the minds of Chinese Tibet enthusiasts, and can often be found wearing Tibetan clothing against the backdrop of the Potala Palace and Barkhor bazaar and various temples, providing wedding photos for Han Chinese tourists ... who pose in traditional Tibetan stage costumes or bridal gowns for commercial photographers.
Gerong Phuntsok and Dawa Drolma are doing no more than imitating them.
It goes like this: Chinese Tibet enthusiasts and supermodels dress up as Tibetans, then young Tibetans imitate the Chinese and the supermodels imitating them. There is only one word for this: pseudery.
Dressing up in traditional, ethnic minority clothes against the backdrop of the Potala Palace, temples and prayer wheels, or pastoral nomadic scenes may seem like you're coming home to something, but it's all an act; the appearance of coming home. It's so staged.
Tibetans can see right through this sort of act, but non-Tibetans will be dazzled by it. It caters to a lot of things; to Chinese people's idea of modernization, to their misunderstanding of Tibetans.
For young Tibetans to dress up in these costumes, far from being an expression of their Tibetan identity, is in my view a form of self-negation.
This negation turns them into passive objects in an increasingly mainstream and "civilized" world which has secularism as its focus. There is no true expression to be found here, nor any true self-acceptance or identity.
Still less is there any sense of an authentic self or a modern Tibetan identity. It's grotesque, like a painting of a tiger based on a photo of a cat.
Such images are of "otherized" Tibetans: a pale reflection of oneself in the eyes of others. They have little new to offer, other than being the empty productions of the current culture among young Chinese people and among young Tibetans who imitate Han culture and its imitation of what looks like Western culture, but is actually Chinese.
Not really free
The big irony lies here: Can this young Tibetan couple get into the Potala Palace to pray? As Tibetans whose hometowns lie outside of the Tibet Autonomous Region, can they go to Lhasa without having to hand in their ID cards to the police? Can they stay in guesthouses not approved by police?
Do they have the freedom to travel freely? Do they have the freedom to have their own ideas and to determine how they will live their lives?
Can these young Tibetans leave the country to go on holiday whenever they want? Clearly they have passports, something that 99 percent of Tibetans can't get.
Aren't they the lucky ones?
They should know that the deputy chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region's writers' association recently tweeted: "Why can't we Tibetans go on overseas trips? Why have our passports been confiscated by the authorities for the past three years? Why don't they give them back to us? Everyone else in China gets to go overseas on holiday, why not Tibetans?
Perhaps this couple were able to get passports because their hometowns are outside the Tibetan region, but I happen to know that it's very hard for Tibetans to get passports, even if they live in Chengdu [the Sichuan provincial capital].
A happy life?
All this is intentionally or unintentionally ignored by the official Chinese media, and the two have already been portrayed as the Tibetan representatives of modernization, living the happy life of their choice and enjoying various rights that enable them to realize their dreams.
No wonder so many Chinese people online are envious.
But there is a coincidence here, and it's a sad one, noted by The New Yorker. On the day that this wedding album went viral, a 47-year-old Tibetan nun set fire to herself on the streets of Kardze town in the Kardze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, burning to death on the spot.
She became the 142nd Tibetan and the 23rd Tibetan woman to succeed in self-immolating as a form of protest at the Chinese government.
There have been so many self-immolations, of old and young, monks, nomads, and farmers.
And at least half of them come from the same hometowns as this happy young Tibetan couple in the photo album.
Quite a few of them are young, too, about the same age as the couple in the photographs.
Maybe some of those photos of them on the grasslands, on horseback, or in front of pastoral tents in some Xanadu idyll were taken near the homes of some of those people who self-immolated.
Transplanted story
To use the language that is current in China, self-immolation is a dark, negative force, evil, and related to Tibetan independence, and must be snuffed out.
The positive energy lies with this young bride and groom, who must be crowned with the halo of "modernization," feted, and brought into the light.
In a political environment where there is no true personal freedom and no true psychological freedom, the label "modern" rings fake and empty.
Secularism isn't the same as modernism, and it's not a panacea for the Tibet issue, nor a defense against it.
This has been a story about authenticity and parody. The real thing would suffice, not some image of success created to boost sales.
The young Tibetan couple may have written "A story about the two of us" on their album, but in fact all they have done is transplanted someone else's story into their own lives.
But they did actually get married, and for that, I wish them the greatest happiness.
RFA Editor's note: RFA counts 139 self-immolations by Tibetans in China since 2009 [as of May 15, 2015].
Copyright © 1998-2014, RFA. Used with the permission of Radio Free Asia, 2025 M St. NW, Suite 300, Washington DC 20036.
Sikyong speaks on 'Care for the Future of Tibet?' to Chinese Scholars in Washington DC
By Tibet.net (the official website of the Central Tibetan Administration)
May 14, 2015
Sikyong Dr. Lobsang Sangay speaking to Chinese scholars and students during a dialogue organised by Initiatives for China in Washington DC, 12 May 2015.
WASHINGTON DC: Sikyong Dr. Lobsang Sangay, the democratically elected political leader of the Tibetan people, yesterday spoke to over forty Chinese scholars and students in Washington DC on the topic 'Care for the future of Tibet?'
The meeting took place at a dialogue organised by Initiatives for China (IFC), a grassroots movement towards democracy in China, which was moderated by Dr. Yang Jianli, Founder/President of IFC and a fellow Harvard scholar and close acquaintance of Dr. Sangay.
Sikyong, in his address to the scholars, underlined the importance of interaction between the Chinese and the Tibetan people to restore the historic trust and friendship shared by the two people. The trust and friendship between the two people has however strained lately as a result of Chinese government's continued propaganda to create misunderstandings and disharmony, he noted.
Without over simplifying the essence of the Tibet issue, Sikyong explained that the Tibet issue could be described in four M's, as in Mistake, Mistrust, Middle Way and Misunderstanding or Misinterpretation.
He said that the occupation of Tibet by the Communist Chinese forces and the continued repression of the Tibetan people by the Chinese government is a mistake.
"If you look back in history, at least from Tang dynasty all the way to Qing dynasty to the Kuomintang era, Tibet invaded China at one time and Chinese armies also came to Tibet. But then the Chinese army never stayed in Tibet for this long, the repression has never been this severe, hence I think even from a historical context it is a mistake," he said.
Sikyong reasoned that this mistake is the root that has sown mistrust between the two people. "Instead of redressing the mistake, the Chinese government continued its policies of political repression, cultural assimilation, social discrimination, economic marginalisation and environmental destruction in Tibet which led to the Tibetan people's mistrust of the Chinese government," Sikyong said.
Sikyong Dr. Lobsang Sangay highlighted the Jokhang temple as the epitome of the mistrust that has prevailed in Tibet as a result of the Chinese occupation and repression.
"The Jokhang is the holiest shrine for Tibetan Buddhists. What's interesting is that, the Jokhang houses a statue of Buddha, which was brought to Tibet by Wencheng, a Chinese princess who married Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo. For centuries, Tibetans have worshipped the temple. However, if you visit the Jokhang now, there are surveillance cameras and sharpshooters perched on rooftops everywhere, which is making the Tibetan people apprehensive about going to the Jokhang now," he said.
"This drastic change in the behavior of the Tibetan people towards the Jokhang begs the question, how did a sacred place of worship turn into a feared police station? Perhaps this is the biggest example of the mistrust between the two people that has risen as a result of the Chinese occupation of Tibet," Sikyong asserted.
Speaking on the Middle Way Approach, Sikyong said that the Middle Way Approach was envisioned by His Holiness the Dalai Lama and implemented by the Central Tibetan Administration to address the enduring mistrust between the two people.
"The Middle Way Approach seeks for a genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the framework of the Chinese constitution. The Chinese government always allege that Tibetans aim to split the nation, which is why we have taken into consideration not to challenge the sovereignty and territorial integrity of China," Sikyong explained, adding that this proposal is as reasonable and moderate as one can get to resolve the issue.
"However, instead of responding to this proposal positively, the Chinese government has resorted to misinterpretation and misinformation, hence misunderstanding," Sikyong exclaimed.
Sikyong quoted a statement from the recent Whitepaper on Tibet issued by the Chinese government to elucidate his point. "The recent white paper stated that Tibet was part of China since antiquity. However, in 2004, a similar Chinese White paper on Tibet said Tibet was part of China since the 13th century," Sikyong argued.
"But if you go by the writers of the republican era, Tibet became a part of China during the Republican or Kuomintang era. Then again, if you read the 17 point agreement signed by an under duress Tibetan delegation with the Chinese government on 21 May 1951, you will see that the preamble of the agreement say, 'Tibet shall return to the Motherland'," Sikyong remarked, arguing that if Tibet was always a part of China, where was Tibet returning from?
"There are a lot of contradictions in the Chinese government's narrative on Tibet.," Sikyong said.
To buttress his case, Sikyong recalled a reputed Chinese historian from Fudan University, who sits on the advisory board of the Communist party, who has said that China cannot claim Tibet as a part of China since antiquity, as Tibet was a sovereign nation during the Tang dynasty.
He also asserted that the recent white paper on Tibet was a deliberate attempt by the Chinese government to misinterpret and mislead the world.
"The white paper's allegation on the Middle Way Approach has less relevance with the Tibetan proposal and more with a false propaganda to create misunderstandings on the issue of Tibet," he said.
Sikyong concluded his address by reassuring the Chinese scholars about His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people's deep commitment to non-violence to resolve the Tibet issue.
The talk was followed by a question/answer session where Sikyong clarified and responded to the doubts and remarks expressed by the scholars.
Sikyong Dr. lobsang Sangay shares a close relationship with overseas Chinese intellectuals and scholars as he was among the first Tibetans to reach out to Chinese students and public through organising Sino-Tibetan dialogues in the 1990s, in collaboration with Dr. Yang Jianli.
This dialogue is also a part of Sikyong Dr. Lobsang Sangay's continuous efforts to enhance mutual trust and understanding between the Chinese and the Tibetan people and hopefully a positive solution on the issue of Tibet.
The dialogue in progress at Washington DC.
Originally published at: http://tibet.net/2015/05/sikyong-speaks-on-care-for-the-future-of-tibet-to-chinese-scholars-in-washington-dc/
Message from Tendor and Lhadon to New Delhi Rangzen Conference
By Tenzin Dorjee and Lhadon Tethong
Message given to participants in the International Rangzen (Independence) Conference held in New Delhi, India, May 23-24, 2015
Dear Friends,
We are deeply encouraged that this gathering - one that brings together so many thoughtful, passionate and committed Tibetan freedom fighters - is taking place in New Delhi at the India International Center. We send our regrets that we've not been able to join the meeting in person, but we are grateful for the opportunity to share our thoughts with you.
Many people, including ourselves, continue to pursue Tibetan independence as the goal of the struggle. From a principled and strategic standpoint, Rangzen must be kept alive in our world for reasons we all know well and, thus, we won't restate them here. Unfortunately, there seems to be a growing misperception that advocating independence is synonymous with endorsing violent separation of Tibet from China, opposing the Central Tibetan Administration, and even opposing His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Of course, nothing could be further from the truth, and we would like to address these dangerous myths here.
We wholeheartedly believe in, practice and promote nonviolent means of achieving change in Tibet and ultimately, independence. But our belief in nonviolence is not based on faith or morality alone, it stems from our study and practice of nonviolent theory that shows us a peaceful resolution to the Tibetan issue is possible if we wage a struggle that combines strategy and nonviolent discipline. We believe the only way for Tibetans to secure our long-term interests – including the preservation of our culture – will be through active and creative resistance that gives future Chinese leaders no option but to address Tibetan grievances. No small nation, like Tibetans, can protect its long-term interests without making noise, taking action and agitating for change. It is never the inclination of the majority population – certainly not in a situation of colonial occupation as in Tibet – to truly address the needs of the minority unless clear demands are made and backed up by constructive as well as agitative action. The status quo in Tibet is unacceptable and must be challenged, but the only feasible way to do it, while maximizing participation and minimizing destruction, is through nonviolent means.
As for our position in relation to the official policy of the Tibetan Government, we believe that promotion of either genuine autonomy or independence does not need to pit people against each other. In fact, to achieve either of these goals, Tibetans and our supporters must continue to engage in activism and advocacy in order to create the pressure on the Chinese leadership that will compel them to change at all. In addition, a firm stand on independence in fact significantly strengthens the Middle Way Approach by positioning genuine autonomy as a real compromise. Without people advocating for independence, the Middle Way would no longer be a compromise – and, in the eyes of the Chinese, genuine autonomy then becomes a radical position that seeks to separate Tibetans within the People's Republic of China. From this perspective, it can be understood that multiple approaches and diverse positions actually bolster our struggle for freedom instead of weakening it.
Furthermore, our advocacy of independence does not mean that we are opposed to dialogue or negotiations – far from it. We recognize the importance of both as a means of resolving conflict. At the same time, we believe that dialogue and negotiations achieve major changes only when both parties have a high degree of influence and power vis a vis each other. In the Tibetan case, this means negotiations would be effective only when there is enough at stake for the Chinese leadership that they feel compelled to compromise. This is true whether the Tibetan negotiators are ultimately pursuing autonomy or independence. We have every certainty that this pressure and influence on the Chinese leadership can be created through purely nonviolent means, if carried out strategically and according to the lessons of the many nonviolent struggles, both successful and unsuccessful, seen throughout history. Though the current Chinese leadership appears unwilling to change now, we believe the situation in China will evolve and that future Chinese leaders can be compelled to engage in meaningful dialogue, whether they want to or not.
As Tibetans and global citizens, we have always been encouraged and inspired by His Holiness' openness and acceptance of diverse political opinions. We have taken to heart His advice that as members of a democratic society we are free to have our own opinions and political stance but that we should make sure to pursue our work with the right motivation and, of course, through nonviolent means. We have tried our best to do this, over many years of working with various Tibetan NGOs and support groups. We believe that we and the organizations we have had the privilege to lead are making an impact, especially amongst youth all over the world.
Lately, however, we have been concerned to see a situation emerging where advocates of independence and Middle Way are perceived as being in irreconcilable opposition to each other, and people increasingly seem to feel that they must choose a "side." As this choice is often presented by a misguided few as being a choice to be either "with" or "against" His Holiness the Dalai Lama or the Tibetan Government, it has proven extremely divisive and toxic to our struggle. This year's March 10th commemorations in New York City and Dharamsala show the extent to which this wrong-headed thinking has progressed in our society and, sadly, it appears only to be growing worse.
We believe that unity of Tibetans must come from a positive common purpose of ending the suffering in Tibet and supporting the efforts of our people there to restore human rights and freedom. A climate where Tibetans seem more focused on working against each other rather than focusing on China, and where people are afraid to openly speak their views for fear of being ostracized or wrongly charged with being "against His Holiness", severely hinders our ability to do this. Many of us, who are working earnestly to organize nonviolent campaigns and activities to strengthen the Tibetan struggle, feel alarmed by this situation. We are also concerned to see that among the educated youth – many of the most active, committed and progressive members of our society – and among our supporters, the perceived shrinking of space in the Tibetan community for diverse views is leading to disillusionment and doubts in the leadership of the movement. This is damaging for our entire movement, because we all – Tibetans inside Tibet and in exile – need our government to be strong, credible and genuinely representative of all Tibetans.
As youth who have the great fortune of living in the same era as His Holiness, we believe His great legacy of democracy for the Tibetan nation is critically important and one of the greatest assets in our struggle that we must safeguard. We must ensure that His Holiness' fundamental, lifelong commitment and contribution to democratizing Tibetan society and government is not just recognized and celebrated but, more importantly, practiced and promoted within Tibetan society. It is clear that His Holiness' promotion of democracy is not limited to just electoral democracy, but rather one with critical attributes including, in the words of democracy scholar Larry Diamond, substantial individual freedom of belief, opinion, discussion, speech, publication, broadcast, assembly, demonstration, petition and Internet.
To achieve any meaningful political solution to the Tibetan issue – whether genuine autonomy, independence or some other outcome that would protect Tibetan rights – there are many more years of difficult work ahead of us. And our hope lies in our collective trust in each other as Tibetans, determination to end the suffering inside Tibet, and strategic nonviolent action. When people in our community are sidetracked into criticizing each other or trying to shut out voices of those who have different opinions than our own, rather than finding ways to work together for a positive result, all of us lose, and most of all, Tibetans in Tibet who rely on those of us in the free world to help advance our common cause.
The nearly 150 Tibetans who have committed the act of self-immolation in the last three years have achieved the monumental goal of propelling the Tibetan people's fundamental desire for freedom onto the conscience of the global community. They have proven with the utmost eloquence their unquestionable allegiance to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, reaffirmed the unparalleled strength of the Tibetan spirit of resistance, and exposed the immensity of the suffering brought upon Tibet by Chinese rule. Their actions, which will enter our history books, have forever changed the future of our nation.
But we fear for a future where the most committed and impassioned Tibetans in Tibet feel burning their bodies is the only way to demonstrate their opposition to Chinese rule and loyalty to His Holiness. The purpose of our work in exile should be to pursue strategies and tactics that encourage and give hope to Tibetans inside Tibet and help build more political space and breathing room there so that they feel it is possible to engage in long-term change-making actions that are lower in risk but high in effectiveness.
We can do this by educating and training ourselves and the younger generation in the art of nonviolent resistance, waging strategic campaigns that advance the cause of Tibetan rights and freedom, using our love of life, culture and freedom to bring an end, once and for all, to China's oppression in our land. As Tibetans and Rangzen activists, let us commit to live and work together with all our people so that we can continue this fight until we reach our goal of freedom and independence within the lifetime of our revered and beloved leader, His Holiness the Dalai Lama.
With best wishes for a successful conference and thanks to the organizing team and all in attendance,
Tenzin Dorjee & Lhadon Tethong, May 19, New York City
SFT/USTC statement on March 10 controversy
The above statement was in response to the following letter, released by the Office of Tibet on April 10, 2015:
Date: April 15, 2015
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research guide
editors & contributors
write the editor
Female impersonation need say nothing about sexual identity, but it has for a long time been almost an institutionalized aspect of gay male culture.
Although sparse in images documenting the gay community, pre-Stonewall gay male photography blurs the boundaries between art, erotica, and social history.
Given the historic stigma around making, circulating, and possessing overtly homoerotic images, the visual arts have been especially important for providing a socially sanctioned arena for depicting the naked male body and suggesting homoerotic desire.
Independent films that aggressively assert homosexual identity and queer culture, the New Queer Cinema can be seen as the culmination of several developments in American cinema.
Renowned photographer, teacher, critic, editor, and curator, Minor White created some of the most interesting photographs of male nudes of the second half of the twentieth century, but did not exhibit them for fear of scandal.
The first international fashion superstar, Halston dressed and befriended some of America's most glamorous women.
An artistic movement that grew out of Dadaism and flourished in Europe shortly after World War I, Surrealism embraced the idea that art was an expression of the subconscious.
Film, stage, and television actor Paul Winfield was openly gay in his private life, but maintained public silence about his homosexuality.
Gov. Mark Dayton signed the bill into law.
On May 13, 2013, on a 37-30 vote, the Minnesota Senate passed the marriage equality bill that had previously been passed by the House. On May 14, Governor Mark Dayton signed the bill into law during a ceremony held on the steps of the capitol building. Minnesota has thus become the twelfth U.S. state to extend equal marriage rights to gay and lesbian couples.
After a low-key but occasionally moving four-hour debate, the Democratic-controlled Senate voted on May 13, 2013 to adopt the marriage equality bill that the House adopted on May 9, 2013. Although the 37-30 Senate vote was actually closer than the 75-59 vote in the House, there was little doubt as to its outcome. Those who opposed the bill seemed resigned to its passage, but resentful that some considered them bigots for opposing equal rights.
The opponents attempted to amend the bill to extend religious exemptions to individuals and organizations, but the amendment would have seriously weakened the state's Human Rights Act, which forbids discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. The amendment was rejected on a 26-41 vote.
Three Democrats voted against marriage equality and one Republican, Branden Petersen, voted in favor.
Petersen represents a conservative district that voted in favor of the proposed constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriage that failed state-wide in November 2012. Noting that he is uncertain of his future in politics, he declared that he had chosen to stand on the side of liberty.
One of the most moving speeches in the debate came from Senator Jeff Hayden, a black legislator married to a white woman. Saying "It's historic and I can never be so proud of this body and of Minnesotans," Senator Hayden noted that his marriage would have been illegal in some states just 50 years ago.
In an emotional speech, Senator Patricia Torres-Ray spoke in Spanish to explain her support for marriage equality.
Senator Majority Leader Tom Bakk spoke movingly of a pastor who had over the years been very supportive of his family and had married hundreds of couples but was unable to marry himself because he was gay.
But the most stirring speech of the debate came from openly gay Senator Scott Dibble, who was the lead sponsor of the bill. He quoted a passage from gay African-American poet Langston Hughes and said that he and his partner, who were married in California in 2008, would remain strangers in the eyes of Minnesota law unless the bill were passed.
Although some opponents of marriage equality gathered outside the Senate with signs saying "Vote No" and "Don't Erase Moms and Dads," the large majority of the crowds in the gallery and waiting outside the chamber were supporters of marriage equality, who were in a celebratory mood. They greeted Senator Dibble with loud cheers as he arrived at the Capitol.
As marriage equality supporters filed into the Capitol Rotunda in advance of the Senate debate, they sang "America the Beautiful."
Upon learning the results of the vote, marriage equality supporters chanted thanks to the legislators.
On May 14, after Governor Dayton signed the bill into law before thousands of Minnesotans gathered on the steps of the state capitol, he embraced Senator Dibble and Representative Karen Clark, the openly gay legislators who were the lead sponsors of the bill.
The bill takes effect on August 1, 2013.
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Book your room at Rendezvous Hotel Sydney Central
Deluxe Room KingMax Occupancy: 3 guests (up to 2 children, 2 infants)
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Get an overview of this hotelCentrally located Sydney hotel with modern decor and roof top pool
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City-view sundeck
The Marque Hotel Sydney features an outdoor pool with city views. The Straits Cafe showcases modern Australian cuisine and is open for breakfast and dinner. Room service is available.
Flat-panel TVs
Guestrooms include MP3 docking stations, flat-screen TVs, wireless Internet access, desks, minibars/refrigerators, and coffee/tea makers. Bathrooms come with rainfall showerheads.Information missing or incorrect? Tell us!
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Hotel Amenities
An outdoor pool is framed by a sundeck with city views. Guests can also unwind in the sauna. The Straits Cafe serves breakfast and dinner daily. In-room dining is available (limited hours).
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- Free WiFi
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- Wired high-speed Internet access (surcharge)
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Straits Cafe - This restaurant with a bar serves local cuisine for breakfast, dinner, and cocktails.
Room service is available during limited hours.
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Recreational amenities at the hotel include an outdoor pool and a sauna.
The recreational activities listed below are available either on site or nearby; fees may apply.
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Check-in time starts at 2 PM
Minimum check-in age is 18
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- Children are welcome.
- Rollaway/extra beds are available for AUD 50 per night.
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Extra-person charges may apply and vary depending on hotel policy.
Government-issued photo identification and a credit card or cash deposit are required at check-in for incidental charges.
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WiFi Policy: Up to 100mbs data is complimentary per 24 hours, per room; up to 4 devices can connect. Additional data is available for the remainder of the 24 hour period (surcharge).
- Fee for buffet breakfast: AUD 24 for adults and AUD 12 for children (approximately)
- Fee for in-room wireless Internet: AUD 9.95 per 24-hour period (rates may vary)
- Fee for in-room high-speed Internet (wired): AUD 15 per 24-hour period (rates may vary)
- Fee for high-speed Internet (wired) in public areas: AUD 15 (rates may vary)
- Self parking fee: AUD 35 per night (in/out privileges)
- Crib (infant bed) fee: AUD 35 per night
- Rollaway bed fee: AUD 50 per night
We should mention
The property has connecting/adjoining rooms, which are subject to availability and can be requested by contacting the property using the number on the booking confirmation.
National Rating
Official Australia STAR Rating provided by Star Ratings Australia
Star Ratings Australia assigns an official STAR Rating for accommodations in Australia. This Hotel property is rated 4 stars.


text:
jim furyk
jim furyk
Results: 1 - 10 of 476
Steve Rushin: The Bald Truth
From Larry David to Tiger Woods, balding golfers vary in their care for hair.
July 2015
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Golf's Biggest Smartphone Fails
One of the downsides of having a smartphone is that the potential for a damaging mistake is always at your fingertips. Gaffes happen to everyone, including those with a large audience and a household name.
June 2015
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Fantasy Golf
Fantasy Fix: Rory McIlroy seems like a safe bet, even when he doesn't have his best stuff
We learned a lot last week. In real golf, Rickie Fowler isn't overrated. And in fantasy golf, the PGA Tour's new contest is pretty cool. Take Day 1 at the Players. Jason Day, Sergio...
Wednesday, 5/13/2015 at 12:43PM
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News & Tours
If Bubba Watson is overrated, this poll is underwhelming
Pro tip: Don't put too much stock in player polls. Those in the arena sometimes are the least observant. Recall Rafael Palmeiro of the Texas Rangers, who won a Gold Glove for fielding excellence in...
Thursday, 5/7/2015 at 4:23PM
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Why was Jim Furyk putting in sandals this morning?
PONTE VEDRA BEACH, Fla. -- We've heard of taking full swings barefoot. Sam Snead grew up practicing that way and said the swing felt more natural without shoes. But putting in flip flops? That's what...
Wednesday, 5/6/2015 at 12:50PM
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Fantasy Golf
Fantasy Fix: Introducing the PGA Tour's new fantasy game and our picks to win the Players
The Match Play was nice and all, but it's nice to get back to the events that are part of the fantasy golf schedule. You know, the tournaments that really count. Not only does the...
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News & Tours
The Once and Future King: Rory launches a counter-attack on Spieth
"Almost overnight, Spieth assumed the mantle that has belonged to both future hall-of-famers, like Northern Ireland's Rory McIlroy, and major disappointments, including Spain's Sergio Garcia, all of them faced with the unenviable task of replacing...
Sunday, 5/3/2015 at 9:27PM
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Fantasy Golf
Fantasy Fix: Why we're banking on Billy Horschel in the Bayou
Thanks a lot, Jim Furyk. The week before the Masters, we went out on a limb and said your four-and-a-half year winless streak would end in San Antonio. But no, you had to wait until...
Wednesday, 4/22/2015 at 12:46PM
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Missing Links
Tom Hanks, Bill Gates, Kate Middleton and...Jordan Spieth?
Stories of interest you might have missed "Ten days after winning the Masters, Jordan Spieth finds himself on a leaderboard of a different sort: that of pitchman. Dallas' golf phenom now ranks No. 5 when...
Wednesday, 4/22/2015 at 8:29AM
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The Grind
A longer drought than Jim Furyk's ends, the surprising best shot of the year, and the best(?) abs in pro golf
Welcome to another edition of The Grind, where there's nothing we like more than seeing a long-suffering golfer win. Those years of hard work and waiting just make that payoff all the more sweeter....
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Results: 1 - 10 of 476


text:
EWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWW...Kidding. Not my thing...
Waaaay to much of a pretty boy for my tastes.
i have already posted it here
why? i know Brazilians look way better but he is ok!Now I'm ashamed of being Brazilian..
When was he nude?
im confused i do not see any nudity..
nobody talked about nudity... its just an underwear photoshootim confused i do not see any nudity..
Hey, could u post some Neymar nude pics? Would be great !! =)
By compare with other soccer player who made underwear modelling
like Ljungberg , Beckham , Cannavaro , Ronaldo , Podolski , Messi and Nakata
Neymar is the worse
he is stunning
There's something about this guy.
I don't really like his face and, somehow, I still find him hot as fuck.
Must be that body
Bet he is uncut.
He is no cristiano ronaldo! Sorry
Society is funny. They ask you to be yourself and yet they judge you.
I get it...but at the same time, I don't get it.
i liike he has grown uup
I would pound him so hard he would be screaming and sweating
He looks a lot better now than at this photoshoot from the beginning of the thread.
In some way, he looks good in post 29.
Re: Neymar duckface


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Fraser on LTIR, Leafs call up Devane
Oct 4, 2013, 11:13 AM EDT
We wrote yesterday about Mark Fraser's knee injury and how it was expected to allow young defenseman Morgan Rielly to make his NHL debut for the Maple Leafs on Saturday.
As it turns out, Fraser has been placed on long-term injured reserve (per David Alter at 590 The Fan), meaning the big defender will miss at least 10 games/24 days.
In a related move, the Leafs have called up forward Jamie Devane from AHL Toronto.
If you're curious what Devane's all about, watch this:
- worldseriestiger - Oct 4, 2013 at 12:36 PM
damn, Leafs, how many face punchers do you need? even the team that employs Jonathan Scott thinks this may be a bit much.
- dueman - Oct 4, 2013 at 3:12 PM
So you had a conversation with the Sabres about it did you? Smuck. Devane might be able to "punch faces" but that is not all that he is about, unlike our friend Jason Brough has led you to believe. This will be his first full year in the AHL. Last year he played 22 games and potted 2 goals, and 3 assists, with 41 penalty minutes. In his last year with the Plymouth Whalers, he played 59 games, and got 23 goals, 22 assists, with 104 penalty minutes, and was also a plus 15. The kid has the size, and drive, that will make him a decent 3rd liner on any team. Plus he has the hands to pot a few along the way. He didn't look out of place in the preseason, and I'm glad he's getting a chance to play a regular season game. Him being from Missisauga, it will be a big night for him.
- worldseriestiger - Oct 4, 2013 at 4:16 PM
first, I did speak with the Sabres GM, Mr. Sarcasm, and he said you have no perception as well.
Also, "he has the hands to pot a few" and you quote 2 goals in 22 AHL games?
- Lupy Nazty Philthy - Oct 4, 2013 at 3:59 PM
Leafs are playing the Senators on saturday.
"how many face punchers do you need?"
So, about 3 to match Chris Neil, Matt Kassian and Jared Cowen, among other Sens who've been known to punch a face once in a while.
John Scott probably does think it's a bit much. He prefers to go after non-fighters. He's already avoided Devane once, and let Tropp get pummeled instead.
- worldseriestiger - Oct 4, 2013 at 4:18 PM
good point, for most NHL teams, 1 dude is enough, but for a game against Ottawa, they might as well try to see if Tie and Wendel want to suit up as well.
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You will need:•A rainbow loom • A Hook• Any Colored Rubber Bands ( Can Be One Color)• An S Clip or C Clip
Start with your arrow facing AWAY from you. Take your first rubber band color and start placing them on the left row of pegs. Keep placing the rubber ...
Take your Next set of color bands and start placing them in the middle column of pegs. Place the going straight forward to the end.
Place your next colored bands on the right set of pegs. Place the bands going straight forward to the very end.
Now we start by placing a triangle shape with one colored band ( preferred black or white). SKIP THE FIRST 3 PEGS! Then place them to the very end.
MAKE SURE TO TURN THE LOOM AROUND SO THE ARROW IS FACING TOWARDS YOU! First, grab the first left rubber band and bring it forward. Then continue to th...
Grab the 2 left bands at the end of the loom and put it on the middle end peg. Then do the right side. Take off the right 2 bands and put it to the mi...
Put how many bands you need to fit your wrist. Put them normally in a row Make sure you arrow is facing away from you! The put the end of your bracele...
Hope you enjoyed it and hope it was easy! - rainbowloomer
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Timothy R. Clark: How dysfunctional and resistant to change is your organization?
On a 1-to-5 scale, where 1 is low and 5 is high, how resistant to change is your organization? Consider two principles:
First, dysfunction is proportional to resistance to change.
Second, resistance to change is proportional to direct accountability.
Not surprisingly, then, different types of organizations have different resistance ratings.
Resistance rating 5: government organizations
On the spectrum of resistance, public sector institutions peg out the meter. Hopefully, the reasons are obvious. It's in this sector that dysfunction cannot only survive, but even thrive. Why? Because government organizations tend to be the most separated from direct accountability. They don't need a competitive advantage to survive. They need only be funded.
In the federal government, for example, we have organizations such as the U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board, the Office of Thrift Supervision, the U.S. Board on Geographic Names and the Broadcasting Board of Governors. I had never heard of them either.
Whether we need these organizations is another topic. The point is they don't earn their right to exist. Take the United States Congress, an organization that is wickedly paralyzed and unresponsive to stakeholders. Regardless of performance, it's funded. Therefore, it exists. Where direct accountability does not exist, resistance to change thrives.
Resistance rating 4: public educational institutions
Public educational institutions garner a 4 rating on the resistance scale. These organizations live in a world of monopoly or oligopoly competition, indirect accountability and thick buffers between them and market forces. Our K-12 system is in desperate need of reform, but would-be reformers, like Michelle Rhee in Washington, D.C., or Joel Klein in New York City, are ground to dust as the system wages its war of attrition.
The world of public higher education is a little kinder and gentler, but it too is a bastion of tradition and intransigence. I've worked with enough colleges and universities to know that most of them operate on the conviction that they have a right to exist. That's what happens when your organization provides essential services in the absence of strong, direct competition. I was just in meetings with leaders from Stanford, Duke, Columbia and Johns Hopkins universities. They are moving fast and aggressively to adapt to changing conditions. The public side of higher ed clearly moves at a slower, lumbering pace.
Resistance rating 3: health care institutions
As a whole, the health care sector has a history of entrenchment due to low direct accountability and high resistance to change. That has been changing, though, as competition intensifies. In hospitals, for example, I see more attention and resource given to labor and nonlabor cost reductions, patient bed management, patient satisfaction and revenue cycle efficiencies.
The big question will be the net effect of Obamacare. When I was a student in England, I participated in the British National Health Service. At one point, I needed to get a physical. The health system has some strengths, but speed is not one of them. The wait time was more than two months, so I went to a private hospital the next day.
Resistance rating 2: nonprofit organizations
There is one cardinal difference between nonprofits and government, educational and health care institutions: They subsist on private funding. If the funding dries up, they die. This reality tends to imbue them with a little less resistance to change. They often don't compete on their cost structure, so the operations of many nonprofits are slow and inefficient. If they have good fundraising, they live. So the fundraising function is a direct interface of accountability that keeps them hungry and responsive.
Resistance rating 1: business organizations
The private sector is the place where accountability is most direct and most continuous. Businesses die every day. But even here, there are subcategories of resistance to change. Basic industry tends to be the most recalcitrant. They are capital-intensive and have to invest on multiyear time horizons.Consumer goods are less so. Services even less. Finally, the technology sector least of all. The main reason is the length of the product development cycle. The shorter the cycle, the more agile the company. For example, most of the software companies I work with have 18-month product development cycles. They have a cadence and culture that reflects the velocity of the market and the disruptive potential of new entrants.
Timothy R. Clark is the CEO of TRClark LLC, a management consulting and leadership development organization. His newest book, "The Employee Engagement Mindset," has just been released from McGraw-Hill. Email: firstname.lastname@example.com
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text:
Criminal Justice: An IntroductionPaperback
List price $45.51
Unavailable - AbeBooks may have this title.
Additional formats available
- Format
- Paperback $55.94
- Hardback $164.99
- Publisher: Willan Publishing
- Format: Paperback | 588 pages
- Dimensions: 168mm x 240mm x 38mm | 1,120g
- Publication date: 30 September 2006
- Publication City/Country: Cullompton
- Edition statement: New.
- Sales rank: 461,768
Product description
This book provides a comprehensive, up to date and detailed introduction to the criminal justice system for students and practitioners needing to know about this. It assesses the main theories concerned with the causes of crime (including white collar and corporate crime), and provides a detailed account and analysis of the response of the state to crime in England and Wales. It discusses the operation of all key agencies, including the police, probation and prison services, and the legal and youth justice systems. It also examines a number of contemporary issues affecting the criminal justice system, including the partnership approach to crime prevention, the implementation of the Macpherson report and the issue of race and crime more generally; and examines a number of important new areas within criminal justice, such as restorative justice. The book is an ideal text for students taking courses in criminal justice, or studying criminal justice as a component of a broader course in criminology or the social sciences more generally. It has a wide range of student friendly features, including questions and answers, case studies, chapter summaries, website resource guide, glossary of key terms, and is written in a highly accessible manner.
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Author information
Peter Joyce lectures in criminology and politics at Manchester Metropolitan University. He is an experienced and successful textbook author, and the author of An Introduction to Politics (Hodder).
Table of contents
1. The Causes of Crime and Deviancy 2. Crime and Crime Prevention 3. Policing: Methods, Structure and Organisation 4. Policing: Control and Accountability 5. The Prosecution Process 6. The Judiciary 7. The Aims and Rationale of Punishment 8. Prison and its Alternatives 9. Juvenile Crime and the State's Response 10. Race and the Criminal Justice System 11. Conclusion


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tinyjettbaby, andine, kathyym, shopsecretstyle
andineCan you describe the wear a little more - any cracks or significant creasing in the leather? These are full leather and some suede? On the backs, is the suede grey or just some scuffs/dust that's shows up on suede? Very interested thanks
Aug 25 01:26PM
Aug 25 01:26PM
veecloset@andine there is no crack at all. some minor creasing in the leather. i'm not quite sure of the exact material, but looks to me partial leather and partial suede. the suede on the back was originally white, it's showing slightly grey because of dust/dirt. hope that helps =)
Aug 27 07:06AM
Aug 27 07:06AM
shopsecretstyleMen's or Women's?
Feb 19 10:10PM
Feb 19 10:10PM
veecloset@shopsecretstyle sorty for the late reply, these are women
Feb 24 04:10PM
Feb 24 04:10PM
veecloset@tengm thanks dear for your interest in this item. Im so sorry i will have to cancel this purchase. My sister took these shoes from me and decided to keep them. I am so sorry for the inconvenience. Im trying to cancel the order but it keeps on showing error, i will keep trying. Will email Poshmark team if it stil shows error.
Aug 19 08:02PM
Aug 19 08:02PM
tengmThat's too bad. With a little cleaning these would have been very nice. Please do try again. Or, maybe you have something else we can bundle?
Aug 20 01:11AM
Aug 20 01:11AM
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