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Posted Oct 06 2009 10:03pm
Children are a gift from the Lord; they are a reward from him.
Children born to a young man are like sharp arrows in a warrior's hand
Psalm 127: 3 & 4
I know many parents have never spanked their children and do not believe in spanking children at all.
Infertility was difficult, as I have said over and over but raising a child, especially a boy,(I have heard these are harder) is now the hardest thing I have ever had to do. I hope I am not scaring anyone.
My son is at the stage which is termed the 'terrible two's,' where he does not listen and throws tantrums. When he is doing things where he would hurt himself, climbing flipping etc., and I tell him to stop, I find myself sounding like a scratch record, telling him over and over to stop, to the point where I have to resort to physically stopping him or removing him, only to see him return to doing what I just tried to stop him from doing. By this time, I am hear from the danger. At which point I can hear my father's voice, saying, 'what is wrong with you parents these days?, you are allowing the child to rule you, you need to let him know who the parent is, meaning that he needs a spanking.' Not wanting to feel like a total failure at being a parent, I am left with no choice but to give him two spanks. Then, the voices of all those parents who do not believe in spanking seem to chime in immediately thereafter, why are you spanking the child, do you want him taken away from you.
On Sunday, my son wanted to be with his father in the sound room, where he helps to operate the sound on Sundays. It would be difficult for my husband to carry out his duty because our son would be getting into things, as he is at the curious stage. He was so mad, he refused to sit quietly in church, instead he was throwing the program and hymn books on the ground, then he himself ended up on the ground. He was being a distraction so I took him outside. He lost his spine the entire way outside so I had to drag him like a ragged doll. By this time I was flushed with anger and embarrassment, I gave him two slaps. Junior church is usually held for them, but there was none today but he still wanted to go into the room. I went to the room with him where he kept himself occupied with the items used for Junior Church.
In episode two, I was sitting at the back of church with a friend waiting for church to end. We had just left the Junior Church room and he wanted to go back. I tried to stop him because I had no energy left to clean up after he had had his way in the room and that was when he ended up on the ground again. I decided to leave him there to cry out the tantrum. He cried and cried until his face was soaked with tears and mucus was coming for his nose. My friend attempted to pick him up but he did not want to be picked up. After crying for a while, he came towards me and I tried to pick him, he resisted and ended up on the ground again. I had had it, and so I gave him two more slaps. I regret having to do this in front of my friend as my husband and I had made a promise that we would not attempt to discipline him in the presence of other people, but I felt he had asked for it.
He soon calmed down enough that I could pick him up in my arms. At this point I felt like crying, having to see my child fall to pieces like this and worst, in the presence of someone else. I also felt inadequate as here I was unable to calm him and give him what he really needed. He soon completely calmed down and was about to go to sleep, but by this time, church had ended and soon as my husband appeared, I handed him over to him. For the rest of the day, I felt like I had ran a marathon, I could hardly find the strength to cook dinner.
This is the first time he had ever behaved like this at church.
I am very grateful for my son and it goes without saying that I am very much in love with him, but this is a very challenging time. Worst, I am from a background where our parents, especially our Dad, would just have to give us 'the look' and we would fall right back in line, fearing the spanking that would follow if we did not adhere. I wish I could do that to my son and then spanking would not be an issue at all.
I tell you and I can understand why some parents do not believe in spanking children because you can get really angry and hurt them, not really meaning to, especially when they act up in public and cause you embarrassment. This is especially so if you have other things going on in your life which is causing you stress and for mothers especially, we are often victims of our hormones. Little wonder, there is so much news out there, about parents who hurt children. I often wonder how a parent could hurt a child, but having the experience now, I can see why. This is why, when I am going through anything emotional, I try not to spank my son at all and I believe all parents should try not to do this.
Our son cries when his favorite cartoon ends, he cries when he cannot have his way and he cries of course when he is spanked. Many times I actually feel scared that my neighbors might send the Children's Authorities on me, thinking that all those cries was because we were spanking him, to the point where the other morning I saw a car parked close to my home and a little while after that I saw a lady slowly walking by my house and looking over the fence, I felt really uncomfortable, what if my neighbors had done what I had been thinking? Mind you, my home is being sold by my Landlord, so it could be that this lady had seen the for sale sign and was checking out the property.
If you are a parent reading this, and you do not believe in spanking, please, please, give us some advice on how to discipline our son effectively, without having to spank him. He is our miracle baby and we really do not want to spank him at all, but on the other hand, we love him too much and really do not want to 'spare the rod and spoil the child.' I am thinking time outs could work but I do not think he is at the stage where he can understand what this is about, but I will definitely do that when he is older.
You may notice I use the word spank in my post. This is because I strongly believe no one should beat their children as this is child abuse.
Looking forward to your response.
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text:
Seamus Perry
Seamus Perry is professor of English Literature at Oxford and a fellow of Balliol College.
In the LRB Archive:
Everything is good news: Dylan Thomas's Moment · 20 November 2014
- The Collected Poems of Dylan Thomas: The New Centenary Edition edited by John Goodby
- Under Milk Wood: The Definitive Edition edited by Walford Davies and Ralph Maud
- Collected Stories by Dylan Thomas
- A Dylan Thomas Treasury: Poems, Stories and Broadcasts
Half-Fox: Ted Hughes · 29 August 2013
- Poet and Critic: The Letters of Ted Hughes and Keith Sagar edited by Keith Sagar
- Ted and I: A Brother's Memoir by Gerald Hughes
The Shoreham Gang: Samuel Palmer · 5 April 2012
- Mysterious Wisdom: The Life and Work of Samuel Palmer by Rachel Campbell-Johnston
Are we there yet?: Tennyson · 20 January 2011
- The Major Works by Alfred Tennyson, edited by Adam Roberts
Look on the Bright Side: Anna Letitia Barbauld · 25 February 2010
- Anna Letitia Barbauld: Voice of the Enlightenment by William McCarthy
Regrets, Vexations, Lassitudes: Wordsworth's Trouble · 18 December 2008
- William Wordsworth's 'The Prelude': A Casebook edited by Stephen Gill
Self-Management: Southey's Genius for Repression · 26 January 2006
- Robert Southey: Poetical Works 1793-1810 edited by Lynda Pratt, Tim Fulford and Daniel Sanjiv Roberts
In Flesh-Coloured Silk: Romanticism · 4 December 2003
- Metaromanticism: Aesthetics, Literature, Theory by Paul Hamilton
Hail, Muse!: Byron v. Shelley · 6 February 2003
- The Making of the Poets: Byron and Shelley in Their Time by Ian Gilmour
- Byron and Romanticism by Jerome McGann
Select a letter to see more contributors: A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Congratulations to Gov. Sean Parnell and Department of Natural Resources Commissioner Joe Balash for finding a way forward on the natural gas pipeline, and a tip o' the cap to TransCanada for being a responsible business partner.
The past arrangements of the Alaska Pipeline Gasline Inducement Act were ineffective, both in design and by virtue of changing market forces. Further, because of the potential for treble damages, it also blocked any substantial way forward. By resolving this dilemma with sound leadership, statesmanship and a good partnering attitude, Gov. Parnell, Commissioner Joe Balash and TransCanada have cleared a path for future efforts.
— Clyde T. (Tom) Burton


text:
This is a group for our upcoming game on the Unreal 3 Engine called Dark Storm. It is for all the core team members to use for communication and to talk to team members for comments advice etc. Everyone involved in the game in every shape or form is on this group
This job was posted over 30 days ago. This means the position is now most likely filled & no longer available.
Location: Anywhere - Looking for: Artists
Posted by Indiedb.com on Jan 30th, 2013
The Dark storm team is currently looking for quality talent in the following avenues; prop modelers and Texture Artists.
Payment will be on a percent basis after the game is released everyone on the team that helped will receive an amount calculated off the amount of work they did that makes it into the final build. We plan to release on steam and any other services that will allow
Requests about other jobs;
I look forward to your requests and do not be shy there are several other positions open at this time! The team is currently comprised of about a dozen in the United States and a few aboard.
Required Skills (Any or all)
To Apply
send a resume to Robert Smith at firstname.lastname@example.com
send a resume to Robert Smith at email@example.com


text:
Way to have your Robsten cake and eat it too, Ted Casablanca. The E! Online scribe is throwing doubt on the rumor that Robert Pattinson and Kristen Stewart were kissing on the dance floor at a pre-Oscar party last weekend, saying his sources didn't even see the couple there. Plus, it's not like these two are into public displays like that, right? But wait! Turns out Ted's people did spot the duo getting close somewhere more private, though—a vintage clothing store in Sherman Oaks!
Yes, E! claims that RPattz and KStew were at American Vintage last Saturday, and "it was very obvious they were so in love." Were they rutting in the dressing room or something? "Rob was a total gentleman, and was very attentive to Kristen. He also paid for everything they bought." Well with their Twi-cash, they could have bought the damn store. So wait, Ted can't believe they'd dance at a private Hollywood party, but he can believe they'd cuddle about a hip clothing store infinitely more likely to contain a Twi-hard or thirty? Next time try to put the contradictory logic in separate posts, dude.
[Photo: WireImage]


text:
Go Behind Closed Doors of L.A.'s Coolest Modern Homes
The annual Dwell on Design Home Tours, both East Side and West Side, allow you to intimately explore some the best modern architecture in Los Angeles.modern homes in the next few weeks, by attending the 2014 Dwell on Design Homes Tours, happening on June 14 (West Side) and 21 (East Side).
The arresting homes are specially curated by experts from Dwell magazine to reflect the rich diversity of livable, innovative modern architecture and design found throughout the area. The tours are of the self-guided variety, and you'll also be able to check out the first ever Cadillac hybrid plug-in ELR, which will be on display at several of the homes.
This year's architects are an award-winning group including David Hertz, FAIA, Steven Ehrlich, FAIA, Michael Ferguson, Escher GuneWardena, and Douglas Ewing, FAIA, just to name a few. And ticket holders get to find out more about the homes from the designers themselves at a 'Meet the Architects' gathering on Friday, June 13th, sponsored by TOTO, at the Ace Hotel Downtown Los Angeles.
Sample L.A.'s Dwell Home ToursView All 14 Photos
Silver Triangle House (aka Butterfly House): Nestled in the quiet Silver Triangle neighborhood east of the Venice Canals, this zero net-energy home by AIA architect David Hertz has an inverted roof that naturally captures water that collects, and is used for subsurface irrigation. It features an interior living wall that grows ferns and edible herbs.
The Palms House: This is architect Steven Ehrlich's own home, which features rustic (including recycled) materials combined with a sleek modern aesthetic. Sunlight is maximized on the narrow lot, yet tempered by solar shading. Concrete flooring helps hold in heat overnight, while expansive, sliding glass doors permit natural ventilation.
The Murnane Residence: Architect McShane Murnane and his wife Cleo Murnane built their family home in the Moreno Hills in Silver Lake, cantilevering the main living room and creating a makeshift "wind-catcher" over the stairwell to capture and circulate cool air, while pushing hot air up and out. Clean lines, natural light, and early modernist details contribute to a pared down, modern beach house style, 20 miles from the ocean.
Villacasa: This hillside Mt. Washington home by architect Michael Ferguson features a lap pool that doubles as an 8-foot-high retaining wall, freeing up space for two flat courtyards. Also, large glass doors pivot open from the living and dining areas to the terraced courtyards to make a very small hillside parcel feel as large as possible.
These are but a few of the five houses on the East Side, and five houses on the West Side of Dwell on Design's 2014 tour event. Tickets cost from $85-$95, with a portion of that going to the non-profit organization Architecture for Humanity, which provides disaster and community reconstruction to areas in need. Purchase tickets and find out more about the 2014 home tours at DwellonDesign.com. The tours correspond with the annual Dwell on Design show and exhibit, returning to the L.A. Convention Center June 20-22.


text:
Featured car - Gallery: the long road to the Jaguar F-Type
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TG rides in the Jaguar XJ 'Ring taxi
Yes, an XJ Supersport used as a Nürburgring not-so-mini cab. Buckle up, Internet…
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We headed to Jaguar's Nürburgring-based test centre to uncover more about the upcoming drop-top…
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Champagne chiller and a new supercharged 3.0-litre V6 for most luxurious Big CatRead about the Jaguar XJ Ultimate edition
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Company celebrates 75 years with blinged-up supercharged monster – could this be the new XJR?Read about the Jaguar XJ75 Platinum Edition
Jaguar XJ75 Platinum Concept
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text: Seems there are a few problems looming ahead for a lot of people since George Romero recently got financing for his fourth dead film, Land of the Dead. The question is, where does this put the people who've been working so hard on Diamond Dead? From the sound of thing, it looks like Diamond might lose its financing- but Land of the Dead sounds like it's happening no matter what. Head on over to Fangoria for the whole article.


text:
This section contains 7,739 words
(approx. 26 pages at 300 words per page)
Critical Essay by V. C. Letemendia
SOURCE: "Poverty in the Writings of Albert Camus," in Polity, Vol. XXIX, No. 3, Spring, 1997, pp. 441-60.
In the following essay, Letemendia explores Camus's early experiences with poverty, as revealed in The First Man, and his outrage over society's indifference toward the plight of the poor. According to Letemendia, Camus viewed poverty as "both a moral and political crime against humanity."
Albert Camus approached the understanding of poverty from the viewpoint of both an internal and an external witness. He had experienced poverty in his youth, as he describes in his autobiographical novel, Le premier homme, but acknowledged that education, financial security and fame had distanced him from the poor, and did not consider that his own experience gave him the authority to speak for other poor people. Unlike some on the French left, he saw freedom as equally essential to a fully human life as material well-being: the poor and working-class could not be denied basic liberties in the name of social justice, just as they could not be treated as an abstraction to be fitted into revolutionary theory. While Camus regarded himself as an outside witness to the devastating effects of poverty, he maintained that those who suffered silently must be given a context in which they could speak out with their own authentic voices.
Albert Camus is famous not only for his works of fiction and theatre, but as an active member of the Resistance, as a commentator on the political problems of his age, and as the friend and later intellectual opponent of Jean-Paul Sartre and his circle. Camus's warnings about the destructive nature of fanaticism have lost no relevance in the last decades of the twentieth century, nor yet has his passion for individual freedom. His pained and angry denunciations of social injustice serve as a reminder that people still suffer from avoidable ills, despite the many political and social changes that have occurred since his untimely death in 1960. The publication in April 1994 of Le premier homme, Camus's incomplete semi-autobiographical novel, has awakened new interest in his life and work. The extant manuscript, a fraction of the planned novel, offers the first detailed account of his experience of a poor childhood in Algeria and the marks it left upon the man, no longer poor or unknown, who looked back to recall it. This intimate record of Camus's early years is fascinating to read for both literary and autobiographical reasons, but it has also attracted fresh attention to a crucial though frequently neglected theme in his writings: his commentary on poverty.
Camus named poverty as one of the initial and most fundamental influences upon his awareness of the world, and once said that he had learned about freedom not from Marx, but from poverty. His approach to the understanding of poverty was compelling and remarkably contemporary. He saw it not as a single, uniformly lived condition that could be comprehended easily by any external observer, but as a condition that spanned a scale from tolerable discomfort to utter deprivation of the necessities of life. Each degree of poverty gave birth to a separate and specific experience of destitution. Because of this, poverty could not be externally measured or described only as a state of systematic political and social disadvantage. It assaulted its victims on an individual level, psychologically and morally, at its very worst curtailing human expression and communication, and destroying individual and collective dignity. In short, severe poverty threatened all that Camus found to be most precious about human existence.
Existence itself, he argued, brought forth a metaphysical form of suffering, arising from an acknowledgement of mortality and other inevitable, natural ills. Though still experience as an injustice, metaphysical suffering was an inherent aspect of the human condition. Preoccupied with the problem of how, in the absence of religious belief, we might discover values by which to live as individuals and as common members of humanity, Camus identified metaphysical suffering as consequent to a recognition of the absurd, and grounded in this suffering his definition of what he saw as both precious and changeless about individual human life. Yet he identified another form of suffering, inflicted by people upon each other, as neither inevitable nor natural. Poverty was one of these afflictions and as such, in the eyes of Camus, was both a moral and political crime against humanity. Outraged by the ignorance or indifference of society toward the fate of the poor, he found it unacceptable that they should remain condemned to suffer in silent misery from a condition that could be significantly alleviated, if not fully eradicated.
Although he did not consider himself to have suffered its worst ravages, Camus had tasted many of the bitter injustices of poverty during his childhood and youth. And while he could and did describe from the inside how poverty had affected him, he laid no personal claim to the stories of other poor people. These he described from the viewpoint of a keen and sympathetic witness, rather than an omniscient outsider, acknowledging the distance that now lay between himself and material deprivation, and respecting the exclusive nature of every poor person's experience. For Camus was quick to recognize that his past provided him only with a certain sensitivity towards the misery of others, not a firm knowledge. He was eager to speak, from his position of privilege, for the poor who had been denied a voice, but restrained himself with characteristic pudeur, or modesty, from mistaking his voice for theirs.
I. Camus as an External Witness to Poverty
Even Camus's earliest published efforts reveal his interest in observing and commenting upon social injustice, and poverty in particular. He was active with more than his pen: at university he participated in the activities of the Popular Front in Algeria, and before completing his studies he joined the Communist Party, not because he had been converted to Marxism by his reading of theory, but because of what he had witnessed and lived. In his words, "it seems to me that, more than ideas, life itself often leads to Communism…. I have such a strong desire to reduce the sum of unhappiness and bitterness which poisons mankind." With his friends on the left, he formed a co-operative political theatre group and a "people's university" to provide adult education for workers, and helped organize a Theatre du Travail in Algiers. Subsequently, as a reporter on the new, left-leaning Alger Républicain, he addressed himself to exposing the misery of some of the poorest members of his community, the Arabs and the indigenous Berber population of Kabylia.
Camus knew well that the Arabs suffered disproportionately when compared even to very poor European families such as his own, for he had long been able to observe their situation at first hand. Well acquainted with the Arab quarter of Algiers, which he had frequented since boyhood, he had gone to school with Arab children, had close contact with left-wing Moslem intellectuals through the Communist Party, openly supported the cause of Arab nationalists, and as a journalist gave sympathetic coverage to a number of political trials involving Arab defendants.
His disgust and indignation at the plight of the poor emerges most forcefully in his reports on famine-struck Kabylia. These articles, written in the first person, relay the statistics of poverty, search for the underlying economic, political, and demographic reasons for the famine, and describe the devastation wreaked upon at least half of the Kabylia population, driven to feed their families on grasses and roots until administrative handouts of grain arrive. Can anyone, he asks, have an easy conscience after seeing such suffering, about which almost nothing has been done? Perhaps it is impossible to convey the extremity of the misery, he writes,
but I know that on the return from a visit to the "tribe" of Tizi-Ouzou, I went up with a Kabyle friend into the heights which tower over the town. There we watched night fall. And at that hour when the shadow descending from the mountain over this splendid earth brings respite to the most hardened human heart, I knew all the same that there was no peace for those who, on the other side of the valley, were gathering together around a cake of bad barley. I knew also how sweet it would be to abandon oneself to an evening so amazing and magnificent, but that the misery whose fires glowed before us made the beauty of the world a forbidden thing. "Let's go down, shall we?" my companion said to me.
Just as his companion urged him, Camus urges his reader to go down into the valley. If you think it is an inevitable state of affairs, he writes, then say so; if you think it is an outrage, then act; if you do not believe that it is happening, come and take a look. For Camus, the most despicable thing to say is that the situation has something to do with the "Kabyle mentality," and that these people do not have the same needs as us, and can adapt to anything. Even the French President, if he were given only two hundred francs a month to live on, would get used to living under bridges, to dirt, and to crusts of bread found in dustbins, for "there is something stronger in a man's attachment to life than there is in all the miseries of the world." Camus did not hesitate to stress that the Kabylian situation originated in a far larger pattern of systematic political disadvantage imposed upon this population by the French government. He argued that temporary or partial solutions could not change the circumstances of the Kabyle, whose education, employment opportunities, political representation and general standard of living required urgent, fundamental reform.
If he had restricted himself to describing his own horror at the conditions he witnessed, and to decrying the ignorance and inhumanity which could permit such misery to continue, the articles would still remain a powerful indictment of colonial rule. Yet he went further, emphasizing above all that even though, to French eyes, these people might be mere Berbers enured to a life of hardship, the Kabyle could not go on being treated worse than animals. Their suffering was just as terrible for them as it would be for any European, and was actually far worse than the misery endured by Algeria's European poor. To borrow Camus' compelling phrase, one had to come down from the mountain to learn what was happening, and it was not enough merely to observe. Once you agreed that the suffering was utterly unacceptable, there was a large measure of hypocrisy in still doing nothing to remove it.
The Communist Party, which Camus had joined earlier, now appeared to be shifting away from its support for the Arab cause, associating itself instead with the pro-colonial Radical Socialist Party. Camus was expelled from the CP in 1937 when he openly objected to this association; he had anyway become increasingly disturbed by the CP's authoritarian tendencies. But he was very far from embracing bourgeois moral values and political policies, which he always considered inadequate to the task of eliminating social and economic injustice. By the end of the war, in his editorial writing in the Resistance newspaper Combat, he demanded that people not become resigned to the return of the old pre-war bourgeois society. He had commented over-optimistically in 1944 that "'social justice needs no complicated philosophy,'" and in the first open edition of Combat called for the destruction of trusts and other financial monopolies, so that a genuine popular working-class democracy might be built, the middle-class should hand over power to the workers, and accept instead the role of "witness to a greatness it could not create itself."
Bread was essential to survival, in Camus's view, but so also was a certain dignity and quality of life. It was not enough only to satisfy the immediate physical wants of underprivileged people when they were still systematically deprived of full participation in society and treated, as a consequence, without understanding or respect, particularly by certain leftwing intellectuals who claimed to understand their best interests. In his foreword to a novel by the working-class writer Louis Guilloux, Camus makes the point that most French writers who talk about the working-class come from comfortable or well-off backgrounds. Though he regards this as no stain on them, but as the luck of the draw, he nevertheless confesses, "I have always preferred that one should bear witness … after having had one's throat under the knife. Poverty, for example, leaves behind in people who have experienced it an intolerance which doesn't take well to someone who speaks of a certain kind of destitution without knowing what they're talking about." The proletariat, he observes, is often discussed as though it were a tribe with strange customs, in a way that would nauseate proletarians themselves if only they had the time to read these specialists' studies in order to be informed about the happy march of progress. Camus finds it hard to decide which is the most insulting in such sermons, the disgusting flattery or the open disdain, which he paraphrases in the following exchange: "proletarians would not cherish the small amount of freedom which they have at their disposal. Bread alone interests them and, without bread, what would they do with formal liberties? How vulgar they are!" And, for the working-class reaction: "'What do you like best, man, the fellow who wants to take your bread away in the name of freedom, or the one who wants to take your freedom away to make sure you have your bread?' Answer: 'Who should get spat on first?'" In contrast, writers born of the working-class know that "if one can lend a kind of nobility to poverty, the slavery which almost always accompanies it will never be justified," for they understand how excessive poverty impoverishes even the most intimate of passions: "Fifteen thousand francs a month, life in the workshop, and Tristan has nothing to say to Iseult any more. Love also is a luxury, there lies the condemnation."
Camus argued that the chasm between the outlook of the working-class and the left intelligentsia would deepen if the latter continued to accept the sacrifice of vital social freedoms in the pursuit of ultimate social justice. In his view, the liberal position, offering freedom without justice, would perpetuate the oppression of the many by the few who owned wealth, but bread without freedom was an insult to individual human dignity. The task ahead lay in finding an equilibrium between the two claims rather than in painting them as antagonistic, possibly irreconcilable forces, as was all too often done by both liberals and radicals: freedom and justice were opposite sides of the same coin existing in a creative balance, not an antagonism. For Camus, this balance could only be maintained by socialism, a socialism which preserved and cherished democratic liberties, most important of all freedom of expression. As he confessed in a letter to his friend, Roger Quilliot, "it is quite true that I would no longer have any fondness for living in a world from which what I will call the Socialist hope would have disappeared."
No revolution, whatever justice it might promise, could be bought at the expense of basic humanity: injustice in the name of some future human condition would betray the very people whom the revolution sought to liberate. In his play, Les justes and in L'homme révolté, Camus explores this painful lesson of history, searching for an alternative form of political action that could fight for social justice without devastating human life. The "scrupulous murderers" of Les justes acknowledge from the outset that they must be prepared to give their own lives in payment for their targeted acts of political violence, yet circumstances force them inevitably to confront a further question: can their revolution justify the taking of innocent life? The answer, for Camus, is clearly no: even in destruction there must be limits, for as the simplest of peasants could tell any intellectual, to kill children is contrary to honor, and honor is not a luxury, but "the last of the poor's riches."
With L'homme révolté, Camus unfolds, as a tentative beginning, his view of an alternative politics. He proposes, in place of the revolutionary's messianic spirit, the attitude of the rebel, whose political action is limited always by a sense of the sacredness of human life, requiring a constant balance between relative freedom and relative justice. Camus offers the trade union movement as an example of rebellion translated into effective political action. Libertarian syndicalism, he argues, has long struggled against bourgeois oppression, and it is to this movement, rather than to Marx, that the proletariat owes its most basic victory, the reduction of a sixteen-hour working day to a forty-hour week. In such political action, as in the wise use of technology, he sees the opportunity to alleviate the misery of working-class life without increasing injustice and crushing freedom. The nature of a union collective, organized by and for the workers to address their own problems, can give the working-class an authentic political voice in its successful, as in its unsuccessful struggles.
Camus's short story, "Les muets," from L'exil et le royaume, describes one of these unsuccessful struggles. Set in an Algerian town, the tale concerns the aftermath of a failed strike at a cooper's workshop. After being forced back on the job out of the need to put food in their families' mouths, the workers express their bitterness by refusing to speak when addressed by their boss. The irony is obvious: rather than a sign of impotence, the curse of the oppressed, their silence has become a non-violent weapon, a last defense of outraged dignity. When they learn later that the boss's little daughter has been taken seriously ill, their silence becomes a painful one in the face of a common human tragedy. However barren their lives, the workers have not lost their compassion, then, but nor have they lost their sense of solidarity, demonstrated even toward the one Arab who works with them. Although they are simple men, they communicate through a language of mutual respect and show a delicacy of feeling toward one another that contrasts strongly with the insensitivity and awkwardness of the boss in his dealings with them. Their nobility in silent rebellion exemplifies, in Camus's terms, what it means to affirm one's companionship with all of humanity.
If Camus's hopes for a post-war working-class democracy went unfulfilled, his radical tone did not change, as may be observed in his somewhat neglected editorials for L'Express written in 1955–56. He frequently used the editorials to draw notice to specific instances of poverty and oppression that had been comfortably ignored or tolerated by the bourgeois establishment. One such small, overlooked tragedy noted by Camus is that of two roofers, still working at well over retirement age, who fell to their deaths while on the job. In another piece, Camus discusses a settlement made at the Renault company, without a strike, between workers and management. It was good that there was no strike, he says, if you know what a strike can do to a working-class family. And it is not true that an improvement in their standard of living would diffuse the fighting force of the workers, for it is often the poorest who are most resigned. But the main problem, as yet unresolved, he identifies as "that internal exile which separates millions of men from their own country" through miserable wages and suburban ghettoes. If this injustice continues, Camus argues, the working-class will remain, "against its will, a state within a state." Reforms should not be despised, but nor should the end of reform be forgotten: "the re-integration of the working-class with all of its rights and the abolition of wage labour."
His review for L'Express of an inquiry into the condition of the Parisian working-class bluntly calls working-class misery the disgrace of this civilization, for which bourgeois society has only come up with one remedy: silence. To be poor in the presence of wealth, Camus adds, is an especially bitter fate: for all those who own luxury cars, there are women holding themselves back from leaving the job to go to the toilet, so as not to lose their three franc bonus. What the inquiry illustrates, in his words, is "a solitary world deprived of any immediate hope." He quotes a miner as saying poignantly, and with particular significance to one such as Camus himself, born under Mediterranean skies, "when our boys first go down the mine, they start to cry: they can't see the sun any more."
Another of Camus's editorials concerns a true-life example of working-class oppression remarkably close in flavor to "Les muets." He describes how two trade union members were condemned to do time in a correctional institution for having refused to shake the hand of their perfect, or local government administrator: "their reserve," he explains, "constituted an outrageous attitude, according to the judges. He who doesn't say a word insults." Yet refusing to shake hands, Camus suggests, is really a peaceful way of showing that one disapproves of something: "unable to dignify the social morality that had been outraged in this affair, [the workers] wanted at least to substitute for it a sort of cleanliness. Not to compromise oneself, wasn't that the rule of true nobility? And besides, what would our hand be, for those we love, if we gave it to the first comer?"
In Camus's opinion, then, the misery and humiliation of poverty, and of discrimination against the working class, remained ill-disguised cankers polluting society, and little had been done to remove them. His editorials point uncompromisingly at the conclusion that freedom alone could not end social injustice, and that bourgeois liberals, blinded either by their nature or by choice, would not come to recognize the misery of the working class or of the indigenous population in their colonies as an urgent, unacceptable tragedy. At the same time, the editorials consistently demand a shift in the position of the left toward a new emphasis on the importance of freedom. For if certain people on the left considered servitude an excusable path to justice, while others on the right continued to hide the realities of poverty and economic oppression under cloak of constitutional liberties, the struggle to shape a better society could not be won.
Camus saw the Communist left as condescending to the working class, offering social justice at the terrible price of liberty, and advocating revolutionary violence without considering, or without revealing, that the poor, who had no political voice, would have to pay for it most dearly. How ironic it was, indeed, that working-class consciousness should be so exalted by those who knew nothing about it, yet thought of themselves as most qualified to judge how the working class should pursue its struggles. Bourgeois liberals and Communist left were, it seemed, curiously united in their emphasis on some form of future social well-being, though their respective panaceas differed. But for Camus, who believed in no heavenly reward for suffering on earth and considered the future an unpredictable affair, to accept the ruin of a life lived today was criminal, whether that life were devastated in an urban slum or in a forced labor camp. Whoever saw fit to excuse or even to tolerate the exclusion of the greater part of society from full enjoyment of its benefits became themselves impoverished in human terms. The supreme arrogance of such an attitude could only warp any kind of politics that it might produce. For the politics of fighting poverty required, in his view, a fundamental recognition of a common human condition and a shared destiny. If poverty could attack its victims psychologically, the psychology of the fortunate could act equally as a barrier to understanding the world of the poor. So whatever social and economic policies might be adopted to tackle the problem of poverty, there had also to be a change of consciousness, both morally and politically, on the part of those more privileged members of society, or else the poor would still be condemned to internal exile in their own land. As may be seen in the pained irony of his editorials for L'Express, Camus sought urgently to convince his readers that the occasional sense of pity or act of charity was an insufficient, even insulting, answer to such suffering. Political action had to be accompanied by individual moral integrity on the part of those involved, arising from a genuine realization that it was a crime to treat the poor as if they were a breed apart, and had no need of justice, freedom, and dignity. He demanded, in place of the insincerities and inhumanities of both Communist left and bourgeois politics, a socialism distinguished by its defense of human solidarity and communication, a socialism that would assure all members of society an equal freedom to cultivate their individuality.
Camus did not forget that as a successful writer he himself was no longer poor, and he worried that material comfort might exert a damaging influence upon his own moral integrity: he comments regretfully in a notebook entry, "it is in poverty that I have found and always will find the necessary conditions such that my guilt, if it exists, should at least not be shameful, and remains proud." He retained a strong sense of solidarity with the working class from which he had come: "French workers," he writes, "are the only people I feel good around, that I want to get to know and to 'live.' They are like me." Although, during the acrimonious debate in Les temps modernes following the publication of L'homme révolté, Sartre put forward the argument that Camus was now just as much a bourgeois as Francis Jeanson and himself, Camus could claim justifiably to have come from the working class and hence to possess a certain sensitivity toward it that could not easily be gained from reading books. His angry retort to his critics who had "never placed anything but their armchairs in the direction of history" surely stemmed in large part from his frustration at hearing the working class discussed by people who had no more than a theoretical grasp of its problems and declared their commitment to revolutionary change in writing only, from the safety of cafe terraces. The suffering of the poor he considered to be similarly misunderstood by existentialists: "according to [them], every man is responsible for who he is. This explains the complete disappearance of compassion from their universe of aggressive old men. And yet they pretend to fight against social injustice. So there do exist, then, people who aren't responsible for what they are; the poor man is innocent of his poverty." The innocence of the poor man Camus could certainly claim to know about from personal experience: if he was no longer innocent, living the life of a bourgeois intellectual, he had been touched by poverty, remembered its injustices, and identified passionately with those who still endured it.
Ii. Camus's Experience of Poverty
Throughout his career as a writer, Camus repeatedly turned back to his childhood and youth in Belcourt to retrieve and to explore artistically the internal experience of poverty. Le premier homme offers the most continuous and detailed of these explorations. In comparison to his commentary on working-class poverty in France or on the tragedy of Kabylia, it might seem at first glance that Camus had a nostalgic, even romantic, attitude toward his own poverty, mitigated as it was for him by the natural wealth of Algeria's climate and landscape. Poverty and the sun, he writes, were the twin sources of his artistic vision, poverty reminding him that not all is well under the sun and history, and the sun teaching him that history is not everything. In Noces, an early work, Camus celebrates the beauty of nature and youthful bodies, describing lyrically the sensual pleasures of sea and sun, and the direct, spontaneous attitude to life of the young working—class Algerians among whom he grew to manhood. But his lyricism is tempered by a sober warning: youth is short for those who are poor, and any idea of self-improvement, or of virtue, means little if one must enjoy existence so passionately, so swiftly. Without religious sense and without myths to disguise the brutality of their existence, these people have their own moral code, which he recalls in spare terms: "You don't let your mother down. You make sure your wife is treated respectfully in the street. You show consideration for a pregnant woman. You don't come two to one upon your enemy, because that's 'pulling a dirty move.' Anyone who fails to respect these basic rules is 'not a man,' and that's it."
In Le premier homme, Camus's lyricism is equally tempered by his description of the consequences of poverty: there is no change of heart regarding its crushing indignities, despite the recollected pleasures and moments of human tenderness in the novel. The internal experience of poverty is stripped naked, quite without romance or sentimentality, to reveal a universe closed in upon itself, clinging to its own particular values born not of religion or theory, but of simple hardship. Camus writes movingly about the terrible vulnerability of the poor European community from which he came, not just as it might be in the violent Algeria of the 1950s, but as it had been from its first tenuous and tortuous attempts to establish a livelihood in a strange land. Le premier homme thus illustrates with particular acuity why Camus might refuse to condone wholesale Arab nationalist violence against the French presence in Algeria: he sought to defend the poor Europeans, themselves in a sense silent victims of colonial rule, for they would be the ones to suffer helplessly if random terrorism became widespread, not the wealthy colons who could afford to protect themselves or to move elsewhere. His avowed intent in writing Le premier homme was precisely to "tear his poor family away from the destiny of poor people, which is to disappear from history without leaving a trace," and the title of the novel reflects a double meaning. Jacques Cormery, Camus's fictional counterpart, is the first man, having had to bring himself up alone, fatherless and poor, and navigate a new course far beyond the limited universe of his family. He came, however, from immigrant stock, people who had fled poverty and oppression in their own countries; so in his family history, too, were "first men," uprooted often unwillingly from their European origins and driven to plant new roots in African soil.
Poverty, Camus remarks, is "a fortress without drawbridges"; and as Le premier homme unfolds, it becomes more and more remarkable that he himself managed to find a way out of the fortress. For his family were not just badly off but constantly on the edge of indigence, and without the intervention of a primary school teacher who recognized his promise, he would have disappeared into the workforce at the age of thirteen. Instead, as a scholarship student at the Lycée, he began to discover a whole world outside his own small one that would be forever closed to his family. The home of Jacques Cormery (Camus's fictive name) was a small world indeed, curtailed by lack of education born of scant opportunity, and by the grinding effects of a constant struggle to secure the minimum for survival. Jacques had never known his father: Henri Cormery died in France during the Great War before Jacques was two years old. He is described as a "hard man, bitter, who had worked all his life, had killed on command, had accepted everything that he could not avoid, but who, in some part of himself, refused to be tamed. In short, a poor man. Because poverty does not choose itself, but it can look after itself." And if Henri Cormery had left his family in poverty to fight for a land he had never even seen, how much less did his wife understand the cause that would eventually claim his life. Hampered by partial deafness, illiterate, and without the least sense of geography, she could not vaguely imagine what France might be like. She knew that her own family had fled Minorca because they were starving, and knew that it was an island, but she had no conception of what an island was because she had never seen one. She had no idea of history beyond that of her family, and the orders that came for her husband to join up were as mysterious to her as the written notice she received of his death: since neither she nor her mother, who lived with the family, could read, the very notice of death had to be read aloud to them. So it was useless for Jacques to try and talk at home about what he was studying because his family members had no points of reference in their own lives through which to give coherence to his discoveries: For them,
Latin, for example, was a word that had absolutely no meaning. That there might have been (apart from savage times, which they could, on the contrary, imagine) a time in which nobody spoke French, that civilizations (and the very word meant nothing to them) might have succeeded each other whose customs and language were different: these truths had not reached as far as them. Not picture, nor written word, nor spoken information, nor the superficial culture that comes from everyday conversation had reached them: In this house where there were no newspapers, until Jacques brought them in, no radio either, where there were only objects of immediate usefulness, where only family was received, a family one rarely left—and always to meet members of the same ignorant family—what Jacques brought back from school was impossible to assimilate, and the silence grew between him and his family.
The poverty of Jacques's family had other consequences difficult to imagine for someone from a more fortunate home. His own home, for example, was so naked of objects that things had no special names; and only in a richer house containing a multiplicity of vases, cups, statuettes and pictures did the young Cormery come to know that things can have proper names. The ability of poor people such as the Cormery family to recall past events was similarly affected. For, as Camus explains, the memory of the poor is
less nourished than that of rich people, it has fewer points of demarcation in space because they rarely leave the place in which they live, fewer landmarks also in the time taken up by a uniform, grey life. Of course, there is the memory of the heart that is said to be the most reliable, but the heart gets worn out by burdens and hard work; it forgets more quickly under the weight of tiredness. Past time is only discovered by rich people. For the poor, it marks only the vague traces of the road toward death. And after all, to be able to bear things well, it's better not to remember too much; you have to stick close to the days, hour by hour.
Proust's madeleine, Camus appears to suggest, is a luxury not enjoyed by poor households.
While the Cormerys could not understand the new intellectual wealth Jacques had gained at high school, it was just as difficult for him to explain his family's world to his classmates and teachers. The shocking poverty of his household was sometimes a source of outright embarrassment for a boy gradually becoming sensitive to the differences in background between himself and his peers. For example, he could quite acceptably tell the class, when asked at the beginning of the new term, that his father had been killed in the war. Yet when he came to fill out a form which required him to state his parents' professions, he was at a loss. At first he wrote, for his mother, "housewife," but Pierre, a schoolfriend, explained that this implied his mother had no profession at all and stayed at home to keep house. Jacques revealed that his mother looked after other peoples' houses; "'Oh well, then,' said Pierre, hesitating, 'I think you'd better put maid.'" Jacques was surprised, never having thought of his mother as someone who worked for other people, but as someone who worked for her own family. As he was about to write the word "maid," "he stopped and suddenly felt … ashamed, and the shame of having been ashamed." And he copied the word out boldly. On another occasion, he was asked that his parents sign a form, the sophisticated language of which he had to unravel for his mother and grandmother. His mother had learned from a neighbor how to write her name so that she could obtain her war-widow's pension, but she left early for work having forgotten to sign the form, and his grandmother could not write even her own name. So he faced further embarrassment before his teacher when he was asked whether anyone at home could not have signed it apart from his mother. He realized, from his teacher's surprise at his answer, that "his situation was less common than he had imagined until then." On prize-giving day, the Cormery women arrived embarrassingly early for the ceremony, "as the poor always are," Camus remarks, "having few social obligations and pleasures, and worrying about not being on time." For "those whom fate has served badly can't help, in some part of themselves, believing that they are responsible, and they feel that this general guilt should not be added to by small lapses."
Poverty, Jacques also discovered, tried his desire to be honest, as much as it did his pride. At the age of thirteen, he had to start earning to contribute to the household's meager income, even though he would only be able to work over the summer holidays. Knowing that the boy would not be hired by anyone just for such a short period, his grandmother falsely told his prospective employer that he had left school for good because his family was too poor for him to continue studying. Jacques was left to explain the lie on his dreaded last day of work before the new term; and his irate boss could not be made to realize that it was the Cormery's poverty that had required the lie in the first place. His financial contribution to the Cormery household nonetheless marked an important transition in his life: in their eyes, he was now a man.
Jacques was lucky to escape the drudgery of work during school-time: the rest of his family enjoyed no such luxury. There could never be a break, for such a thing would mean less to eat for everybody. The poor would only stop working in the case of an accident on the job when their sick-leave was paid by company insurance. Unemployment not covered by insurance was their worst nightmare. Camus explains this to be the reason
why workingmen … who in their everyday lives were ever the most tolerant of men, were always xenophobes when it came to questions about work, accusing in succession the Spanish, the Jews, the Arabs, and finally the whole world of stealing their work away from them—a disconcerting attitude, certainly, for intellectuals theorizing about the proletariat, and at the same time extremely human and understandable. It wasn't for world domination or for the privileges of money and leisure that these unexpected nationalists got into disputes over other nationalities, but for the privilege of slavery. Work in this quarter was not a virtue but a necessity which, for the sake of survival, carried you on to death.
Death was a frequent visitor in Cormery's neighborhood, to be greeted without sentimentality or fuss: his grandmother, upon hearing that a person had died, would only say, "'Ah well, he won't fart any more,'" or in the case of someone closer to her, "'Poor fellow, he was still young,' even if the deceased had been of a dying age for a long while. It was not a lack of awareness on her part. Because she had seen a lot of people die around her…. But precisely, death was as familiar to her as work or poverty; she did not think about it but lived it in some way." Meanwhile, with "the terrible wear and tear of poverty, it became hard to find a place for religion…. One was Catholic as one was French, and that entailed a certain number of rites … baptism, first communion, the sacrament of marriage (if there were a marriage) and the last sacraments. Between these ceremonies, by their nature very far apart, one was busy with other things, and primarily with surviving."
The world Jacques Cormery so narrowly escaped was one of a daily struggle which could not for a moment be abandoned, whether to rest, to gain education or simply to contemplate the larger questions about human existence. There was no comfortable padding between these poor people and three grim facts: a brief youth, hard work, and an early death. Like victims of tuberculosis, they lived in the constant presence of their own mortality, unable to afford the relief of either romance or sentimentality. Nevertheless poverty, in all of its humiliating nakedness, nourished a kind of ethic, teaching the boy what it was "to be a man," and to carry on with as much pride and dignity as might be salvaged after the hours of drudgery. "It is … among these humble or proud people," Camus states unreservedly, "that I have most surely touched that which seems to me to be the true meaning of life."
In spite of what he might have learned from his Belcourt years, Camus nowhere suggested that poverty was worth suffering because it was a condition that encourage virtue. On the contrary, at its worst it was an experience salutary for neither soul nor body. Poverty limited human intercourse with the world just as his mother's deafness restricted her to a lonely and silent universe. To be poor was to be entrapped in an unceasing cycle of work from birth to death, with the fear of unemployment and hunger hanging overhead like a sword of Damocles. Poverty shortened the memory, dampened the imagination, wore down friendships and loves, ate away at youthful vigor and promised no reward after death but the curt sympathy of a neighbor or family member. It permitted of no time for sickness, idleness, or self-development, and demanded of its victims the kind of solidarity and endurance required of an army under attack: one slip, and everyone would be exposed to suffering.
Poverty had given Camus his initial, personal experience of human solidarity, but he was clearly aware that such solidarity was not exclusive to the experience of the poor: he encountered it also sharing in the struggles of the Resistance movement under the Nazi occupation. His metaphorical use of the plague and its effects upon the citizens of Oran, in La peste is evidence of this awareness: his protagonist, Dr. Rieux, bears witness to both human solidarity and human weakness in the face of a desperate common plight. Never did Camus propose that everyone should suffer the deprivations and humiliations of poverty, or the misery and terror of an occupying totalitarian power in order to be acquainted at first hand with the true meaning of life. Rather, he was proposing that because such experiences strip our existence of its sheltering illusions, testing our moral fortitude as much as our capacity for compassion, they can remind us powerfully and directly of our shared human fate.
Through his literary art, Camus attempted to offer both the suffering and the solidarity to the imagination of his readers who might not or could not experience the world of poverty for themselves. His great achievement in Le premier homme lies exactly in his ability to portray what to many of them might as well be the landscape of some alien universe. Although he had escaped the barren and shuttered life of poverty, he had not forgotten even its most intimate details, nor its greatest injustices. His escape was not a source of self-congratulation for the adult looking back, but a sobering reflection: so many others were left behind, and it was for these people that he felt driven to speak. His experience, while not the desperate misery of the Kabyles, gave him a bitter taste of the extreme: to use his own phrase, it shortened his descent into the other side of the valley.
Poverty was an urgent political issue for Camus because it concerned those who did not suffer it as much as those who did: to tolerate its presence passively was to perpetuate actively a gross inhumanity. Though he never elaborated a comprehensive and detailed social policy regarding poverty, he did indicate the direction that might be taken by government and society to relieve some of its most conspicuous hardships. He voiced the need for a socialism that would protect all members of society from political and economic injustice, while assuring them free expression as individuals. He demanded also an awakening of consciousness on the part of people who did not live under the burden of poverty, so that their political actions could be informed by genuine moral integrity, rather than theory or self-interest. Camus acknowledged that he himself had become distanced from the experience of poverty, not so much by an emotional gulf as by his material and intellectual circumstances. Still, he could at least bear witness with sympathy and honestly to its devastating effects, and employ his art with caution and respect to "say a little about eternal human suffering." The tragedy of the poor was that, unlike dumb animals, they knew very well that they were victims of injustice, but their lives were so draining, so monotonously absorbing, and so isolating that they might not be able to act to change them, let alone find the opportunity to speak out about their plight. Yet in the end, for Camus, all those who suffered mutely had to be encouraged to tell their story with their own authentic voices, no longer dismissed, organized, or condescended to by more fortunate outsiders, even such acutely sympathetic outsiders as he. And while these outsiders could not speak for the poor, Camus argued that it was their duty in human solidarity to provide a context in which the silence might finally be broken.
This section contains 7,739 words
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Grand Theft Auto V
Did Saints Row ever challenge GTA?
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Their closest competition this year Saints Row IV looks like total **** is even better for GTA.
I felt they had something in the first or second Saints Row but just ran off to much with the eccentricity of it, would rather if they try and challenged GTA a bit more.
yeah it will basically be saints row 3.5 dlc they should of just released saints row 4 on next gen take some time then they could say we be rockstar and gta on next gen but nope
Nothing can or ever will challenge Grand Theft Auto.
It just has that thing, that magic.
split open and melt
jimbobrulez posted...
Nothing can or ever will challenge Grand Theft Auto.
This is known as fanboyism.
If you said nothing has ever challenged GTA, I would agree.
"lol der was a shdow on my carpet but ti looked like a stane and tried to clen it up but ti was a shadoow" -Ghost4800
I liked Saints Row 3 despite how off beat and crazy it was.
GTA has far better brand recognition. It's legacy will draw more numbers whether or not SR4 will be amazing or not. Even if GTA4 let down some of the casual sandbox lovers of SA, I think people are starved for GTA at this point that the fans will rush to buy this one to get their fix.
The trailers even feel more akin to last-gens GTAs, in contrast to the more serious crime drama feel of 4s.
"The truth is never a laughing matter." bigdsd08
A wise proverb. Nothing in real life is worth smiling over...ever. LOL
LordPoncho posted...
jimbobrulez posted...Nothing can or ever will challenge Grand Theft Auto.
split open and melt
jimbobrulez posted...
LordPoncho posted...jimbobrulez posted...Nothing can or ever will challenge Grand Theft Auto.
you better be sorry, now come here so i can slap ya
Why does Saints Row need to challenge GTA? There's enough market share for both games to do extremely well. Not to mention...there are people who will buy both games....like me.
XBOX Live Gamertag: DevilAnse33v2
PSN: DevilAnse33
Saints 2 was great. 3 felt like a small step back. In the same sense, I felt GTA 4 was a small step back from GTA SA. (Not counting DLC episodes)
You may beat me at a game, but with my smoking hot wife, I win at life.
atastycrumpet posted...
Their closest competition this year Saints Row IV looks like total **** is even better for GTA.
I totally disagree.
SR IV looks cool from the 1 minute of footage we saw so far that isn't in-game, same as the GTA V non-game footage we've seen looks cool.
Anyway, the first SR had a great story but couldn't compare to GTA: VC but SR2 managed to equal it (I'm using VC because I think it's the best GTA so far).
SRTT was great and much better than GTA IV and SA because it had an engaging story, fun missions and they decided to go over the top instead of gritty crime drama, which I enjoyed.
I'd rather they didn't challenge GTA because instead of a "GTA vs SR, choose a side" thing, it should be that we love both because GTA gives us the gritty, realistic but boring game while SR gives us the "we know this is a videogame, have fun" aspect.
Depending what you're in the mood for, you have a different flavour.
Out of the two though, I know which of the games I'll be getting on release and which I'll wait for an all DLC version for. My gaming will be sorted from late August.
"If you don't like something, don't watch it again. Why whinge about it on a forum to a load of divs? Don't worry about it." - Karl Pilkington


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Hotel Chinatown 2 offers comfortable accommodation and warm Chinese hospitality at affordable rates. We have a range... 추가 정보 »
Hotel ChinaTown Inn is a popular and established budget hotel ideally located in the heart of Kuala Lumpur's... 추가 정보 »
Orange Pekoe - formerly known as The Nest Guesthouse - is just 5 minutes away from the shopping district of Bukit... 추가 정보 »
The 30-room hotel provides tastefully design for corporate and leisure traveller. The room categories ranging from... 추가 정보 »
All our rooms in Bullockcart Hostel are air-conditioned, spacious, clean and thoughtfully furnished with modern day... 추가 정보 »


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Pap Smear
DNA alternative to Pap smear sparks medical debate
A high-tech screening tool for cervical cancer is facing pushback from more than a dozen patient groups, who warn that the genetic test could displace a simpler, cheaper and more established mainstay of women's health: the Pap smear.
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Only On 7
ABC7 News at 4 Now Weekdays!ABC7 is giving you MORE news in your afternoons with an extra hour, an hour earlier! Join ABC7's Leon Harris and Alison Starling for what's trending in your community and world. Every weekday afternoon at 4pm right after back to back "Hot Bench" shows at 3pm on ABC7.


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Form of insurance
In principle, holding gold is a form of insurance against war, financial Armageddon, and wholesale currency debasement. And, from the onset of the global financial crisis, the price of gold has often been portrayed as a barometer of global economic insecurity.
So, does the collapse in gold prices - from a peak of $1,900 per ounce in August 2011 to under $1,250 at the beginning of July 2013 - represent a vote of confidence in the global economy?
To say that the gold market displays all of the classic features of a bubble gone bust is to oversimplify.
There is no doubt that gold's heady rise to the peak, from around $350 per ounce in July 2003, had investors drooling. The price would rise today because everyone had become convinced that it would rise even further tomorrow.
Text: Kenneth Rogoff, Project Syndicate (via Business Standard)
AP, AFP and Reuters Images


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All vehicle trades considered, including classics and performance. There is no shortage of cheap, run-down MGB roadsters on the market. This is not one of... More
JUST IN AND GREAT VALUE! THIS CAR HAS NOT BEEN DETAILED YET READY FOR SALE. LOTS OF PHOTOS COMING SOON. IF YOU WANT US... More
A 1493 cc I4 engine and 4-speed manual transmission power this stock 2-door convertible. It's in very good condition, with 66,970 miles, and features... More
Just finished......an excellent, rust free car (with 28,000 original miles) just painted in British Racing Green (over faded but otherwise excellent body and paint),... More
he MGB is a sports car launched by MG Cars in May 1962, replacing the MGA. Here we have a MK III, MG GT version. To meet US... More
The MGB is a sports car launched by MG Cars in May 1962, replacing the MGA. Here we have a MK III, MG GT version.... More
For sale in our Orlando showroom is a 1977 MG Midget. 1974 marked the last generation of Midget in the US. With tighter impact... More
1977 MGB roadster, bright red/orange finish, saddle tan vinyl interior, AM/FM radio, styled steel wheels with trim rings, raised white letter tires, and powered... More
1977 MGB Convertible. Original 1798cc 1.8 liter inline 4-Cylinder Engine with 4 Speed Manual Transmission and Electronic Overdrive. Yellow Exterior with Black... More
29,155 ACTUAL MILES! California car, no rust issues! What a fantastic little car! 1976 MG Midget convertible, if you had one of these back... More
To view more pictures and information please visit our website www.classiccarliquidators.com. After viewing the vehicle you may give us a call at 903-891-0000 and... More
Very good running condition. Pictures to come.This is the work that was done on the 1977 MG Midget in the past year. New Water temperature/Oil pressure... More
This 1977 MG MGB 2dr Base Convertible features a 4-CYL. 4cyl Gasoline engine. It is equipped with a 4 Speed Manual transmission. The vehicle... More


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Donate Now
Wallace & Gromit's Children's Charity is a national charity raising funds to improve the lives of sick children in hospitals and hospices throughout the UK.
The charity supports hundreds of projects in hospitals and hospices throughout the UK providing life-saving medical equipment, free family accommodation, a range of arts, music and play therapy programmes, sensory equipment and facilities and respite care.
Shaun in the City
In 2015, Aardman's internationally-renowned character Shaun the Sheep will be appearing in two ewe-nique public arts trails: 'Shaun in the City!' From 28th March - 25th May 2015, 50 giant Shaun the Sheep sculptures, created by artists, celebrities and designers will be placed in iconic locations and beautiful green spaces across London, to raise funds for Wallace & Gromit's Children's Charity.
The project will also see a trail appear in Bristol in July, to raise funds for Wallace & Gromit Grand Appeal, supporting Bristol Children's Hospital.
The difference we make
Since 2003, Wallace & Gromit's Children's Charity has given over £2 million in grants to 291 projects in 93 different hospitals or hospices. We support regional and local children's hospitals and hospices, and ensure that our grants benefit local communities throughout England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales.
Wallace & Gromit's Children's Charity provides grants to hospitals and hospices across the UK to enhance and enrich the lives of patients. Our grant sizes range between £100 and £10,000.


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We love eight-year-olds! They're just the right age for all kinds of fun. They still love the pretend play they've been enjoying for years, yet they're also ready to move ahead into more advanced toys and learning. All of these toys and activities will appeal to their natural sense of fun and wonder.
Pick up this cool hobby that you will be able to enjoy your whole life long! Cross stitching is fun and easy to do, especially with this introductory kit! Included is everything you need to create 1 butterfly bag or 1 pen holder and 4 colourful coasters! Contents include 2 plastic canvases, 1 plastic needle, different coloured yarns, design templates for handbag, pen holder and coasters and detailed, easy-to-understand instructions. Get ready to get stitching with this great kit!
Create and paint colourful dinosaur-shaped glow-in-the-dark plaster fridge magnets and badges! Included in this cool kit: easy-mix plaster powder, 1 mould with 6 dinosaur designs, 1 paint brush, 1 paint strip with 6 colours, glow paint, pins and magnets sufficient for making 12 pieces, and detailed moulding and painting instructions. Get ready for some prehistoric fun with this cool Fridge Magnet and Badge Kit!
This cool kit is both an awesome science project, and a cool desktop decoration! Make a solid volcano with the mould and plaster provided, and then paint and decorate it to look like volcanic rock with lava overflowing the top. Then put baking soda and vinegar into the "crater" at the top of the volcano, and watch as an amazing eruption occurs! Your plaster volcano will really erupt with bubbly, fizzy "lava"! The eruption can be performed repeatedly, so you're sure to entertain family and friends (not to mention yourself) for hours with this bubbling, fizzing plaster volcano!
This kit contains 1 volcano mould ( 2 parts ), 2 pouches of fine quality plaster mix, 1 paint strip of 6 colours, 1 brush, 1 stirrer, 1 blister cup, 1 sheet of fun graphics for decoration, and 1 set instructions with fun facts and a recipe for the eruption.
Baking soda and vinegar are required to perform the eruption (NOT INCLUDED).
Measures approximately 4" high.
Discover the joy of knitting with this simple to learn knitting kit! Knitters can choose between making a mobile phone/mp3 player case, a colourful cushion cover or a stylish handbag. Everything you need is included: 2 pairs of knitting needles, 1 plastic sewing needle, colourful yarn, buttons and detailed instructions. It's a fun and fashionable introduction to knitting!
This super-sized set contains everything you need to create at least 30 fridge magnets! Mix the plaster, pour it into the moulds, wait for them to dry and paint them! Make and paint colourful smiling characters, a bright rainbow, ballet slippers, sweet treats and more! There are 24 unique mould designs to choose from! You and your BFF's will enjoy decorating your creations with the included 5 different paint colours and 2 paint brushes. A perfect activity for parties and sleepovers, or give your beautiful magnet creations to others as special hand-made gifts!
Includes materials to create at least 30 magnets: 3 plastic moulds each featuring 8 designs (24 designs in total), 3 bags of easy-dry powder plaster, 2 paint brushes, 3 paint strips each featuring 5 colours of paint (blue, yellow, white, pink , purple), and detailed instructions.
Each magnet measures approximately 1.75" tall when completed.
Design and paint your very own one-of-kind kid-size umbrella! This kit has everything you need to enjoy being creative and have a beautiful yet practical creation when you are done. Just add your imagination! The included umbrella is your blank canvas; you can create any image, words or pattern you wish. Everything you need is included, the paint, a paint brush, even stencil cards with letters, the Earth, butterflies, flowers and more! Brighten up rainy days with your colourful umbrella masterpiece!
Includes: blank white umbrella, 3 stencil cards (nature images and letters), paint (red, blue, yellow, white), paint brush and detailed instructions.
There is no pre-printed design on the included umbrella.
Umbrella measures approximately 22" long.
4M Kitchen Science Kit allows you to perform amazing experiments with everyday materials. A very fun kit with various experiments to encourage a hands-on love of science!
6 specially designed kitchen science experiments:
Includes: 1 vinegar rocket, 1 launcher pad, 1 small spoon, 1 volcano, 2 skewers, 1 kitchen spy finger print development pad, 8 finger print record sheets, 1 brush, 8 secret message sheets, 2 zinc plates, 1 wire, 1 watch movement and detailed instructions with science explanations and fun facts.
Requires common household items (NOT INCLUDED): vinegar, baking soda, red food colouring, liquid dish soap, measuring cup, sugar, clothes pins, teaspoon, forks, corn starch, blackcurrant/grape juice concentrate, and lemon.
Learn how to make a real moving robot using solar panels and a motor! Watch it walk outside on a sunny day, or try powering it with your desk lamp. No batteries necessary! By recycling everyday materials as its body parts, this eco-friendly robot can be transformed into a walking dinosaur or a robotic monster!
Includes: solar panel with wires, solar panel holder plate, support arm, gear case body with motor and cams installed, 2 arms, 2 leg links, 2 legs, 2 feet, 2 terminal caps, 2 body template support clips, washer screws, screws, double-sided adhesive foam and detailed instructions.
Requires small crosshead screwdiver, paper cup and 2 forks (NOT INCLUDED).
Measures approximately 5.5" high when assembled.
Winner of the 2011 Parents' Choice Award and the Toy Fair Best New Creative Toys for 2011 Award.
Build your very own Metal Detector Robot. Hunt for buried treasure by driving the robot back and forth with the remote control. When you hear it beep, you have found something metallic! You can also detach the metal detector unit and use it as a hand-held metal detector!
Contains: 1 chassis (with axle and gear installed), 1 motor with wires and worm gear, 1 motor cover, 1 metal detector, 1 base plate for eyes, 2 stick-on eyes, 1 switch lever, 1 gear, 1 axle,1 short axle, 1 remote-control with switch and wires, 1 battery cover, 4 terminal caps, screws, washered screw, 1 connecting cable, 4 wheels and detailed instructions.
Measure approximately 14cm long when assembled.
Requires 1 AA battery. (NOT INCLUDED)
A creative robot with mechanical and scientific powers. This new futuristic robot can doodle a picture while vibrating and demonstrate energetic spinning powers. Contains 1 plastic disc and feet, 1 off-center ring, screws and nuts, short screws, felt pens, blister cover, and detailed instructions
Travel back to prehistoric times as you dig and excavate the skeleton of a Tyrannosaurus Rex with this cool kit! Included are a plaster block and a specially designed digging tool to help you excavate the skeleton. Both fun and educational, this archaeological kit is sure to delight any budding paleontologist!
Model measures approximately 7.5" long.
Excavate some very cool crystals with this Crystal Mining Kit from 4M! Use the special digging tool, brush, and magnifier to excavate the differently coloured crystals from the plaster block. Then display them in the cool display case (also included)! This kit contains 1 plaster block with 8 natural crystals buried inside, 1 specially designed digging tool, 1 brush, 1 magnifier, 1 set display case with cover and base card, 1 pouch bag and detailed instructions with fun facts. Explore the wonderful world of mining with this cool kit!
Crystals range from approximately .5" long - 1" long.
These six Russian dolls are made from plastic and nest within each other to make great trinket boxes, ornaments, and gifts! 4M science and art kits appeal to a wide variety of unique interests and give children the tools needed to explore those interests scientifically and artistically.
Dolls range in size from 0.75" tall to 3.25" tall.
Make a cool "stained glass" sun catcher to hang in your window, and enjoy the beautiful colours brought out when the sun shines through it! This kit contains a transparent plastic plate, colourful transparent paint, a paint brush and a suction cup to hang up your creation in a window. Add some colour to any room you choose with this 4M Sunbeam Catcher!
Each sold separately and ships in assorted styles. Styles will be chosen randomly and are based on available stock at the time of shipment.
Measures approximately 5" long.
Put one of Earth's natural wonders in the palm of your hand! Perform "volcanic eruptions" on the table top, in a bath or even in a glass! It's an awesome science gadget that you can take anywhere you want! Included are detailed instruction with fun explanations and 1 sachet of baking soda. The baking soda included is only sufficient for 1 or 2 eruptions. For unlimited eruption fun, ask an adult to get baking soda, vinegar or a bath fizzer from home. This cool eruption can be performed again and again!
Measures approximately 2" long by 2" wide.
You can turn an old pop can into this walking, wobbling, google-eyed robot! If you prefer, it can be transformed to become a robotic monster too. Find out that cans can be cool! Simply use one of the old pop cans you would normally send to the recycling bin for the body of your cool walking robot. Then add the different items included in this pack to make him look like a real tin robot! Included in this kit are 4 body rings, 1 short leg, 1 long leg, 2 gripper hands, 2 straw attachments, 1 toy motor with gear, screws, 4 bolts and nuts, 2 terminal caps, 1 battery casing with cover and wires, 2 moving eyes, 2 plastic feet, 1 motor/axle cover, 1 axle with gear, 1 body plate, 2 bendy straws, 2 metal wires, 2 eye base plates and detailed instructions. A cool kit that combines science with the important task of recycling!
Requires 1 AA battery (NOT INCLUDED).
Also requires a small crosshead screwdriver (NOT INCLUDED).
This classic toy can be filled with baking soda and then placed in water so you can watch it dive and ascend! 4M science and art kits appeal to a wide variety of unique interests and give children the tools needed to explore those interests scientifically and artistically.
Measures approximately 4.5" long x 1.5" tall.
Have fun making your own stamps by using the mold and clay. Now you can add that special touch to cards, notebooks, letters, gifts, and more with your unique stamp collection.
Includes 1 stamp mold with 12 designs, 12 plastic handles, white clay, 8 sheets of note paper, 1 stamp pad with 4 colours, and instructions.
Stamp pad measures approximately 1.5" long x 1.5" wide.Stamps measure approximately 0.75" wide.
Your audience won't believe their own eyes seeing morph illusions when they come under the spell of the hypnotic spinner! The clouds will magically move on the paper!
Includes: Spinner base (requires assembly), cloud picture-card, and detailed instructions.
No tools requires for assembly.
Can you really make a clock work using something other than batteries? Of course, with the help of this cool kit! Use the digital clock with wires, pots, connecting wire, transparent tapes, copper and zinc strips, and detailed instructions included to create a real working digital clock powered by potatoes! Experiment with other food and drinks too and see how many wacky ways you can make the clock work! (Potatoes and other foods not included). Have fun while you construct and learn with this cool Potato Clock!
It's a new season and that means new Our Generation is here! Let's go
camping, meet some new friends with beautiful, long hair to style, and rock
some cool spring fashions …
read more...
We're now hiring staff for our brand new locations in South Edmonton Common and Red Deer!
resumes to firstname.lastname@example.com
We are thrilled to announce the opening of our new Calgary location.
Details Here


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Tioga County SheriffTwitter Statistics
@TiogaCoSheriff - Tracking since April 2, 2014
Official Twitter account for the Tioga County(NY) Sheriff's Office. Emergencies Dial 9-1-1 Non-Emergency 607-687-1010 Account not monitored 24/7
Owego, NY
You are on Tioga County Sheriff's Twitter stats page
We track these Twitter stats since April 2, 2014 . You can see how many followers Tioga County Sheriff lost or gained and what the prediction is for tomorrow or the next 15 days, together with all kinds of other stats like rank compared to all Twitter users, tweets etc.
Why don't you give it a try and compare Tioga County Sheriff to yourself ? Or if you are Tioga County Sheriff get even more feature rich & up-to-date stats with Premium & Pro Twitter Stats.
Twitter Counter is the #1 Twitter stats site powered by Twitter. It all started in June 12, 2008 and we grew rather rapidly because of our Twitter Counter badge. The button is a nice small image that shows your visitors how many followers you have on Twitter. Within a year the button was on many many blogs around the world and we displayed more than 100 million buttons in one month. We track follower stats for over 180 million users now.
"I just unlocked the 6-month graphs on Twitter Counter.
Find out more http://twittercounter.com/pages/you via @TheCounter #paidwithatweet"


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The day of an early-morning raid on the Occupy Dallas campground in which 18 people were arrested, WFAA.com visited the site to talk with three members of the movement. A former electrician, college student and mixed martial arts instructor answered eight questions pertaining to the movement, the raid and what change they hope to make in the nation's political system. Colby Barnett, 25; Steven Arzu, 20 and Ameer Wahdan, 21, share their thoughts.
1.) For those who are unclear of what the Occupy Dallas movement is about, how would you summarize the group?
BARNETT: It s a movement of solidarity with Occupy Wall Street. Basically, we are here to get corporate money out of the American political system. Right now, the politicians we are sending to Washington to represent us are not properly doing so because they are concerned about corporate money and campaign donations. The corporate influence needed to fund a campaign on national campaign has made it to where our voices are not being properly heard.
2.) What made you personally decide to join the movement?
BARNETT: For years, I ve been looking at the system we have in place and I don't logically see a reason to have corporations shoveling money into representatives that we send to Washington that are supposed to be representing the people.
WAHDAN: No one really persuaded me. I didn t even know about it prior to accidentally stumbling upon it. But, as soon as I got there, I talked to a couple of people and found out what it was all about and pretty much on the spot decided that was where my heart needed to be and that s where I needed to be.
ARZU: While some individuals were, 'How much does this shirt cost?' we were like, 'What s happening with the ups and downs of the dollar?' So, I ll say what kind of brought us here really is just that intuitive creative mindset that led us to question what these problems are that are happening in our society and the thought that there is a change that needs to be made.
3.) Were you part of the camping? If so, what were some essential items needed?
BARNETT: A tent - essential. Sleeping bag, of course. It got cold; it got wet. Other than that, you can kind of make due. We had plenty of food donations and things like that.
WAHDAN: I wanted more water more than anything while I was out here.
ARZU: Water and a warm blanket.
WAHDAN: Deodorant!
ARZU: Yes, deodorant and a blanket.
4.) What did you think of the way officers raided the camp site early Thursday morning?
BARNETT: I thought it was a little ridiculous. It was complete excess. We had more mounted horses than we did protesters planning to be arrested ... We had SWAT bust out here, officers with riot shields and we had 15 people sitting down in a circle on some grass that were ready to be removed peacefully.
WAHDAN: I think it was completely uncalled for. I think the excess show of force showed that they came to battle it out Oakland style, expecting us to resist. I think they were completely surprised that we didn't resist at all.
ARZU: Specifically, with the Dallas Occupation, we ve had the reputation of being the model of what a peaceful protest should look like. Though we ve had our problems as far as perpetrators in our camp, that is a total separate issue as far as resisting the police ... You had officers on horseback and there were a number of officers with armored gear. But, when you look at all the equipment that was used to dismantle what is the model of a peaceful protest , it causes questions. One, what were the funds that were used in order to make this possible and what was the decision making behind the raid?
How much notice were you given before the raid?
WAHDAN: We had a hunch that they were thinking about raiding maybe three days beforehand. The actual day of of them raiding us, it was questionable, so we went around and asked various individuals from the police force and they told us and stated that they were not raiding and they were just hanging tight, just hanging out. Little did we know, we probably had 20 minutes, a half an hour to get our stuff out of there.
ARZU: Let s say the warning, it didn t come from city council or police. There was no written statement. It came from an organization that was with us saying, 'Hey, be watchful.' The police department said we had 24 hours notice, but yet the day before the media was swarming here and they were uninformed. I also want to say a letter was sent at 11:59 p.m., we were raided at what, 12 o clock, where there was no media. It just puts things in perspective that this wasn t something that they wanted to be made public.
5.) What would you say to those that say get a job?
BARNETT:I would say that we are here for you as well. That's not the point; we're not looking for handouts. We re not looking to take anything away from anyone. All we want to do is get your voice heard. We don't care if you're a CEO or homeless, I want your voice properly represented in the political system right now, and that's not happening because your voice and your votes that you make to send a representative to Washington is being influenced by corporate money instead of the voice of the people.
6.) Are you going to vote and if so for whom?
BARNETT: I will vote, but I don't want to bring about any type of political affiliation to the movement because, like I said, we are here to represent all 99 percent of the people and not one party. Last time I was looking, 99 percent of the people were not Republican, Democrat, Libertarian, Socialist, communist, anarchist. I just want everyone's voice properly heard.
ARZU: One of the things that was stated is that we are an organization, or an assembly, that is built on trying to either change or reform our political process. We re individuals that see errors in our political system. I feel like answering that question, as far as any one individual, it could sway our movement.
7.) What is your next plan of action?
BARNETT: Our next plan of action is to find a spot in the public domain and occupy that spot until corporate money is out of our political system.
ARZU: Based on the consensus - we did have an assembly before the direction in which we re going is - we believe the process in which was used to get us evicted was not the proper form. The reason we are here is that we feel that there are improper things happening in our government. We want to uncover just those type of processes, whether it be the one behind the city of Dallas getting us evacuated.
8.) Is there a politician that you believe epitomizes the wrong that you believe is happening in our system?
BARNETT: I still think that goes back to all politicians that are on a national level that are getting corporate funding, and that is wrong in my opinion. The only reason a corporation would give money to a politician would be to influence that politician. At the end of the day, every corporation's end goal is to increase shareholder profits. They are not concerned about me, they are not concerned about you and they are not concerned about the sustainability of their practices. They are not concerned about the American people ... We don't need that in the political government. They are supposed to be there to represent all of us.
ARZU: Across the board, one of the things we ve spoken about is how we feel that there is a mass amount of corruption and money that sways the decisions of a lot of politicians.


text: Okay, I have no idea what dpo I am, because I'm still breastfeeding and haven't had a PP AF yet. However, I did have some pink cm yesterday, and now I'm wondering if it was IB or just caused by wacky hormones, because I haven't had any bleeding or spotting since. See anything?


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Sherwood Breezes Resort
No availability found through our partners. Please contact the business directly or check some of our recommended alternatives.
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Long and tiring day. The flight was fine but the first leg was the shortest I've known. Stanstead to Birmingham, 25 minutes, hardly time to get in the air. And half the passengers going to Birmingham from Antalya, so outgoing and incoming on the same flight. Landed at 2.30 a.m., and the hotel an hour and a half away. At least they ...
A Bit about Turkey
No real travel stories or pix this time, just a brief blog about life in Turkey for two reasons:
- Several people asked me questions about life here in Turkey
- I wanted to put a pin on Antalya on my map
Side (See-day)
... We walked through the ruins for a while and then went to the modern day tourist trap, found a cafe next to the Mediterranean and chilled for a while before trekking back to our bus stop to take the trip home. The attached pictures don't to the place justice but you're gonna want to take a peek at ...
Hang out days
... eaten and done so far and it keeps getting better. :P The short-term peeps left today for another area. They have 3 weeks left before they head back across the ocean. They are doing well but can still always use your thoughts. Please keep them in ...
Peace Like a River
Contentment. That is one word that describes this team and the way they approach life abroad. That's a good thing. Living in another culture can be stressful and is for anyone and everyone. But if you're heart is at peace then it becomes much easier to get through and over the hiccups life sends your way. Yesterday was a special day. I can't get into the details but we spent ...


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Union Food Minister Ram Vilas Paswan met state food ministers and discussed issues such as inflation, the problem of hoarding and black marketing. After the meeting, Paswan said foodgrain hoarding should be made a non-bailable offence. Expressing concern over the issue, he said hoarding is a serious crime in foreign countries, while it has become a common phenomenon in India. The food ministers from different states met in New Delhi to reach a consensus to make food grain hoarding an offence to minimise the differences between the demand and supply.
"We have reached a consensus that the Essential Commodity Act needs to be implemented properly and it should get punitive powers. So, all kinds of relevant crimes including food grain hoarding should be made non-bailable offences," said Paswan. He also said the states should have storage godowns for food grains in the agriculture dominated districts, and a price stabilisation method would be implemented to check the problem of food inflation. Paswan also informed that the state governments which have not implemented the Food Security Act would be given three months' time to introduce it in their respective regions.
"By and large the states have agreed to implement the Food Security Act within three months. Few states have cited issues for the delay and have hence agreed to implement the act latest by a year," added Paswan.