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Helicobacter pylori (H pylori) infection of the gastrointestinal (GI) tract is treated with a combination of antibiotics and proton-pump inhibitors (PPIs). Genetic factors may influence the success of H pylori treatment through effects on PPI metabolism. Individuals with polymorphisms in the CYP2C19 gene metabolize PPIs more rapidly than normal and may have a reduced therapeutic effect. Therefore, individualized treatment regimens based on genetic testing may improve eradication rates.
H pylori is a bacterium associated with a range of GI disorders, such as peptic ulcer disease, chronic gastritis, and gastric malignancy. Eradication of H pylori has been proven beneficial for a number of indications.
Currently, multiple regimens are available for treating H pylori infection. These include PPI, as well as similar medication(s), to suppress acid production in combination with antibiotic treatment, consisting of one or more agents such as amoxicillin, clarithromycin, or metronidazole. These first-line regimens generally achieve eradication rates in the 70–90% range. Differences in eradication rates are dependent on the regimen used and the population being treated. Treatment failures are most often attributed to antibiotic resistance or poor patient compliance. Resistance to clarithromycin is an important factor associated with treatment failure, with high rates of treatment failure for standard first-line regimens in patients infected with clarithromycin-resistant strains of H pylori. A 2002 survey from the U.S. estimated that 13% of H pylori strains are resistant to clarithromycin and that the rate of resistance was rising in comparison to earlier studies.
Genetic factors may influence the success of H pylori treatment through effects on PPI metabolism. Individuals with polymorphisms in the CYP2C19 gene, a component of the cytochrome p450 (CYP450) system, metabolize PPIs more slowly than normal. Genetic variation in the CYP450 enzyme system is one of the most extensively studied in the field of pharmacogenomics. This family of enzymes is found in the liver and is important for metabolizing and eliminating a large number of pharmacologic agents. Differences in PPI metabolism lead to variability in gastric acid suppression, with associated variability in gastric pH and potential impact on the efficacy of H pylori treatment. Observational research suggests that patients who are extensive metabolizers of PPIs have lower eradication rates following standard treatment for H pylori, compared with poor metabolizers.
Three major CYP2C19 alleles determine enzymatic activity, as shown in Table 1. The *1 allele is the wild-type found in most individuals, while the *2 and *3 alleles are the most common polymorphisms that are known to impact enzymatic activity. Both the *2 and *3 alleles are examples of "null" alleles, which have no enzymatic activity. Each null allele is caused by a single nucleotide change that results in a splice defect or a stop codon. (1)
Table 1. CYP2C19 polymorphisms**
Table 2. CYP2C19 phenotypes**
Nucleotide Change
Predicted Enzyme Activity
**Adapted from AmpliChip package insert (Roche AmpliChip Cytochrome P450® Genotyping) EM—extensive metabolizers
IM—intermediate metabolizers
PM—poor metabolizers
Polymorphisms of the CYP2C19 gene are relatively common and vary by ethnicity. Patients with no polymorphisms of CYP2C19 have 2 wild-type alleles and no reduction in their ability to metabolize PPIs. These patients are typically called extensive metabolizers (EM) (Table 2). Heterozygous polymorphisms are found in 27–37% of the Caucasian population and 46–50% of the Asian population. These patients have a minor reduction in their ability to eliminate PPIs and are called intermediate metabolizers (IM). Homozygous polymorphisms of the CYP2C19 gene are found in 3–6% of Caucasians and in 12–20% of Asians. These patients eliminate PPIs from the circulation substantially more slowly than unaffected patients and are termed poor metabolizers (PM).
In patients treated with PPIs, intragastric pH has been shown to correlate with CYP2C19 status. Patients homozygous for a CYP2C19 mutation (PM) exhibit a less acidic pH when compared to patients without a CYP2C19 mutation, with heterozygous patients exhibiting intermediate values. Intragastric pH has important implications for treating H pylori. H pylori is more sensitive to antibiotics at less acidic pH levels. Less acidic pH levels also lead to greater stability and bioavailability of antibiotics. Therefore, it is expected that treatment of H pylori will be more successful if there is maximal suppression of gastric acid production and higher intragastric pH levels.
Therefore, it has been proposed that a pharmacogenomics-based treatment regimen individualized by CYP2C19 status may improve the success rate of treatment for H pylori. If CYP2C19 status is known prior to treatment, adjustments can be made in the selection of PPI and/or the dosing schedule to achieve optimal acid suppression in all patients. Improved eradication rates for H pylori could lead to improved health outcomes by reducing the need for retreatment following treatment failure, reducing recurrences of H pylori-associated disorders and reducing the morbidity and mortality associated with disease recurrence.
At least one commercially available genetic test, the Roche AmpliChip Cytochrome P450® Genotyping test, has been approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) as a class II medical device. This test examines polymorphisms in CYP2D6 and CYP2C19 isoenzymes of the cytochrome p450 enzyme system. Approval for this device was originally granted in December 2004 as an aid in determining treatment choice and individualizing treatment dose for therapeutics that are primarily metabolized by the CYP2D6 enzyme. The use of information on CYP2C19 polymorphisms was not addressed as part of the FDA approval process.
Each benefit plan, summary plan description or contract defines which services are covered, which services are excluded, and which services are subject to dollar caps or other limitations, conditions or exclusions. Members and their providers have the responsibility for consulting the member's benefit plan, summary plan description or contract to determine if there are any exclusions or other benefit limitations applicable to this service or supply. If there is a discrepancy between a Medical Policy and a member's benefit plan, summary plan description or contract, the benefit plan, summary plan description or contract will govern.
Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Montana (BCBSMT) considers genotyping to determine cytochrome p450 (CYP2C19) genetic polymorphisms experimental, investigational and unproven for the purpose of managing the treatment of Helicobacter pylori (H. pylori) infection.
This policy was based on a February 2008 Blue Cross Blue Shield Association (BCBSA) Technology Assessment Center (TEC) Assessment. (2)
Validation of genotyping to improve pharmacologic treatment outcomes is a multistep process. In general, important steps in the validation process address the following.
The AmpliChip Cytochrome P450® Genotyping test tests for known polymorphisms of 2 isoenzymes of the cytochrome p450 system, CYP2D6 and CYP2C19. This system uses DNA extracted from whole blood and a polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based GeneChip Microarray Instrumentation system to determine the presence or absence of genetic polymorphisms. (1)
For the CYP2C19 gene, the test examines for the 2 common polymorphisms associated with enzymatic activity (Table 1). Information from the manufacturer claims greater than 99% accuracy in detecting these common polymorphisms. (2) However, a number of rare polymorphisms that have been identified are not tested for by the AmpliChip system. The results of the test are included in a report to the ordering physician that includes potential clinical implications of the result.
Literature review
Is there a correlation between CYP2C19 genetic status and H pylori eradication rates?
Numerous case series and re-analysis of clinical trials completed for other reasons have suggested that there is a correlation between CYP2C19 status and success rates for eradication of H pylori. For the most part, these are studies in which a single treatment regimen was used and in which patients were tested for CYP2C19 status. These studies then report eradication rates for H pylori according to CYP2C19 status. (3-7)
The majority of studies that did not use rabeprazole reported lower eradication rates in extensive metabolizer (EM) patients compared with poor metabolizer (PM) patients. Rabeprazole is the only proton pump inhibitor (PPI) that is not metabolized by the CYP2C19 enzyme, and therefore eradication rates with regimens including rabeprazole may not vary according to CYP2C19 status. For studies not using rabeprazole, eradication rates in PM patients are consistently in the 95–100% range. The eradication rates for EM patients are substantially lower, ranging from 29–80%, with eradication rates for intermediate metabolizer (IM) patients generally intermediate between the two. For trials that used rabeprazole, eradication rates according to CYP2C19 group were generally similar, although at least one study did report lower eradication rates for EM patients. (8)
A meta-analysis from 2006 (9) confirmed these findings. This analysis included clinical trials of H pylori eradication that used dual or triple therapy antibiotic regimens, reported eradication rates by CYP2C19 status, and had a Jadad quality score of 2 or greater. The authors identified 19 trials that met their inclusion criteria and reported pooled eradication rates by genetic status and specific PPI agent. For all PPIs, the pooled eradication rate was highest in the PM group (89%), intermediate in the IM group (83%), and lowest in the EM group (71%), with the difference between these groups significant at the p<0.0001 level. The difference in eradication rates by CYP2C19 status also appeared to vary by the specific PPI used. The greatest difference in eradication rates between EM groups and PM groups was seen for omeprazole (93% vs. 63%, respectively). The difference in eradication rates was less pronounced for lansoprazole (88% vs. 74%, respectively), and least evident for rabeprazole (81% vs. 77%, respectively).
A second meta-analysis reported similar findings. This study (10) reviewed 20 studies that evaluated the relationship between CYP2C19 genetic status and H pylori eradication rates. Poor metabolizers had the highest rates of eradication when compared to either heterozygous EMs (odds ratio [OR]: 1.73, p=0.002) or homozygous EMs (OR: 2.79, p<0.001). Among the individual PPIs included in these studies, CYP2C19 status was associated with eradication rates for treatment regimens using omeprazole and lansoprazole but not for regimens using rabeprazole.
Conclusions. Numerous observational studies and meta-analyses have established that the eradication rate for H pylori is dependent on CYP2C19 genetic status. Poor metabolizers have the highest rates of eradication, at approximately 90% or higher. Intermediate metabolizers and PMs have lower eradication rates, with reported rates in the literature ranging from 60-90%.
Does genetic testing for CYP2C19 variants improve eradication rates in individuals with Helicobacter pylori infection?
A single randomized, controlled trial (RCT) was identified for use of genetic testing in selecting the treatment regimen for H pylori infection. (11) This study randomly assigned 300 Japanese patients to a pharmacogenomics-based treatment regimen versus a standard treatment regimen. The pharmacogenomics regimen included testing for CYP2C19 genetic status, esophagogastroduodenoscopy (EGD), and H pylori culture with sensitivity testing to clarithromycin. In the pharmacogenomics group, the dose of PPI was adjusted according to CYP2C19 genetic status, and the antibiotic regimen was adjusted according to H pylori sensitivity to clarithromycin.
Eradication rates following initial treatment were 96% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 91.5–98.2%) in the pharmacogenomics-based treatment group versus 70.0% (95% CI: 62.2–77.2%) in the standard therapy group (p<0.001). When analyzed according to genetic status, the improvement in eradication rates in the pharmacogenomics group was greater for EM patients (100% vs. 58%, respectively) and IM patients (95% vs. 72%, respectively), compared to PM patients (91% vs. 91%, respectively). Eradication rates also varied by clarithromycin-resistant status, with particularly low eradication rates occurring in the standard treatment group for EM patients with clarithromycin resistance (0%) and IM patients with clarithromycin resistance (48%).
Patients who failed eradication following first-line treatment were re-treated. By intent-to-treat analysis, eradication rates following re-treatment were 97.8% (95% CI: 94.3–99.6%) for the pharmacogenomics group compared to 88.0% (95% CI: 81.7–92.7%) for the standard regimen group (p<0.001). When analyzed by per-protocol, the eradication rates were 99.3% (95% CI: 96.3–100%) for the pharmacogenomics group compared to 95.7% (95% CI: 90.8–98.4%) for the standard treatment group (p=NS).
Alternative regimens, involving higher PPI doses and/or PPI medications that are not metabolized by cytochrome P450, have been tested as another option to genetic testing.(12-14) Several more recent trials have directly compared the eradication rates of a treatment regimen containing rabeprazole to a treatment regimen containing an alternative PPI in Asian populations. (12, 14) Kuo et al. (12) enrolled 195 patients who had previously failed initial treatment and reported an eradication rate of 78.7% (95% CI: 72.5-84.9%) for the rabeprazole regimen compared to 72.9% (95% CI: 64.9-80.9%, p=0.05) for the esomeprazole-based regimen group. These results remained significant after controlling for the effect of antibiotic resistance. Zhang et al. (14) studied 240 Chinese patients with peptic ulcer disease and compared eradication rates for rabeprazole-based regimens compared with omeprazole-based regimens. The eradication rates were significantly higher for the rabeprazole-based regimens among EMs but not among patients with wild-type CYP2C19 (p=0.01).
Conclusions. While the single available RCT reports an increased rate of H pylori eradication in the pharmacogenomics strategy compared with a standard approach, this study does not provide definitive evidence that use of a pharmacogenomics-based treatment regimen improves health outcomes. There are numerous variations in the treatment regimen within the experimental group that make it difficult to determine which specific aspects of the treatment regimen may have led to benefit. In particular, it appears that clarithromycin resistance is an important factor in treatment success and that there may be an interaction between clarithromycin resistance and CYP2C19 status.
Alternative treatment strategies exist for eradicating H pylori that address some of the issues raised by CYP2C19 variability but do not rely on testing for CYP2C19 status. For example, empiric treatment with higher-dose PPI for all patients might be reasonable, particularly for non-Asian populations in which CYP2C19 mutation rates are lower. This approach may be as effective as regimens tailored by pharmacogenomics, with little additional risk. The use of a PPI that is less susceptible to CYP2C19 status, such as rabeprazole, has been associated with higher eradication rates compared to other PPIs, This may be the preferred regimen, given that there is no reason to suspect other advantages to use of omeprazole or lansoprazole. Ideally, a clinical trial will evaluate whether a tailored pharmacogenomics approach is superior to other empiric approaches such as these.
The scientific evidence available through May 2013 does not permit conclusions on whether the use of a pharmacogenomics-based treatment regimen for H pylori improves eradication rates. In general, eradication rates of H pylori vary by CYP2C19 status, with the highest rates found in patients who are poor metabolizers of PPIs. In the single randomized controlled trial comparing a pharmacogenomics-based treatment regimen with a standard regimen, eradication rates after first-line treatment were higher for the pharmacogenomics group compared with the standard treatment group. However, because of numerous variations in treatment protocol within the pharmacogenomics group, it is not possible to determine whether the improvement resulted from the tailored PPI dosages according to CYP2C19 genetic status or due to other variations in the treatment protocol unrelated to CYP2C19 status. It is possible that other clinical factors, such as clarithromycin resistance, or other treatment factors, such as length of antibiotic treatment, may have influenced eradication rates. The use of a PPI that is less susceptible to CYP2C19 status, such as rabeprazole, has been associated with higher eradication rates compared to other PPIs. Therefore, additional trials are needed to address the issues noted above, including alternative treatment regimens, before conclusions can be made on whether a pharmacogenomics-based treatment regimen improves H pylori eradication rates compared to a standard treatment regimen. Therefore, the use of genetic testing for Helicobacter pylori treatment is considered experimental, investigational and unproven.
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Procedure and diagnosis codes on Medical Policy documents are included only as a general reference tool for each policy. They may not be all-inclusive.
The presence or absence of procedure, service, supply, device or diagnosis codes in a Medical Policy document has no relevance for determination of benefit coverage for members or reimbursement for providers. Only the written coverage position in a medical policy should be used for such determinations.
Benefit coverage determinations based on written Medical Policy coverage positions must include review of the member's benefit contract or Summary Plan Description (SPD) for defined coverage vs. non-coverage, benefit exclusions, and benefit limitations such as dollar or duration caps.


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Criminal Defense Lawyers and Law Firms in Unionville, GA
Criminal Defense Lawyers
The Law Offices of Richard S. Lawson
Forsyth County DUI Attorney in Georgia(770) 536-3732
The Law Offices of Richard S. Lawson, in Dawsonville, Georgia, focuses on DUI and DWI cases. Comprised of Richard S. Lawson and Kimberly Berry, the team works together to defend people wrongly accused of DUI's and other legal issues resulting from DUI stops.
With over 19 years...
Law Firm's Overview Free ConsultationContingency Fee
Law Offices of Jeanie K. Tupper, P.C.
Bankruptcy, Divorce, Family Law and Personal Injury Law Firm(229) 446-7557
The Law Offices of Jeanie K. Tupper, P.C. is committed to providing top quality legal services for our clients. Our dedicated lawyers are trained in representing you and meeting your needs. Areas of practice include Bankruptcy, Personal Injury, Workers' Compensation, Medical Malpractice,...
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Dodd & Burnham, PC
General Practice Law Firm in Valdosta(229) 242-4470
Dodd & Burnham, PC's attorneys focus on criminal defense. They have successfully managed many cases due to their devotion to justice, passion for the law, and outstanding reputation for providing superior legal representation. Our strong success record and commanding courtroom...
Law Firm's Overview
The Law Office of Christine M. Cruse, PC
Divorce and Criminal Lawyer in Warner Robins, Georgia(478) 333-6323
The Law Office of Christine M. Cruse, PC provides central Georgia with the skill and legal acumen of a 15-year veteran of Georgia's legal system. Attorney Christine Cruse has devoted her firm to helping families and those facing criminal charges, and in a few short years has earned...
Law Firm's Overview Credit Cards
Floyd Buford, Attorney at Law
Macon, Georgia Personal Injury and Criminal Defense Attorney(478) 742-3605
At Floyd Buford Attorney at Law, we firmly believe that our success has come from the successful resolutions that we have been able to achieve for our clients over many years. Our goal is to continue to provide the same level of exceptional representation to our clients for decades...
Law Firm's Overview VideosFree Consultation
The Nye Law Group, PC
Hinesville, Georgia Criminal Defense, Personal Injury and Family Attorneys(912) 200-5230
The Nye Law Group, P.C. is a criminal defense, personal injury, and family law firm serving residents in and around Savannah, Georgia. The firm's responsive attorneys take pride in the work they do for clients, and the consistently demonstrate a penchant for getting to know clients...
Law Firm's Overview VideosFree Consultation
The Law Offices of Richard S. Lawson
Henry County DUI Attorney in Georgia(404) 816-4440
The Law Offices of Richard S. Lawson in Henry County, GA, helps those charged with driving under the influence of drugs and alcohol. The firm has assisted clients dealing with DUI violations for nearly 20 years. The firm has represented clients in 4,900 cases and found solutions...
Law Firm's Overview Free ConsultationContingency Fee
The Nye Law Group, PC
Savannah, Georgia Criminal Defense, Personal Injury and Family Attorneys(912) 200-5230
The Nye Law Group, P.C. is a criminal defense, personal injury, and family law firm serving residents in and around Savannah, Georgia. The firm's responsive attorneys take pride in the work they do for clients, and the consistently demonstrate a penchant for getting to know clients...
Law Firm's Overview VideosFree Consultation
Jarrett Maillet JD, PC
Savannah, Georgia Criminal Defense Lawyer(800) 785-5183
Jarrett Maillett J.D., P.C. is a criminal defense law firm based in Savannah, Georgia providing legal representation to clients facing criminal charges throughout surrounding areas of Georgia. Founding attorney Jarrett Maillett has extensive experience in criminal law, including...
Law Firm's Overview Free Consultation
The Pate Law Firm, LLC
Criminal and Civil Trial Lawyers in Savannah, Georgia(912) 944-5000 or (865) 544-1010
The Pate Law Firm is a leading criminal defense and civil litigation firm based out of Atlanta, Georgia providing legal services and representation to clients throughout the state of Georgia via their additional office locations. Additionally the firm has handled federal cases from...
Law Firm's Overview VideosFree ConsultationCredit Cards
Phillips Roberts & Carson, Attorneys at Law
Savannah Criminal Defense Attorneys(912) 232-0081 or (877) 938-2157
Phillips, Roberts and Carson in Savannah, GA, has been helping clients with their legal issues for 30 years. The firm has the persistence, experience and commitment to provide a criminal defense, strategy in business cases or legal advice in personal injury cases. With a combined...
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The Jarrett Firm, LLC
Georgia Immigration, Criminal Defense, Mediation and Family Law Attorneys(912) 401-8880
We are a full service law firm located in Savannah, Georgia offering client-centered legal representation in the areas of Immigration and Nationality Law, Criminal Defense, and Family Law.
In the area of Immigration and Nationality Law, we offer services to companies and corporations...
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Wiseman Blackburn & Futrell, Attorneys at Law
Personal Injury, Real Estate, Divorce, and Criminal Law Attorneys(912) 232-2136
Wiseman Blackburn & Futrell is a 59 year old full service law firm. We represent people and small businesses in all types of civil and criminal matters in Georgia and Federal Courts. We have extensive experience in handling personal injury and wrongful death matters that result...
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Miller & Brown, PC
Criminal & DUI Attorneys in Georgia(770) 461-2025
At Miller & Brown, P.C., we are proud to say we possess the qualities of a good criminal law firm. We have good negotiating skills, an exemplary reputation, and a proven track record of successful cases. Our success at trial, and thorough investigative techniques, has made us...
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Kam, Ebersbach & Lewis PC
Auto Accident and DUI Attorneys in Newnan, Georgia(770) 251-7100 or (866) 929-3613
Kam, Ebersbach and Lewis P.C. in Newnan, GA, offers personal injury and criminal defense legal services. The law firm has built a reputation for exceptional client care, ensuring clients are on equal footing with big corporations. The practice has served the community since 1994,...
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Pepper Tree Heights Senior Apartments285 Peppertree Dr., Amherst, NY 14228 View On Map (716) 965-5468
Convenient Senior Living!
Lovely 1 bedroom apartment homes offer Elderly/Handicapped residents all the comforts, including kitchen appliances, laundry facilities and 24 hour maintenance. Located in a residential setting, centrally located near stores and close to a bus route.
Pepper Tree Heights Senior Apartments is a senior apartment community located in Amherst, NY. View this 55+ apartment on a map.
Pricing & Floor Plans
|Floor Plan
|Price Range
|Contact Us
|Check Availability
Office Hours
- Monday - Friday 10am-5pm
Why You'll Love Us
Close to Rte 990 and I-290. Next to Ellicott Creek Park. Shop at Target, Kohl's, Wegmans Alberta Drive and The Boulevard Mall.
Features & Amenities
- All Carpet
- Pets Under 20lbs w/sec deposit
- Appliances Included
- 24 Hour Emergency Maintenance
- Residential Setting
- Two Elevators
- Laundry Facilities
- Seniors / Permanently disabled adults
- Van Service Available
Maps & Directions
About Us
Professionally Managed By: MJ Peterson
Also visit us here: Visit this Property's Website


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Add products to cart, creating a minimum value of $25. Enter code COLORCRUSH in the coupon code box at checkout to get 40% Off items in the Color Crush Summer Sunrise section. Maximum discount $100. May combined with flash sale offers. Offer valid online only. Offer ends 11:59 PM PST 6/8/2015.
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|Half Baths
|Property type
|Minimum Stay
|3 nights
Villa Casablanca is a spectacular 13,000 square foot villa perched on the rocky cliffs of the prestigious La Punta development in Manzanillo. It's location provides some of the most stunning views of Manzanillo Bay and the Pacific Ocean. Explore the area with our 4 seater golf cart.
This villa boasts 5 large ensuite bedrooms all with dramatic ocean views. The Master Bedroom, with a very private balcony, has 180 degree views that are simply breathtaking. A living room, formal dining room, barand eat in kitchen all open onto the Pacific. In addition there are three separate and beautiful outdoor terraces providing both sun and shade.
Our staff will welcome you with authentic Mexican warmth and will be available to meet your every need, while respecting your privacy. Our chef will delight you with incredible meals and snacks all day long.
For more infomation visit our website at www.villacasablanca.ca
Rory and I fell in love with Manzanillo the very first time we visited. We loved it so much that we bought Villa Casablanca four months later. Our home was one of the original built in the beautiful community of La Punta twenty five years ago. As such, it was a prime location with outstanding views and unrivaled privacy. Upon purchase in 2009, we hired a contractor who spoke only Spanish and the adventure began ! ( neither Rory nor I speak Spanish , but we're learning ! ) Our permanent home is in Canada, so needless to say , there were a great many emails !
The Villa has been completely renovated, refurnished and renamed. The inspiration came from our many, much loved trips to Italy. It was these travels and memories that inspired the "old world " feel of Villa Casablanca. Our vision was to evoke a sense of classic, but comfortable elegance. All of the furniture was custom built in Guadalajara by amazing craftsmen. All of the upholstery and bed coverings were designed and also custom made in Guadalajara. We are still adding to the Villa and see it as a work in progress. Throughout this adventure we have met some wonderful people and have developed some treasured friendships. We love the warmth of the Mexican people, the culture, the ocean and the savory Mexican foods.
We wish you a wonderful holiday and hope that you experience all that this beautiful country has to offer. So, put your feet up, sip on a margarita and enjoy Villa Casablanca and the magnificent views of Manzanillo Bay and the Pacific Ocean. Oh, and don't forget your sunscreen !
Rory Pike purchased this villa in 2009
The staff at Villa Casablanca are quite simply outstanding. Our guest book reflects this with every weeks comments.
The other thing that separate this villa are the views. They are completely unobstructed and we are at an elevation which makes you feel like you can touch the water while offering the advantage of enough height to provide a fantastic perspective on Manzanillo Bay and the mountains in the background.
The nightie views are equally as captivating as the daytime view as we face the bay. If you face out to sea vie disappear with the sun
Hi Rory and Kim
Just wanted to touch base and let you know we had another fantastic week at Villa Casablanca!!!
Manzanillo is a hidden gem!!! The people are proud, kind, hard working and exceptionally friendly!
We enjoyed, the massages and silver shopping at the Villa, golf, snorkeling, deep sea fishing, an ATV tour, a sunset cruise, many walks on the beach and finding little places to enjoy a cerveza or margarita, spoiled by local hospitality!!!
The La Punta community is beautiful and we loved walking through the streets, taking in views from different areas. We even got to go through 2 open houses, affirming the beauty we have come to love from Villa Casablanca!!!!
Rosario, Any, Carmen and Rafael are beyond words!!!! Their endless professionalism and eagerness to please is what truly makes your place top notch! We had many tears saying goodbye!
Freddy and ALL his staff at Haro Tours are equally amazing, hard working, friendly and reliable!!! Freddy is doing very well getting his ATV business up and running and our crew were the first to blaze the new trails!!! They loved it!!!!
You are very well known in the community as being fabulous owners and having the best staff :)
We are certain we will return again next February! Thank you so much for sharing your amazing slice of heaven with us!!!
The Wilsons
The Stevens
The Griffins
The Gibbons and
The Sniders
(feel free to post this on your site if you need a testimonial)
Our party of 8 adults and 1 child (age 9) will all tell you this was the most amazing experience. We are well traveled and have a lot to compare. The villa itself is incredible in every way. All of the rooms were very large with grand ensuites. The views were even more beautiful than the pictures. You truly have to experience it to appreciate it. The staff was amazing!! Rafael could not do enough for us! He had drinks ready before we even asked. Rosario made the most incredible meals! The food was beyond what we could have imagined. We hired a driver and car for the week and would highly recommend this as well. Rory (owner of Villa CasaBlanca) can arrange this for you as well. The most memorable vacation you will ever experience! We will never go back to all inclusive again. Even the finest resorts have nothing on Villa CasaBlanca!! We'll be back!
From the moment we were picked up at the airport to a tearful adios to the amazing staff, our stay at Villa Casablanca was nothing short of heavenly. I found that it surpassed all of my expectations! The pictures on the website are beautiful, but really don't do it justice. It is impeccably decorated, with each bedroom/suite designed to provide a different feel. Everything super clean inside and out. However, it was the staff that made our stay so incredible. We fell in love with all of them. It felt like home from the moment that we arrived. They are there when you need them and allow you privacy when you want some down time. The food was out of this world, with fresh seafood, authentic Mexican dishes and even some custom orders which surpassed our expectations. We loved it SO much that all 5 couples decided within the first 6 hours of being there that we would book for next year. We wanted for nothing more and can't wait to go back. We are counting down the sleeps already!
I was at this property two weeks ago celebrating my 50th birthday. I must say, the pictures on the internet do not do justice. The property is absolutely beautiful. The grounds are very well maintained and the staff is wonderful. It was hard for me to believe that the house was way better than the pictures. The views are unbelievable. The staff provided everything we needed when ever we needed it. The owner Kim is so nice, anytime I would email her with a questions, she would get back to me right away. Everything she told me about the place was exactly on. We walked down to the beach, a 5-8 minute walk every morning and exercised. The place is so beautiful that we didn't want to go on tours or anything, we just wanted to lay around relax at the pool, beach and enjoy the beauty of the ocean. If you are a beach lover like me and my husband, you will be in "Heaven." I can't say enough about it, I can't wait to go back. There were 5 couples and every room has it's own view of the ocean, nice "big" bathrooms with double sinks. The house has everything you would need, golf clubs, pool toys, boogie board for the beach which I used. It's just a really really nice property, oh and very clean, the pool guy came by every day to clean the pool. Kim has put a lot of time and love into this house and it shows. I'm going back probably in two years and taking my kids who will be 16 and 18 at that time, and I know they will love it. I only have good things to say because it was fantastic and to use one of Kim's terms, "The nights are magical." We did go into town for osters and the local mart they have on Thursdays for shopping, but really the staff can provide everything you need. They were very accommodating. I absolutely loved my 50th Birthday Celebration. Oh and did I mention it is 'SAFE" some nights we went to bed and left our phones, lap tops and I even left my fanny pack with all my money down at the pool one night. It is "SAFE." People are always saying you're going to Mexico? Well I can't wait to go back, it was one of the best vacations I have ever had and I travel a lot. I usually use my timeshare and have to cook on vacation sometime. But not here Esther and Shon totally spoiled my group, it was wonderful. Thank you Kim for sharing your home, I will be back:) Darlene from Tustin, California.
A vacation like no other - our family will never stay in a hotel again! Even the teenagers had an amazing time. A newly renovated, beautifully appointed, private villa with excellent service and amazing amenities is what we experienced at Villa Casablanca.
We were treated like royalty from the moment we arrived. Villa Casablanca offered more than we imagined. The staff was friendly and always went out of their way to pamper us. The meals were delicious and we often just left it up to the chef to surprise us at mealtime, we were never disappointed. The villa is ideal for getting away from it all, but offers numerous activities nearby for those so inclined. With a car and driver we had a personal tour guide and never worried about drinking too much on our evening out or finding whatever we were looking for.
Each day members of our group of 7 chose different activities. The teenagers especially enjoyed snorkeling, boogey boarding, ATVing, while the dad's went golfing at nearby Las Hadas Golf Club. I preferred to stay close to the pool and relax, read and enjoy the view. Amazing tropical drinks were served poolside and Ester soon was familiar with all of our favorites and made sure they were at the ready. An experience not to be missed is the outdoor personal massage at the villa over-looking Santiago Bay.
With 5 bedrooms each with a private bath, as well as a sitting area in each room, this villa is ideal for large family vacations/reunions or a group of friends. There is plenty of room to sit together or find a private area to enjoy some quiet time.
Something I would recommend you do before you arrive is discuss with your group approximate meal times, food allergies/dislikes/preferences and how you would like to eat – family style may be better for larger groups with kids or individual service might work best for couples. Also it's a good idea to choose one person as the contact for both the owner and house managers so they know who to talk to when there is something you want to discuss or arrange.
We cannot wait to go back and bring more of our friends so they can experience this fabulous place too! It was truly the best vacation we have ever taken.
Wow! What a fabulous week!
Villa Casablanca and its surroundings are breathtaking, the views all around are incredible and the service from the villa staff is excellent. Having a massage on an outside patio with the sound of the ocean below was as close to heaven as it gets & pampering for a week by the attentive staff was most enjoyable. It was also fun to visit the beautiful beaches with their snorkleing, diving etc. & to explore the surrounding towns.
I felt as safe at the villa as I have ever felt anywhere and the Mexican people were very warm.
It truly was a 'Dream week'!
Perched on the hillside overlooking Manzanillo Bay, the La Punta private beach and the Pacific ocean. Located in the renowned La Punta development with private beach club and tennis courts. Adjacent to (with access to the facilities and discounts for services) Las Hadas Resort and golf course. Minutes to all amenities, yet remote enough to be a different world.
|Rate Period
|Weekend Night
Off season
Apr 27 2015 - Oct 31 2015
3 night minimum stay
|Notes: Rates are based on 2 guests; add $1 per night, per additional guest
Rates are a general guide only. Rates are determined based on the number of guests.
Christmas and New Years are premium weeks.
Discounts applicable for smaller groups and longer stays.
Only one party will occupy the property at a time.
Payment is usually accepted in the quoted currency (USD) unless the currency and the amount is specifically agreed in advance with the owner / advertiser.
Learn more about this vacation rental at the owner's website:


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When considering Alvin and the Chipmunks, it's necessary to declare that never, in the annals of cinema, has a movie so completely succeeded at . . .
Kidding. It's a fine-enough kids movie. Cute. Nice lesson. And better than you'd think.
That's because, for all the animated chipmunks and sped-up celebrity voices and Jason Lee and whatnot, Alvin and the Chipmunks has what every movie needs: a good bad guy.
David Cross brings a delightfully despicable tone to Ian, a nefarious record-company executive. Unlike everyone else, when Ian sees Alvin and friends, he doesn't see the furry little pals who can warble a tune. He sees a cash cow, one he plans to milk for all it's worth.
Cross is hilarious in everything he does, but he's surprisingly effective in a kids comedy. His villainy is so broad that it's never really scary, and he's so funny that you never tire of seeing him on-screen.
If you're familiar with the old Alvin cartoons, you know the premise: three talking chipmunks befriend Dave, a songwriter - Lee, in loveable-loser mode, kind of a kids version of his role in My Name Is Earl - who writes music for them. Turns out that, in addition to eating their way through Dave's house and wrecking his furniture, career and life, they can harmonize, too.
Justin Long provides Alvin's voice, Matthew Gray Gubler Simon's. Which would be great if you could recognize them. Disney fans will love that Theodore is voiced by Jesse McCartney, for instance, but with his voice so sped up and altered, it's impossible to recognize him.
Dave pens a hit for the chipmunks, which is where Ian comes in. This is 2007, not the early '60s. Can't have a movie, even a kids movie, without a little corporate greed thrown in to root against.
Ian is an old friend of Dave, though he has had much more success - something he isn't shy about reminding Dave of.
From there it's a predictable story. Dave wants what's good for the chipmunks, Ian wants what's good for Ian. If that means working the little critters nearly to death, so be it.
Guess who wins out in the end?
There's also a bit of romance mixed in, with the chipmunks trying to help Dave win back Claire (Cameron Richardson), his former girlfriend.
If you can stand the voices, the songs are catchy, and some of the videos and marketing that Ian devises to sell more product are funny (or at least cute). They don't quite rise to the level of corporate satire, but this isn't really the audience for that, anyway.
The audience for Alvin and the Chipmunks is there for the songs, the silly comedy, the cute talking animals. All of that's there, in large doses.
Adding Cross to the mix is what makes it OK for the rest of us.
Reach the writer at 602-444-8974 or firstname.lastname@example.com.
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Regime in new Latakia campaign
Beirut, March 10, 2015
The Syrian regime has launched a new offensive under the cover of heavy aerial bombardment in the northeastern outskirts of Latakia, amid opposition fears of massacres in the mountain region.
The government's latest military campaign, which comes in conjunction with offensives in Aleppo and the south, aims to take the town of Salma, a rebel stronghold approximately 35 kilometers northeast of Latakia.
Rebels first seized Salma—one of the Latakia provinces majority Sunni-populated towns—in December 2012, and have since launched a number of operations from the area, which constitutes the insurgent-held front line to Latakia and the Assad family's hometown of Qardaha.
"The regime hopes its campaign… will prevent a repeat of attacks like the recent car bombing in Assad's hometown of Qardaha, put an end to opposition shelling of pro-regime villages in the coastal region, and protect its Al-Nawba Mountain observation point," Alaraby Aljadeed reported Tuesday.
"If the regime advances beyond [rebel-held mountain areas] the Latakia-Aleppo road will be threatened and, as a result, the regime will have cut off the opposition's supply line."
The regime's campaign—dubbed "At your service Syria"—has pitted government troops backed by National Defense Force militias and Iranian fighters against a coalition of rebel units, including those of the Islamist Ahrar al-Sham and Nusra Front as well as the Free Syrian Army's First Coastal Division, which named their defensive operations "At your service God."
The launch of the regime campaign has raised worries among the Syrian opposition, with the National Coalition warning that pro-Assad troops might commit massacres in the region.
"The regime offensive raises real fears of possible genocidal crimes against the residents of the area," the Coalition said in a statement issued Saturday.
"Over 6,000 residents of the area have fled their villages and have sought refuge along the border with Turkey for fear of the advance of regime forces."
Battlefield balance
In the pre-dawn hours of March 5, government troops launched an offensive in the mountains outside the town of Dorin, which lies a few kilometers south of the regime target of Salma in the Jabal al-Akrad region.
"The Syrian army supported by the National Defense Force troops surprised the militants in the countryside of Latakia," Pro-Hezbollah daily Al-Akhbar said in its report on the battle.
"In parallel, the army launched another attack on the town of Kinsabba [nine kilometers north of Dorin], to prevent the arrival of any militant reinforcements."
The regime achieved initial successes in its operations, seizing the Dorin area by March 7, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which reported that at least 19 pro-regime troops were killed in the fighting, while rebels lost 14 fighters.
The regime's ground campaign in the region has been coupled with heavy bombardment, including jet strikes, helicopter barrel bombings and artillery fire, the Observatory reported.
Pro-Syrian regime outlets touted the strategic importance of the fall of Dorin, which at an altitude of approximately 800 meters offers vantage points and lines of sight over surrounding rebel-held areas.
"The fall of Mount Dorin will [facilitate] military action against militants… in Salma because of the reconnaissance coverage provided by the mountain," a military source told Al-Akhbar.
In the days following the regime's opening advance, back-and-forth fighting has raged in the vicinity of Salma and the Nabi Younes mountaintop southeast of the town, according to the Observatory, without any substantial territorial gains by either side.
Amid the regime's aerial bombardment of loactions in the Jabal al-Akrad area, rebels have fired rockets and mortars at regime positions, with the Observatory reporting deadly strikes on Dorin.
The Islamist Ahrar al-Sham claimed rocket strikes on Slanfeh and Aramo, regime positions south of Dorin, while the FSA's First Coastal Division said it had struck government posts in Dorin as well as Nabi Younes, the highest point in the region.
Regime's operational goals
A commander from the First Coastal Division—the largest FSA formation in Latakia Governorate—said in an interview that the regime had attacked the rebels' mountain position to raise the morale of Assad supporters.
"[The regime] chose to enter via Jabal al-Akrad, because the surrounding villages are Alawite, while the villages around Jabal Turkman are Sunni," Akil Jumaa told Alaraby Aljadeed.
"It chose to enter via Jabal al-Akrad to distance the opposition from pro-regime villages and because of the losses it suffered in Aleppo," the FSA military official claimed.
"The regime wants to raise the morale of its supporters by storming Salma," which he called the "key to regime control of Jabal al-Akrad."
The rebel leader also vowed that his forces were "ready to confront the regime and Hezbollah forces preparing to invade. Salma will be their grave."
"The formula in the coast will be changed in the next two days," Jumaa boasted.
Meanwhile, a former FSA commander told the London-based daily that "the regime is taking advantage of weak resources on the Jabal al-Akrad and Jabal al-Turkman fronts, and working to advance on these fronts."
Malek Kurdi said the regime's goal was "to reach locations that will allow it retake the Latakia-Jisr al-Shughour road."
"Making gains in these areas [raises] the morale of its members. [The regime] considers them part of its future state," he added.
"In the best case scenario [gains in the area] will strengthen its position in the international arena so it can regain control of the rest [of Syria], starting from [the coast]."
However, Kurdi asserted that the regime would not succeed in its plans, saying that insurgents would be able to "acclimatize to sparse resources and engage in guerilla warfare in the same way the FSA did at the beginning of the revolution."
Manpower shortage
The regime has tried to make up for troop shortages by pressing navy troops into the battle and enlisting the help of Iranians, Alaraby Aljadeed reported.
A former department chief with the regime's Marine and Coastal Artillery and Rockets Branch gave details of naval forces participating in the campaign.
"Most people killed in the battle for the coastal region have been from the navy, as the regime has nothing left but the navy and the National Defense Force," Othman Asbro told the daily.
"The navy has no infantry left," said Asbro, who documented the names of 21 navy college members killed in recent fighting. "Now, it is only made up of administrative and maritime specialists, signalmen, radio operators, navigators, torpedo-men, coastal artillerymen and boatmen."
He added however that the regime still has "Navy Seals Battalion 509, which has around 200 members trained in actual marksmanship, and Coastal Artillery Regiment 99 in the village of Arab al-Malek" south of Latakia.
Fighters from Iran's Revolutionary Guards have also reportedly joined the regime's coastal campaign, with an opposition activist telling Alaraby Aljadeed that "strange people flocked to the town of Jableh for around a month before the battle for the coast [began], via Hamimim Airbase."
These strangers, he said were able to "walk around the town as they pleased."
Jableh Local Coordination Committee spokesperson Abu Mulhim al-Jablawi said he believed they were "IRGC fighters, as they disappeared from the town around three days before the battle for the coast began."
"The regime called all members of its military units to the battle, including NDF [militias]. Only military intelligence members are left in the town," he added.
"Last Friday saw the first absence of Air Force and Political intelligence [members] in front of the mosques. They usually stand at the doors after prayers to stop demonstrations from starting."
With help from his allies, Syria's Assad looks set to stay
Beirut, March 10, 2015 by Tom Perry and Laila Bassam
As the United States and Iran negotiate the final stages of a nuclear deal, they are still oceans apart on another area of conflict: the future of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.
Assad seems more likely to survive the Syrian crisis than at any point since it began four years ago. Iran's support is as solid as ever to its confident-looking ally in Damascus.
The days when Assad was largely absent from view and his mere appearance was news have given way to almost daily reports on his activities; recent visitors included four French members of parliament who defied their government's policy to see him.
The civil war has no doubt left Assad weakened, but he is stronger than the groups fighting to topple him. Powerful states still want to see him gone, but they have shown less resolve than allies who are standing by him.
As the crisis approaches its fourth anniversary, the demand for Assad's departure is heard less often from his Western foes. Their attention has instead switched to fighting Islamic State, an enemy they share with him.
While the United States and his Arab enemies bomb the jihadists in the north and east, Assad and his allies have launched a major offensive against mainstream rebels and Islamists in an area of greater importance to them, the southern border zone near Israel and Jordan. In Damascus, observers close to the government see this as the start of a phase that will end the conflict on Assad's terms.
Iranian-backed Lebanese group Hezbollah is backing the southern campaign and Iranian advisers are in the field - mirroring the situation in Iraq, where they are helping to oversee operations against Islamic State, said a senior Middle Eastern official familiar with Syrian and Iranian policy.
"The battle in Syria is still a very long one, but without existential threats for the government," he said.
The continued support for Assad has defied the hopes of Western governments that it might wane as a slump in oil prices makes it more expensive for Tehran to prop up the devastated Syrian economy, or as Iran negotiates with world powers for a deal over its disputed nuclear program.
"The Iranians still view Assad as the top man," said the official, speaking on condition of anonymity because his assessment was based on private conversations. "He is the focal point of their relationship with Syria."
Russia, too, shows no sign of abandoning a leader who finds himself at the center of two struggles: between Moscow and the West, and between Sunni Muslim Saudi Arabia and Shi'ite Islamist Iran.
A senior U.S. State Department official said support provided to Assad by backers including Iran had allowed him to avoid a negotiated end to the conflict, and described Iran's role as "destructive".
"We continue to coordinate with the international community on ways to limit Iran's efforts to resupply the Assad regime with the means to perpetuate its brutality against the Syrian people," the official said.
A confident-looking Assad has meanwhile embarked on a public diplomacy campaign, giving five interviews since December. Three were with organizations based in the Western states most opposed to his rule: the United States, France and Britain.
But it seems unlikely to end Assad's pariah status in the West and among his Arab enemies. U.N. reports detail the army's use of indiscriminate violence, including barrel bombs. U.S. officials often say he is a leader who has gassed his own people, a charge the government denies.
The war has killed some 200,000 people and displaced close to half the population, according to U.N. figures. Damascus accuses its Western and Gulf Arab opponents of seeking to destroy the country by providing aid to an insurgency now dominated by jihadists who pose a threat to the West.
The state's territorial grip is much reduced, but it still controls the most populous areas. The rest is divided among jihadists, mainstream rebels and a Kurdish militia that has emerged as an important partner in the U.S.-led battle with IS.
The overstretched military and allied militia have suffered big losses this past year. Even with its air force, the army has been unable to finish off insurgents on important frontlines such as Aleppo.
Insurgents repulsed a recent offensive to encircle rebel-held parts of Aleppo, killing at least 150 soldiers and pro-government militiamen, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a British-based group that monitors the conflict.
But neither Aleppo nor Islamic State-held parts of the country matter to Assad as much as the corridor stretching north from Damascus through Homs and Hama and then west to the coast.
Assuming the army and allied militia win, the battle against the insurgents in the southern border zone would eliminate one of the last big threats to Assad.
It would prevent his foreign enemies from funneling military aid to rebels via Jordan, and enable Assad to preserve a frontier with Israel. That is a big consideration for Damascus, Hezbollah and Iran, which have all sought to build popular legitimacy around the struggle with Israel.
"This is considered a qualitative shift in the war we are waging," said Damascus-based strategic analyst Selim Harba.
Mohamed Kanaisi, editor of the state-run Baath newspaper, said: "Military progress must lead to a political solution. The other forces will be forced to deal with the Syrian government."
The idea of an outright military victory runs counter to the widely held view in the West that the war can only end with a compromise. Diplomacy aimed at promoting such an outcome has gone nowhere since peace talks collapsed a year ago.
Western officials are seeking ways to prop up what is left of the mainstream opposition so it can go to future negotiations on a stronger footing. The United States is planning to train and equip rebels to fight Islamic State.
But the scale and focus of the program seem unlikely to change the power balance quickly, if at all.
Assad appears to be betting that the U.S.-led campaign against Islamic State will force Washington to engage with him, particularly as Iraqi forces prepare to take back Mosul in northern Iraq. An effective campaign against IS in Iraq can only be waged with cross-border cooperation that would stop the jihadists from regrouping in Syria.
Assad says he is already being kept abreast of the U.S.-led air strikes in Syria via third parties including Iraq.
Western officials dismiss the idea of rehabilitating him as a partner in the fight against IS: even if they staged a U-turn, Assad would be incapable of winning back all of Syria, they say.
"You can't get away from the idea that a Syria with Assad at the helm is never going to be a united one. He cannot reunite Syria. If we cave in on that it will not fix the problem," said one Western official.
The senior U.S. State Department official said: "We maintain our firm belief that Assad has lost all legitimacy and must go. There can never be a stable, inclusive Syria under his leadership."
Train-and-equip: fighting for pluralism in Syria
March 9, 2015 by Nicholas A. Heras
This month, the United States and several of its Middle Eastern allies will begin training Syrian fighters through a revamped train-and-equip program that will form the core first class of Syria's non-jihadist armed opposition. At this stage, the program will seek to identify, train, and support 5,000 Syrian rebel fighters a year for three years, and will likely involve the cooperation of Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Qatar, and could also include Jordan. Optimally, the end game of this reportedly more robust train-and-equip program will be a Syria that emerges from its civil war with a pluralistic government, the Assad regime removed, and the more ideologically radical elements of the Syrian rebel movement defeated and marginalized.
The need for a competent rebel force on the ground is heightened by the reality that the large segment of the Syrian population that supports the uprising will continue to need protection and security, but will want it provided by an alternative to the Assad regime. This force will also need to be strong enough to secure the local areas in which it is located and to impede the advances of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), currently the major policy objective driving the revamped program. As proposed today in a Foreign Policy article by former Ambassador to Syria Robert Ford, a refashioned rebel army with a unified command and control structure that can enforce discipline within the ranks will be vital, as will its need to appeal to Syria's minority communities.
Ford referred to the current train-and-equip program as "too little, too late," and he makes a compelling argument for the administration's need to either "undertake a major effort or walk away." But while a target of 15,000 fighters trained over three years may sound insufficient to fundamentally shift the conflict, the effort can have great impact if it serves as a standard-bearing "train-the-trainer" model that builds up over time, from community to community.
From the outset, however, the train-and-equip program will have to answer questions about how its objective for the state will be an improvement over the current Syrian republic which encompasses diverse sectarian and ethnic backgrounds, despite the authoritarian power of the Assad family, the corrupt Ba'ath syndicate deep state, and its brutal security system. Nevertheless, the current Syrian republic, its advocates point out, has a longer and more practiced history of relative pluralism than that of the Syrian opposition, which has largely been splintered by factionalism and its armed groups heavily influenced by militant Islamist ideology. These are valid points, and the United States and its allies will need to address them in order to build up the capacity of the opposition to participate in a transition from the Assad regime.
Thus, United States' strategic objective for guiding the train-and-equip program should be to build into the training a firm ideological component that seeks a pluralistic and democratic order in Syria, promoting the equal rights of all of Syrians. This will be a challenge, as the U.S.-led effort must reconcile the previous influence of its participating partners, particularly Qatar and Turkey, who have much-criticized records of influencing the armed opposition toward a more militantly Islamist ideological position. It will also need to respect and incorporate, but also moderate, the conviction of many Syrian rebel fighters that they are on a religious mission to fight a corrupt regime. Achieving the right balance in this ideological model, and making it stick for the entirety of the rest of the conflict to follow, would be an accomplishment with potentially exponential effects on the course of the war and its aftermath.
In theory, empowered Syrian rebel groups could stand their ground against both ISIS and the Assad regime, strengthening local governance, and coordinating humanitarian assistance distribution. If performed in a careful, phased manner, the train-and-equip program could focus on the local level to empower rebel communities through humanitarian assistance that is funneled through the vetted rebel groups. The focus should be on building the capacity of the vetted armed opposition to deliver social goods to their communities that are in dire need. This is a means to unify military and humanitarian assistance to the rebels in order to maximize the soft power of the United States on the Syrian opposition.
If the train-and-equip program begins to show success in accomplishing this objective, it will present an active threat to the Assad regime's narrative that the Syrian rebel movement is a terrorist front bent on targeting and destroying Syria's pluralism. This would make it the target of the regime and its Iranian allies and their auxiliaries, such as Hezbollah and Shi'i jihadist militias, likely producing another policy dilemma for the administration: whether or not to actively protect the empowered rebel movement it has been building. This will be an important question that could bring the U.S. closer to war with Iran, as it would spell a legitimate threat to their important proxy. This type of rebel rule could potentially establish a pluralistic precedent that could assuage the fears of Syria's regime-loyalist communities, many of them ethnic and sectarian minorities such as Christians, Druze, and Alawites whose eventual buy-in and participation would be required to achieve a transition from the Assad regime.
However, at this initial stage of the revamped train-and-equip program is the complicating reality that throughout the country moderate Syrian armed opposition groups actively cooperate with the often more powerful rebel factions that seek to establish a fully-functioning sharia state in post-Assad Syria. Syria's armed opposition is largely, although not completely, composed of groups whose fighters are Sunni Arabs. These factions range from militant Salafist groups such as the al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra and Harakat Ahrar al-Sham al-Islamiyya, to groups that have a vision of a state governed by Islamic law that more closely resembles that espoused by the Muslim Brotherhood, such as Liwa al-Tawhid, Jaysh al-Islam, and Suqur al-Sham. Many of the fighters in these groups originally joined rebel militias that did not promote a sharia state. However, over time they came to adopt this ideology due to the devolution of the Syrian conflict into one characterized by sectarian anger and ideologically influenced by financial backers in the Gulf Arab states, such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Kuwait.
It is difficult to know for certain which of these groups can be integrated into an expanded train-and-equip program, or if the fighters of these groups are, on average, true ideologues seeking a post-Assad sharia state. Some joined the more militant Islamist factions merely for financial reasons, and may be able to pass the requirement of supporting a pluralistic, inclusive Syria. Nevertheless, Washington is presented with a significant policy dilemma. The pressure of the war has led to greater convergence, operational cooperation, and resource sharing within Syria's rebel ranks across the ideological spectrum, and the task of vetting fighters and separating them according to ideological distinctions will likely be quite difficult.
The train-and-equip program will thus need to build a sustainable ideological model for the Syrian armed opposition movement. It should seek to work slowly and methodically, acknowledging that not all of the fighters for the revamped opposition army were always perfectly aligned with the vision for a democratic and pluralistic Syria. Realizing this, however, does not preclude the U.S. and its allies from acting now, with the soft power of financial assistance and the hard power of weapons and training, to forcefully insist on an ideological standard for the new rebel army. This effort is as much a struggle to build a pluralistic and democratic model for the Syrian armed opposition, as it is to bring the fight to ISIS and transition from the Assad regime.
Nicholas A. Heras is the Research Associate in the Middle East Security Program at the Center for a New American Security (CNAS)
FSA fighter: "Nusra is showing a different face"
February 26, 2015
February has witnessed an uptick in hostilities between Jabhat a-Nusra and non-allied rebel brigades in the Idlib countryside.
Sawaiq a-Rahman, loyal to al-Jabha al-Islamiya, kidnapped and hanged a Nusra Emir on February 13 who had executed two local women on charges of adultery, reported London-based al-Arabi al-Jadeed. The same brigade admitted responsibility on February 23 for killing six Nusra fighters near Maarat al-Nuaman, reported pro-opposition Smartnews.
Nusra, meanwhile, has conducted a series of attacks this month on FSA-affiliated brigades in Idlib; storming the village of al-Amiriya on February 21 and burning the house of a local rebel leader.
That move followed a February 16 raid on another town, Ein la-Roz, where Nusra arrested members of Al-Liwa a-Sabia and confiscated their weapons, and a February 14 attack on Maarat Hurma, a Harakat Hazm headquarters.
One high-ranking FSA fighter in the southern Idlib countryside sees Nusra's raids as part of a larger plan.
"The goal of these operations is to take out some FSA brigades who have weapons and do not submit to Nusra's orders," Abu Ahmed al-Idlibi, the alias of the FSA fighter tells Syria Direct's Muatasem Jamal.
"Nusra does not want anyone to contest their control of the area," the fighter says.
It wants an emirate of its own in the Idlib countryside."
Q: Describe the relationship between Nusra and residents in the southern Idlib countryside?
The relationship is awful. Nusra lost its popular support in the Idlib countryside because of bad practices against the locals and its similarity to the Islamic State organization in terms of its actions and unjust laws.
Its relationship with Syrians is like the relationship between a hangman and prisoner.
Q: How is the relationship between Nusra and the FSA battalions in the Idlib countryside?
Nusra does not acknowledge us as a party in the opposition. They consider us agents working for America, the West and the regime, something unacceptable to them.
Therefore the relationship is very bad, and clashes occur between us such as the clash in Maarat Hurma [two weeks ago].
There are also umara [princes] in Nusra who have personal revenge issues with fighters from the FSA because of silly things, so they undertake revenge in the name of Jabhat a-Nusra.
Some FSA officers presented complaints against these Nusra princes to Nusra's high command, but the command did not respond. They only said that these are personal mistakes from the fighters and they will not hold them accountable.
Q: What are the reasons behind Nusra's storming of some villages in the Idlib countryside and arresting FSA fighters and burning their houses, as happened in al-Amiriya? Are these operations random or organized, and if so what is their purpose?
There are no real, direct reasons behind these operations. They spring merely from charges against FSA fighters, and guesses that the FSA is assassinating their leaders and umara.
The reason why they burned the house of the leader of Alwiya al-Ansar [Muthqal al-Abdullah] and arrested a number of his fighters [in the village of al-Amiriya] was the charge that he and his forces assassinated some of their soldiers.
We can say that these operations are planned in advance, because Nusra always enters with large columns and not just a small group of fighters.
The goal of these operations is to take out some FSA brigades who to not submit to Nusra's orders and who have weapons. That is to say, Nusra does not want anyone to contest its control of the area, it wants an emirate of its own in the Idlib countryside.
Q: How does Nusra's raiding and arresting of supporters and fighters with the FSA impact the rebel's battles against the regime, especially on the fronts like Morek and Jabal a-Zawiya?
I can see that after these arrest and raid operations against FSA fighters, the regime's soldiers have become comfortable on the fronts. For example, FSA fighters on the Morek front do not fire at the regime now, they are simply stationed in the area.
As for what remains of the fronts in Jabal a-Zawiya, the FSA is exhausted, and of course that impacts the course of battles with the regime, and puts the regime in a stronger position.
Q: What is the FSA's stance towards these arrests and other Nusra actions?
The FSA does not want to fall into a conflict with a third party, i.e. Nusra. The conflict with IS and the regime is enough. The FSA fears that it will become embroiled in killing Muslims—but if things get really bad, there will be strong responses against Nusra in the future.
Q: What was Nusra's reaction to residents who protested against them? Did their treatment of civilians under their rule improve afterwards?
Their reaction was to raid and arrest. They threatened the locals that they would open fire on them if they came out to protest in the future.
Nusra is showing a different face from that when it entered the Idlib countryside several months ago. It has become influenced by IS and IS's actions, and felt that it gained control of the southern countryside, so showed it true, ugly face to the locals.
Q: A few days ago one of Nusra's ammo depots was blown up in the village of Bilin in Jabal a-Zawiya, and a number of Nusra fighters were killed, just as a Nusra car was targeted recently. Does the FSA have a relationship with these anti-Nusra operations?
I don't think it's farfetched that any party has a relationship with these operations against Nusra because they have come to have many enemies.
America is losing the war in Syria
March 9, 2015 by Robert S. Ford
The current U.S. strategy in Syria isn't working. Despite the coalition airstrikes against the Islamic State, the group still has strategic depth in Syria to back its campaign in Iraq. Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime, meanwhile, isn't fighting the Islamic State — it's locked in combat with the moderate opposition. Despite Washington's hope for a national political transition away from Assad, there is no sign of a cease-fire, much less a comprehensive political deal.
More than ever, Americans — and Syrians — need to ask themselves what has gone wrong and what can be fixed. U.S. strategy needs to center on taking back ground from the Islamic State and driving a wedge between Assad's small ruling circle and his increasingly wobbly support base so that a new government can be established to rally more Syrians against the jihadis. Reinforcing Syria's moderate rebels is still the key component in achieving these goals, but we — and they — have to get the strategy and tactics right.
U.S. President Barack Obama's administration should undertake a major diplomatic and assistance effort, or it should walk away from Syria. Merely continuing to inject small amounts of aid and men in the fight won't sustainably contain the jihadis or be sufficient to reach the political negotiation the administration keeps hoping for.
The quiet end to the Syrian armed opposition's Hazm Movement, with which the Americans had worked in northern Syria, was the latest signpost of the current failed policy. With aid coming too little and too late, the movement was easily knocked aside by al Qaeda-linked extremists who gained new territory and border crossings. It is far from the only moderate rebel group to suffer large setbacks in recent months: Others are simultaneously under attack from Assad regime forces (which are strongly reinforced by Iranian and Hezbollah troops), jihadis from the al Qaeda-affiliated Nusra Front, and the Islamic State.
Meanwhile, the Americans didn't ramp up aid to the secular moderates when they needed it most. Instead, assistance to moderate Syrian fighters has been small and erratic, and the rebel fighters have been badly divided by foreign states parceling out desperately needed aid among multiple groups. This has created a vicious cycle, forcing the moderate rebels to compete against each other and to sometimes cooperate with al-Nusra Front. That in turn has aggravated foreign states and scared off any regime elements that might want to negotiate a deal, thus extending the war of attrition to the benefit of the Islamic State.
Rather than boosting the capacity of existing moderate fighting groups, the U.S. administration has decided to build an entirely new force. As currently envisioned, this plan will be too little, too late. The fighting units will be much smaller than Islamic State forces operating in Syria. In addition, the plan will further split the moderate armed opposition and will do nothing to counter the Islamic State's biggest recruitment tool — the Assad regime's brutality.
Moreover, Assad will likely make good on his recent threat in a Foreign Affairs interview to attack the U.S.-trained Syrian rebel force. This is nothing new: Assad's ground and air forces have consistently targeted moderate armed groups fighting the Islamic State in northern and eastern Syria over the past two years.
If the administration wants these beleaguered fighters to be successful, it will face the question of expanding the U.S. air mission in Syria. Protecting these small units from Assad air force attacks, even in eastern Syria, would require some kind of no-fly zone, a step the administration has long resisted. If the Obama administration goes through with such a step, it ought also to negotiate a package deal with the Syrian opposition and regional allies to get all sides on the same page on a strategy for degrading the Islamic State and achieving a negotiated Syrian political deal.
The larger package deal is vital. Simply increasing material aid to the moderate fighters in northern and southern Syria, even by huge amounts, won't be enough. The key is settling on a revised strategy that establishes a unified command structure for the non-jihadi opposition.
This unified structure must be the sole conduit for external funding, arming, and training. It must include the main non-jihadi rebel groups and must be led by a Syrian who enjoys wide support from Syrians fighting on the ground and from foreign states. Those who refuse to follow orders from the unified command must be cut off from any assistance. This is the only way to end the fragmentation that has long plagued the moderate armed opposition and to ensure it will support any eventual negotiation.
Syrian fighters, especially Sunni Arabs, are best placed to confront Sunni Arab extremists in their country and limit the spread of the extremists' appeal. This means that Islamist opposition groups that are conservative, but do not insist on imposing an Islamic state by force, likely will be part of the solution.
The United States and Turkey need to find common ground under the revised strategy. Turkey must finally shut off smuggling paths across its borders for the Islamic State and al-Nusra Front, which have been hugely beneficial to these jihadi groups.
Ankara has been trying to exploit extremists to fight both the Assad regime and the PYD, the terrorist PKK-affiliate operating in Syria. A U.S. strategy that provides greater support for moderate forces fighting Assad and the jihadis, and which also ends U.S. actions that foster Kurdish separatism in Syria, could convince Turkey to abandon this path.
While U.S. military aid to the Syrian Kurdish fighters from the PYD helped to combat the Islamic State around the northern city of Kobani, it also fosters the PYD's separatist ambitions. The PYD has already unilaterally announced an autonomous zone in northern Syria, which has spurred fearful Arab tribes in the area either to back Assad or the Islamic State. The U.S. emphasis on using Syrian Kurds against the Islamic State won't end the jihadi threat — it will only aggravate it, and the broader Syrian conflict. The Syrian Kurds' demand for decentralization may be the only way to reassemble a shattered Syria one day, but for now, the Americans and their allies must tell the PYD that autonomous zones only belong as part of longer-term political negotiations involving all Syrians.
Hugely boosted U.S. aid to the Syrian opposition should come with strings attached — a lot of them. In return for increased support, the Syrian opposition writ large must agree on these six conditions:
1) That armed groups receiving assistance from the newly created central command will obey its orders only.
2) That the armed opposition will stop atrocities against civilian communities that have backed the Assad regime and that the armed opposition command will accept responsibility for actions of its constituent groups.
3) That the armed opposition will sever all ties with al-Nusra Front.
4) That the armed opposition's leadership must constantly reiterate that it is not seeking to destroy Christian, Alawite, or other minority communities and is prepared to negotiate local security arrangements, including with Syrian Arab Army elements, to protect all Syrians.
5) That it will negotiate a national political deal to end the conflict without Assad's departure as a pre-condition.
6) That any political coalition purporting to lead the opposition must have genuine representation from minorities and top-level businessmen in Syria — communities that have, broadly speaking, supported Assad's government — and that representation will not come mainly from long-term expatriates.
Implementing these steps would help create a moderate rebel force able to confront the Islamic State and al-Nusra Front, and also pave the way for a real national political negotiation. If U.S. regional partners and the Syrian opposition won't accept the strategy and the tactics to make it work, or if the Obama administration won't expand its level of assistance and the air mission, then Washington needs to drop the goal of significantly degrading the Islamic State in Syria over the next several years. It would be better for American credibility to walk away than try more halfhearted measures in Syria.
After two years of experience, we should realize that limited actions aren't enough to address the major threats emanating from Syria. Our foreign partners want U.S. vision and leadership to contain extremists and launch a successful negotiation for a Syrian unity government, which is the only sustainable fix to the extremist threat. Let's give it to them.


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Our first event was Monday, November 1 at 7:00 pm in Allen
Building, room 326. (There is parking behind the building in the Allen
lot and in PG IV next to the Bryan Center)
The topic was Science and the Media and two guests
will attend:
David Jarmul and
Dennis Meredith. For
background material, they have suggested visiting the website for the
National Association of Science Writers
and checking out the book A Field Guide for Science Writers
edited by Deborah Blum and Mary Knudson.
Ideas for future
seminars on science policy? E-mail us!


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Afghanistan arrests former US translator
MAIDAN SHAHR, Afghanistan Afghanistan intelligence on Monday announced the arrest of an Afghan who translated for the U.S. Special Forces and was linked to the mysterious deaths of at least nine civilians in an affair that has further strained relations between the U.S. and President Hamid Karzai.
The Afghan National Directorate for Security said Zakaria Kandahari was picked up "recently" in the southern city of Kandahar for "various crimes."
It did not elaborate, but the Defense Ministry has said Kandahari was wanted on charges of murder and torture in connection with the men who disappeared last year. Their remains were discovered over the course of four weeks in May and June, buried in a rock-strewn field within walking distance of a special operations forces base.
What happened to the men is a mystery that has touched off violent protests and could complicate plans to leave special forces in Afghanistan after combat troops complete their withdrawal next year.
Villagers in Narkh district, in Wardak province south of Kabul, alleged that dozens of Afghans were rounded up and arrested by U.S. special operations forces late last year. They say nine people were then beaten, tortured and killed. They blamed in particular the translator they know as Zakaria Kandahari, who they claim was either a member of U.S. special operations forces or worked for them, and they further allege that Americans were present at the beatings.
The Afghan intelligence agency said Kandahari "worked as a translator for the American Special Forces Unit." It said that when he was arrested, he was carrying three pistols, two fake Afghan national identification cards and seven other false IDs.
The agency said he is from Kandahar, and identified his father as Abdul Hakim. U.S. officials said he was not an American citizen.
When the disappearances came to light, spokesmen for the U.S.-led coalition in Afghanistan acknowledged that Kandahari once worked for U.S. forces, but said he was not in their employ at the time of the disappearances.
They have said that when the allegations surfaced, a senior officer was sent to investigate and that no evidence of misconduct has turned up in connection with the detainees or deaths in Narkh district.
"We have publicly acknowledged arresting nine total people, five of whom were released relatively quickly, but I do not know if these nine were part of the group of bodies that have been found," ISAF spokesman Col. Thomas Collins said in a recent email exchange with the AP.
The disappearances started in December, and in February President Karzai ordered U.S. Special Forces out of Wardak Province. But Gen. Joseph Dunford, the top U.S. Commander in Afghanistan, said such a move would threaten the security of Kabul, 45 kilometers (less than 30 miles) away. So the withdrawal in March was limited to Narkh district.
More than one month after the pullback, relatives spotted bones and recovered two bodies in the field in Narkh, about 15 kilometers (10 miles) from Maidan Shahr, the capital of Wardak province. They went on poking the ground with simple tools, often under cover of night, and the last of the nine corpses was found in early June.


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Ducks get royal treatment in case of an emergency
CORPUS CHRISTI - Three ducks obliged 25 sets of hands Friday as animal rescuers and workers from oil companies, Texas State Aquarium and the railroad learned what to do if there was ever an oil spill.
The students donned white protective suits, goggles and a double layer of gloves closed with duct tape before holding the ducks tight against their bodies and fed them with a tube.
The fuzzy, white ducks were washed in a warm bath filled with Dawn soap during the workshop taught by Wildlife Rehabilitation and Education, a non-profit network of volunteers based in Houston, held at the Corpus Christi Area Oil Spill Control Association.
It is one of three workshops the organization teaches yearly, which helps the group expand their database of people who can assist in the case of oil spills that could impact wildlife, including protected migratory birds, said Sharon Schmalz, executive director of Wildlife Rehabilitation and Education.
In addition to the handling of live birds, attendees also learned to clean oil from single feathers and learned how to protect themselves by wearing protective equipment, said Schmalz.
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text: This typo brought to you by the letter S By: Mecklenburg Times staff reports October 4, 2011 Steve O'Donald, senior vice president of racing operations for NASCAR, thought it'd be a good idea to take part in a Twitter Q-and-A session with reporters last week to discuss the 2012 NASCAR schedule. But he got a little carried away with the letter S and ended up with a tweet that was not appropriate for ... Subscribe Login Email Address: Password: Already a paid subscriber but not registered for online access yet? For instructions on how to get premium web access, click here.Forgot your password? Share this:EmailPrintFacebookLinkedInTwitterGoogle +1Like this:Like Loading... 8:07 pm Tue, October 4, 2011 Mecklenburg Times: News for Mecklenburg, Union and Iredell counties Mecklenburg Times staff reports


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Originally published on Tue August 14, 2012 3:11 pm
On 360cities.net, Andrew Bodrov describes himself as a panographer, not a photographer. In fact, he didn't even take the photos in this panorama; the Mars rover Curiosity did. Bodrov stitched NASA's images together to create this amazing, 360-degree interactive image of the red planet.


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The iLuv IAD518 USB Car Charger For iPad is a car charger with USB port that delivers a quick 1 amp charge. The car charger is compatible with iPad, iPod or iPhone.
- Car Charger
- The car charger features a USB port for providing a 1 amp quick charge to a USB-chargeable device
- Made for iPad, iPod, iPhone
- The IAD519 has approval from Apple to use the "Made for iPad, iPod, iPhone" label