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Game Changers
by Julie Polter | September/October 2010
Insights on being the first in the family to graduate from college.
'I Did It for the Family'
LaToya Brown had decided by middle school that she was going to college. How, she wasn't sure.
Cassie Bixler's parents, both factory workers, didn't push her to go to a four-year school. But they did tell her more than once, "You will not end up in a factory like us. This is not your life."
'It Was a Dream Come True'
Jonathan Villafuerte definitely wasn't on a college track when he was in middle school. His parents, both immigrants, struggled to get by with no family in the U.S. and limited English. They moved often within the rougher neighborhoods of San Diego. There was alcoholism and abuse in his home. As Jonathan, now 23, puts it, "growing up wasn't the prettiest experience. By the time I reached high school I was very troubled and involving myself with negative activities."


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Image may not necessarily represent the actual item -Please read the title and description before purchasing.
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Update: the Visitor Center will be closed on most Sundays and some state holidays.
A nature-lover's paradise, this 8,000-acre park in Jersey County is famous for the exceptional beauty of its fall colors and for its wintering bald eagle. In addition to enjoying the spectacular view of the Illinois River and its backwaters from several points atop the bluffs, visitors can take advantage of a variety of year-round recreational opportunities, including horseback riding, camping, hiking, fishing, hunting and boating.
Pere Marquette's Visitor Center, opened in October 1997, welcomes you with a three-dimensional map of the park and wealth of other displays and exhibits concerning the Illinois River, wildlife habitat, local history and geology.
The history of Pere Marquette State Park centers around that of the Illinois River. The forces that formed the river can be traced to ancient glaciers that pushed their way down over most of Illinois, but stopped just short of the park land. In the path of the glaciers and their meltwaters, a rich network of streams and rivers were formed, and tons of soil and bedrock were ground to dust which rose and blew up against the hillsides. These ancient layers of wind-blown soil, called loess (pronounced "less") can be seen along the roads and trails of Pere Marquette.
Gradual climate changes over thousands of years made the region an ideal environment for the prairie grasses and plants which eventually covered two-thirds of Illinois. Deciduous forest, dominated by oak and hickory, held their ground along rivers, streams and upland hills protected from prairie fires.
Throughout the hills, ravines and prairies, native American people hunted game, gathered food and later made homes. Archaeologists describe six native American cultures common to this region. Evidence of their presence has been found in the form of fragments of pottery, spear points and planting tools. Burial mounds also are distributed throughout the park, including one atop McAdams Peak.
When Europeans began to explore the Illinois country, most of the Native Americans they met were members of the Illini tribe. The first of these explorers, in 1673, was a group led by Louis Joliet, a cartographer, and Pere (Father) Jacques Marquette, a French Jesuit missionary. Marquette and Joliet, accompanied by French voyageurs, paddled down the Mississippi River in search of a passage to the Pacific Ocean. They encountered something on the Mississippi
Bluffs which has become a local legend: "we saw . . two painted monsters which at first made us afraid and upon which the boldest savages dare not long rest their eyes." They learned that the creature was part bird, with the face of a man, scales like a fish, horns like a deer and along black tail. The creature was called Piasa. A representation of the Piasa Bird is still maintained in paint on the bluffs about 20 miles from the park.
Learning from the Native Americans that the Mississippi River emptied into the Gulf of Mexico, Marquette and Joliet turned back, returning by way of the Illinois River and stopping near what now is Pere Marquette State Park. A large stone cross east of the park entrance commemorates their historic landing.
Generations later, local civic groups sought to preserve this land by the river as a state park. They raised money and were successful in persuading the state to match their funds for the purchase of the land in 1931. The newly created state park was to be called Piasa Bluffs, but by popular demand, it was renamed Pere Marquette State Park in honor of the adventurous French missionary.
There is much to enjoy in the surrounding area, including sensational scenery, award-winning wineries, golf courses, restaurants, water activities, sporting events, antique shopping, historical museums and more. The park is located along one of the most beautiful stretches of the Great River Road, a section that has been designated as the Meeting of the Great Rivers Scenic Byway. Just an hour from the city of St. Louis, Missouri. Visit any of the following Web sites for up-to-date information on local events and attractions:
Pere Marquette Lodge and Conference Center was built in the 1930s by the Civilian Conservation Corps, and has been expanded and updated in recent years. Today, native stone and rustic timbers of the original lodge blend with the new to provide first-class accommodations in an historical setting. The mammoth stone fireplace in the lobby soars to a roof height of 50 feet, and is said to weigh 700 tons.
There are 50 spacious guest rooms and 22 stone guest cabin rooms. Among the facilities available are a cocktail lounge, gift shop, indoor swimming pool, whirlpool, saunas, game room and tennis court.
Pere Marquette Lodge provides elegant dining, with a Sunday brunch that draws people from Missouri as well as Illinois. The dining room seats 150 people and offers a choice of family style dining or selections from the menu.
The 2,900 square-foot conference center has banquet facilities to accommodate 300, and a comprehensive selection of audio/visual equipment. The center breaks into four separate meeting rooms.
For more information or reservations, write Pere Marquette Lodge and Conference Center, Route 100, PO Box 429, Grafton, IL 62037, or call (618) 786-2331, fax (618) 786-3498, E-mail
Camping | Campground MAP
If you prefer a more rustic experience, Pere Marquette offers a wide range of camping opportunities:
Plenty of picnic areas are available throughout the park, with tables, grills and trash containers provided. Three picnic shelters are available, and may be reserved. A fee is required to reserve shelters. Reservations can be made at www.reserveamerica.com
and Fishing
A wide variety of fish such as bluegill, carp, catfish, crappie, drum, largemouth bass and white bass, attract anglers to the Illinois and Mississippi rivers. Launching ramps and ample parking provide access to the river, with courtesy docks available when weather conditions and river levels permit. Future plans include a full-service marina. The Two Rivers Fishing Fair is an annual youth fishing fair in June, and is a popular way to hook youngsters into fishing. Two Rivers Fishing Fair Flyer
Hiking | Trail MAP
Approximately 12 miles of marked trails provide scenic hiking to beginners and experienced hikers alike. Lush forests, towering bluffs, and an abundance of wildlife provide the perfect backdrop for your outing. Trail maps are available at the Visitor Center.
The sites interpretive postition is vacant at this time. However, the visitor's center has educational display rooms available for self education. The video room is outfitted with three video segments, which is available to the public during the visitor's center hours of operation. Eagle tours are offered from late December to late February. For more information, contact the Visitor Center.
Horseback Riding
The park offers about 20 miles of equestrian trails with a parking area for your trailers on Graham Hollow Road. The trails to the west of Graham Hollow are open year-round. The trails east of Graham Hollow will be closed during certain seasons of the year. These areas will be posted when closed.
Pere Marquette Riding Stables is open for trail rides every day except Tuesday, weather permitting, from May through October. Call 618-786-2156 for a reservation.
The Sam Vadalabene Bike Trail runs from Pere Marquette State Park to the City of Alton, approximately 20 miles south of the park. The entire trail is paved.
Bird Watching
Pere Marquette State Park is located off of the Illinois River and near the Illinois River and Mississippi River Confluence. This location allows ample opportunities for the visiting public to view our national bird. Have you ever seen our national bird, the bald eagle? Soaring on a 6 to 7 1/2 foot wing span, these birds are magnificent! It is not necessary to travel all the way to Canada to see these magnificent creatures because Pere Marquette is fortunate to play host to these seasonal visitors. Eagles may be spotted in the tree tops along the Illinois River from December to March. The visitor's center is equiped to show live video footage of an active eagle's nest.
About 230 species of birds have been identified within, at the boundaries of, or flying over Pere Marquette State Park. A checklist has been prepared by local birders, in cooperation with the Department of Natural Resources, and is available at the Visitor Center. Popular locations for bird watching are Stump Lake, in the river bottoms, and McAdams Peak and other overlooks along the park's scenic roadway.
The 2,000-acre public hunting area located off Graham Hollow Road has good stands of mature oak and hickory timber, which provide excellent habitat for squirrel, deer and turkey. These game species may be hunted in accordance with statewide seasons and regulations, with the exception of squirrel season, which begins the day after Labor Day in the park. Another 1,344 acres is available for public hunting at Copperhead Hollow Wildlife Area, located on Nutwood Road, approximately 5 miles north of the park. The topography of this area varies from steep hills to bottomland floodplain (Otter Creek). The bottomland areas are mostly farm fields. The hills consist of mostly oak/hickory woodlands with some areas becoming dominated by maple. Deer, turkey, squirrel, raccoon, coyote and waterfowl may be hunted in this area according to statewide regulations. All hunters using the Public Hunting Areas at Graham Hollow Road or Cooperhead Hollow must obtain a free permit at the Visitor Center. Pere Marquette Hunter
Fact Sheet | Copperhead Hollow Hunter Fact Sheet
Archery deer hunting is offered on an additional 3,000 acres in the three Organized Group Camp areas by special permit. Four 8-day seasons are offered, beginning in late October, (when the group camps close for the season). By random drawing, five hunters are selected for each season in each area. Drawings are held annually the first working day in April. Applications will be available by March 1st. Contact the Visitor Center for applications and information. Archery Deer Application
Spring turkey hunting also is available in the Organized Group Camp areas by special permit. To be considered for this hunt, hunters must use the statewide firearm turkey permit application, and apply for Pere Marquette Group Camp Area. For further information, contact the Visitor Center, or the IDNR Permit Office at (217) 782-7305.
Videos and Audio
View the video below to learn more about Pere Marquette State Park. There also is an "Audio Only" option if you would like to just listen or want to save the file to your MP3 player.
The Park by the River - Pere Marquette State Park
Audio Only
The Park by the River - Pere Marquette State Park


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Women's Lacrosse Leads the Way as Pfeiffer Athletics Places 121 on League's Honor Roll
July 21, 2011
HIGH POINT, N.C. - Conference Carolinas is proud to announce that 1105 student-athletes have been named to the 2011 Spring Presidential Honor Roll. Each institution within the conference has emphasized their commitment to academic importance as they have continued to have student-athletes achieve a grade point average of 3.2 or higher (on a 4.0 scale) at each of their institutions to achieve this honor. For the 2011 spring semester, Limestone College led all league members with 172 student-athletes. Schools that closely followed included, Belmont Abbey College with 130 and both Mount Olive College and Pfeiffer University with 121 student-athletes.
The Conference Carolinas Presidential Honor Roll is awarded twice a year covering each of the fall and spring academic semesters and is based on meeting the criteria at the end of the previous semester.
Conference Carolinas continues to emphasize Academics and Athletics Working Together as each school strives to grow their Presidential Honor Roll each and every year. The new Presidential Honor Roll recognizes student-athletes who have earned a 3.20 grade-point average (up from 3.00 in previous years) on a 4.00 scale for the semester and includes freshman and transfer student athletes (that have participated in either a conference or non-conference sponsored sport).
Conference Carolinas is a NCAA Division II athletic conference currently made up of 13 teams from North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee. These institutions consist of: Barton College, Belmont Abbey College, Coker College, Converse College, Erskine College, King College, Lees-McRae College, Limestone College, Mount Olive College, North Greenville University, Pfeiffer University, Queens University of Charlotte, and St. Andrews Presbyterian College. Please note that King College and North Greenville University were not eligible for these awards this past year, but will be fully eligible as new members for the upcoming academic year.
Pfeiffer University
121 Student-Athlete Honorees
David Barham
Jeffrey Barkley
Ryan Hokanson
Joshua Hughes
Charles Ingram
Jacob Moore
Eric Shuford
Tyler Summers
Jacob Yates
Mens Basketball
Anthonie Clark
Mitchell Hargett
Michael Martinez
Bradley Moser
Bryant Stewart
Christopher Stokes
Yuki Yamaguchi
Mens Cross Country
Zachary Allen
Zachary Gray
Gregory Kielar
Mens Golf
Garrett Dranichak
Cameron Fields
Luiz Jacintho
T.J. Lamm
Tyson Louth
Chadd Marburger
Chad Nicholson
Ben Tobey
Mens Lacrosse
Robert Adams
Robert Hope
Hayden Kirk
Anthony LaMarca
Thomas Melching
Matthew Rabung
Justin Rose
James Rutledge
Mens Soccer
Nicholas Brindley
Jeffery Cannon
Seth Dey
Kristopher Jaggers
Luis Landim
Simon Leslie
Roberto Perez
Asher Quave-Robinson
Brandon Stubbs
Mens Swimming
Andrew Corley
Zachary McMichael
Charles Melesh
Matthew Money
Suhail Nimji-Panjwani
Patrick Porter
Mens Tennis
Andrea Cazzaro
Johannes de Wit
Ben Hunter
Siddharth Kaushik
Philip Lawson
Cody Teague
Stephen Tyndel
Luis Villalta
Mens Volleyball
Micah Bortner
Steven Boswell
Mark Hess
Lawrence Johnson
Joshua Mahan
Michael McLaughlin
Womens Basketball
Laura Chapman
Brittany Cox
Charlotte Fuller
Devona Knight
Kia Rice
Ashley Zeek
Womens Cross Country
Caroline Early
April Hinson
Kaitlyn Mullis
Ashley Stutts
Nnennaya Ubabuike
Womens Golf
Angela Gimenez Roig
Lauren Lyle
Amanda Wemple
Womens Lacrosse
Jamie Alcala
Kristina Anderson
Katherine Athens
Shannon Bonnel
Kelley Cunningham
Rachel Hebberd
Sarah Hebberd
Natalie Marvin
Cristina Monaco
Pauline Peacock
Molly Punk
Veronica Rogusky
Amanda Smith
Alyssa Wombwell
Womens Soccer
Jamie Alcala
Lindsey Godwin
Alexandrea Makris
Serae Mele
Leticia Patino
Megan Reaves
Rachael Shaplow
Amanda Wemple
Alyssa Wombwell
Sarah Yates
Allison Braswell
Melanie Conklin
Brinley Johnson
Amber Johnson
Rachel LaBar
Samantha Taylor
Womens Swimming
Vera DeFusco
Morgan Dionne
Samantha Maness
Yukina Onoda
Melissa Roberts
Womens Tennis
Kaleigh Featherstone
Chelsi Haefele
Catherine Thomas
Womens Volleyball
Cassandra Byerly
Kasey Cain
Erin Gray
Caroline Lambeth
Colleen Wands


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Francis Francis for illy X1 iperEspresso Machine
The programmable volume control allows you to adjust your drink size for making ristretto, espresso and lungo. The Pannarello steam wand automatic frother detaches for easy cleaning. Energy-saving machine goes into power-save mode and automatically shuts off when not in use. Designed by world-renowned Italian architect Luca Trazzi, this striking machine adds a touch of glamour to any countertop. Made in Italy.
Web exclusive: This product is only available online.
Revolutionary iperEspresso capsules deliver the delicious, unmistakable flavor of illy espresso in every cup. Now you can enjoy the coffee that's served in the world's finest restaurants and cafés without changing out of your pajamas.
BECOME YOUR OWN BARISTA Espresso making doesn't get any easier than this: simply insert an illy iperEspresso capsule, push the button, and you'll get a full-bodied aromatic espresso with rich, long-lasting crema.
Now you can enjoy the ease of single-serve espresso with less of an environmental impact. Sur La Table® is excited to partner with illy to recycle your used iperEspresso capsules. Just bring them in to any store, and we'll do the rest. Learn more »
- Manufacturer: Francis Francis
- Model: 216557
- Material: All-metal housing
- Care: Wipe clean with damp cloth
- Capacity: 33-oz. water tank
- Dimensions: 12½"H x 10½"W x 10 ½"D
- Weight: 19.8 lbs
- Warranty: One-year warranty
- Made in Italy
Revolutionary iperEspresso capsules deliver the delicious, unmistakable flavor of illy espresso in every cup.
In the center of the control panel, you'll find a stylish temperature gauge that lets you monitor progress. When ideal brewing or steaming temperature is reached, you'll be alerted by a green light accompanied by a sound signal.
Stainless-steel steam wand makes steaming and frothing a breeze. Detaches for easy cleanup.
Steam wand dispenses water right into your cup for delicious café Americano, tea, or hot chocolate.
Unlike machines that only draw water into the boiler while brewing or steaming, the X1 iperEspresso automatically pulls water into the boiler to prevent it from boiling dry, which could damage the machine.
Machine goes into power-save mode and automatically shuts off when not in use.
Warm cups are essential for producing the most flavorful espresso with thick, caramel-colored crema. The X1 iperEspresso warms up to six espresso cups on the top of the machine, with a chic metal railing to hold them in place.
- Uses illy iperEspresso capsules for perfect espresso every time
- Designed by world-famous Italian architect Luca Trazzi
- Blends retro-chic style with the latest in coffee technology
- 15-bar pressure pump ensures perfectly extracted, authentic Italian ristretto, espresso and lungo
- User-friendly controls
- Temperature gauge and ready-to-brew indicator
- Power-save mode
- Steam and froth like a pro with the detachable Pannarello steam wand
- Hot water dispenser lets you make café Americano, tea or hot chocolate.
- Automatically refills boiler, so it never accidentally runs dry
- Passive cup warmer accommodates up to six espresso cups
- 33-oz. water tank detaches for easy cleaning and refilling
- Automatic descaling program
- All-metal housing is durable and rustproof
Not only eye-catching, they're also a delight to the other senses—especially taste and smell—delivering full-bodied aromatic espresso with a spectacular crema for an all-around aesthetic experience. This may come as no surprise when you learn that Francis Francis machines are brought to you by illy, the celebrated Italian espresso coffee served in the finest restaurants and caf és and enjoyed by coffee connoisseurs worldwide.
Founded in 1933 by Francesco Illy, illycaff è produces and sells a unique blend of high-quality coffee made from nine types of pure Arabica beans. A careful balance of ingredients from South and Central America, India, and Africa creates the unmistakable illy flavor—always identical in any espresso cup, wherever it is drunk around the world. Based in Trieste, Italy, illycaffè is led by chairman and CEO Andrea Illy, the third generation of the Illy family.
Today, the illycaffè group helps develop the global market and culture of coffee by working on all the factors that go into the perfect cup of espresso: the blend, the machines, the preparation, the training of specialized bar staff and even the design of bars and venues where people can enjoy drinking coffee. The forward-thinking company promotes and disseminates the culture of coffee by continually reinventing tradition.


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St. Thomas University
8 April 2009
Media ownership, like wealth, tends to accumulate into fewer and fewer hands in a capitalist economy. This leads to an increase in the importance of profit over content, a homogenization of opinion and a lack diverse programming. Since the 80s, the United States Federal Communications Commission (FCC) has consistently revoked regulations meant to prevent a concentration of media ownership and create a diversity of programming and opinion. It has gotten to the point where almost all media is owned by only a handful of companies, where the homogenization of ownership and ideas are greatly damaging society. This homogenization leads to less informed citizens, which leads to the breakdown of democratic society. Media consolidation must be stopped, and reversed. It can be done, but only if regulatory bodies like the FCC put their citizens ahead of the economic gains of corporations.
Marshall McLuhan would say media has always existed. But media in its current form, easily accessible newspapers, radio, and television, has only been around for about sixty or seventy years. The newest media, the internet, is still only a child, accessed by most of the world for just a little over a decade. Because of these four major forms of media, and especially the massively unregulated internet, many people would think there is a far greater diversity of ideas than ever before. But this is not the case. For the vast majority of Americans, ideas are coming from fewer and fewer sources. This trend has a long history, dating back to the founding of the FCC.
The first comprehensive legislation to regulate broadcasting in the US was the Federal Radio Act, which came into existence in 1927. This created the Federal Radio Commission, the first regulatory broadcast body in the US. The Federal Communications Commission came into existence with the Communications Act of 1934. Its purpose was to regulate the limited public radio band and international communications (US Government Title 1). It is not an elected body, rather its commissioners are appointed by the US president. Its mandate, according to the communications act of 1934 (amended in 1996), is to,
make available so far as possible, to all the people of the United States, without discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, national origin, or sex, rapid, efficient, Nation-wide, and world-wide wire and radio communication services with adequate facilities at reasonable charges (US Government Title 1).
From its inception the FCC was able to regulate and give licenses to broadcasters. Originally there was no charge for licenses. Once a charge was instituted, many independent radio operators were driven out of business by larger corporations. But the FCC was not always close with large corporations. The report on chain broadcasting, released in 1940, was , "one of the FCC's earliest efforts to preserve and promote localism, via their efforts to limit the influence that broadcast networks could have over the programming decisions of their affiliates," (Social Science Research Council). The report required NBC to break up, leading to the creation of ABC, and also limited the amount of air time companies (mainly CBS) could require from its local affiliates. In 1941 regulations were padded to prevent broadcasters from owning, "television stations that reach more than 35% of the nation's homes," (Bill Moyers). In 1946 the Dual Television Network Rule was enacted. It prevented any major network from buying another one. In 1964 the FCC created a rule preventing broadcasters from owning more than one television station in a single market (with the exception of very large markets). The 70s saw cross ownership rules come into existence, preventing broadcasters from owning media in more than one form in a single market (such as a television station and a newspaper) (Bill Moyers).
The FCC was supportive of competition for a brief period in the 80s. Before and during this decade it stopped treating telephone services as a monopoly. In 1982 it helped to split up the American Telephone and Telegraph Company. However, things changed drastically once President Ronald Reagan came to power. Reagan was known for massive deregulation. Under pressure from his corporate buddies and backers, he not only deregulated media, but also banking, business and the economy. This was because of his conservative ideals and pressures from other conservatives who believed in a supply-oriented economy. Essentially this means the government supporting entrepreneurs and business instead of helping workers with purchasing power. The idea was that by allowing the owners of business to generate more wealth by providing a so-called "free marketplace" (which simply means a deregulated marketplace where corporations have all the power), massive amounts of money would be generated and then trickle down to poorer people. The result of deregulation and trickle-down economics was the rich getting richer, the poor getting poorer, and the media slowly dying. These results are being felt today in both the media and economic crisis.
Under Reagan, the FCC, with the guise of increasing competition, began to roll back its regulations on monopoly and content (Now with Bill Moyers). In 1987, the fairness doctrine was removed. The doctrine was, "an attempt to ensure that all coverage of controversial issues by a broadcast station be balanced and fair," (The Museam of Broadcast Communications). It stated that stations were public trustees with, "an obligation to afford reasonable opportunity for discussion of contrasting points of view on controversial issues of public importance" (The Museam of Broadcast Communications). The idea was that, with a limited band, multiple viewpoints were needed on the stations available to people. However, some people argued that this prevented some important issues from being covered, as journalists may not want to provide both points of view (The Museam of Broadcast Communications). Although this is a line frequently touted by members of the FCC today, they rarely quote any research showing that the fairness doctrine had such a negative effect. In any case, by 1987, the much more diverse amount of programming available made it seem that this doctrine was no longer needed, and it was removed.
The removal of the fairness doctrine may have been legitimate in keeping with the first amendment, although its removal certainly came with problems (which will be discussed later in the essay) However, the eighties saw other, more harmful deregulation. In 1981 television licenses were extended from three to five years (Now with Bill Moyers). In '85 the requirement for a minimum amount of information programming was abolished, as were limits on the amount of advertising. More deregulation was to follow.
In 1996 President Bill Clinton signed the Telecommunications Act. It lifted the cap on radio station ownership, which was set at 40 stations nationally. As a result, Clear Channel Communications is now able to and does own over 1200 radio stations (Now with Bill Moyers) across the US. This has led to almost total homogenization of radio programming across the United States.
The trend of deregulation and concentration of ownership came to a head in 2002, when the FCC declared a massive rollback of its regulations on media ownership. It would have increased allowable market shares from 35% to 45%, and eliminated the newspaper/broadcast cross ownership rule. This would mean that newspapers could own and be owned by companies with television and radio stations in the same market. The vast majority of the FCC commissioners voted for the de-regulation. One of only two dissenting commissioners was Jonathan Adelstein. He said, "this approach shatters most of the last vestiges of the consumer protections that weren't eliminated in the 1980's. This decision pulls the teeth out of the remaining rules, leaving the FCC a toothless tiger" (1).
The reforms over the decades have been sweeping and have led to a state of incredible concentration of media ownership. Thankfully, the proposed changes of 2002 have been blocked by the Supreme Court, but the FCC still supports them. And more deregulation may be coming. Newspapers are dying, and the US attorney general is considering loosening the pathetic anti-trust laws currently in place to try and bolster them (Craig Aaron). But even without these changes homogenization of content is incredible, with only a handful of companies owning all of the major media outlets in every market in the United States.
The concentration of media ownership is frightening nationally in the United States, and worse in many local areas. Almost every national television network is owned by AOL Time Warner, Viacom, Disney, General Electric or News Corp. These include HBO, the WB, Fox, CBS, ABC, MSNB, and dozens of others (Bill Moyers, Who Owns What). These same companies own the 13 largest film companies in the US, from 20th Century Fox to Walt Disney Pictures, Touchstone, Miramax and others. They own Time Magazine, People, Sports Illustrated, the NY Post and several other major national magazines. Just three, Disney, AOL Time Warner and Vivendi Universal, own almost every major musical production company (a total of 18 labels between the three companies), including Island, Decca, Atlantic, Warner Brothers, MCA and others. They also own major stakes in the internet, theme parks, radio and in the case of News Corp, sports teams (like the New York Knicks and Rangers and the Los Angeles Dodgers) (Bill Moyers). There are "287 (radio) markets in the United States," (Think and Ask), and Clear Channel Communications Inc. has radio stations in 201 of them. The company owns 1,207 radio stations. Its closest competitor, Cumulus Media, has 250 stations (Think and Ask). This means that, with the exception of the internet, almost all television, radio, music, and movies in the United States are produced by only 7 companies. There is some diversity created as they attempt to carve out a niche market, but with so few hands in the pot, almost every company can have a position in every niche market. With all of them placing a primary emphasis on profit, this means there is a massive homogenization of ideas and a huge lack of diversity.
The concentration of big media owners on generating capital has had a distinct, quantifiable impact on programming. Research into studies conducted before, during and after regulation (in the 1970s, 80s and 90s) reveals interesting findings. Ronald Bishop and Ernest A. Hakanen report that there is a,
pressing need for broadcasters to offer public affairs programming, a need based on the notion that stations not only continue to serve specific geographic areas but also fulfill their role as public trustees, which demands diversity in programming, political programming, and localism (261).
The important thing to take from this statement is the idea of broadcasters as public trustees. They are called to provide citizens in a democracy with the information they need to make informed choices, through diversity of programming. Public trusteeship, acting as if the broadcasters are owned by the public, is the method the US government had chosen to regulate media content. It chose this because it allows for flexible rules that protect both free speech, the idea of an informed public, and a free marketplace of ideas (262). It is an attempt to, "reconcile the competitive commercial pressures of broadcasting with the needs of a democracy," (262). Unfortunately, after deregulation commercial pressures are crushing the needs of democracy.
The study these authors conducted reveals that once media was deregulated by the FCC, the amount and quality of local, non news, public affairs programming greatly declined (261), suggesting that, "that stations have not maintained their commitment to local public affairs programming" (261). According to Hakanen and Bishop there are three realms in broadcasting which are important for maintaining free speech and a marketplace of ideas. These are, "diversity of programming, political discourse, and localism," (263). According to the authors, local non-news public affairs programming is a great litmus test of all three of these realms. The symptom of the failure of that programming is indicative of a larger sickness in broadcasting. Their essay goes further, saying localism is the most important aspect. It adds that in the past the FCC required that, "station officials … talk to community leaders of all stripes to learn about problems facing residents and then create programming that dealt with these issues," (263), a practice which has largely died since deregulation in the 80s.
Deregulation itself is the cause of the problems (264). Where in the 70s the FCC required detailed reports on community contacts and time dedicated to local issues programming, in the 80s these reports became less important (264). The FCC eliminated the strict 10 percent non-entertainment programming requirement and 5 percent public affairs requirement (264). It replaced this with an overbroad and almost unenforceable requirement to air, "'some' programming that meets the community's needs," (264). To meet this standard, most broadcasters have opted to create more local television news (264). Unfortunately, this often comes in the form of facts without analysis or context, with "sensationalism … at the expense of coverage of local government and politics" (265). Hakanen and Bishop criticize this type of news for not giving enough information to citizens. Once again, profit is shown to be more important than content as broadcasters choose, or create, stories that draw audiences instead of ones that inform the public (265). And just as sinister, broadcasters have created a, "ghetto," (265) for what little public affairs programming they are required to produce. This means they place public affairs and local programming during the early morning and weekends. These are timeslots where ratings won't be lost. As such, broadcasters won't lose advertising money.
Hakanen and Bishop also address the broadcasters', and the FCC's, argument that more channels lead to more voices, and as such each broadcaster needs less public affairs programming. They say, "while the range of programs may grow, their relevance to the communities served by broadcasters may not," (266). In other words, there are more voices, they just are not saying anything worthwhile.
So what does all this information mean? The best way to look at it is in the context of the idea of the free marketplace of ideas suggested by John Milton and advocated by John Stuart Mill. Mill advocates a system where there can be a free exchange of ideas and opinions, and believes that the best ideas will win out. In a modern context some limits, such as hate speech legislation, must be placed on this marketplace. In the past limits on content and ownership were meant to, and did, serve the idea of a free exchange of diverse opinions and ideas. The lack of regulation has allowed companies to regulate their own content, but for profit instead of for actual quality programming. There must be no mistake; there is not a free press, or a free marketplace, in the United States. Unregulated does not equal free, unregulated equals corporate control, the opposite of free. Government regulation is far preferable, as it can at least be restrained by the democracy and a constitution. There is nothing to limit the limits corporations can put on content as they search out more and more profit. The homogenization of ownership of important media is causing local, diverse, and public affairs programming, to be drowned out by safe fluff that boosts ratings.
This fluff means that content is losing in a battle against profit. In his book, On Liberty, Mill riles against government interference and against people who prefer to have, "peace in the intellectual world," (On Liberty Ch. 2) over "free and daring speculation on the highest subjects" (Ch 2). He warns that such people narrow, "their thoughts and interests to things which can be spoken of without venturing within the region of principles, that is, to small practical matters" (Ch 2). This is exactly what is happening thanks to a concentration in media ownership. In the past government regulation actually helped to create these controversial conversations Mill advocated. Now, newspapers and broadcasters are choosing these polite conversations, and are doing so at the price of real, important discussion.
Mill says that opinions must be, "fully, frequently, and fearlessly discussed" (Ch 2), or else they "will be held as a dead dogma, not a living truth," (Ch 2). Opinions are not being fully, frequently and fearlessly discussed, especially controversial opinions. There is an interesting case study which supports this idea. The concentration of media ownership has, in the recent past, had a quantifiable impact on the United States. This is best shown in the case of the Iraq war. After September 11th, many, probably most, journalists in the US were caught up in a kind of patriotic zeal. They often unquestioningly supported the Bush administration. This led to reporters towing the "company line," and providing the American public with lies from the Bush administration. There was a massive failure in the American media to investigate US intelligence and report accurate news, and the media is largely to blame for the illegal, difficult and costly war that is now ongoing.
It could be said that the poor reporting following 9/11 has little to do with the owners of media, that it was the fault of the patriotic surge at the time and the fault of reporters for going along with it. Although individual reporters are certainly at fault and the zeitgeist was a powerful force to overcome, it is the situation set up by media concentration and deregulation that allowed such poor reporting to happen. This is demonstrated in several cases.
The most interesting case is that of Phil Donahue. He was the host of Donahue, MSNBCs highest rated show during the post 9/11 years. His show was one of very few that allowed anti-war voices on the air (Democracy Now). He was fired in 2003 for the thinly veiled excuse of low ratings (again while having NBCs highest rated show). The real reason, as outlined in a memo from NBC, was that the network,
didn't want to have their flagship show, no matter how successful it was, the most popular show on MSNBC, being one that provided a forum for anti-war voices. They didn't want an anti-war face when the other networks were waving the American flag. (Democracy Now)
Donahue was only trying to host, "a place where dissent could be heard" (Democracy Now). He recognizes that, "today, that collective middle is occupied not by a whole lot of people, but by fewer and fewer corporations, larger and larger in size, much more concerned about the bottom line than they are about sticking their nose under the tent" (Democracy Now). As Donahue puts it, "everybody is under pressure to shut up and sing" (Democracy Now).
As Donahue suggests, the real problem is that, when media ownership becomes centralized and content becomes deregulated, profit is emphasized over content. NBC was afraid of losing viewers when the zeitgeist was so pro-war, so they cut off the man who was one of the only responsible mainstream journalists in the United States at the time. They chose polite conversation over free and fearless discussion. This reveals a culture where rational dissent was silenced for profit.
The mindset present in media today, the one that got Phil Donahue fired, has a serious consequence. It is that many journalists will now not only censor themselves for fear of losing their jobs, but that the owners of media are hiring people who they do not need to intimidate. These are journalists and editors who willingly choose fluff stories, know not to dig to deep, know to tow the company line, and know to give Americans what they want to hear instead of what they need. Phil Donahue stepped outside of these bounds, and was made an example as a result. This is the real cause of the poor reporting following 9/11. To further illustrate that point, this essay will examine a great example of the type of reporters and reporting that flourishes in such an atmosphere.
Judith Miller was an investigative reporter at the New York Times, and also worked as an embedded reporter once the war on Iraq began. She had seemingly incredible access to Bush administration insiders, and was great at getting early scoops. She was one of the first journalists in America to report that Saddam Hussein, "embarked on a worldwide hunt for materials to make an atomic bomb" (Miller 1) and co-wrote the notorious aluminum tubes line, "Iraq has sought to buy thousands of specially designed aluminum tubes, which American officials believe were intended as components of centrifuges to enrich uranium" (1). Her smoking gun article only mentions, "Bush administration officials" (1), and "a senior administration official" (1), and does not give names for sources.
Miller's reporting was incorrect. The Bush administration fed her, and others, false information about the WMDs, even though the administration had hard intelligence saying there were none (The Huffington Post). This reveals a horrible situation in the United States. Journalists were no longer a check on the government, instead they were pawns used to mislead a country into a costly and illegal war. Miller was not alone, many other journalists (such as her co-author Michael Gordon) reported information from anonymous sources in the Bush administration, and fuelled a cycle of speculation about WMDs in Iraq that helped lead to the war.
Miller was apologetic about her coverage of the war. She is quoted as saying, "I got it totally wrong. … If your sources are wrong, you are wrong. I did the best job that I could" (Don Van Natta Jr. 2). Unfortunately this apology seems to place the blame on the people who lied to Miller. She ignores the fact that, as a journalist, she is responsible to delve deep and to not take her sources words as gospel. Although she has an incredible body of work behind her, her reliance on and ties to administration officials are inexcusable when considering the disastorous results of post 9/11 reporting, especially in the context of the concentration of media ownership.Even the editors of the NY Times criticised their own paper for its post 9/11 coverage, labelling the errors of Miller and other reporters as "institutional … failures" (Don Van Natta Jr. 2). It was not just shoddy reporting, it was encouraged by the entire organization. And although the post 9/11 zeitgeist is gone and the apologies have been made, the root cause of this problem still exists.
Miller had already lost much of her credibility as a result of her pre-war reporting. But terrible mistakes continued. She was still being used by Bush officials. In an outright attack against Joseph Wilson, a former diplomat who was critical of the War on Iraq, the Bush administrates leaked that his wife, Valerie Plame, was a CIA agent (Don Can Natta Jr. 2). I Lewis Libby, Vice President Dick Cheney's Chief of Staff, was the insider who told Miller and other reporters(Don Can Natta Jr. 2). Miller did not write a story about Plame, but others did, and an investigation into the matter found out she knew about Plame. She refused to testify, wanting to keep her source secret (Don Can Natta Jr. 2), and was imprisoned until she eventually testified.
This entire affair was a circus. Miller did not to write a story about Plame, but she tried to write one; she was told no by her editors (Don Can Natta Jr. 3). She was willing to write a story that could lead to the death of an undercover CIA agent, a story that had no value to the public interest, a story that would probably sell lots of papers, and a story that was really nothing more then an attempt by the Bush administration to silence a critic. Miller was willing to go to prison to protect an official who was committing a serious crime in telling her the information about Plame. He was from an administration that had knowingly lied to and used her in the past. And the worst part is that the New York Times backed Miller. Again, Miller shows the shoddy reporting, and the Times shows the institutional failure, that has stemmed from deregulation and media consolidation.
Miller eventually had to retire from the Times. She was an irresponsible journalist. But her stories followed the Zeitgeist, and they sold papers. She was backed by her organisation right up until the end, when it chose to distance itself from her after her reputation was ruined. Miller is gone, but the biggest problem of the concentration of media ownership remains, the emphasis on profit over content.
This emphasis is still ruining responsible media in the United States. There are few better examples than that of the absence of reporting on the US Senate Select Committee on Intellegence findings about intellegence leading up to the war in Iraq. The report was released in the summer of 2008 and said "the president and his top officials deliberately misrepresented secret intelligence to make the case to invade Iraq" (The Huffington Post). The report was a damning indictment of the Bush administration, one which should have been on the front page of every newspaper and at the top of every newscast in America. But it was not. No major news network covered it, except for a very brief mention on ABC. It was even passed over by most major newspapers. The New York Times ran a story but it was buried deep inside the Washington section. Basically the only media outlets to give the story the attention it deserved were the Huffington post, an online news blog, and Comedy Central. The Daily Show not only covered the story, but called out major news networks for avoiding it (Daily Show 6 June 2009). It is a travesty that the American people should have to rely on comedy programming to inform them on such crucial issues. It represents a failure by journalists, and reveals serious institutional problems in American media.
There was a very similar situation in the United States before deregulation began to allow media ownership to be concentrated. It was in the seventies, during the Vietnam War. Like Iraq, Vietnam was a bloody and unjust war, founded on false pretenses. A study was commissioned by President Nixon's administration into historical relationships between the US and Vietnam. The results were a top secret 7,000 page report dubbed the Pentagon Papers (Ellsberg). It was photocopied by Daniel Ellsberg who worked at the Pentagon and the RAND corporation, and then leaked to the New York Times and several other papers (Ellsberg). The newspapers published sections of the Papers, which "demonstrated unconstitutional behavior by a succession of presidents, the violation of their oath and the violation of the oath of every one of their subordinates" (Ellsberg). The newspapers did this knowing that legal prosecution would be brought down on them and Ellsberg. The government did get several injunctions to stop publication, but in the end were not very successful. They also brought charges against Ellsberg, which could have put him in prison for life (Ellsberg). His case ended in a mistrial thanks to the discovery of underhanded tactics on the part of the prosecution.
The point of comparing the reporting of the Intelligence Committee's report and the pentagon papers is to demonstrate the actions of the press before and after deregulation. The press of today is broken. The Times and other papers risked serious consequences to publish classified documents that had the power to ruin an administration in the 70s. Today, at the height of media concentration, a public report that was even more damning was ignored, even though publishing stories on it would come with no legal consequences. This comes after the patriotic journalism of the post 9/11 era has mostly subsided. The press, as it exists today, is impotent. That impotence is not strictly caused by media concentration; but the concentration of media ownership makes it possible. This is because, as Bishop and Hakanen have shown, content has become less important than profit. It is only in a situation such as this that reports as crucial as the one produced by the Senate Select Intelligence Committee could be overlooked.
But of course, not everyone feels the same way about the concentration of media ownership; if they had the FCC would never have allowed deregulation. So to best understand the position of those that support deregulation, and thus indirectly the concentration of media ownership, one should look right into the belly of the beast; FCC chairmen Michael Powell. The following is an analysis of his press statement in support of the deregulatory measures the FCC attempted to bring in 2002.
Powell says that the FCC will be successful if it completes three goals,
(1) Reinstating legally enforceable broadcast ownership limits that promote diversity, localism and competition … (2) Building modern rules that take proper account of the explosion of new media outlets for news, information and entertainment… (3) Striking a careful balance that does not unduly limit transactions that promote the public interest, while ensuring that no company can monopolize the medium (1)
Powell acknowledges the importance of localism and diversity. He says they must be maintained through modern rules that balance public interest and the economic interest of business, while preventing monopoly. He feels that the FCC's recommendations, which include an increase in allowable media ownership from 35 percent to 45 percent and a rollback on the newspaper/radio cross ownership rule, struck this appropriate balance. He says that they do this despite public concerns over excessive consolidation (1). What he calls public concerns, Adelstein, a dissenting member of the FCC, calls a near unanimous public outcry (Adelstein 3). Powell claims that rules are being modified and not eliminated (Powell 1), implying that if the rules are not modified the way he wants them to be, they must be eliminated. He says that in the past the FCC has refused to modernize, instead leaving rules to stagnate, which he says will eventually lead to the destruction of the American media market (1). He does not seem to realize that change in the other direction is possible. Powell fails to address the fact that thinkers like Adelstein, Bishop and Hakanen feel the rules in existence are already far too lenient and must be strengthened. He also ignores the fact that a ten percent increase in allowable market share will only strengthen monopolies already in existence. He even goes so far as to use fear tactics, saying "the stakes are perilously high" (1). He speaks about a massive examination of media and media standards, but does not mention the simplistic decision the FCC based its new regulations on. This decision is that new media such as the internet has led to more voices, which means there needs to be less regulation for diversity. Again, Adelstein, Bishop and Hakanen have all demonstrated that more voices do not mean quality and diverse programming. Powell sounds very much like a politician, saying that, "I believe that our actions will advance our diversity and localism goals and maintain a vigorously competitive environment" (2). That statement is the opposite of the real consequences of the proposed changes. There has been a sharp decline in diversity and localism since deregulation started; competition still exists, but only for profit, not quality. Competition, in this case, does not mean diversity, quality and localism, it means homogenization and safe national programs that attract broad audiences and grant lots of advertising revenue. Powell is dead wrong, and totally full of it. As Craig Aaron, a reporter for the Guardian says, "media consolidation is the problem, not the answer" (Craig Aaron). Powell simply represents the institutional failure of the FCC and reveals that the organization needs to be cleaned out and overhauled with new people who put the American public ahead of the interests of corporations.
There is an extremely simple solution to improving the media climate in the United States. The answer is to create more variety in ownership and content by bringing back pre 80s regulations. This must come about to decrease the concentration of media ownership, as that concentration is the spring from which crap journalism and media bubble. It also must be done so that once monopolies are broken up, companies will have to emphasize quality programming instead of for-profit programming. Regulation is not difficult to enact, what is necessary is a change in the minds of the FCC. It needs an overhaul; people like Powell have to be kicked out and new people with a more realistic outlook put in their place. There was obviously a serious problem when the Supreme Court blocked the FCCs proposed changes in 2002, and the problems have only gotten worse. Hopefully the Obama administration will see these problems and bring about change.
There are many specific actions the FCC must take to change the landscape of media ownership in America. Firstly, effective anti-trust laws must be established to prevent monopoly nationally and in individual markets (Baker 171), and to break up current monopolies and near-monopolies. Secondly, government approval must be required for mergers so companies can not get around the anti-trust law (172). There also must be regulation in terms of what mergers the government can allow. Specifically "mergers that increase concentration or invlove takeover by nonmedia firms" (176) must be prevented. Also, cross-ownership regulations must be reintroduced, the cap on media ownership must be lowered back below 35%, and the cap on radio ownership must be recreated, to further weaken the concentration of media.
Finally, governments must require special responsibilities from large firms (186) in the form of content regulation. These responsibilities should include the things which Bishop and Hackanen recommend; a large increase in the minimum requirement for diverse, local, political and public affairs programming with specific requirements for concentration on the public interest (such as requiring media companies to maintain community contacts and report on community issues). These requirements must also ensure that this programming is not relegated to late night and early morning time slots. The fairness doctrine must also be reintroduced, although in a weaker form then the original doctrine. It is needed to increase a diversity of opinion and break up the right- and left-wing dichotomy in US media. But this must be done in updated way which does not force irrationally overbalanced pieces (ie. giving equal time to both non-racists and white supremicists) and which does not steer journalists away from reporting on difficult issues.
It must be remembered that these content regulations are meant to reign in for-profit programming and to increase diversity. They must be limited by the constitution to prevent encroachment on free press. This limit is what makes these regulations much more effective then allowing corporations to govern themselves; the government has to abide by rules, corporations only have to make money. Regulations must be constantly held up to a test that examines their effectiveness in limiting for-profit programming and encouraging a diversity of opinion, localism and public affairs programming. Also, the government must create these regulations while ensuring that editoral freedom remains in the hands of journalists, so as to prevent an undue infringement on free speech. This has worked in the past, and can work again.
Unfortunately, enacting this regulation will not be easy. The fact that the Bush administration was in power for 8 years, despite its unpopularity, constitutional violations and clear incompetence, reveals the incredible power that conservatives and corporations still hold in the United States. Corporations control the media, and deregulation will mean a sharing of capital and a loss of profits. It is difficult to believe that the leaders of industry will support this. But after an unpopular war, an economic crisis, and the revelation of the Bush administration's crimes, change may be coming. The election of Barrack Obama, a liberal minded democrat and a former human rights lawyer, is certainly a step in the right direction, as is the election of a Democrat majority to both the Senate and Congress. After all, regulation ultimately has to come from the government. But the government will only bring change if it is what the American people want. So change must come from the ground up. It has to come through educated citizens working at grass roots levels. Profit motive makes the corporate controlled media very critical of change in the United States. As such, educated citizens must strike out on their own to find information. The internet is the perfect place for change to start, as it is the form of media most free from the influence of corporate America. Unfortunately it is also full of false information and useless entertainment, so people must be careful what they look for. But a culture of critical thinking will have to develop; hopefully the internet can be the free marketplace that fosters such a culture. The Obama administration already seems to be moving in the right direction by introducing plans to increase funding for education and possibly reintroducing some media regulation, hopefully these initiatives will also help in developing a culture of critical thinking.
In conclusion, the American media system is broken. It is full of poor programming and irresponsible journalism. People are spoonfed easy stories and shows that bring big ratings and big advertising dollars. Localism, diversity and public affairs and political programming are dying and being replaced with national content that has little public importance. These problems can be traced back to one source, deregulation. Deregulation leads to the concentration of media ownership and a concentration on profit over content. These problems have persisted since the deregulation of media ownership and content control in the eighties and nineties. They have led to Phil Donahue getting fired, to a climate of bad, patriotic journalism that helped lead America into an illegal war, and to the biggest story of 2008 being swept under the rug. Media is showing no signs of recovery on its own, and may in fact be getting worse as more deregulation is proposed. Action must be taken by citizens to put pressure on the US government to re-regulate the industry. The FCC has to return to its roots before more irreversible damage is done to American civil society. This is a very difficult and uphill battle. It has all of corporate and most of conservative America against it. But hopefully, for democracy's sake, a true and just free marketplace of ideas will win out in the end.
Works Cited
Baker, C. Edwin. Media Concentration and Democracy: Why Ownership Matters. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Craig Aaron, Joseph Torres. "Consolidation won't save the media." The Guardian 26 March
Democracy Now. "Phil Donahue: "We Have an Emergency in the Media and We Have to Fix
It"." 24 March 2005. Democracy Now. 3 March 2009 <http://www.democracynow.org/2005/3/24/phil_donahue_we_have_an_emergency>.
Don Van Natta Jr., Adam Liptak, Clifford J. Levy. "The Miller Case: A Notebook, a Cause, a
Jail Cell and a Deal ." The New York Times 16 October 2005: 1-8.
Ellsberg, Daniel. How the Pentagon Papers Came to be Published by the Beacon Press Amy
Goodman. 2 July 2007.
Hackanen, Ronald Bishop and Ernest A. "In the Public Interest? The State of Local Television
Fifteen Years After Deregulation." Journal of Communication Inquiry 26.3 (2002): 261-276.
Miller, Michael R. Gordon and Judith. "THREATS AND RESPONSES: THE IRAQIS; U.S.
SAYS HUSSEIN INTENSIFIES QUEST FOR A-BOMB PARTS." The New York Times 8 September 2002: 1-5.
Now with Bill Moyers. Media Regulation Timeline. 30 January 2004. 26 January 2009
Powell, Michael. "Press Statement of Chairman Michael Powell." Press Statement. 2002.
Social Science Research Council. Report on Chain Broadcasting. 26 January 2009
The Daily Show 6 June 2009. Perf. Jon Stewart. 2009.
The Huffington Post. "Senate Report: Bush Used Iraq Intel He Knew Was False." The
Huffington Post 5 June 2008: 1.
The Museam of Broadcast Communications. Fairness Doctrine. 26 January 2009
Think and Ask. "Media Giants: Who Owns What?" July 2004. thinkandask.com. 9 February


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The Wood Brothers Biography & News
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About The Wood Brothers
About The Wood Brothers
Sometimes, siblings are so close they often can't stand to be separated. Other times, they feel the urge to grow apart. In some cases, they end up together again.
This is the story of Oliver and Chris Wood – aka the Wood Brothers – who grew up in Boulder, Colorado and left the area after graduating high school. Oliver went off to Atlanta, Georgia while Chris ended up in New York. The former, a guitarist, had taken up songwriting and formed the blues-based King Johnson, an outfit which toured the Southern circuit. Chris, on the other hand, began playing jazz and rock in New York and was later part of the trio Medesk, Martin & Wood.
When Oliver and Chris came together again, especially at various family functions, they began combining their musical talents and jamming together. After about 15 years apart, the two finally performed at a show in North Carolina. Shortly thereafter, they began recording together and landed a contract with Blue Note Records.
The brothers, who had privately released the "Live at Tonic EP," finally saw the debut of their very first studio album, "Ways Not to Lose," in 2006. It featured Kenny Wollesen on five tracks, was produced by John Medeski and recorded at Allarie Studios in Shokan, New York. The project was not only the Amazon.com editors' number one pick in folk for that year, it also landed on National Public Radio's "Overlooked 11" list of 2006. The "Ways…" album has since been followed by four more studio efforts, including 2013's "The Muse."
The Wood Brothers Add Fall Dates to Current Tour
Country/folk/blues group The Wood Brothers just tacked on additional dates for their fall North American tour. The guys will start things off on June 26 at ROMP in Owensboro, KY. After that, it's a series of shows in California and the Midwest before crossing the border to play the Winnipeg Folk Festival on July 10 and…Read more
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The Wood Brothers Tour Dates 2015
date city state venue 06/02/2015 Hamburg HH Prinzenbar 05/25/2015 Berlin Privat club 05/23/2015 Hoorn Huis Verloren 05/22/2015 Groningen ?? De Oosterpoort 04/15/2015 Charlottesville VA Jefferson Theater 04/14/2015 York PA Strand-Capitol Performing Arts Center 04/10/2015 Syracuse NY The Westcott Theater 04/09/2015 Buffalo NY Tralf Music Hall 04/08/2015 Pittsburgh PA The Rex Theater 02/27/2015 New Braunfels TX Gruene Hall 02/26/2015 Austin TX The Parish 02/24/2015 Tulsa OK The Vanguard 02/20/2015 Boulder CO Boulder Theater 02/20/2015 Avon CO Nottingham Park 02/18/2015 Lawrence KS The Bottleneck 01/24/2015 Seattle WA Neptune Theatre 01/23/2015 Vancouver BC The Imperial 01/22/2015 Portland OR Wonder Ballroom 01/21/2015 Eugene OR McDonald Theatre 01/19/2015 Chico CA Big Room 01/18/2015 Reno NV Cargo 01/17/2015 Santa Cruz CA Rio Theatre 01/16/2015 San Francisco CA The Fillmore 01/15/2015 Napa CA City Winery - Napa 01/14/2015 Los Angeles CA El Rey Theatre 01/13/2015 Solana Beach CA Belly Up Tavern
The Wood Brothers Tour Dates 2014
date city state venue 10/05/2014 Saint Louis MO Old Rock House 10/04/2014 Chicago IL Thalia Hall 10/03/2014 Milwaukee WI Shank Hall 10/02/2014 Stoughton WI Stoughton Opera House 09/30/2014 Indianapolis IN The Vogue 09/29/2014 Cincinnati OH 20th Century Theater 09/27/2014 Charlotte NC McGlohon Theatre 09/26/2014 Roanoke VA Jefferson Center 09/25/2014 Saxapahaw NC Haw River Ballroom 09/23/2014 Charleston SC Music Farm 09/21/2014 Knoxville TN Bijou Theatre 09/20/2014 Asheville NC The Orange Peel 09/19/2014 Atlanta GA Variety Playhouse 09/18/2014 Birmingham AL Workplay Theatre 09/04/2014 Arrington VA Oak Ridge Farm 08/14/2014 Simsbury CT Summer Concerts at Simsbury Meadows 08/02/2014 Morrison CO Red Rocks Amphitheatre 07/25/2014 Guelph ON Guelph Lake Conservation Area 07/17/2014 Redmond WA Marymoor Park 07/12/2014 Telluride CO Telluride Conference Center 07/10/2014 Winnipeg MB Birds Hill Provincial Park 07/09/2014 Winnipeg MB Birds Hill Provincial Park 06/24/2014 Buffalo NY Tralf Music Hall 05/23/2014 Chillicothe IL Three Sisters Park 03/11/2014 Austin TX ACL Live at The Moody Theater 03/08/2014 Nashville TN 3rd & Lindsley 03/07/2014 Nashville TN 3rd & Lindsley 03/02/2014 Portland ME Port City Music Hall 03/01/2014 South Burlington VT Higher Ground 02/28/2014 Somerville MA Somerville Theatre 02/27/2014 New York NY Irving Plaza 02/25/2014 Toronto ON Adelaide Hall 02/23/2014 Albany NY The Egg 02/21/2014 Philadelphia PA Prince Music Theater 02/20/2014 Washington DC The Hamilton 02/09/2014 Vancouver BC Rio Theatre on Broadway 02/08/2014 Seattle WA Neptune Theatre 02/07/2014 Portland OR Crystal Ballroom 02/06/2014 Eugene OR Wow Hall 02/05/2014 Arcata CA Humboldt Brews 02/04/2014 Petaluma CA Mystic Theatre 02/03/2014 Santa Cruz CA Rio Theatre 02/01/2014 San Francisco CA The Fillmore 01/31/2014 West Hollywood CA The Troubadour 01/30/2014 Solana Beach CA Belly Up Tavern
The Wood Brothers Tour Dates 2013
date city state venue 12/15/2013 Houston TX Fitzgerald's 12/14/2013 Austin TX The Parish 12/12/2013 Dallas TX The Prophet Bar 12/11/2013 Tulsa OK The Vanguard 12/10/2013 Lawrence KS The Bottleneck 12/08/2013 Aspen CO Belly Up Aspen 12/07/2013 Englewood CO Gothic Theatre 12/06/2013 Boulder CO Fox Theatre 10/23/2013 Nashville TN Loveless Cafe 10/20/2013 Asheville NC The Orange Peel 10/19/2013 Charleston SC Blackbaud Stadium 10/17/2013 Wilmington NC Ziggy's By the Sea 10/16/2013 Chapel Hill NC Local 506 10/13/2013 Bristow VA Jiffy Lube Live 10/12/2013 Virginia Beach VA Farm Bureau Live at Virginia Beach 10/11/2013 Charlotte NC PNC Music Pavilion 10/04/2013 San Francisco CA Golden Gate Park 09/27/2013 Nashville TN Riverfront Park 09/26/2013 Atlanta GA Variety Playhouse 09/25/2013 Birmingham AL Workplay Theatre 09/24/2013 Oxford MS Proud Larry's 09/18/2013 Knoxville TN Bijou Theatre 09/17/2013 Cincinnati OH 20th Century Theater 09/15/2013 Chicago IL Park West 09/14/2013 Indianapolis IN The Vogue 09/12/2013 Minneapolis MN Fine Line Music Cafe 09/11/2013 Milwaukee WI Shank Hall 09/01/2013 Hartford CT Xfinity Theatre 08/31/2013 Saratoga Springs NY Saratoga Performing Arts Center 07/21/2013 Camden NJ Susquehanna Bank Center 06/07/2013 Londonderry NH Tupelo Music Hall 06/06/2013 Norfolk CT Infinity Hall 06/05/2013 Fall River MA Narrows Center for the Arts 06/04/2013 South Burlington VT Higher Ground 06/02/2013 Ithaca NY The Haunt 06/01/2013 Danbury CT Ives Concert Park 05/19/2013 Boston MA Paradise Rock Club 03/02/2013 Hudson NY Club Helsinki Hudson 03/01/2013 New York NY Bowery Ballroom 02/28/2013 Boston MA Paradise Rock Club 02/27/2013 Northampton MA Iron Horse Music Hall 02/26/2013 Philadelphia PA Triumph Brewery 02/24/2013 Philadelphia PA World Cafe Live 02/23/2013 Syracuse NY The Westcott Theater 02/22/2013 Albany NY The Egg 02/21/2013 Fairfield CT StageOne 02/10/2013 Vancouver BC Rio Theatre on Broadway 02/07/2013 Eugene OR Wow Hall 02/06/2013 Grass Valley CA The Center for the Arts Grass Valley 02/05/2013 Petaluma CA Mystic Theatre 02/02/2013 San Francisco CA Great American Music Hall 02/01/2013 Los Angeles CA Largo at the Coronet 01/31/2013 Solana Beach CA Belly Up Tavern 01/20/2013 Saint Petersburg FL Vinoy Park 01/11/2013 Ponte Vedra Beach FL Ponte Vedra Concert Hall 01/10/2013 Orlando FL Plaza Theatre
The Wood Brothers Tour Dates 2012
date city state venue 12/01/2012 Athens GA The Melting Point 11/30/2012 Birmingham AL Workplay Theatre 11/29/2012 Mobile AL Alabama Music Box 11/27/2012 New Orleans LA House of Blues New Orleans 11/25/2012 Dallas TX The Kessler Theater 11/24/2012 Austin TX The Parish 11/15/2012 Santa Barbara CA Soho Restaurant and Music Club 11/13/2012 Vancouver BC Orpheum Theatre 11/03/2012 Minneapolis MN Fine Line Music Cafe 11/02/2012 Madison WI Majestic Theatre 11/01/2012 Chicago IL Lincoln Hall 10/31/2012 Bloomington IN The Bishop 10/30/2012 Saint Louis MO Old Rock House 10/28/2012 Kent OH The Kent Stage 10/27/2012 Louisville KY Headliners Music Hall 10/26/2012 Nashville TN 3rd & Lindsley 09/28/2012 Roswell GA Roswell Cultural Arts Center 09/22/2012 Washington DC The Hamilton 09/21/2012 New York NY Beacon Theatre 09/02/2012 Jackson WY Pink Garter Theatre 09/01/2012 Park City UT The Canyons 08/24/2012 Boulder CO eTown Hall 07/19/2012 Thornville OH Legend Valley 07/19/2012 Louisville KY Iroquois Amphitheater 05/19/2012 Boston MA Paradise Rock Club 05/18/2012 Ridgefield CT Ridgefield Playhouse 03/22/2012 Philadelphia PA World Cafe Live 03/20/2012 New York NY Bowery Ballroom 03/18/2012 Charlottesville VA The Southern Cafe and Music Hall 03/16/2012 Birmingham AL Workplay Theatre 03/15/2012 Atlanta GA Variety Playhouse 03/14/2012 Asheville NC The Orange Peel 03/11/2012 Louisville KY Headliners Music Hall 03/10/2012 Nashville TN 3rd & Lindsley 03/08/2012 Chicago IL Old Town School of Folk Music 02/04/2012 Seattle WA Crocodile Cafe 02/03/2012 Portland OR Aladdin Theater 02/02/2012 Eugene OR Wow Hall 02/01/2012 Petaluma CA Mystic Theatre 01/31/2012 Sacramento CA Harlows Night Club 01/28/2012 San Francisco CA Great American Music Hall 01/27/2012 Santa Barbara CA Soho Restaurant and Music Club 01/26/2012 Tampa FL USF Theatre 1 01/25/2012 Solana Beach CA Belly Up Tavern
The Wood Brothers Tour Dates 2011
date city state venue 12/10/2011 Ponte Vedra Beach FL Ponte Vedra Concert Hall 12/06/2011 New Orleans LA House of Blues New Orleans 10/22/2011 Charleston SC Blackbaud Stadium 10/07/2011 Vienna VA Wolf Trap 10/04/2011 Ann Arbor MI The Ark 10/01/2011 Evanston IL SPACE 09/27/2011 Omaha NE The Waiting Room 08/18/2011 Asbury Park NJ Wonder Bar 06/01/2011 Cincinnati OH 20th Century Theater 05/07/2011 Atlanta GA Variety Playhouse 05/05/2011 Asheville NC The Orange Peel 04/03/2011 Minneapolis MN Fine Line Music Cafe 04/02/2011 Milwaukee WI Shank Hall 03/25/2011 New York NY City Winery 03/25/2011 New York NY City Winery 03/24/2011 Boston MA Brighton Music Hall
The Wood Brothers Tour Dates 2010
date city state venue 03/19/2010 New York NY Bowery Ballroom


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March 10, 03
Vol. 18 , No. 09
Gandhi: Imperialist, Nationalist, Hindu?
As a historical figure, Gandhi is lauded for his tactics of passive resistance in the face of injustice and for his resolute leadership in the struggle to free India from British control. However, one has to wonder whether or not the usual narrative history does justice to the complexity of his life and actions. In his Athenaeum talk, Thomas Metcalf, a noted scholar of the history of the British Empire and Modern South Asia, will attempt to dig deeper into the facts and circumstances of Gandhi's life by illuminating Gandhi's relationship to the British Empire and to Indian nationalist identity. In particular, Professor Metcalf will focus on Gandhi's attitude toward the British and his ideas regarding Hindu nationalism. With a better understanding of these facets of his life, we can better understand who Gandhi was, and how his actions shaped the future of the Indian subcontinent.
Thomas Metcalf is professor of history and the Sarah Kailath Chair of Indian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. Metcalf's current scholarship focuses on examining India as the center of the British Empire in the 19th Century, from which ideas, personnel, and institutions flowed out to the entire Indian Ocean region. At UC Berkeley, Professor Metcalf serves as a Trustee for the American Institute of Indian Studies.
Metcalf's publications include, The Aftermath of the Revolt: India, 1857-1870 (Princeton, 1964); Land, Landlords, and the British Raj (California, 1979); An Imperial Vision: Indian Architecture and Britain's Raj (California, 1989); Modern India Anthology (New York, 1970; revised 1990); and Ideologies of the Raj (Cambridge, 1995).
Professor Metcalf's lecture is jointly sponsored the Kravis Leadership Institute and the Marian Miner Cook Athenaeum.
Paradigms Found and Paradigms Lost. Science Extraordinary and Science Pathological. Which Is Which? And How to Tell the Difference
Scientists claim that atoms can undergo nuclear fusion at room temperature in a container for jam. A teaspoon of oil can still the waves of an angry pond. A human being has been cloned . . . make that two! Are these claims true or are they examples of pathological science? Prof. Nicholas J. Turro will discuss how science handles extraordinary claims and how such claims can either lead to intellectual revolutions that change the way communities think and act, or to situations in which human beings can be lead astray by subjective effects, wishful thinking, or threshold interactions.
Nicholas J. Turro is the William P. Schweitzer Professor of Chemistry at Columbia University where he has been since 1964. He was born in Middletown, Connecticut, where he attended Wesleyan University before going to Caltech for his Ph.D. in 1960. He is the author of Modern Molecular Photochemistry (1991), a standard text in the field and has published over 700 research papers in established scientific journals. He is a member of the National Academy of Sciences and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
In addition to his signal accomplishments as a research scientist, Turro has published an important analysis of the way science is done, and is recognized as an educational leader who has made a national impact. These accomplishments have recently been recognized by his selection in 2002 as Distinguished Teacher Scholar by the National Science Foundation.
Vexing Nature: On Ethics and Genetically Modified Foods
Genetically modified (GM) foods are produced using new techniques of biotechnology, such as gene silencing and insertion. While the American public has generally accepted GM corn and soybeans, the foods have proven controversial in Europe. In this interactive lecture, philosopher Gary Comstock will lead a discussion of the major moral objections to GM foods. He will argue that the U.S. needs a broader discussion of GM foods' ethical dimensions if its environmental risks are to be minimized and benefits realized.
Currently Comstock is professor of philosophy and director of the ethics program at North Carolina State University. He is the author of an influential book on agricultural biotechnology, Vexing Nature? On the Ethical Case Against Agricultural Biotechnology (2000), in which he explains his transformation from writing essays against genetic engineering, to becoming a "cautious proponent" of GM foods. In addition, Comstock is the current editor of Life Science Ethics and is a world-renowned expert in ethics.
Comstock's presentation is the fourth talk in the series The Environment in Crisis, sponsored by a grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Roberts Environmental Center, and the David E. French Lectureship.
The Sources of Ethnic Conflict: Insights from the Post-Communist Experience
The collapse of communist regimes from 1989-1991 in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union was followed-and sometimes accompanied-by growing conflicts between nations within multinational states. Why did this occur? How does the ethnic makeup of these states shape their prospects for peace, stability, and territorial integrity? What does an analysis of the post-communist region tell us generally about conflict and cooperation in multiethnic states?
Professor Valerie Bunce will address these and other questions in her evening talk at the Athenaeum, sponsored by the Keck Center for International and Strategic Studies. Valerie Bunce is a leading scholar of comparative politics and a specialist on issues of democratization, ethnic conflict, and political change. She has published dozens of scholarly articles and books, including Subversive Institutions: The Design and the Destruction of Socialism and the State and Do New Leaders Make a Difference? (1999) Executive Succession and Public Policy Under Capital ism and Socialism (1981).
Professor Bunce served as vice president of the American Political Science Association in 2000-2001 and president of American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies in 2001-2002. She is currently visiting the Athenaeum from Cornell University where she is the chair of the government department.
Damned by Dollars: Moby-Dick and the Price of Genius
The novel Moby-Dick is the crown jewel of American literature. But when it was published in 1851, it soon became a critical and financial failure, sending Herman Melville, its young author (32) into a literary eclipse.
The story of Melville's meteoric rise to fame and rapid descent into a tortured obscurity as been recounted brilliantly in Hershel Parker's magisterial two-volume biography of Melville, one of the most important studies of an American author. The first volume was a finalist for a Pulitzer Prize in 1997. In the second volume, published last year, Parker creates an intense narrative of Melville's life after Moby-Dick's failure, detailing his setbacks and triumphs, his struggles and successes, and the social context of his intellectual pursuits. Herman Melville: A Biography, Volume 2, 1851-1891 (2002) is the most recent winner of the Association of American Publishers' Professional and Scholarly Publishing Award for Biography and Autobiography.
Hershel Parker is the dean of Melville scholars. His lifelong devotion to Melville has brought forth, in addition to the biography, the spectacular Northwestern-Newberry edition of Melville's complete works as well as the Norton critical edition of Moby-Dick (1967 and 2001) and the innovative critical volume Moby-Dick as Doubloon: Essays and Extracts 1851-1970 (1970). He has also authored Flawed Texts and Verbal Icons: Literary Authority in American Fiction (1984).
Parker is the H. Fletcher Brown Professor of English, emeritus, at the University of Delaware.
Feminist Education: Changing All Our Lives
bell hooks
Cultural critic, author, and feminist theorist, bell hooks, will deliver the inaugural address for an annual lecture series to honor the late Sue Mansfield, Claremont McKenna College professor of history, emerita.
Known as a feminist thinker, the writings of bell hooks cover a broad range of topics on gender, race, teaching, and the significance of media for contemporary culture. She strongly believes that these topics cannot be dealt with separately, but understood only in their interconnectedness.
Celebrated as one of the nation's leading public intellectuals by The Atlantic Monthly, and named one of Utne Reader's "100 Visionaries Who Could Change Your Life," hooks spends her time teaching, writing, and lecturing around the world.
During her career hooks has served as a professor in the English departments at Yale University and Oberlin College, and most recently as Distinguished Professor of English at City College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Like educational theorist Paulo Freire, bell hooks sees education as the practice of freedom, her "right as a subject in resistance to define reality." For hooks: "teaching is a performative act . . . that offers the space for change, invention, spontaneous shifts, that can serve as a catalyst drawing out the unique elements in each classroom."
A prolific writer, bell hooks is the author of more than 20 books, including Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom (1994); Salvation: Black People and Love (2001); Ain't I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism (1981); Bone Black: Memories of Girlhood (1996); Killing Rage: Ending Racism (1995), and, with Cornell West, Breaking Bread: Insurgent Black Intellectual Life (1991). She is also the author of Happy to Be Nappy (1999), a children's book. Her last book Rock My Soul: Black People and Self-Esteem was released in December 2002.
Born in Hopkinsville, Kentucky, the pseudonym bell hooks was the name of her great grandmother on her mother's side and used to honor them and to provide a separate voice from the author. The decapitalization and the pseudonym itself are her attempts to take the reader's focus away from the author and place it on the context of the work. hooks received her B.A. from Stanford University in 1973, her M.A. in 1976 from the University of Wisconsin, and her Ph.D. in 1983 from the University of California, Santa Cruz.
This visit to CMC by bell hooks is sponsored by the Dean of Faculty, the Gould Center for Humanistic Studies, the department of history, and the Athenaeum.
Human Rights and Ethical Globalization
I go visit Colombia or East Timor or Afghanistan, but they stay there and work day in and day out. I also have a sense of having built a very effective office for human rights and putting, I hope, the stamp of integrity on the human rights agenda. This is recognized by all countries and all governments-that the office of the high commissioner for human rights is not politicized, we are not selective, and we operate an agenda that is broad-based.
-Mary Robinson
Mary Robinson became High Commissioner for Human Rights in September 1997, following her nomination to the post by United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan and the endorsement of the General Assembly. Her appointment to the U.N. post had strong U.S. backing; President Clinton called her a "splendid choice" and pledged his administration's full cooperation with her mandate.
As High Commissioner, Robinson gave priority to implementing the reform proposal of Secretary-General Kofi Annan to integrate human rights concerns in all the activities of the United Nations. She also oversaw a reorientation of the priorities of her Office, which increasingly focused its work where it matters most: at the country and regional levels. As part of this focus, she traveled during her first year as High Commissioner to Rwanda, South Africa, Colombia, and Cambodia, among other countries. In September 1998, she was the first High Commissioner to visit China. Under a similar process, the High Commissioner has sent human rights workers to Indonesia and to countries in Europe and Africa. Robinson also strengthened human rights monitoring in such conflict areas as Kosovo, in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Robinson came to the United Nations after a distinguished seven-year tenure as President of Ireland (1990-1997). As President, Mrs. Robinson developed a new sense of Ireland's economic, political and cultural links with other countries and cultures. She placed special emphasis during her Presidency on the needs of developing countries, linking the history of the Great Irish Famine to today's nutrition, poverty and policy issues, thus creating a bridge of partnership between developed and developing countries.
Mrs. Robinson was the first Head of State to visit Rwanda in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide there. She was also the first Head of State to visit Somalia following the crisis there in 1992, receiving the CARE Humanitarian Award in recognition of her efforts for that country.
Before her election as President in 1990, Mrs. Robinson served as Senator, holding that office for 20 years. In 1969 she became the youngest Reid Professor of Constitutional Law at Trinity College, Dublin. She was called to the bar in 1967, becoming a Senior Counsel in 1980, and a member of the English Bar (Middle Temple) in 1973. She also served as a member of the International Commission of Jurists (1987-1990) and of the Advisory Commission of Inter-Rights (1984-1990).
President Robinson's lecture is jointly sponsored by the Res Publica Society of Claremont McKenna College and the Marian Miner Cook Athenaeum. Dinner reservations are for CMC persons only. The talk beginning at 6:45 p.m. is open to all, no reservations necessary.
Cesar Chavez Commemoration
The end of all knowledge must be the building up of character.
-Cesar Estrada Chavez
Students must have initiative; they should not be mere imitators. They must learn to think and act for themselves-and be free.
-Cesar Estrada Chavez
Cesar E. Chavez called the movement to organize America's farmworkers La Causa. Chavez was a humble man, who did not seek recognition for himself. Instead he sought to give voice to the millions of exploited and vulnerable farmworkers who from dawn until dusk, plant, plow and pick the crops for our dining table. "Huelga," the strike or boycott, was the tool he used as he pushed for safer working conditions and stood up to those who would deny his fellow laborers their basic human rights. His commitment transcended the hot, dusty fields, as he became an icon for the ongoing struggle for equal rights and equal opportunity. The migrant schools that Cesar Chavez worked so hard to establish are a testament to his exhaustive efforts, and a rare opportunity for many of America's laboring children to escape poverty through education.
In much the same way President Alex Gonzalez, from humble beginnings and working- class parents, has risen to become the President of California State University at San Marcos. President Gonzalez is the embodiment of what Chavez saw as the potential of all our children to succeed, and to achieve beyond their families' grasp. Dr. Gonzalez received his Bachelor of Arts degree in History from Pomona College, graduating with honors. After attending Harvard Law School, he completed his Master's and Doctoral studies in Social Psychology at the University of California at Santa Cruz. He also spent a year as a postdoctoral fellow at Stanford University. Dr. Gonzalez is in his sixth year as President of California State University, San Marcos. Under his leadership, the campus has continued its rapid growth in enrollment and construction, strengthened its academic programs, tightened its fiscal management, and enhanced its relations with its off-campus community and friends in the region it serves. In addition, Dr. Gonzalez has been appointed to serve on the President's Commission on Educational Excellence for Hispanic Americans. The Commission will be creating a national multiyear plan to close the educational achievement gap between Chicano/Latino students and their peers.
The Cesar Chavez Commemoration Committee is proud to present the address by Dr. Alexander Gonzalez to commemorate the life and work of Cesar Chavez, and to give testament to the fact that through hard work and determination one may succeed against all odds. Please join us for what promises to be an educational and motivational evening.
Application forms for the position of Athenaeum Fellow for the 2003-2004 academic year will be available in the Athenaeum office on Monday, March 10. Completed applications must be returned by Thursday, March 27 at 5:00 p.m. Students desiring to be considered for the following year (2004-2005) but who will be away from campus during the next year's selection process may submit their application now in order to be considered for the future position.
The Athenaeum serves as a gathering place where ideas, inquiry, and fellowship bring students, faculty, staff, other scholars, and nationally prominent speakers together. Attendance at any event may be limited to persons associated with CMC, to the people who signed up for the meal, or to the maximum number of people allowed by fire regulations. On some occasions the speaker may address the group in another forum or the College may set up a video feed to handle an overflow crowd. All programs at the Athenaeum are filmed. Individuals attending should understand that their image might appear on the videotape. House rules and common courtesy prohibit disruptive actions inside the building during an Athenaeum sponsored program. Time allowing, there will be a period set aside for questions. Students will have priority during this portion of the program. Guests are expected to dress appropriately in all dining rooms. Shorts, jeans, and t-shirts are not acceptable at dinner; more casual attire is acceptable for lunch and tea. No bare feet at any time.
Marian Miner Cook Athenaeum
Claremont McKenna College
385 E. Eighth Street
Claremont, CA 91711
(909) 621-8244
Fax: (909) 621-8579
Email: email@example.com
Campus Location
385 E. Eighth Street
Claremont, CA 91711


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1slipperyfish (troll) wrote:I am actually a cretin and a moron
Realy 1sf (troll) one would have thought you would get it right
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Water Restrictions
The Bureau of Meteorology's Water Restrictions website provides access to current water restrictions information for the whole of Australia. Water restrictions information can be searched by State or Territory, water agency and restriction name. Water restriction names and rules vary throughout Australia due to local requirements.
This is the description for the Bendemeer area managed and maintained by the Tamworth Regional Council.
Current Restriction
Outside watering with sprinklers and fixed hoses is not allowed during the heat of the day. In other words, you can use sprinklers and fixed hoses after 4:00pm and before 9:00am during Eastern Standard Time (EST) and after 6:00pm and before 8:00am in Daylight Saving Time (DST). Hand held hoses with trigger nozzles and buckets or watering cans may used for watering of lawns, gardens and vehicle washing at any time while Permanent or Normal water rules are in place. Residents are reminded that trigger nozzles should be use on all hoses to help conserve supplies and avoid waste.


text:
Freshmen Digital Media Studies majors, please join Reneé Jones, Associate Director of the Vocatio Center for Life Calling and Career, for this freshman seminar designed to assist you in exploring your life calling and your major! This seminar exposes the serious DMS major to career goal setting and planning to assist future DMS graduates in taking steps to build a successful future! NOTE: This seminar is offered to freshman DMS majors enrolled in Chris Blair's class only.
For More Information, Contact:
Jacqueline Taylor, 731-661-5316, firstname.lastname@example.com


text:
verb \ˈblām\
: to say or think that a person or thing is responsible for something bad that has happened
Full Definition of BLAME
transitive verb
: to find fault with : censure <the right to praise or blame a literary work>
a : to hold responsible <they blame me for everything>b : to place responsibility for <blames it on me>
— blam·er noun
— to blame
See blame defined for kids
Usage Discussion of BLAME
Use of blame in sense 2b with on has occasionally been disparaged as wrong. Such disparagement is without basis; blame on occurs as frequently in carefully edited prose as blame for. Both are standard.
Examples of BLAME
- Don't blame me. You are responsible for your own problems.
- My father always blames everything on me.
- I blame the poor harvest on the weather.
Origin of BLAME
Middle English, from Anglo-French blamer, blasmer, from Late Latin blasphemare to blaspheme, from Greek blasphēmein
First Known Use: 13th century
Related to BLAME
: responsibility for something that fails or is wrong
Full Definition of BLAME
: an expression of disapproval or reproach : censure
a : a state of being blameworthy : culpabilityb archaic : fault, sin
: responsibility for something believed to deserve censure <they must share the blame>
— blame·less \-ləs\ adjective
— blame·less·ly adverb
— blame·less·ness noun
Examples of BLAME
- It's not entirely his fault, but he's not completely free of blame, either.
- <willingly accepted the blame for not seeing that the kitchen was properly cleaned>
First Known Use of BLAME
13th century
Related to BLAME
- Synonyms
- culpability, fault, guilt, onus, rap
- Antonyms
- blamelessness, faultlessness, guiltlessness, innocence
Learn More About BLAME
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