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First off, we wish you all a Happy Halloween.
Second, your plans tonight? Dressing up and hitting the streets door to door? Could be a good plan...
Or perhaps you are more in the mood to see some live acts? If so, this is what we have for you:
Type O Negative - nope, not on tour in support of a new album, BUT on a mini tour - their annual Halloween run. AND, as has become Type O Halloween tradition, they will be at The Trocadero in Philadelphia, PA tonight.
Misfits - another band on their annual Halloween trek. Tonight they will be at The World @ WWF NY in Times Square of New York City. Should be good...hey, it's the Misfits on Halloween + a full party going on after the show.
If you can't make the show, you can still catch a live Misfits performance and special on the Metro Channel's "The Daily Beat". Jerry, Marky, Robo & Dez were all in attendance for this special which was shot on October 5th, and will be aired today at 5:00pm.
Hey, and did we mention the Misfits latest treat? Cuts From The Crypt is now IN STORES.
Ten Ton Hammer and Ill Nino - remember that Smells Like Machine Head story we posted earlier this week? Well, tonight is the night. At The Pound in San Francisco, Ill Nino will be playing, followed up by the famed Machine Head cover band Ten Ton Hammer. Read the story again...though they smell like Machine Head, rumor has it they look like Motley Crue...
Nickelback - how do they remind us on Halloween? If you are in Portland, check them out at The Crystal Ballroom and see for yourself.
Chimaira - the blessed event that is Chimaira on tour with Slayer takes their show tonight to the Edge 2000 in Jacksonville, FL. Need we say more? You do have a calling...
Fear Factory - for those of you East of the Atlantic, Fear Factory will be playing Halloween night at the Limelight in Belfast. Orange Guinness tonight???
Slipknot - and last, but certainly not least, Slipknot. Their Pledge Of Allegiance tour will make its way to the Continental Airlines Arena tonight. A show wherein many of us here at Roadrunner will be...and yes, even Marketing Matt will be in attendance.
So, what are you doing this Halloween? Checkin out a show? Hittin the streets? Whatever it is, tell us your Halloween Story for a chance to win the ultimate Roadrunner poster pack. See FREE SHIT section for details...


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Get the Best Priced Ford F350 Carburetor
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Ford F350 Replacement Carburetor Information
The carburetor is a mechanical device which is being phased out in modern vehicles. However, in the Ford F350, the carburetor is still an integral component. A carburetor by simple definition is basically a suction mechanical device that performs its functions by using principles of vacuum. The major function of the carburetor is to suck air from the external environment and direct it into the engine of the vehicle. The carb also has another major function which is to ensure that there is an adequate amount of gasoline for efficient performance of the engine. This gasoline mixes with the air sucked from the external environment thereby causing combustion of the fuel. The carburetor can malfunction if contaminants such as grit, twigs, grass or even mud get stuck in its parts. It is therefore important to perform frequent checks to avoid engine damage.
They are available for the following Ford F350 years: 1987, 1986, 1985, 1984, 1983, 1979, 1978, 1977, 1976, 1975, 87, 86, 85, 84, 83, 79, 78, 77, 76, 75. This part is also sometimes called Ford F350 Carb Kits. We stock carburetor parts for most Ford models including F150, Mustang, Courier, Thunderbird, F250, E150 Econoline, E150 Econoline Club Wagon, LTD, E350 Econoline Club Wagon, E350 Econoline, F250 Pickup, F100, Ranchero, Gran Torino, Torino, Bronco, E250 Econoline, F100 Pickup, Fairlane, Galaxie 500, F350 Pickup, Galaxie, E100 Econoline, E250 Econoline Club Wagon, Custom, Country Squire, F Series, Victoria, Custom 500, Country Sedan, Custom 300, Sunliner, Skyliner, Elite, Ranch Wagon, Club, Courier Sedan Delivery and Del Rio Wagon.
We stock these Carburetor brands for the Ford F350: Edelbrock and Holley.
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UNITED NATIONS GENERAL CONDITIONS FOR SERVICES CONTRACT 1.0 LEGAL STATUS: The Contractor shall be considered as having the legal status of an independent contractor vis-à-vis the United Nations. The Contractor's personnel and sub-contractors shall not be considered in any respect as being the employees or agents of the United Nations. 2.0 SOURCE OF INSTRUCTIONS: The Contractor shall neither seek nor accept instructions from any authority external to the United Nations in connection with the performance of its services under this Contract. The Contractor shall refrain from any action, which may adversely affect the United Nations and shall fulfill its commitments with the fullest regard to the interests of the United Nations. 3.0 CONTRACTOR'S RESPONSIBILITY FOR EMPLOYEES: The Contractor shall be responsible for the professional and technical competence of its employees and will select, for work under this Contract, reliable individuals who will perform effectively in the implementation of this Contract, respect the local customs, and conform to a high standard of moral and ethical conduct. 4.0 ASSIGNMENT: The Contractor shall not assign, transfer, pledge or make other disposition of this Contract or any part thereof, or any of the Contractor's rights, claims or obligations under this Contract except with the prior written consent of the United Nations. 5.0 SUB-CONTRACTING: In the event the Contractor requires the services of sub-contractors, the Contractor shall obtain the prior written approval and clearance of the United Nations for all sub-contractors. The approval of the United Nations of a sub-contractor shall not relieve the Contractor of any of its obligations under this Contract. The terms of any sub-contract shall be subject to and conform with the provisions of this Contract. 6.0 OFFICIALS NOT TO BENEFIT: The Contractor warrants that no official of the United Nations has received or will be offered by the Contractor any direct or indirect benefit arising from this Contract or the award thereof. The Contractor agrees that breach of this provision is a breach of an essential term of this Contract. 7.0 INDEMNIFICATION: The Contractor shall indemnify, hold and save harmless, and defend, at its own expense, the United Nations, its officials, agents, servants and employees from and against all suits, claims, demands, and liability of any nature or kind, including their costs and expenses, arising out of acts or omissions of the Contractor, or the Contractor's employees, officers, agents or sub-contractors, in the performance of this Contract. This provision shall extend, inter alia, to claims and liability in the nature of workmen's compensation, products liability and liability arising out of the use of patented inventions or devices, copyrighted material or other intellectual property by the Contractor, its employees, officers, agents, servants or sub-contractors. The obligations under this Article do not lapse upon termination of this Contract. 8.0 INSURANCE AND LIABILITIES TO THIRD PARTIES 8.1 The Contractor shall provide and thereafter maintain insurance against all risks in respect of its property and any equipment used for the execution of this Contract. 8.2 The Contractor shall provide and thereafter maintain all appropriate workmen's compensation insurance, or its equivalent, with respect to its employees to cover claims for personal injury or death in connection with this Contract. 8.3 The Contractor shall also provide and thereafter maintain liability insurance in an adequate amount to cover third party claims for death or bodily injury, or loss of or damage to property, arising from or in connection with the provision of services under this Contract or the operation of any vehicles, boats, airplanes or other equipment owned or leased by the Contractor or its agents, servants, employees or sub-contractors performing work or services in connection with this Contract. 8.4 Except for the workmen's compensation insurance, the insurance policies under this Article shall:
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At the United Nations' request, the Contractor shall take all necessary steps, execute all necessary documents and generally assist in securing such proprietary rights and transferring them to the United Nations in compliance with the requirements of the applicable law. 12.0 USE OF NAME, EMBLEM OR OFFICIAL SEAL OF THE UNITED NATIONS: The Contractor shall not advertise or otherwise make public the fact that it is a Contractor with the United Nations, nor shall the Contractor, in any manner whatsoever use the name, emblem or official seal of the United Nations, or any abbreviation of the name of the United Nations in connection with its business or otherwise. 13.0 CONFIDENTIAL NATURE OF DOCUMENTS AND INFORMATION 13.1 All maps, drawings, photographs, mosaics, plans, reports, recommendations, estimates, documents and all other data compiled by or received by the Contractor under this Contract shall be the property of the United Nations, shall be treated as confidential and shall be delivered only to United Nations authorized officials on completion of work under this Contract. 13.2 The Contractor may not communicate at any time to any other person, Government or authority external to the United Nations, any information known to it by reason of its association with the United Nations which has not been made public except with the authorization of the United Nations; nor shall the Contractor at any time use such information to private advantage. These obligations do not lapse upon termination of this Contract. 14.0 FORCE MAJEURE; OTHER CHANGES IN CONDITIONS 14.1 In the event of and as soon as possible after the occurrence of any cause constituting force majeure, the Contractor shall give notice and full particulars in writing to the United Nations, of such occurrence or change if the Contractor is thereby rendered unable, wholly or in part, to perform its obligations and meet its responsibilities under this Contract. The Contractor shall also notify the United Nations of any other changes in conditions or the occurrence of any event which interferes or threatens to interfere with its performance of this Contract. 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The Contractor shall immediately inform the UN of the occurrence of any of the above events. 16.0 SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES 16.1 Amicable Settlement: The Parties shall use their best efforts to settle amicably any dispute, controversy or claim arising out of this Contract or the breach, termination or invalidity thereof. 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The parties shall be bound by any arbitration award rendered as a result of such arbitration as the final adjudication of any such controversy, claim or dispute. 17.0 PRIVILEGES AND IMMUNITIES: Nothing in or relating to this Contract shall be deemed a waiver, express or implied, of any of the privileges and immunities of the United Nations, including its subsidiary organ. 18.0 TAXEMPTION 18.1 Section 7 of the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations provides, inter-alia, that the United Nations, including its subsidiary organs, is exempt from all direct taxes, except charges for public utility services, and is exempt from customs duties and charges of a similar nature in respect of articles imported or exported for its official use. 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Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party
Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party | |
Parti Islam Se-Malaysia | |
Abbreviation | PAS |
President | Abdul Hadi Awang |
Secretary-General | Mustafa Ali |
Spokesperson | Mahfuz Omar |
Spiritual Leader | Haron Din |
Deputy President | Mohamad Sabu |
Head of the ulama wing (acting) | Mahfodz Mohamed |
Head of the women's wing | Siti Zailah Mohd Yusoff |
Head of the youth wing | Suhaizan Kayat |
Slogan | Terus Beristiqamah |
Founded | 24 November 1951 |
Legalised | 31 May 1955 |
Preceded by | Pan-Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP) |
Headquarters | No. 318-A, Jalan Raja Laut, 50350 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia |
Newspaper | Harakah |
Think tank | Pusat Penyelidikan PAS Pusat |
Youth wing | Dewan Pemuda PAS Pusat |
Women's wing | Dewan Muslimat PAS Pusat |
Cleric's wing | Dewan Ulama PAS Pusat |
Ideology | Islamism, Islamic democracy |
Political position | Centre |
Religion | Sunni Islam |
National affiliation | Alliance (1972–73) Barisan Nasional (1973–78) Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (1989–96) Barisan Alternatif (1999–2004) Pakatan Rakyat (2008–present) |
Colours | Green and white |
Anthem | Berjihadlah |
Senate: |
2 / 70
House of Representatives: |
21 / 222
State Legislative Assemblies: |
85 / 576
Website | |
www |
Politics of Malaysia Political parties Elections |
This article is part of a series on the politics and government of Malaysia |
The Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (Malay: Parti Islam Se-Malaysia), commonly known as PAS, is an Islamist political party in Malaysia. Its membership of approximately one million makes it the largest party outside Malaysia's ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. It has contested and won parliamentary seats in each of the country's 13 general elections.
The party was founded in 1951 by Muslim clerics in the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). In the party's early decades, it fused Islamist and Malay nationalist ideologies and entrenched itself as one of the country's strongest opposition parties. From 1974 to 1978, PAS joined the governing Barisan Nasional coalition, but has otherwise been in opposition at the federal level for the entirety of its history. The 1980s saw the party taken over by a group of Muslim clerics ("ulama"), who shifted the party's ideology away from Malay nationalism towards a puritanical brand of Islamism. After poor electoral performances, the party moderated in the 1990s, increasing its membership and electoral support.
PAS's electoral base is in Malaysia's rural and conservative north. The party has governed the northern state of Kelantan since 1990 and has also, in the past, formed governments in Kedah and Terengganu. The party currently holds 21 of the 222 seats in the federal House of Representatives and has elected parliamentarians or state assembly members in ten of the country's 13 states. Since 2008 the party has joined the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the People's Justice Party (PKR) as a member of the Pakatan Rakyat coalition, which forms the federal Opposition.
The President is the party's chief office-holder. Abdul Hadi Awang has occupied the post since 2002. Under the President sits a Deputy President and three Vice-Presidents. There are two standing decision-making bodies of the party: the elected Central Working Committee, which deals with administrative and political affairs, and the Syura Council, composed of clerics, which deals with religious matters. The party has formal branches for women members ("PAS Muslimat") and youth ("PAS Pemuda"). Harakah is the party's official newspaper.
Origins: post-World War II Islamist movements[edit]
The post-World War II period, while Malaya was still under British colonial rule, saw the emergence of the country's first formal Islamic political movements. The Malay Nationalist Party (MNP), a left-wing nationalist organisation, was formed in 1945 and led by Burhanuddin al-Helmy, who would later become the president of PAS. Out of the MNP arose the Pan-Malayan Supreme Islamic Council (MATA) in 1947, and MATA in turn formed the party Hizbul Muslimin ("Islamic Party") in 1948. The central aim of Hizbul Muslimin was the establishment of an independent Malaya as an Islamic state.[1] However, the party did not live beyond 1948. The Malayan Emergency of that year, while a British–Communist dispute, saw the colonial administration arrest a number of the party's leaders, and the nascent group disbanded. Nevertheless, the party served as a forerunner to PAS, supplying both the ideology upon which PAS was formed and some of PAS's key leaders in its early years.[2]
Party formation (1953–1956)[edit]
PAS was founded on 24 November 1951, as the Persatuan Islam Se-Malaya (Pan-Malayan Islamic Organisation). The formation of the party was the culmination of a growing movement among Muslim clerics within the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) to formalise a discrete Islamic political organisation. However, at first, the lines between UMNO and the new party were blurred. PAS allowed dual membership of the two parties, and many of its early senior leaders were also UMNO members. The party's first president was Ahmad Fuad Hassan, an UMNO cleric. He lasted in the position only until 1953, when he fell out of favour with the party, which was now developing a more distinct identity, and returned to the UMNO fold. Fuad's departure coincided with the end of dual membership.[3] The party turned to Abbas Alias, a Western-educated medical doctor, as its second president, although he did not play an active role in the party and was little more than a nominal figurehead.[4]
The party's first electoral test was the pre-independence 1995 election to the Federal Legislative Council, the body that preceded the national parliament. 52 single-member seats were up for election; PAS fielded 11 candidates. Hampered by a lack of funds and party organisation, PAS succeeded in having only one candidate elected: Ahmad Tuan Hussein, a teacher at an Islamic school in Kerian, Perak. He was the only opposition member of the Council; the other 51 seats were won by members of the Alliance coalition between UMNO, the Malaysian Chinese Association and the Malaysian Indian Congress. PAS's performance in the election weakened its hand in negotiations with the British over the terms of Malayan independence. Its advocacy for the protection of Malay and Muslim rights, including the recognition of Islam as the country's official religion, was ignored. Alias stepped down from the presidency in 1956, handing it voluntarily to the radical nationalist Burhanuddin al-Helmy.[5] This change exemplified a broader trend among PAS's leadership in the late 1950s: the party's upper echelons gradually became filled with nationalists and long-time UMNO opponents, replacing the UMNO clerics who had initially led the party.[6]
Burhanuddin al-Helmy era (1956–1969)[edit]
Burhanuddin al-Helmy, a prominent anti-colonialist, steered PAS in a socialist and nationalist direction and set about strengthening the party's internal structure and geographic reach. In the 1959 election, Malaya's first since independence, the party's focus on rural constituencies, especially in the north, paid off. Thirteen PAS candidates were elected to the 104-member House of Representatives, and the party took control of the legislative assemblies of the northern states of Kelantan and Terengganu.[7][8]
However, Burhanuddin's leftist pan-Islamism, under which PAS sought greater ties between the Muslim peoples of Malaya and the Indonesian archipelago, soon led the party into a wedge. The Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation (Konfrontasi) of 1963–66 turned popular Malayan opinion against Indonesia. PAS's attacks on Tunku Abdul Rahman's Alliance government for seeking Western assistance during the confrontation, and the party's continued support for Southeast Asian pan-Islamism, led to a loss of support in the 1964 election. The party's parliamentary cohort was reduced to nine.[9] The party became further marginalised the following year, when Burhanuddin was detained without trial under the Internal Security Act on allegations that he had collaborated with Indonesia.[10]
Political circumstances in the country had changed by the 1969 election. The Konfrontasi had ended, Burhanuddin had been released from custody although was too ill to campaign actively, and the Alliance coalition was suffering internal division and unpopularity. PAS's vote rose to over 20 percent of the national electorate, netting the party 12 seats in Parliament.[11] However, the Parliament would not convene until 1971. Race riots after the election caused Tunku Abdul Rahman to suspend Parliament and declare a state of emergency. The country would be run by a National Operations Council for the following two years. In the meantime, Burhanuddin died in October 1969 and was replaced as PAS's President by his deputy, Asri Muda.[12]
Asri Muda era (1970–1982)[edit]
Asri came to the presidency having been PAS's de facto leader during Burhanuddin's long illness.[13] But this did not mean a seamless transition for the party. While Burhanuddin had been sympathetic to left-wing causes and parties in Malaysia, Asri was first and foremost a Malay nationalist, and was hostile to leftist politics. One of his first acts as President of PAS was to part ways with the party's opposition allies on the left, such as the Malaysian People's Party (PRM). Ideologically, Asri's presidency would see the party shift markedly away from the pan-Islamism of Burhanuddin. The party became principally concerned with the protection and advancement of the rights of ethnic Malays.[14] The party's activities also became solely focused on party politics, as reflected in the change of its name in 1971 from the "Persatuan Islam Se-Malaysia" (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Association) to the "Parti Islam Se-Malaysia" (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party).[15]
However, Asri's most radical change was still to come. In January 1972, he announced, after negotiations with UMNO, that PAS would be joining the Alliance coalition (which would soon rebadge itself as the Barisan Nasional). After two decades as an opposition party, PAS would now be in government, but as a junior partner of its main rival UMNO. The move was controversial within PAS, and some of its members and senior leaders either left the party or were purged by Asri. Asri's principal justification for joining UMNO in a coalition government was that after the 1969 race riots, Malay unity was paramount, and that this required a partnership between the country's two ethnic-Malay political parties. Asri himself became a minister in the Cabinet of Prime Minister Abdul Razak Hussein.[16]
The 1974 election saw PAS competing under the Barisan Nasional banner for the first and only time. The party won 14 parliamentary seats to UMNO's 62, cementing PAS's position as the junior of the coalition partners. PAS also found itself governing in coalition in Kelantan, which it had previously governed in its own right. PAS's vote in its northern strongholds was weakened by a loss of support to both its former opposition allies and renegade PAS candidates running on anti-Barisan Nasional tickets.[17] Ultimately, it was Kelantan, Asri's home state and the base of political power, that would trigger the downfall of the UMNO–PAS partnership. After a conflict between Asri and the UMNO-favoured chief minister of the state, Mohamad Nasir, over investigations that Nasir initiated into Asri's financial dealings, Asri mobilised the PAS members of the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly to move a no-confidence motion against Nasir. The UMNO assemblymen staged a walk-out, abandoning Asri, driving an irreparable wedge through the coalition and causing a political crisis in the state. The Prime Minister Hussein Onn declared an emergency in the state, allowing the federal government to take control. Asri withdrew PAS from Barisan Nasional in December 1977.[18]
The 1978 election underscored how disastrous PAS's foray into the Barisan Nasional had been. The party was reduced to five parliamentary seats and, in separate state-level elections in Kelantan, was routed by UMNO and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Front (BERJASA), which Nasir had founded after leaving PAS. The party's fortunes in the Kelantan election were not helped by a ban on public election rallies; while the Barisan Nasional was able to campaign through a compliant mass media, public talks were the principal way in which PAS could reach voters.[19] PAS fared little better in the 1982 election. In the face of a new prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, and the decision of the popular Islamist youth leader Anwar Ibrahim to join UMNO instead of PAS, the party was unable to improve on its five parliamentary seats and failed to regain government in Kelantan. Meanwhile, the 1978 to 1982 period coincided with the rise of a new generation of leaders within the party, including foreign-educated Muslim clerics (or "ulama") such as Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat and Abdul Hadi Awang. This group sought to reorient PAS as an Islamist party and were fundamentally hostile to UMNO, whose Malay nationalist focus they saw to be at the expense of Islam.[20] In 1980 the group succeeded in electing Yusof Rawa to the deputy presidency of the party, ousting the Asri loyalist Abu Bakar Omar.[21] By the time of PAS's 1982 assembly, it was clear to Asri that the ulama faction had the numbers to defeat him. He resigned on the floor of the assembly, and subsequently attacked the party through the media, leading to his expulsion. The following year, Yusof was elevated to the presidency, unopposed.[22]
Ulama takeover (1982–1989)[edit]
The ulama who took over PAS in 1982 drew from the 1979 Iranian revolution for inspiration in establishing an Islamic state; Yusof Rawa himself had served as Malaysia's Ambassador to Iran in the years preceding the revolution. Yusof openly rejected the Malay nationalism that characterised both UMNO and PAS under Asri Muda, considering it a narrow and ignorant philosophy that was contrary to the concept of a Muslim ummah.[23] As if to exemplify the shift in the party's ideological outlook under Yusof and his ulama colleagues, the party's new leaders adopted a more conservative and religious form of dress, abandoning Malay and western clothing for traditional Arab religious garb.[24] Politics between UMNO and PAS became increasingly religious in nature. The Barisan Nasional government tried to counter the possible electoral appeal of PAS's Islamisation by creating a number of state-run Islamic institutions, such as the International Islamic University of Malaysia. PAS leaders responded by labelling such initiatives as superficial and hypocritical, UMNO leaders as "infidels" and UMNO as the "party of the devil".[25]
The increasingly divisive rhetoric between UMNO and PAS produced deep divisions in Malay communities, especially in the northern states. Sometimes the divisions became violent, the most infamous example being the 1985 Memali incident, in which the government sanctioned a raid on a village led by the PAS cleric Ibrahim Libya, which left 14 civilians and four policemen dead.[26] It was against this backdrop that the PAS ulama faced their first general election in 1986. The result was a whitewash for the Barisan Nasional coalition. PAS recorded its worst-ever election result, retaining only one seat in Parliament. PAS, in recovering from the defeat, had no choice but to retreat from its hardline Islamism and pursue a moderate course.[27] By 1989, Yusof had become too ill to remain as PAS's President, and was replaced by his deputy, Fadzil Noor, another member of the ulama faction that now dominated the party.[28]
Electoral revival in the 1990s[edit]
While not abandoning PAS's ideological commitment to the establishment of an Islamic state, Fadzil Noor moderated the party's rhetoric. He also set about infusing the party's membership with young urban professionals in an attempt to diversify the leadership ranks beyond religious clerics.[13] The 1990s also saw PAS engage in international Islamist movements. Abdul Hadi Awang became active in a number of international Islamic organisations and delegations, and Islamist parties abroad sent delegations to Malaysia to observe PAS.[29]
The first electoral test of Fadzil's presidency was the 1990 election, which occurred against the backdrop of a split in UMNO out of which the Semangat 46 opposition party was formed. PAS joined Semangat 46 and two other Malay parties in the United Ummah Front ("Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah"), and won seven parliamentary seats. The new coalition swept the Barisan Nasional from power in Kelantan, winning all of its state assembly seats. Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, a cleric who played a leading role in the 1982 takeover of the party, became Kelantan's Chief Minister, and would remain in the position until his retirement in 2013.[30] One of the first acts of the PAS-led government in Kelantan was to seek to introduce hudud, a criminal punishment system for particular Islamic offences. The move was abandoned after it became clear that the law could not be enforced over the objections of the federal government.[31]
PAS retained its seven parliamentary seats and the government of Kelantan in the 1995 election while all other opposition parties lost ground.[32] By the time of the next election, in 1999, circumstances external to PAS had changed its fortunes for the better. The 1997 Asian financial crisis split the Barisan Nasional government between supporters of the Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad, and his deputy, Anwar Ibrahim. Mahathir's sacking of Anwar in 1998 provoked widespread opposition, which PAS capitalised on more than any other opposition party. The party ran a sophisticated campaign for the 1999 election, taking advantage of the internet to bypass restrictions on print publications and managing to woo urban professional voters while retaining its traditional rural support base. For the first time, PAS joined the centre-left and secular Democratic Action Party in a coalition—the Barisan Alternatif—which also included Anwar Ibrahim's new party Keadilan. The result was PAS's best ever. The party took 27 of 192 parliamentary seats and won landslide state-level victories in Kelantan and Terengganu.[33]
PAS in the 21st century[edit]
The death of Fadzil Noor in 2002, and his replacement by the conservative cleric Abdul Hadi Awang, coincided with a period of division within the party between its younger and professional leaders, who sought to make PAS's Islamist ideology more appealing to mainstream Malaysia, and its conservative, and generally older, clerics. The party was unable to reconcile the views of the two factions with a coherent definition of the "Islamic state" that the party's platform envisioned.[13] The debate itself caused the DAP to break with the Barisan Alternatif coalition; as a secular party with mainly an ethnic Chinese support base, it could not support the vision of an Islamic state propagated by PAS's conservatives. PAS also found itself losing Malay support following the replacement of Mahathir as Prime Minister with Abdullah Badawi, a popular and moderate Muslim, and post-11 September fears among the electorate about radical Islam in Southeast Asia.[34] If the 1999 election had been the party's zenith, the 2004 poll was one of the lowest points in its history. In an expanded Parliament, PAS was reduced to seven seats. Abdul Hadi not only lost his parliamentary seat but saw the government he led in Terengganu thrown from office after one term.[35]
The response of PAS to the 2004 election, like its response to the similar 1986 wipeout, was to abandon the hardline image that had contributed to its defeat. By now, the urban professional wing of the party's membership, brought into the party by Fadzil Noor in the 1990s, was ready to take charge. While Abdul Hadi's presidency was not under threat, the moderate faction, known as the "Erdogans" after the moderate Turkish Islamist leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, had its members voted into other key positions in the party's 2005 general assembly.[13][36] PAS was now able to attack Abdullah Badawi's government from both the right and the left: on the one hand, it criticised Abdullah's promotion of Islam Hadhari as a watered-down version of Islam; on the other, it attacked the government for its human rights record and promoted the causes of social and economic justice, including for non-Muslims. The party also capitalised on the growth of the internet and social media in Malaysia to bypass the pro-government mass media.[37]
Ahead of the 2008 election PAS joined the DAP and Anwar Ibrahim's People's Justice Party (PKR) in a new coalition, the Pakatan Rakyat. The coalition handed the Barisan Nasional its worst-ever election result. Barisan Nasional lost its two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives, disabling it from passing constitutional amendments without opposition support. PAS won 23 seats; the Pakatan Rakyat won 82. At a state level, decades-old Barisan Nasional governments fell in Kedah, Perak and Selangor. PAS now governed Kedah and Kelantan (led respectively by Azizan Abdul Razak and Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat) and supplied the Chief Minister of Perak (Nizar Jamaluddin) in a Pakatan Rakyat coalition government.[38]
PAS's 2009 general assembly saw latent fissures within the party come out into the open. The incumbent deputy president Nasharudin Mat Isa, a Malay nationalist who promoted greater co-operation between PAS and UMNO, was challenged by two moderate candidates.[39] Nasharudin survived with the backing of the conservative ulama faction; his two opponents had split the moderate vote. But at the 2011 assembly, Nasharudin was not so lucky: Mohamad Sabu, a leading moderate close to Anwar Ibrahim, commanded the support of the "Erdogan" wing and toppled him. Sabu's election was a significant defeat for the ulama faction. He was the first non-cleric to serve as the party's deputy president in over 20 years.[40]
The Pakatan Rakyat coalition went into the 2013 election facing Najib Razak, who had replaced Abdullah as Prime Minister in 2009 but failed to improve the government's fortunes, especially among urban voters. PAS made a concerted effort to expand its voter base beyond the northern peninsula states, and campaigned heavily in Johor, where it had never won a parliamentary seat. The election witnessed a significant degree of cross-over ethnic voting: Chinese voters in Malay-majority seats decided in large numbers to support PAS, to maximise the chances of a national Pakatan Rakyat victory. Pakatan Rakyat won 50.8 percent of the national popular vote although fell short of forming government.[41] PAS, however, suffered a net loss of two parliamentary seats. This was principally attributable to a swing against the party in Kedah, where the party was removed from state government after one term and lost four parliamentary seats.[42]
Ideology and policies[edit]
According to Farish A. Noor, a Malaysian academic who has written a complete history of PAS:
From the day PAS was formed, in November 1951, the long-term goal of creating an Islamic state in Malaysia has been the beacon that has driven successive generations of PAS leaders and members ever forward. What has changed is the meaning and content of the signifier 'Islamic state'[43]
From time to time, PAS's pursuit of an "Islamic state" has involved attempts to legislate for hudud—an Islamic criminal justice system—in the states that it governs. Such laws would apply to all Muslims and would not apply to non-Muslims. PAS-dominated state assemblies in Kelantan and Terengganu passed hudud laws in the early 1990s and early 2000s respectively, although neither has ever been enforced due to opposition from the federal government.[44] PAS returned to its pursuit of hudud laws after the 2013 election, signalling that it would table bills in the federal Parliament to allow the laws, still on the statute books in Kelantan, to be enforced. The bills would require a two-thirds majority in the Parliament as they involve constitutional amendments.[45]
After PAS's electoral routing in 2004, the party sought to broaden its policies beyond Islamism. Among other things, the party focused on calling for improved civil liberties and race relations. However, these policy shifts have proven controversial within the party; conservatives have considered them part of a dilution of PAS's commitment to an Islamic state.[46]
Structure and membership[edit]
PAS's general assembly ("Muktamar") elects the party's President, Deputy President, three Vice-Presidents and a multi-member Central Working Committee. The assembly is held annually, but elections occur only in every second year. The assembly is composed mainly of delegates elected by individual local divisions of the party.[47] The day-to-day administration of the party is carried out by its Secretary-General, a position appointed by the party's leadership.[48] The Central Working Committee is ostensibly the party's principal decision-making body, although its decisions are susceptible to being overturned by the Syura Council, an unelected body composed only of Muslim clerics and led by the party's Spiritual Leader ("Musyidul 'Am").[49] The relationship between the different administrative bodies within the party occasionally causes conflict. In 2014, the Central Working Committee voted to support the nomination of Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, the President of the People's Justice Party (PKR), to be the Chief Minister of the Pakatan Rakyat government in Selangor. Abdul Hadi Awang, as PAS's president and with the backing of the Syura Council, overturned the decision and nominated different candidates.[50]
The party has three recognised sub-organisations for different categories of party members: an ulama wing (the "Dewan Ulama") for Muslim clerics, a women's wing (the "Dewan Muslimat") and a youth wing (the "Dewan Pemuda"). Each wing elects its own leadership at its own general assembly.[50] There is a fourth wing for non-Muslim supporters of the party, although it does not have the same recognised position in the party's structure as the other three wings.[47]
PAS has approximately one million members,[51] more than any other opposition party in Malaysia.[52] PAS members often distinguish themselves from UMNO members through cultural and religious practices. For Islamic headwear, males who support PAS tend to prefer the white, soft kopiah, while UMNO supporters tend to wear the traditional Malay songkok, a rigid black cap.[53] Some areas of Malaysia host rival mosques catering for the members and supporters of each party.[54]
Current office bearers[edit]
- President: Abdul Hadi Awang
- Deputy President: Mohamad Sabu
- Vice-Presidents: Salahuddin Ayub, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, Husam Musa
- Spiritual Leader: Haron Din
- Deputy Spiritual Leader: Ahmad Yaakob
- Head of the ulama wing: Vacant
- Head of the youth wing: Suhaizan Kayat
- Head of the women's wing: Siti Zailah Mohd Yusoff
- Secretary-General: Mustafa Ali
Elected representatives[edit]
Dewan Negara (Senate)[edit]
Members of the Malaysian Senate are not popularly elected. Each of the country's 13 state assemblies elects two Senators; the remaining 44 are appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. PAS has two Senators—Khairiah Mohamed and Johari Mat—each of whom was elected by the PAS-controlled Kelantan State Legislative Assembly.[55]
Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives)[edit]
PAS has 21 members of the House of Representatives, elected in 2013.
Dewan Undangan Negeri (State Legislative Assembly)[edit]
PAS has 85 members of state legislative assemblies. It has representatives in every assembly other than those of Negeri Sembilan, Sabah and Sarawak. The party holds a majority in the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly, and supplies all the members of the state's Executive Council (a body akin to a Cabinet), led by Menteri Besar, Ahmad Yaakob.[56] In Selangor the party is part of a Pakatan Rakyat coalition government with the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the People's Justice Party (PKR), and has three members on the state's Executive Council.[57] The Pakatan Rakyat coalition also governs the state of Penang although PAS, with only one assemblyman, does not have a seat on state's Executive Council.[58]
General election results[edit]
Election | Total seats won | Total votes | Share of votes | Outcome of election | Election leader |
1955 |
1 / 52
40,667 | 3.9% | 1 seats; Opposition | Abbas Alias |
1959 |
13 / 104
329,070 | 21.3% | 12 seats; Opposition | Burhanuddin al-Helmy |
1964 |
9 / 104
301,187 | 14.6% | 4 seats; Opposition | Burhanuddin al-Helmy |
1969 |
12 / 144
495,641 | 20.9% | 3 seats; Opposition | Burhanuddin al-Helmy |
1974 |
13 / 154
— | — | 1 seats; Governing coalition (Barisan Nasional) | Asri Muda |
1978 |
5 / 154
537,720 | 15.5% | 5 seats; Opposition | Asri Muda |
1982 |
5 / 154
602,530 | 14.5% | ; Opposition | Asri Muda |
1986 |
1 / 177
718,891 | 15.6% | 4 seats; Opposition | Yusof Rawa |
1990 |
7 / 180
391,813 | 7.0% | 6 seats; Opposition coalition (Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah) | Fadzil Noor |
1995 |
7 / 192
430,098 | 3.3% | ; Opposition coalition (Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah) | Fadzil Noor |
1999 |
27 / 193
994,279 | 14.99% | 19 seats; Opposition coalition (Barisan Alternatif) | Fadzil Noor |
2004 |
7 / 219
1,051,480 | 15.2% | 20 seats; Opposition coalition (Barisan Alternatif) | Abdul Hadi Awang |
2008 |
23 / 222
1,140,676 | 14.05% | 16 seats; Opposition coalition (Pakatan Rakyat) | Abdul Hadi Awang |
2013 |
21 / 222
1,633,199 | 14.77% | 2 seats; Opposition coalition (Pakatan Rakyat) | Abdul Hadi Awang |
State election results[edit]
State election | State Legislative Assembly | |||||||||||||
Perlis State Legislative Assembly | Kedah State Legislative Assembly | Kelantan State Legislative Assembly | Terengganu State Legislative Assembly | Penang State Legislative Assembly | Perak State Legislative Assembly | Pahang State Legislative Assembly | Selangor State Legislative Assembly | Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly | Malacca State Legislative Assembly | Johor State Legislative Assembly | Sabah State Legislative Assembly | Sarawak State Legislative Assembly | Total won / Total contested | |
1959 |
0 / 12
0 / 24
28 / 30
13 / 24
0 / 24
1 / 40
0 / 24
0 / 28
0 / 24
0 / 20
0 / 32
1964 |
1 / 12
0 / 24
21 / 30
3 / 24
0 / 24
0 / 40
0 / 24
0 / 28
0 / 24
0 / 20
0 / 32
1969 |
1 / 12
8 / 24
19 / 30
11 / 24
0 / 24
1 / 40
0 / 24
0 / 28
0 / 24
0 / 20
0 / 32
0 / 48
40 / 185
1974 |
2 / 12
5 / 26
22 / 36
10 / 28
1 / 27
3 / 42
1 / 32
1 / 33
0 / 24
1 / 20
0 / 32
0 / 48
1978 |
0 / 12
7 / 26
2 / 36
0 / 28
1 / 27
1 / 42
0 / 32
0 / 33
0 / 24
0 / 20
0 / 32
1982 |
1 / 12
2 / 26
10 / 36
5 / 28
0 / 27
0 / 42
0 / 32
0 / 33
0 / 24
0 / 20
0 / 32
1986 |
0 / 14
3 / 28
10 / 39
2 / 32
0 / 33
0 / 45
0 / 33
0 / 42
0 / 28
0 / 20
0 / 36
0 / 48
15 / 265
1987 | ||||||||||||||
1990 |
0 / 14
1 / 28
24 / 39
8 / 32
0 / 33
0 / 45
0 / 33
0 / 42
0 / 28
0 / 20
0 / 36
0 / 48
33 / 114
1994 |
0 / 48
0 / 3
1995 |
0 / 15
2 / 36
24 / 43
7 / 32
0 / 33
0 / 52
0 / 38
0 / 48
0 / 32
0 / 25
0 / 40
33 / 177
1999 |
3 / 15
12 / 36
41 / 43
28 / 32
1 / 33
3 / 52
6 / 38
4 / 48
0 / 32
0 / 25
0 / 40
0 / 48
98 / 105
2001 |
0 / 62
0 / 3
2004 |
1 / 15
5 / 36
24 / 45
4 / 32
1 / 40
0 / 59
0 / 41
0 / 56
0 / 36
0 / 28
1 / 56
0 / 60
36 / 265
2006 |
0 / 71
0 / 1
2008 |
1 / 15
16 / 36
38 / 45
8 / 32
1 / 40
6 / 59
2 / 42
8 / 56
1 / 36
0 / 28
2 / 56
0 / 60
83 / 232
2011 |
0 / 71
0 / 5
2013 |
1 / 15
9 / 36
32 / 45
14 / 32
1 / 40
5 / 59
3 / 42
15 / 56
0 / 36
1 / 28
4 / 56
0 / 60
85 / 236
- ^ Funston 1976, pp. 64–66
- ^ Funston 1976, p. 67
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 36–43
- ^ Funston 1976, p. 72
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 44–46
- ^ Funston 1976, p. 73
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 47–56
- ^ Liow 2009, p. 27
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 56–59
- ^ Farish 2014, p. 60
- ^ Farish 2014, p. 62
- ^ Farish 2014, p. 63
- ^ a b c d Chin Tong 2007
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 67–70
- ^ Farish 2014, p. 78
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 82–84
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 88–89
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 92–94
- ^ Sundaram & Ahmad 1988, p. 850
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 95–106
- ^ Sundaram & Ahmad 1988, p. 852
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 107–110
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 121–123
- ^ Hooker & Norani 2003, p. 195
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 129–132
- ^ Liow 2009, pp. 37–39
- ^ Liow 2009, p. 41
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 140–141
- ^ Farish 2014, p. 154
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 143–144
- ^ Stark 2004
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 153–154
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 155–159
- ^ Function 2006, pp. 139–144
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 176–177
- ^ Farish 2014, p. 178
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 187–188
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 188–192
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 199–200
- ^ Mueller 2014, p. 69
- ^ Farish 2014, pp. 215–216
- ^ "PAS loses Kedah & some support in Kelantan". Bernama. 6 May 2013. Retrieved 17 November 2014.
- ^ Farish 2014, p. 224
- ^ Liow 2009, pp. 61–64
- ^ "Kelantan to consider 'smaller' guillotine for thieves under hudud law, says report". The Malaysian Insider. 16 November 2014. Retrieved 22 November 2014.
- ^ Liow, Joseph Chinyong; Pasuni, Afif (2014). "Islam, the state and politics in Malaysia". In Weiss, Meredith. Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Malaysia. Routledge. p. 54. ISBN 1317629590.
- ^ a b Mueller 2014, p. 46
- ^ Chin Tong 2007
- ^ Liow 2009, p. 36
- ^ a b Akil Yunus (8 September 2014). "PAS syura council must abide by muktamar resolutions, says Wan Saiful". The Star. Retrieved 16 November 2014.
- ^ Farish 2012, p. 408
- ^ Farish 2014, p. 10
- ^ Daniels 2005, p. 45
- ^ Riddell 2005, p. 142
- ^ "Senarai Ahli Dewan Negara" (in Malay). Parliament of Malaysia. Retrieved 22 November 2014.
- ^ "Kelantan announces state exco portfolio". New Straits Times. Retrieved 22 November 2014.
- ^ "Selangor PAS never agreed to reduced exco quota". Malaysian Insider. 26 September 2014. Retrieved 22 November 2014.
- ^ "EXCO". Government of Penang. Retrieved 22 November 2014.
Cited texts[edit]
- Daniels, Timothy P. (2005). Building Cultural Nationalism in Malaysia: Identity, Representation, and Citizenship. Psychology Press. ISBN 0415949718.
- Farish A. Noor (2012). "Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS)". The Princeton Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought. Princeton University Press. pp. 408–409. ISBN 140083855X.
- Farish A. Noor (2014). The Malaysian Islamic Party 1951-2013: Islamism in a Mottled Nation. Amsterdam University Press. ISBN 9789089645760.
- Function, John (2006). "The Malay Electorate in 2004: Reversing the Result". In Swee-Hock, Saw; Kesavapany, K. Malaysia: Recent Trends and Challenges. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 132–156. ISBN 9812303391.
- Funston, N. J. (1976). "The Origins of Parti Islam Se Malaysia". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 7 (1): 58–73. doi:10.1017/s0022463400010262. ISSN 0022-4634.
- Hooker, Virginia; Norani Othman (2003). Malaysia: Islam, Society and Politics. ISEAS series on Islam. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 9812301615.
- Liew Chin Tong (2007). "Pas Leadership: New Faces and Old Constraints". Southeast Asian Affairs 2007 (1): 201–213. doi:10.1355/SEAA07J. ISSN 0377-5437.
- Liow, Joseph Chinyong (2009). Piety and Politics: Islamism in Contemporary Malaysia. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195377088.
- Mueller, Dominik M. (2014). Islam, Politics and Youth in Malaysia: The Pop-Islamist Reinvention of PAS. Routledge Contemporary Southeast Asia Series. Routledge. ISBN 1317912985.
- Riddell, Peter G. (2005). "Islamization and Partial Shari'a in Malaysia". In Marshall, Paul. Radical Islam's Rules: The Worldwide Spread of Extreme Shari'a Law. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. pp. 135–160. ISBN 1461686903.
- Stark, Jan (2004). "Constructing an Islamic Model in Two Malaysian States: PAS Rule in Kelantan and Terengganu". Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) 19 (1): 51–75. doi:10.1355/sj19-1c. ISSN 0217-9520.
- Sundaram, Jomo Kwame; Ahmad Shabery Cheek (1988). "The Politics of Malaysia's Islamic Resurgence". Third World Quarterly (Taylor & Francis) 10 (2).
External links[edit]
- PAS official website
- Harakahdaily (PAS party newspaper in Malay)
- Harakahdaily (PAS party newspaper in English)


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Fiat Chrysler: a shift from retail to brand advertising has helped lift sales this year
Fiat Chrysler has said that a shift from retail to brand advertising has helped drive sales growth this year.
Year-to-date sales are up 62.9%, with 21,464 cars sold this year compared to 13,180 in 2011, the company announced today.
Fiat Chrysler's head of corporate affairs Lenore Fletcher told Mumbrella that while other factors were obviously at play, a switch from retail-led to brand advertising – with a focus on the emotion and heritage behind the brand – had helped shift units.
Advertising for the group's brands, by CumminsRoss, which was hired in February last year, has often barely featured a vehicle at all, focusing on the brand's 'spirit' instead. The company acknowledges this was a risk – particularly for car dealers, who are said to like to see the product featured prominently.
"A few eyebrows were raised initially. But it became clear very quickly that the strategy was working," said Fletcher.
She singled out Jeep's 'Don't hold back' campaign as the company's most effective in recent years. Don't hold back kicked off last year. One of the first ads featured surfer Ben Wilson – and didn't feature a Jeep at all, only the logo.
Another featured 79 year-old footy legend Tommy Hafey.
"I've been in this business for over 20 years. I've worked at five different car companies, and I've never seen support for marketing in this format before. Marketing does not always get approval from dealers. But almost all of them are behind the programs we've been running," she said.
6 Dec 12
9:15 pm
7 Dec 12
9:39 am
Ben S
7 Dec 12
9:55 am
Car Guy
7 Dec 12
9:58 am
Jimi Bostock
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11:03 am
7 Dec 12
11:24 am
great job for what (was) a tired brand. fantastic creative – the dont hold back slogan has really worked for thsi brand. and lots of media visibility too – good job for whoever did the buying.
the car category is very crowded so to achieve a 63% increase is amazing.
Don't underestimate the power of pricing in this equation – Jeep delivers a lot of car for the coin and aggressively pushed it's $25k – $30k driveaway deals for most of the year. Anyone in the market for an SUV would quickly discover Jeeps have a significant price advantage over competitors.
No question here that some great work and new thinking from the marketing team and their core partners (CumminsRoss, Maxus) has paid off. Well deserved result.
Pricing comes into play only when the consumer puts the brand on the shopping list.
Otherwise we would all be driving Ladas.
They wont "quickly discover" prices until they first consider brand.
Having said that, Jeeps are great value are much improved product and now a relevant brand to more Australians than ever before. It's the 3 P's in perfect harmony.
Great strategy, excellent execution. It's no surprise that it's lifted sales. A lot of brands would do well to take heed.
Well done indeed.
Automotive stakeholders are, as the article notes, very hard to move from the Stealomatic-with-features-and-price-point approach.


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EVENT DATE: Mar 18, 2011
DEADLINE TO GIVE: Dec 31, 2011
I'm raising money for Comic Relief today 18th March 2011. Although it's today you can still donate to this cause up until Dec 2011. This is a massive charity that supports Africa. Every year stars do a whole night of TV doing silly thing's for money, celebs worldwide are known for getting involved. Although I have my own sponsor page http://my.rednoseday.com/kerrytailford
I wanted to involve the kind and generous people on this site, and I have managed to raise loads of money so far but would love to raise more. I also have my own site http://givingthankstoedwardnorton.mixxt.at/ and this will be updated with pictures of today's events across the country and my company Ernst and Young, I'm doing something funny for money, are you?
Please come and get involved. It's great fun and I'm looking very stupid at my desk right now as you can see to the left of this page haha
Thank you everyone who supports me in this.
As Crowdrise dosn't support this charity yet directly, I was advised by them to put the fundrasing link on so you can donate direct to them via http://my.rednoseday.com/kerrytailford
Please help them raise the money they need to help Africa, every bit helps them to go to Africa and give them the means for the people to look after eachother. Training Doctors and nurses for example.
Plus the best bit is that as you don't give Crowdrise the money directly every penny you give via the link above is what they get, nothing is taken out for admin etc.
Thank you x
Be the first to Set Up a Team for this Event.


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MY LITTLE PONY BLOSSOMFORTH Figure
Approx. Retail
Where To Buy
Item : 32908 Ages : 3 YEARS AND OLDER
CHOKING HAZARD-Small Parts. Not For Children Under 3 Years.
Product Description:
BLOSSOMFORTH loves the sunshine! It's her job to push the clouds out of the sky whenever they hide the sun for too long.
This little pony figure is ready to play! Poised and pretty, your BLOSSOMFORTH pony figure has such a cheerful face because she loves to spend time with you. Set her off on new adventures with her fashionable wagon, and her pet hedgehog figure can join in the fun! Act out fanciful stories about pony pals or just take her with you as you go about your day — she's always happy to come along!
Includes pony figure, comb, hedgehog figure and wagon.
Ages 3 and up.


text:
Purpose and Bylaws (r.2009)
Econ Ed Degree Programs
EconLowDown St. Louis Fed
The BESSIE B. MOORE SERVICE AWARD is designed to recognize individuals who are, or have been, affiliated with the CEE/NAEE organizations, and whose outstanding and dedicated service has had a significant impact on the delivery and enhancement of economic education. As one of our foremost economic educators, Moore organized and conducted economic education programs that gained board and community support, operated on a sound financial basis, reached virtually all Arkansas schools and attained national recognition for teacher curriculum projects. The Arkansas program, under her leadership and skillful management, became a model for other states.
Economic Educators provide service to their constituents in a variety of ways because of the diversity of responsibilities and employment circumstances. The following criteria include some of the types of services that may be performed; however, the list is not exhaustive. Furthermore, it is not assumed that every nominee will meet all criteria.
1. Active role in economic education programming.
2. Innovative economic education program development.
3. Enhancement of economic education through program delivery and service.
4. Dedication and commitment to economic education.
5. Continuing involvement and length of service in economic education.
1. Individuals currently or previously affiliated with the National Council\NAEE network, including Council, Center and/or Field Directors; Presidents and other staff officers; and certified EconomicsAmerica trainers and coordinators as well as individuals serving in related capacities.
2. Economic educators who have not been granted this award in the last five years.
3. Economic educators who are not currently serving as members of the NAEE Awards Committee or the NAEE Executive Committee.
1987 Sanford Gordon 1988 Judith Brenneke 1989 Emerson Hazlett 1990 Bob Reinke 1991 James O'Neill 1992 Polly Jackson 1993 Sarapage McCorkle 1994 Bonnie Meszaros 1995 Abbejean Kehler 1996 John Morton 1997 Peter Moore 1998 Mary Suiter 1999 Kim Sosin 2000 Joanne Dempsey 2001 Martha Hopkins 2002 Curt L. Anderson 2003 Suzanne Gallagher 2004 Tom McKinnon 2005 Barbara Phipps 2006 Steven L. Cobb 2007 Nancy A. Lang 2008 James Dick 2009 Donna K. Wright 2010 Gary Stone 2011 Jim Charkins 2012 Andrew Hill 2013 Barbara Flowers 2014 William Bosshardt


text:
Anarchy Skates
Anarchy skates have been involved in the aggressive skating market since it began all those years ago. The development team still works tirelessly with testers to keep one-step ahead of the ever-changing needs of aggressive riders. Today, Anarchy is well-established as the best mid-level aggressive skates on the market, and has built its reputation on the combination of the strength which protects new riders' ankles and the flex that appeals to the more experienced.
Anarchy Bulletproof Elbow Gasket
Now £11.99 Was £16.95


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The Credit Union Association of Rhode Island presented a $65,000 check to Special Olympics Rhode Island
at the Credit Unions of Rhode Island Charity Golf Tournament July 14 (
Daily CU Scan
July 15). The check represents the total amount raised this year, bringing the 17-year total to $714,100. Special Olympics Rhode Island Executive Director Dennis DeJesus commended the league's year-round fundraising efforts and credit unions' support of "the concepts of acceptance, inclusion and respect for those individuals with intellectual disabilities." Navigant CU, Smithfield, with $1.4 billion in assets, had the winning team. From left, Joseph Beretta, Navigant CU President/CEO Gary Furtado, Special Olympics Rhode Island athlete Michael Lucca and John McCarthy (Credit Union Association of Rhode Island Photo) ...
The Indiana Credit Union League announced a new award program for credit unions that are achieving excellence in four categories: finance and human resources/training; lending; marketing/business development; and operations and technology.
Best Practice Awards
entries should consist of a video or presentation of no more than 3 minutes and a 400-word or less description of the strategy, execution, results and flexibility of the best practice. Credit unions will be judged in three asset sizes: less than $100 million in assets, $100 million to $500 million in assets, and more than $500 million in assets.
Entries are due Aug. 11
, and winners will be featured during the Chairman's Awards Banquet at the league's annual convention ...
American Heritage FCU, Philadelphia, hosted a recent visit by Tom Ridge, former secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, for a discussion on credit union security and business issues.
Pennsylvania Credit Union Association President/CEO Patrick Conway and Credit Union National Association representatives also met with Pennsylvania's former governor. "This was a great opportunity to reconnect with Governor Ridge, who has always been a great supporter of credit unions," said Bruce Foulke, president/CEO of the $1.4 billion-asset credit union. From left, Richard Gose, CUNA senior vice president of political affairs; Ryan Donovan, CUNA senior vice president of legislative affairs; Ridge; Conway and Foulke (American Heritage FCU Photo) ...
Last Edited by Internal Administrator at 7/16/2014 4:01 AM
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Former Pres. Clinton cites Hope FCU's fight against 'bank deserts'
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JACKSON, Miss. (7/16/14)--Hope FCU's efforts to eradicate "bank deserts" in the Deep South were recently recognized in public remarks by former U.S. President Bill Clinton.
Speaking on behalf of the Clinton Global Initiative, the 42nd U.S. president cited Hope FCU's commitment to bring financial services to ZIP codes that are served by two or fewer financial institutions.
"Hope FCU made a commitment two years ago, in 2012, to serve people who were in what they call 'bank deserts' in the Deep South where local banks were closing up or not serving low-income working people," Clinton said. "That is emblematic of what we could be doing everywhere to be creating opportunity at the bottom of the (economic) pyramid."
Clinton specifically mentioned how Hope FCU opened branches in Utica, Miss., and on the campus of the University of Arkansas-Pine Bluff.
Hope FCU has increased its branch network to 23 from seven locations since the onset of the recession in 2008, according to Bill Bynum, president/CEO of the $187 million-asset Jackson, Miss.-based community development financial institution.
"Banks are really leaving these communities," Bynum told
News Now
. "There's a huge need for the services we provide. We're doing everything we can do to respond to that need."
That need is indeed great. Of Mississippi's 533 ZIP codes in 2012, 369 had one bank or fewer, the Corporation for Enterprise Development reported. And about 37% of Hope's new members did not have previous banking relationship, Bynum said.
Reaching underserved communities is about more than branches. Mississippi also has great stretches of rural areas, which account for lack of access to financial services. To fill that gap, Bynum and Hope FCU have worked to equip and educate new members on mobile branching.
"We think that could be a real way to democratize financial services," Bynum said. "People in rural areas are smart enough to know that a smart phone gives them access to the Internet.
"They can text. They can communicate. They can participate in social media, and not have the cost of a landline or a computer. At the same time, so many of them are outside the banking system. We're excited about the potential to put the power of banking in people's hands," he said.
More than half of the credit union's active mobile-banking members live in high-poverty areas, Bynum told
News Now
. "It's allowing us to reach a population that is woefully underserved," he added.
Bynum said his employees have moved beyond helping members with transactions to become real problem solvers. Clinton mentioned this in his remarks, noting that employees helped members get up to speed on mobile banking.
"In addition to banks leaving these communities, we've got payday lenders entering at an epidemic rate, so helping people avoid those debt traps is another challenge we face," Bynum said.
Another challenge is raising capital to continue the credit union's outreach efforts. "Most credit unions grow organically, but we're very serious about tackling these bank deserts," Bynum said. He said the credit union is about halfway to its goal of raising $20 million in capital and seeks deposits from other sources, including other credit unions. With the additional funding, the credit union can add 15 additional branches and open new accounts for 30,000 consumers, Bynum said, while making more than $500 million in consumer and business loans.
In the meantime, Bynum said it was "fantastic" to receive public recognition from Clinton. "He has been a leader in solving huge problems around the world since he left the White House," Bynum said. "For him to highlight Hope as an example of what's possible in serving people at the bottom of the pyramid serves as a challenge for us to keep pushing forward."
Last Edited by Internal Administrator at 7/16/2014 4:01 AM
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Dakotas hit right note with 'Orchestrating the Goodness'
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BISMARCK, N.D. (7/16/14)--Pop on the radio and you may never hear a catchier tune than the one about credit unions written by attendees of the Credit Union Association of the Dakotas' annual meeting last month.
"Regulations, challenges, changes abound / Better ways to serve members must always be found / By collaborating we'll be orchestrating the goodness / Getting better every day, we'll be orchestrating the goodness," the song goes.
During a general session at the meeting, credit union professionals transformed into lyricists when they were joined by a pair of Nashville songwriters called The Song Team to create a tune that reflected the meeting's theme: Orchestrating the Goodness.
League President/CEO Robbie Thompson said the musicians asked for suggestions from the audience for lyrics and then blended them into the "Orchestrating the Goodness" song.
"They worked with the audience and tried to show how by cooperating and working together and getting different views they were able to create an original song," Thompson told
News Now
While the musicians initially didn't plan on recording a rendition of the song, attendees enjoyed it so much that many asked if they could have a copy of it after the session.
Eventually, The Song Team created the below YouTube video.
Last Edited by Internal Administrator at 7/16/2014 4:01 AM
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Thirteen CUs to pilot Filene's employer small-dollar loans
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MADISON, Wis. (7/16/14)--Filene Research Institute announced Tuesday that its new small-dollar loan product, which aims to benefit low- and moderate-income workers, will be tested at 13 credit unions and one community bank located throughout the country.
Called the Employer Sponsored Small Dollar Loan, loan amounts range from $300 to $1,500 and are available to workers at their places of business. Loans are based on tenure, rather than the individual's credit score, and the terms last six months to ease the burden on the employee's cash flow, according to Filene.
Loans also aren't reported to credit bureaus.
This product will "create a partnership between employers and credit unions so that we can better support the financial needs of employees, and in turn improve the turnover, tardiness and absenteeism rates for employers since they are often tied to employees with financial stress," said Cynthia Campbell, Filene director of innovation.
The financial institutions participating in the pilot are:
Fitzsimmons FCU, Aurora, Colo., with $167 million in assets;
CU of the Rockies, Golden, Colo., with $89 million in assets;
Denver Community CU, with $264 million in assets;
Metrum Community CU, Centennial, Colo., with $57 million in assets;
SEFCU, Albany, N.Y., with $2.8 billion in assets;
Spring Bank, Bronx, N.Y.;
Holy Rosary CU, Kansas City., Mo., with $19 million in assets;
Promedica FCU, Toledo, Ohio, with $51 million in assets;
Toledo (Ohio) Urban FCU, with $4.6 million in assets;
Toledo (Ohio) Metro FCU, with $39 million in assets;
Sun FCU, Maumee, Ohio, with $508 million in assets;
Commodore Perry FCU, Oak Harbor, Ohio, with $34 million in assets;
Cy Fair FCU, Houston, with $199 million in assets; and
NorthCountry FCU, South Burlington, Vt., with $447 million in assets.
The product initially was submitted by NorthCountry FCU to Filene's accessible financial services incubator, which is funded by the Ford Foundation.
NorthCountry has already piloted the product and experienced success, prompting the program to be expanded to 14 financial institutions.
Last Edited by Internal Administrator at 7/16/2014 4:01 AM
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CUNA annual report details 'outstanding' year for CUs, says Hampel
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MADISON, Wis. (7/16/14)--In its 2013 annual report, the Credit Union National Association traced its steps of success and the steps the credit union movement is taking toward 100 million memberships.
"Last year turned out to be an outstanding one for the credit union movement, as we laid the groundwork to protect our tax exemption, delineated a vision for the future, and worked to reduce the regulatory burden," said Bill Hampel, CUNA interim president/CEO. "This report neatly outlines the efforts that the three-tier system of CUNA, leagues and credit unions took together to realize these results, and build for the future."
Advocacy programs continue to be CUNA's strength with the "Don't Tax My Credit Union" campaign to protect the credit union tax status, and the more than 4,000 credit union professionals who attended the annual Governmental Affairs Conference.
In 2013, CUNA wrote 50 letters to members of the U.S. Congress, testified seven times before six different committees and subcommittees and filed 60 comment letters to a variety of regulators.
CUNA also provided support to states challenged by banking associations and pro-taxation legislative language.
New communications vehicles such as
The President's Report
In the News
were added to enhance CUNA's reputation for quality information regarding credit unions, their members and the financial industry at large. National media outlets such as
FOX Business
The Washington Post
USA Today
The Hill
regularly cite CUNA experts and research.
In the training and development arena, 382,000 courses and exams were completed through CUNA's online training portal, and more than 9,900 professionals attended on-site CUNA events.
Last Edited by Internal Administrator at 7/16/2014 4:01 AM
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Top priority for CUs must be cybersecurity, advises Council white paper
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WESTBURY, N.Y. (7/16/14)--Unless the goal of protecting sensitive data is paramount to a credit union's operation, it's likely not doing enough, according to a new white paper released Tuesday by the CUNA Technology Council.
The paper discusses the importance of financial institutions making cybersecurity a top priority, while also outlining the value of educating members, protecting their information, communicating effectively should a breach occur and understanding cybersecurity laws and regulations.
Called "Cybersecurity Preparedness: Taming the Shock and Awe of Big Breaches," it's the first white paper in a series of four scheduled for 2014 dedicated to security.
"These big security leaks show we need to take cybersecurity preparedness seriously and do more," said Kevin Prince, principal technology strategist for D+H Compushare, a CUNA Strategic Services alliance provider. "You'll never be 100% secure, but you have to manage it as carefully as possible with the appropriate tools."
The paper first calls on Bill Podborny, chief security officer of $8.2 billion-asset Alliant CU in Chicago, to describe "cybersecurity preparedness." Podborny believes to be prepared means identifying vulnerabilities, understanding where attacks may come from, taking steps to lessen or eliminate exposure and being prepared to respond to any situation as quickly as possible.
Authors of the paper illustrate how to make cybersecurity preparedness a core function of the credit union with examples of what credit unions are already doing to keep security strong.
At Michigan Tech Employees FCU, Houghton, Mich., with $60 million in assets, for example, leaders have dedicated resources that work specifically to bolster security, an action recommended by many U.S. regulatory bodies.
"At a certain point it makes sense to separate these departments to ensure security resources don't diminish in times when the IT department is fighting for the same resources," said Justin Store, information technology services director at Michigan Tech Employees FCU.
Finally, to strengthen cybersecurity, Prince suggests credit unions should:
Realize what they're doing today likely isn't adequate, and won't be adequate tomorrow, as threats are constantly shifting and changing;
Conduct regular and thorough cybersecurity risk assessments and document the findings;
Mitigate risks as much as possible;
Stay on top of current threats and future trends in cybersecurity; and
Consider outsourcing to a community cloud arrangement for IT cybersecurity.
To download the white paper, use the link.
Last Edited by Internal Administrator at 7/16/2014 4:01 AM
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Durham museum honors N.C.'s CU history
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DURHAM., N.C. (7/16/14)--At the Durham A-Z exhibit in the Museum of Durham History, every letter tells a story, sometimes a few stories, including the letter C, which stands for ... you guessed it ... credit unions.
North Carolina was home to the first credit union in the South--and, of course, there's a story behind that too (
The Durham News
July 15). In the early 1900s the farmers in the community of Lowe's Grove were paid just once a year, at harvest time. In need of credit to keep them flush throughout the year, the farmers pooled $29 and partnered with Durham banker and philanthropist John Sprunt Hill in 1916 to open the Lowe's Grove CU.
African-Americans also faced challenges in obtaining credit in the Jim Crow South, and credit unions provided an answer in North Carolina. At one point, North Carolina had more African-American-based credit unions than the rest of the United States combined.
One of those credit unions was Mount Vernon Baptist Church CU, which continues to serve its 233 members today. Despite having just $191,000 in assets, Mount Vernon CU makes loans to help its members gain access to cars, homes and education. "Their commitment just amazes me," Katie Spencer, the Museum of Durham History's executive director, told the Carolinas Credit Union League (
In the Loop
June 19).
That credit union tradition of serving minorities lives on today among Durham credit unions, as Latino CU opened in 2000 and grew to 50,000 members and $100 million in assets by 2010. It serves as a model for credit unions serving immigrant populations.
Self-Help CU, which opened in 1984 with $77 from a bake sale, also serves as model for other credit unions. Self-Help CU is leader in community development and lending to low-income borrowers. It has provided more than $6.4 billion to 87,000 families, individuals and organizations across the United States.
Last Edited by Internal Administrator at 7/16/2014 4:01 AM
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Demand drives second ERM institute from CUNA
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MADISON, Wis. (7/16/14)--The CUNA Enterprise Risk Management (ERM) Certification Institute, hosted in collaboration with The Rochdale Group Inc., will be held Dec. 8-11 in Las Vegas, the Credit Union National Association announced Tuesday.
"Enterprise risk management continues to be a major area of strategic focus for credit unions," said Todd Spiczenski, CUNA senior vice president of association services. "We've added a second ERM Institute this year to meet the demand for training on the topic. The Rochdale team's approach to risk will have an even greater impact on the future of the movement as we see fewer credit unions turning to risk management as a survival mechanism and more looking to ERM's role in their ongoing growth."
Made possible by collaboration, CUNA Enterprise Risk Management Certification Institute leverages the reach of CUNA with the ERM expertise of The Rochdale Group Inc. to provide credit union executives with risk-management knowledge and the tools to incorporate ERM at their credit unions. Through the insights and advice of Rochdale's ERM consultants, attendees leave with an understanding of their own risk appetite, risk beyond investments and how risk management can drive decision-making at their credit union.
At this year's May institute, 81 individuals earned their Credit Union Enterprise Risk Management Expert (CUERME) certifications. Attendees of the December institute will also have the opportunity to be officially certified as credit union ERM experts through the CUERME designation.
Last Edited by Internal Administrator at 7/16/2014 4:01 AM
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Description: Proposed concept for Vox Verde - creative powerhouse of communication specialists that help businesses thrive in a sustainable and innovative fashion.
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gyui said on Jul. 30 '09
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