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Adolescents in the United States grow up in a world filled with messages about alcohol (see Box 4-1 for select vignettes). Most of the messages present drinking in a positive light, and most of them show alcohol as a normal part of adult and teen social life. Warnings against underage drinking from parents or in health class may well be drowned out by the barrage of daily messages about alcohol in daily life.
Given this backdrop, it is not surprising that experimental or occasional use of alcohol is reported by the majority of adolescents in the United States, making it a normative behavior during the second decade of life. As noted in Chapter 2, about 50 percent of 20-year-olds report having recently drunk alcohol and the majority of twelfth graders (78 percent) report having drunk alcohol in their lifetimes. In this chapter we examine factors—primarily developmental and environmental factors—that are related to normative alcohol consumption. We do not discuss those involved in excessive or atypical use (e.g., youths with mental or addictive disorders). This is an important distinction because the factors that contribute to drinking patterns within the normative group of adolescents are different than those for youth who develop alcohol abuse patterns or dependency at a young age.
Adolescents say they drink for many of the same reasons as adults (Dunn and Goldman, 1996). Alcohol-related expectancies are well formed
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Understanding Youth Drinking
Adolescents in the United States grow up in a world filled with messages about alcohol (see Box 4-1 for select vignettes). Most of the messages present drinking in a positive light, and most of them show alcohol as a normal part of adult and teen social life. Warnings against underage drinking from parents or in health class may well be drowned out by the barrage of daily messages about alcohol in daily life.
Given this backdrop, it is not surprising that experimental or occasional use of alcohol is reported by the majority of adolescents in the United States, making it a normative behavior during the second decade of life. As noted in Chapter 2, about 50 percent of 20-year-olds report having recently drunk alcohol and the majority of twelfth graders (78 percent) report having drunk alcohol in their lifetimes. In this chapter we examine factors—primarily developmental and environmental factors—that are related to normative alcohol consumption. We do not discuss those involved in excessive or atypical use (e.g., youths with mental or addictive disorders). This is an important distinction because the factors that contribute to drinking patterns within the normative group of adolescents are different than those for youth who develop alcohol abuse patterns or dependency at a young age.
Adolescents say they drink for many of the same reasons as adults (Dunn and Goldman, 1996). Alcohol-related expectancies are well formed
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Select Vignettes of Alcohol Messages to Youth
Twelve-year-old Jenna rides her bike to and from school most days. Her route takes her past a large billboard advertising a popular malt liquor.
Fourteen-year-old Joshua loves to watch basketball on television. During a typical game, he sees many beer commercials.
At 15, Sarah enjoys going to movies with friends. Many of the movies she has seen lately include scenes of adults drinking alcohol with dinner and at parties. A recent favorite showed teenagers getting into a nightclub using fake identification.
A favorite T-shirt for 16-year-old Sam says, "I'm trying to graduate with a 4.0 … blood alcohol level." His best friend's favorite sports shirt has an advertisement for a local bar on the back and "start drinking at 9 a.m. … it's gotta be happy hour somewhere" on the front.
Following the homecoming dance, 17-year-old Lynne attends an all-night party at a friend's home. The parents greet the guests as they arrive and take their car keys because they are serving beer. They prefer that their children and their friends drink at their home in a "safe environment" since they assume that their children will be drinking anyway.
After moving his belongings into his college dormitory and bidding his parents farewell, 19-year-old Jeremy attends an off-campus "welcome party" with a new acquaintance. He learns a lot on his first night on campus—how to play a drinking game, where to get a fake ID (identification), and which bars have happy hours on Thursdays.
by age 12, among drinkers as well as among those who have never consumed alcohol (Christiansen et al., 1982; Jones et al., 2001). Although it is always difficult to know if individuals can accurately report the reasons for their behavior, including drinking (see Nisbett and Wilson, 1977), both adolescents and adults indicate that alcohol is an important ingredient in social interactions, allowing them to lower their inhibitions and feel more relaxed in social situations (Jones et al., 2001; Wood et al., 1992). Other reasons given for drinking include reducing tension, fostering courage, reducing worry, increasing a sense of power, and causing cognitive and behavioral impairment (Prendergast, 1994). In addition, most individuals assign some costs to drinking, as well, which are discussed later in this chapter.
According to models such as the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1991), social cognitive theory (e.g., Bandura, 1986), and alcohol expectancy theory (e.g., Goldman et al., 1991; Leigh, 1989), alcohol use can be largely explained by the alcohol-related expectancies for both positive and negative outcomes. Initiation and continuation of drinking, as well as the onset of problem drinking, are strongly and positively associated with expected benefits of drinking and negatively related to perceived negative
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expectancies (Christiansen et al., 1989; Christiansen et al., 1982; Chen et al., 1994; Grube et al., 1995; Jones et al., 2001; Smith et al., 1995; Wood et al., 1992; Goldberg et al., 2002).
Although children's and adult's alcohol expectancies are similar (Dunn and Goldman, 1996), younger children are more likely to report negative expectancies; perceptions of positive outcomes increase with age (Miller et al., 1990; Goldberg et al., 2002). Specific expectancies also differ by age: 12- to 14-year-olds rank reduced tension and impaired behavioral functioning highest; 15- to 16-year-olds cite enhanced social and physical pleasure and modified social and emotional behavior; and 17- to 19-year-olds cite enhanced sexual performance and increased power as top alcohol expectancies (Christiansen et al., 1982). There are also gender differences in alcohol expectations, with adolescent males perceiving more positive and fewer negative consequences of alcohol than do adolescent females. Although the relationship between quantity of alcohol use and social and physical outcomes was similar for adolescent males and females, the frequency of alcohol use may be associated with global positive effects, sexual enhancement, and pleasure for men, but reduced tension for women (Jones et al., 2001).
During adolescence, individuals are going through rapid physical, social, and cognitive changes. These enormous changes to body, friendship, and thinking about the world are juxtaposed against changing expectations for behavior and increases in need and opportunities for autonomy. The desire to be autonomous and to be granted more decision making opportunities increases with age (Steinberg and Cauffman, 1996) and occurs in tandem with several other changes that serve to increase adolescents' desires for autonomy. First, the physical changes of puberty result in adolescents' seeing themselves as more deserving of adult-like privileges and opportunities to make decisions. In addition, as adolescents mature physically and develop secondary sex characteristics, they look older and are presumed to be able to take on more adult-like roles and responsibilities. Second, increased time spent with peers leads to more experiences and comparison of others' authority, power, and privileges. Third, cultural and societal beliefs suggest that adolescence is a time to practice adult roles. All of these factors serve to underscore the importance of autonomy from parents and push adolescents toward assuming more adult roles. In the United States, alcohol use is an important symbol of adult status.
The shift away from childhood and toward independence and adult roles is accompanied by a focus on peer acceptance and perceived norms in addition to parental standards. Adolescents need to develop their own sense of self or identity during this time, although expectations about the appro-
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priate timing for increased autonomy during adolescence varies across cultures (e.g., Feldman and Rosenthal, 1990). Individuals adapt and modify their identities to enable them to function best in their particular social and cultural context (Baumeister and Muraven, 1996). Adolescents may "try on" various identities that will be defined, in part, by how time is spent and with whom it is spent. While constructing an identity, an adolescent's motivation may be to gain new experiences that will allow them to evaluate what fits and what does not with their newly developing identities. This process allows them to create adult selves that are realistic and comfortable (Curry et al., 1994). During this period, adolescents report having a "true self" (who they really are inside) and a "false self" (who they want other people to think they are, to impress or please them) (Harter et al., 1996). At this point, adolescents may knowingly make choices that they know they may later regret "just to see what it is like," to act more like an adult, or to impress others (e.g., Moffit, 1993). Some of these choices are likely to involve alcohol consumption.
In order to understand the shifts that adolescents are undergoing, it is important to consider both changes in cognition and in the social world in which adolescents find themselves during this period.
Cognitive Changes
Cognitive changes during adolescence include gradual improvements in social perspective, to about age 16 (Steinberg and Cauffman, 1996). These newfound perspective-taking skills allow an adolescent to recognize how the thoughts and actions of one person influence those of another and to imagine how others might perceive them. Although generally an indicator of greater maturity, a downside of this new ability is that adolescents are highly concerned with peer conformity, which may make them particularly susceptible to peer influence. The majority of studies indicate a positive relationship between susceptibility to peer pressure and risk-taking behavior (such as drinking). For reasons not yet known, there is variation in the extent to which adolescents succumb to social influence, including pressure to engage in behaviors that are undesirable (see Steinberg and Cauffman, 1996, for a review).
In general, thinking becomes more abstract and more future-oriented during adolescence, allowing adolescents to consider multiple aspects of any decision at one time, assess potential consequences of a decision, consider possible outcomes associated with various choices, and plan for the future. These cognitive changes enhance the adolescent's capacity for competent decision making (see, for example, Halpern-Felsher and Cauffman, 2001; Steinberg and Cauffman, 1996). However, these newly formed competencies are not always practiced when adolescents are confronted with
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real-world social situations. Many studies suggest that adolescents, as well as adults, may make less than optimal decisions when personal goals, beliefs, prior experience, values, social expectations, and emotions are added to the decision making equation (Jacobs and Klaczynski, 2002). This outcome is especially true for social decisions (like choosing whether to drink or how much to drink). This is so for a variety of reasons.
First, outcomes of decisions in social situations are probabilistic, meaning that negative consequences of bad decisions may not occur and may not even be highly likely, although they are devastating if they do occur. For example, while the probability of having a car crash after drinking is much higher than after not drinking, drinking and driving does not always end in a crash or a ticket. Because outcomes are probabilistic, adolescents may interpret the fact that they previously drank too much and drove home without a crash as evidence that they can drink and drive safely (Jacobs and Ganzel, 1994). In one study, older adolescents who had a lot of experience drinking and driving, but had not experienced a negative outcome, such as a traffic citation or crash, believed that they were in little danger of having an accident after drinking (Finken et al., 1998), this result suggests that engaging in risky behaviors without consequence may have caused them to lower their perceptions of the risks of drinking and driving. Other correlational studies have shown that greater involvement in risk-taking behaviors was related to lower perceptions of personal risk (e.g., Halpern-Felsher and Cauffman, 2001; Goldberg et al., 2002). Second, the norms for social decisions are not typically known. Instead, individuals are often forced to make judgments on the basis of their own estimates of the norms of social behaviors or attitudes. This general dilemma, faced by people of all ages, is even more difficult for adolescents because they must make decisions based on a limited amount of experience and little feedback from earlier decisions (Jacobs et al., 1995). Several studies indicate that most adolescents overestimate the number of others who drink alcohol (e.g., Basch et al., 1989; Jaccard and Turrisi, 1987). Not surprisingly, the overestimation is greatest for those individuals who drink. This same pattern has been found for other risk-taking and deviant behaviors (e.g., Benthin et al., 1993; Nucci et al., 1991), and it may be related to the fact that those who drink have friends who drink and so they begin to believe that everyone is drinking. In one longitudinal study, adolescents who spent time with peers who encouraged drinking later reported more positive views of drinkers (Blanton et al., 1997).
In addition, studies indicate that adolescents make more biased estimates when they are reasoning about populations with greater variability and when they are reasoning about unfamiliar others (Jacobs, 2004) Underage drinking and other forms of risk taking are likely to occur in social situations and when adolescents find themselves with large groups of unfa-
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miliar peers. In these situations, they are left to estimate how others typically behave and what they think. The outcome may be overestimates of others' drinking and acceptance of such behavior, leading them to believe that the norm is to drink and that they should do it, too. However, providing adolescents with more realistic information about the extent to which people drink alcohol may not by itself reduce alcohol consumption. Instead, a focus on injunctive norms—views concerning what others think about one's drinking—might be more effective (Cialdini et al., 1990; Kallgren et al., 2000; Prentice and Miller, 1993).
Social Situations
The social situations in which adolescents find themselves also change during this period. Indeed, movement toward autonomy is accompanied by real and perceived changes in the social world as adolescents mature. Most move from environments in which they are protected, scheduled, and dominated by adults into environments that are primarily populated with other adolescents and in which they actually have much more autonomy. On average, middle-class adolescents spend about 20 percent of their time with parents and other relatives, 25 percent of their time alone, and the rest with friends and classmates (Csikszentmihalyi and Larson, 1984). Younger adolescents report that television and home- and family-centered activities fill much of their leisure time, but this shifts dramatically as they get older and report that peer-focused and solitary activities fill most of their time (Larson and Kleiber, 1990). Thus, as adolescents get older, they spend greater periods of their leisure time away from adult supervision, increasing the opportunities for becoming involved in such risk-taking behaviors as drinking alcohol.
In addition to the actual changes in supervision, teens are much more focused on real or imagined peer norms. They are most likely to attend to the standards set by their friends than by another same-age group. The often reported, "peer pressure" is, in reality, "friend pressure." As adolescents get older, they are more likely to choose friends who share their tastes and interests than when they were younger. Thus, they are likely to join crowds of teens who have similar values and life-styles. Crowd membership has been associated with alcohol consumption: some crowds or groups include drinking as part of how they spend their time, and an adolescent's choice to be involved in that crowd will include the knowledge that drinking is a typical activity for that group (Prinstein et al., 1996). For example, participation in competitive sports in high school has been related to higher rates of alcohol use (Eccles and Barber, 1999).
Unfortunately, information about a particular group's norms may not be available until after an adolescent has had one or more experiences with
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the group and has been faced with situations in which saying "no" to alcohol will be viewed unfavorably by peers. Younger adolescents report having more trouble moving between crowds than older adolescents, so it may be more difficult for them to go against the norms of a crowd if they feel uncomfortable (Brown et al., 1994).
Although we have concentrated on describing the normative changes that affect adolescents, there are clear individual differences in development as well, and some of these differences may be associated with higher alcohol consumption. These differences include personality, perceptions of risk, and self-efficacy, as well as gender and racial differences in adolescent alcohol consumption (noted in Chapter 2). Although numerous clinical studies indicate that individuals differ in their likelihood of experiencing alcohol dependency and related disorders (Kessler et al., 1997; Swendsen et al., 2002), our focus in this chapter remains on nonclinical populations.
Personality Differences
Is there a personality profile that is related to adolescent risk for alcohol abuse? Cloninger (1991) found that three traits, present as early as age 10, were associated with alcoholism at age 28: (1) being easily bored and needing constant stimulation; (2) being driven to avoid negative consequence for actions; and (3) craving immediate external rewards for efforts. In addition, antisocial personality disorder has been linked to alcohol misuse among adolescents (Clark et al., 1998). Similarly, a recent study of children aged 8 to 15 found that conduct disorder often predates and predicts later alcohol use (Clark et al., 1998).
In nonclinical populations, a major personality characteristic that has been related to adolescent risk taking is sensation seeking, defined by seeking novel, complex, or risky situations (Zuckerman, 1979). The appeal of drinking alcohol and other "forbidden" behaviors for adolescents may be the novel and intense sensations provided by the experiences (Arnett and Balle-Jensen, 1993); students who have higher needs for sensation seeking are more likely to report higher levels of drinking, as well as other delinquent behaviors. Others have also reported associations between sensation seeking or novelty seeking and alcohol use (e.g., Martin et al., 2002). Donohew and colleagues (1999) argued that sensation seeking influences alcohol use indirectly, through peer affiliations: teens who are sensation seekers tend to choose friends with similar sensation seeking desires, and such peer group affiliations increase alcohol use.
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Beliefs About Risk
Although many adults believe that adolescents underestimate the risks of engaging in particular behaviors, most research indicates that adults and adolescents actually give similar estimates of various types of risk taking, including drinking alcohol (e.g., Beyth-Marom et al., 1993; Quadrel et al., 1993). Although sweeping age differences in risk estimates have not typically been found (Millstein and Halpern-Felsher, 2002), individuals' perceptions of risk vary, and their perceptions have been linked to their behaviors. In general, drinkers of all ages view consuming alcohol as less risky than nondrinkers (Goldberg et al., 2002), although the absolute accuracy of various risk perceptions has been the topic of debate (e.g., Slovic, 2000). Although adolescents generally overestimate their mortality risks for a variety of activities including alcohol (e.g., Fischhoff et al., 2000), recent studies suggest that adolescents who perceive a higher likelihood of negative consequences following alcohol consumption do not drink at all or drink more moderately than others (e.g., Goldberg et al., 2002; Halpern-Felsher and Cauffman, 2001; Small et al., 1993.)
Both adults and adolescents tend to overestimate how many other people are involved in activities in which they, themselves, are engaged (e.g., Kruglanski, 1989). Indeed, adolescents as well as adults who participate in high-risk activities generally believe that the rate of participation by others is higher than do nonparticipants (Benthin et al., 1993); thus, beliefs about normative practices may be related to older adolescents' decisions to engage in risky behaviors (Basch et al., 1989; Beck and Treiman, 1996; Olds and Thombs, 2001). In one recent study, adolescents who reported higher levels of alcohol consumption and other risk-taking behavior than their peers overestimated how much other adolescents in their school were participating in the same high-risk behaviors (Jacobs, 2000). Extreme overestimaters engaged in significantly more mild and severe deviant behaviors than either the moderate overestimaters or those whose estimates were correct, and they reported poorer self-esteem, lower grade point averages, and less rational decision-making skills. One of the most intriguing implications of the research focusing on individual differences is that some adolescents are more likely than others to perceive drinking as low risk, to overestimate the likelihood of others' drinking, and to look for sensation-seeking opportunities. This is the group that one would expect to drink the most and take the most risks when drinking.
Prior Experience
Although correlated with age, drinking experiences have a significant and independent effect on alcohol expectancies, which in turn play a role in
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alcohol use (Christiansen et al., 1989; Christiansen et al., 1982; Chen et al., 1994; Grube et al., 1995; Jones et al., 2001; Smith et al., 1995; Wood et al., 1992; Goldberg et al., 2002). More specific expectancies, such as enhanced sexual feelings, power, and reduced tension have been reported by those with greater drinking experiences, while youth with little or no alcohol experiences have more global expectancies of increased pleasure (Christiansen et al., 1982). As one gains more experience with alcohol, positive outcomes are reinforced and predict future drinking behaviors (Goldberg et al., 2002; Jones et al., 2001). Furthermore, positive drinking-related expectancies increase and negative expectations for risks decrease among adolescents with more drinking experiences (Halpern-Felsher et al., 2000; Goldberg et al., 2002).
Drinking refusal self-efficacy, borrowed from Bandura's (1986, 1997) concept of general self-efficacy, refers to one's belief in her or his ability to resist urges or social pressures to drink, to drink in particular situations, or to consume large amounts of alcohol at one time. Adolescents with more positive self-efficacy are less likely to drink or drink excessively (Oei et al., 1998; Webb and Baer, 1995), and those with fewer refusal skills are more likely to drink (Hays and Ellickson, 1996). Refusal skills may be a better predictor of problem drinking than alcohol expectancies, especially for heavy or frequent alcohol use (Connor et al., 2000; Oei et al., 1998). Given that adolescents are more susceptible to peer pressure, it stands to reason that they will have lower drinking refusal skills. However, there is evidence that adolescents can be taught drinking refusal self-efficacy skills and that such skills can then result in less substance use (Bell et al., 1993; Ellickson et al., 1993).
As noted in the previous chapter, the highest rate of both heavy drinking and frequent heavy drinking is found in young adults between the ages of 18 and 25. In addition, if adolescents between the ages of 14 and 20 drink alcohol, they are more likely to report heavy drinking than other drinking patterns (National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, 2001). These findings suggest that there may be something about the context of youth drinking that results in this particular pattern of alcohol consumption. Indeed, macrolevel and microlevel contextual factors are likely to contribute to both the number of underage drinkers and their patterns of alcohol use.
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U.S. culture is replete with messages touting the attractions of alcohol use, and—notwithstanding the legal norm—suggesting that drinking is acceptable for people under 21. Recent content analyses indicate that alcohol use was depicted, typically in a positive light, in more than 70 percent of a sample of episodes in prime-time television programming in 1999 (Christensen et al., 2000), and in more than 90 percent of the two hundred most popular movie rentals for 1996-1997 (Roberts et al., 1999b). Roberts et al. (1999b) also found that 17 percent of the 1,000 of the most popular songs in 1996-1997 across five genres of music popular with youth contained alcohol references, including almost one-half of the rap music recordings. The alcohol industry spent $1.6 billion on advertising in 2001, and probably twice that much in other promotional activity. Young people are exposed to a steady stream of images and lyrics presenting alcohol use in an attractive light.
Within any country, the specific community environment may contribute to drinking to a greater or lesser extent. The drinking environment can be characterized as varying on a "wet-dry" continuum. A "wet" community environment is one in which drinking is prevalent and common, public opinion is generally tolerant or positive, and alcohol is readily available both commercially and at private social occasions and is advertised as available. A "dry" community would be one in which drinking at social occasions is not the norm and is generally frowned on, and alcohol outlets are relatively scarce. One commonly used statistical indicator for the "wetness" of the environment is the per capita consumption of alcohol (the average number of drinks per person) for the population age 14 and over per year. In the United States, for example, per capita consumption ranged from 1.3 gallons of ethanol per capita in Utah to 2.8 gallons in Wisconsin, in 1997; see Table 4-1.
TABLE 4-1 Alcohol Consumption, 1999
State or Area
Per Capita
District of Columbia
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State or Area
Per Capita
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
West Virginia
U.S. Total
*Ethanol is the alcohol consumption measure used.
SOURCE: Data from National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (2002).
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To what extent do environmental factors influence individual drinking choices by youth? It is interesting in this regard to analyze trends in youth drinking over time. Based on their analysis of Monitoring the Future data for high school seniors, Cook and Moore (2001) report that the 30-day prevalence of drinking and also of heavy drinking1 peaked in 1979, and then declined by approximately one-third (30.6 and 37.5 percent, respectively), reaching a low point in 1993 and increasing only slightly since then. This downward trend is unrelated to demographic changes in the composition of the population of high-school seniors and cannot be fully explained by trends in prices, minimum drinking age, or availability (Cook and Moore, 2001). However, this trend in drinking prevalence closely tracks the societal trend in drinking, as measured by national per capita consumption. Thus, whatever the reason for the decline in youth drinking during the 1980s, it seems to be related to, and perhaps in some sense is the result of, the overall decline in drinking in the society.
More persuasive evidence of the link between "wetness" and youth consumption comes from a study of individual drinking behavior. Cook and Moore (2001) analyzed data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) that included annual items on individual drinking for 1982-1985 and 1988-1989. The initial cohort of 12,000 respondents ranged in age from 17 to 24 at the beginning of this period in 1982, so that the NLSY data provide information on drinking trajectories for older teens and those in their twenties. They found that, even after controlling for family, religion, schooling, aspirations, employment, and cognitive ability, various aspects of the environment contributed significantly to patterns of drinking. Specifically, youth with similar backgrounds and individual characteristics were more likely to drink if they lived in a state with relatively high per capita consumption.
The minimum drinking age and the excise tax on beer are also related to youth drinking. Thus, an 18-year-old living in a state in which his drinking was legal in 1982 would have been more likely to drink (and to drink heavily) than an identical twin living in a state with a higher minimum drinking age. Increases in the beer tax (which has a direct effect on average price) generally tend to lower drinking, although it is harder to pin down with the NLSY data; however, other studies are quite consistent at documenting that taxes and prices influence youth drinking (Chaloupka and Wechsler, 1996). This research suggests that a "wetter" environment may provide adolescents with more social occasions to drink, more positive attitudes about drinking, more advertising and outlets, and more lenient regulations concerning the sale and consumption of alcohol. In short, such environments have an enabling effect on underage drinking.
Defined as five or more drinks in a row in the last 2 weeks.
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In addition to specific community norms for drinking, several other societal factors may affect the prevalence of heavy drinking in adolescence. First, U.S. society is largely segregated by age. As adolescents get older, they spend more and more time alone or with other peers in unsupervised settings, and both age-segregation and lack of adult supervision have been related to higher levels of substance abuse and deviance, including greater alcohol consumption. "Hanging out" with friends in unstructured, unsupervised contexts is generally related to negative outcomes, while spending time with others in adult-sanctioned, structured contexts is generally related to positive outcomes (e.g., Osgood, 1998; Osgood et al., 1996).
A particularly vulnerable time for youth is the after-school period, 3:00 to 6:00 p.m. This time is especially likely to be unsupervised as adolescents get older and parents believe that it is "safe" to leave them at home unattended. Youth who participate in after-school programs, such as sports, clubs, library-based activities, and youth-serving organizations are less likely to use alcohol than nonparticipants (Eccles and Barber, 1999). The same point about age segregation and lack of supervision applies to adolescents' attendance at unchaperoned parties and other activities. It is not uncommon for caring parents to decide to host an all-night party with alcohol for their teenage children, taking the car keys from the guests as they arrive, on the theory that it is safer to allow drinking at home rather than to forbid it and have teens drink and drive. Individuals or organizations that host and support such events are providing opportunities that enable adolescents to drink to excess. Not surprisingly, having parents who sanction alcohol use (even in "controlled" settings) is related to heavier drinking among adolescents (Barnes et al., 1995; Peterson et al., 1994).
By and large, adolescents are even segregated by age in the workplace. Adolescents who work for pay are often employed in fast-food and similar jobs in which most of their coworkers are other adolescents (Mortimer et al., 1992). It is not uncommon for a 17-year-old to be managing a fast-food establishment and supervising 15- and 16-year-olds. Given this situation, it may not be surprising that part-time work during adolescence is positively related to involvement in drugs, alcohol, and other deviant behaviors (e.g., Bachman and Schulenberg, 1993; Greenberger and Steinberg, 1986; Steinberg et al., 1993).
The place in which adolescents are most segregated is likely to be at residential colleges. Although less than one-quarter of college students are in such settings, student-segregated apartments or college residence halls provide the conditions under which binge drinking is likely to occur: cultural norms that support drinking, little supervision by any adults, and peers who are likely to be heavily involved in drinking. In a recent study, Cook and Moore (2001) found support that college students are more likely to engage in drinking, especially heavy drinking, if they live in a
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dormitory than if they live off campus, even after controlling for other factors (such as age) that might explain this difference.
Social Setting
While adolescents are experiencing community-level influences related to the place of alcohol in our society, each adolescent is also making decisions about drinking within a particular social setting. Of particular importance with regard to social influences are adolescents' peers and friendship networks and their changing relationships with their parents. The effect of parents' and peers' alcohol consumption on adolescents' drinking patterns is both direct, through observation and modeling (Bandura, 1986) and indirect, through its influence on alcohol-related expectancies and attitudes (see Kuther, 2002, for a review).
Adolescents in the United States spend approximately twice as much time with peers as they spend with parents or other adults. Accordingly, peers are a major source of socialization and development for adolescents. Research supports the notion that both selection and socialization factors contribute to observed similarities in behavior among friends. That is, adolescents are influenced by the normative behaviors of their peers and they choose peers who reinforce their own norms and values (Kandel, 1978). The influences of peers are both direct and indirect (Bauman et al., 1989; Biddle et al., 1980; Ennett and Bauman 1991; Pruitt et al., 1991; Kandel and Logen, 1984). That is, adolescents are influenced directly (e.g., by observing peers' behavior or by peer pressure) and indirectly (e.g., by their perceptions of the extent to which their friends are drinking alcohol). The combination of the normative aspect of alcohol use and peer influences on underage alcohol use is also important. Youth are well aware of the normative nature of alcohol use, and they usually want to go along with their peer group (Aas and Klepp, 1992; Barnes et al., 1995; Beck and Treiman, 1996; Olds and Thombs, 2001). Perceived use of alcohol by one's peers and friends independently predicts self-reported alcohol use (e.g., Olds and Thombs, 2001; Reifman et al., 1998), with peers having a greater influence on adolescent drinking than do parents (Kuther, 2002).
It should be noted, however, that interventions that attempt to prevent or reduce alcohol consumption by focusing on changing perceptions of social norms must proceed cautiously. Research conducted by Cialdini and colleagues (Cialdini et al., 1990; Kallgren et al., 2000) points to the need to distinguish between descriptive norms (perceptions of what most others are doing) and injunctive norms (perception of what other people think one
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should be doing or not doing). Cialdini argues that focusing on injunctive norms is more effective at changing behavior than targeting only descriptive norms.
Although peers are one important influence on adolescents' choices, parents remain important during the teen years. Many adolescents report that they turn to their parents for advice regarding educational and career decisions, although they turn to their friends for advice about clothes and music (Montemayor, 1982). Indeed, most theoretical perspectives today suggest that close connections to both parents and peers are related to easier transitions to independence (e.g., Allen and Hauser, 1996). Yet peer influences also depend in part on the quality of parent-child relationships (Parke and Ladd, 1992). Adolescents who have positive relationships with their parents may be more likely to have friends who engage in socially valued activities than do adolescents with less positive parental interactions. Similarly, more involved parents may oversee and monitor their child's peer relationships more than do less involved parents, thereby reducing adolescents' engagement in undesired behaviors (see, for example, Fletcher et al., 1995). Parents also have a significant amount of influence on their children's choice of friends. Parents help shape prosocial and antisocial behavior, which leads children to gravitate toward particular crowds.
Parental monitoring and involvement are key components in reducing adolescent alcohol use. Monitoring of an adolescent's behavior involves the parent or guardian supervising the adolescent; knowing the adolescent's whereabouts; knowing the adolescent's friends and peers; setting expectations that are clear and optimally challenging; delivering consequences that are fair, affirming, and useful; and communicating with the adolescent (Connell et al., 1995; Connell and Halpern-Felsher, 1997; Halpern-Felsher et al., 1997; Lee and Halpern-Felsher, 2001). Similarly, parental involvement is the extent to which parents show interest in, are knowledgeable about, and put effort into their child's activities and development. Both parental monitoring and involvement serve to prevent or reduce adolescents' health-compromising behaviors through the setting of curfews, awareness of and participation in after-school and weekend activities, prevention of adolescents' association with risky peers, and the improvement of social skills (Beck and Lockhart, 1992; Cohen et al., 1994; Steinberg et al., 1994). Research on parental monitoring consistently shows protective effects on alcohol use (Barnes et al., 2000; Bogenschneider et al., 1998; Reifman et al., 1998; DiClemente et al., 2001).
Families also provide an arena in which fledgling decision makers try their new skills and in which more experienced decision makers model
OCR for page 70
Reducing Underage Drinking: A Collective Responsibility
appropriate behavior or even provide instruction on how to make decisions (Jacobs and Ganzel, 1994). Learning to make decisions and live with their consequences and learn from them is an important developmental task that may be promoted or hindered by particular parenting practices. Although most parents give their adolescents increasing autonomy to make a wide range of decisions—in friendship, academics, extracurricular involvement, and consumer choices—many do so with little guidance or without letting adolescents experience the consequences of their actions. In addition, many parents provide an inconsistent pattern of restrictions and privileges (e.g., childlike restrictions about bedtime that don't match the adult privilege of driving the family car) that may lead adolescents to make choices that are aimed at rebelling against parental restrictions or that give them adult status (such as drinking alcohol).
Other aspects of parenting, such as parental norms and attitudes regarding adolescents' alcohol use and parents' own alcohol use, influence adolescent risk behavior. For example, Sieving and colleagues (2000) found that, in comparison with other variables, parent norms against underage drinking showed the strongest association with adolescents' abstention from alcohol use. In addition, parents, like other adults, may overestimate or underestimate drinking norms for adolescents, depending on their own experiences or their perceptions of societal norms. If parents believe that most adolescents drink, they may be more willing to "look the other way" when their children drink or to sponsor parties at which alcohol is served. Parents may benefit from knowing about other parents' practices and prohibitions concerning alcohol use by their children.
Parents' own alcohol use has also been linked to underage drinking (e.g., Pandina and Johnson, 1989), as well as to increased chance of experiencing alcohol-related negative consequences (Pandina and Johnson, 1990). However, family history of alcohol abuse and alcoholism alone may not be adequate to predict drinking patterns among children of parents with such drinking behaviors. It is possible that other factors, such as parental monitoring, personality, and stress coping strategies, mediate between family history of alcohol use and underage drinking (e.g., Johnson and Pandina, 1993; Reifman et al., 1998).
Two studies have demonstrated that sibling alcohol use is a risk factor. Of particular interest is the study by McGue and colleagues (1996) that examined the effect of both parental and sibling alcohol use on both adoptive and biological children raised in the same families: while parental alcohol use only had an effect for the biological children, sibling use had an effect on both adoptive and biological children. The effect was stronger if the sibling was similar in age, gender, and ethnicity.
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Reducing Underage Drinking: A Collective Responsibility
In this chapter we have listed many social, cognitive, and contextual factors that are related to the reasons that adolescents drink. In a culture that promotes alcohol use, it is impossible to isolate one factor as the primary cause. Rather, understanding why adolescents drink is more likely to be found in the confluence of factors. Positive aspects of the normal developmental process (e.g., enhanced cognitive abilities and physical maturation) are directly related to the greater autonomy and freedom from supervision enjoyed by adolescents. However, increases in autonomy lead to more opportunities to obtain and use alcohol. Likewise, normal adolescent development includes focusing on peers and searching for one's own identity and friendship niche; however, these normal developmental processes lead to trying risky behaviors and conforming to peer norms that often include alcohol use. Thus, the trends that are typically associated with healthy adolescent development also set the stage for increased opportunities for alcohol use. In addition, adolescents are coming of age in the United States are doing so in a culture that promotes and enables underage drinking.
There is little that one can change about the timetable of cognitive and emotional development or personality characteristics, but one can consider interventions for some of the factors that have been related to adolescent alcohol consumption and can be changed. The most likely targets are adolescent, parent, and community attitudes about the acceptance of underage drinking. Media and educational campaigns with this goal, however, must keep in mind many of the factors that have been reviewed in this chapter. For example, messages to adolescents must consider factors such as developmental level; the need to act adult-like, try on new identities, and make decisions with little experience; and adolescents' peer norms and biased reasoning about these norms.
Communications aimed at parents and others must provide realistic information about the prevalence of underage drinking and the dangers associated with it. In addition, adults must be given clear messages about what they may be doing to enable underage drinking and concrete examples of what they can do to convey their expectations to their children, monitor their children, and provide a community environment that discourages rather than promotes underage drinking.


text:
Lowongan Kerja PT Pembangunan Perumahan (Persero)
Lowongan Kerja PT PP
About PT Pembangunan Perumahan – PT PP (Persero) Tbk
PT PP (Persero) Tbk, a well known National Constrection and Investment company with great experienced of creating prestigious building, infrastructures
and EPC in region.
History of Corporate
PT PP (Persero) was established under the name of NV Pembangunan Perumahan based on the Notarial Deed No. 48 of August 26, 1953. At the time it was established PT PP (Persero) was entrusted to build houses for the officers of PT Semen Gresik Tbk, a subsidiary of BAPINDO in Gresik. Along with increased trust, PT PP (Persero) received the duty to construct large projects that were related to war compensations the Government of Japan paid to the Republic of Indonesia, namely : – Hotel Indonesia, Bali Beach Hotel, – Ambarukmo Palace Hotel and – Samudera Beach Hotel.
In compliance to Government Regulation No. 63 year 1960, PN (Perusahaan Negara) Pembangunan Perumahan changed into PN Pembangunan Perumahan.
In 1962, PT PP (Persero) completed the construction of Hotel Indonesia, a 14 stories with 427 rooms, which at the time was the highest building in Indonesia.
In compliance to the Government Regulation No. 39 year 1971, PN Pembangunan Perumahan changed and become PT Pembangunan Perumahan (Persero), which was legalized through the Deed No. 78 dated March 15, 1973. The Company's core business was construction services.
For more than five decades, PT PP (Persero) has been a key player in the national construction business. Several mega projects have been constructed in that period. Subsequently, starting in 1991, PT PP (Persero) diversified its business, including office space rental at Plaza PP and realty business development in the area of Cibubur, and also the establishment of several subsidiaries through partnerships with foreign companies, among others PT PPTaisei Indonesia Construction and PT Mitracipta Polasarana.
In 2009, in line with business growth and increaseingly strong financial condition, then PT PP (Persero) to prepare a transformation where in 2009 PT PP (Persero) will implement the program in Public Offering Shares to the Public (Initial Public Offering/IPO). Where implementation of program IPO of PT PP (Persero) has received approval from the Government of the Republic of Indonesia in accordance with the Indonesian Goverenment Regulation No. 76 Year 2009 in Amendment of State Shareholding Structure through Issuance and Sale of New Share in the Company (Persero) PT Pembangunan Perumahan dated December 28th 2009
With new Regulation from the Government regarding the Changing of the Ownership Structure of State's Shares, therefore on February 9th 2010 PT PP (Persero) has fulfilled the listing requirement in PT Bursa Efek Indonesia (BEI). Commencing from the abovementioned date, PT PP (Persero) Tbk shares have officially been listed and could be traded in Bursa Efek Indonesia (BEI).
Company Contact
Head Office
Plaza PP – Wisma Subiyanto
Jl. Letjend. TB. Simatupang No. 57
Pasar Rebo, Jakarta 13760 – Indonesia
Phone : (021) 840 3883 (hunting)
Fax : (021) 840 3936 & 840 3890
website : www.pt-pp.com
Jobs Available
PT Pembangunan Perumahan (Persero) Tbk invites qualified candidates to fullfull the position of :
- BIM Coordinator
Job Description
- Minimum Bachelor (S1) holder, preferably in Engineering from a leading/state university.
- Minimum 5 years of experience in the related field and minimum 2 years of experience in the field of BIM.
- Strong knowledge and experience in Revit / Navisworks / Tekla BIM.
Sites Reference
- www.ptpp.co.id
Submit Application
If you meet all the requirements and are interested to join OJT Program at PT PP (Persero) Tbk, please register directly through :
- All applications will be handled in strictly confidential
- Only short-listed candidates that match to the requirements and qualifications will be notified
- Source
Lowongan Kerja PT PP brougth to you by lokercpnsbumn

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Top Definition
quite simply, this is a term used to describe former Roxy Music frontman Bryan Ferry. His vocal crooning styles, his habit of wearing stylish clothes when he plays the piano, synthesizer, and occasionally guitar, his stylish, suave, sophisticated and elegant image that he shows in pictures, performance and video and the fact that Roxy Music inspired punk rock and New Wave leads to this designation. Today he pursues his solo career, sometimes covering artists that inspire him - like Elvis Presley, Bob Dylan, Marvin Gaye and yes, Frank Sinatra. His sound is now generally the New Romantic and Eurodisco styles that Roxy Music laid the foundation for.
I heard Roxy Music on the radio and saw some of their videos (as well as Bryan Ferry solo)on MTV in the Eighties. In 1990 I had a buyer's card filled up with purchase punches which meant I could get a free album. The girl at the checkout said that the album I got (a Roxy best-of) was really good, and she said that Bryan Ferry is a "punk Sinatra". Man was she right! I've been a fan ever since.
by Yankee Doodle Dawg
August 06, 2007


text:
OSI-Approved Open Source (238)
- GNU Library or Lesser General Public License version 2.0 (11)
- BSD License (7)
- Qt Public License (2)
- Academic Free License (1)
- Apache License V2.0 (1)
- Apache Software License (1)
- GNU General Public License version 3.0 (1)
- Mozilla Public License 1.0 (1)
- Mozilla Public License 1.1 (1)
- Open Software License 3.0 (1)
- University of Illinois/NCSA Open Source License (1)
- Other License (3)
- Public Domain (1)
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text:
Windows 8 Transformation Pack 5.0
Transform Windows XP and Server 2003 to work like Windows 7 in few minutes.
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FastPictureViewer Codec Pack R5 3.2
The FastPictureViewer Codec Pack is a one-stop shop that enables support for 44 additional image formats in Windows Explorer, Windows Photo Gallery, Windows Photo Viewer, Windows Live™ Photo Gallery and, on Windows 7, also within Windows Media Center and Windows Media Player 12, with full 64-b
NewBlue Sound Benders for Windows 1.3
This collection includes: Buzzurgle, Insectoid, Phone, Radio, Resonator, Robot Fog, Under Water, Wah, Wind.
Free TV Radio allows you to follow the programs of internet radio and TV. On its interface, it offers more than 2,000 TV channels and more than 30,000 radio stations. You can filter these TV channels and radio stations by genre or country and access to a channel with a single click. It is also possi
Windows Media Format 11 Runtime 11
decode/encode Windows Media Video (WMV, WM) and Windows Media Audio (WMA)
Windows 8 Transformation Pack 2.0
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Classic iHeart Love Compatibility Match Calculator - Test Your Crush! 2.0.2
Game - iOS - Educational
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text: The IEI provides the forum for individual contact with world experts in vitreous enamel, mainly at its International Enamel Congress every three years. Congress now: May, 2015. The IEI has membership by national bodies of all major national enamel institutions. Through its objectives, the IEI seeks to advance and spread world-class enamel expertise. IEI OBJECTIVES ARE:


text:
Area tennis players talk about life on the road
UPDATED 11:08 PM CDT Apr 04, 2012Chasing the dream of a pro sports career can take it's toll, but the participants in the St. Dominic's USTA Pro Circuit Women's $25,000 Challenger make the best of it.
The views expressed are not those of this site, this station or its affiliated companies. By posting your comments you agree to accept our terms of use.blog comments powered by Disqus


text:
Member since: feb 6, 2013
Last login: mar 11, 2013
chervitz received 221 entries from 82 designers. View this project »
A fantastic client! Decisive and polite. anlufe
Project | Category | Award | Time left | Entries |
Penn Institute for Biomedical Informatics logo design | Logo | $500 | Complete | 221 |
Name your own price, then watch as dozens of participants submit ideas and choose your favorite. Our 100% money-back guarantee makes it risk-free!
Let us match you up with one of our very best Creatives and work 1-to-1 in complete privacy. You'll have all of the same tools and features as our regular projects!


text:
Student Housing
There is plenty of off-campus housing nearby in the University District. For those choosing to live farther away from campus, it is easy to commute by bike or Seattle's Metro bus service.
Seattle is different than some U.S. cities in that the central neighborhoods here are still considered very desirable places to live and tend to be more expensive than the more distant and / or suburban locations. The neighborhoods of Capitol Hill, Wallingford, Green Lake, Ravenna, and Fremont are all great places to live and are a short bus or bike ride from the University. The farther from the city center you go, the lower prices tend to be. Those looking for the least expensive apartments will find them in the north and south end suburbs but will have a longer commute and less interesting surroundings.
Advertisements for shared and single-occupancy housing are readily found posted at the University or in local papers. It can be very difficult to find a place during the weeks just prior to and after the beginning of Autumn quarter. Prices for shared housing in houses and apartments range from $300 to $600 per month, depending on the quality of housing and the distance from the University. Single-occupancy housing prices range higher, with studios starting around $550, and one bedrooms starting around $700 per month.
Here are some links to rental listings:
The Seattle Post-Intelligencer classifieds UW off-campus housing listings UW on-campus housing The Stranger classified ads Seattle Weekly classified ads
Department of Microbiology · University of Washington · Box 357735 · Seattle WA 98195-7735
phone: (206) 543-5824 · fax: (206) 543-8297 · firstname.lastname@example.com


text:
The surname CRINGLE is not included in the US Census Bureau's ranking of surnames with 100 or more people. Since fewer than 100 people with this surname were included in the 2000 Census, it is relatively uncommon.
Source: "Genealogy Data: Frequently Occurring Surnames from Census 2000", US Census Bureau.
Accoring to the US Census Bureau, Cringle ranked #64,825 in frequency out of 88,799 surnames for which statistics were released from the 1990 Census.
Source: "Frequently Occurring Surnames from Census 1990", US Census Bureau.
Histopolis currently has 0 grave(s) with the surname Cringle.
The surname Cringle has a Soundex code of C652. The following 410 surname(s) may sound similar to Cringle since they share the same Soundex code.


text:
Still out to do the right thing.
Byline: Serena Markstrom The Register-GuardAt 46, Chuck D is one of the grandfathers of hip-hop. But he hardly qualifies for a senior discount on his breakfast.
That didn't stop the veteran rapper and intellectual from asking a waitress for the senior portion on the grits he ordered with his two-egg breakfast at a diner outside of San Diego, where Public Enemy was embarking on its 56th tour earlier this month.
The 20 or so members of the crew must have almost taken over the restaurant as they conducted a morning meeting before placing orders.
When their meeting ended, Chuck D moved to another table to field a string of phone interviews and eat his breakfast alone.
The hip-hop pioneer was heading to the second stop on the West Coast portion of the tour - the first fully staffed tour since 1999. It comes through the McDonald Theatre today with instrumental backing and an opening set from the baNNed and support from X-Clan.
Renaissance rapper
Chuck D's group, Public Enemy, first hit the scene in 1987 with "Yo! Bum Rush the Show." It entered the mainstream when filmmaker Spike Lee featured the group's anthem, "Fight the Power," in the 1989 hit "Do the Right Thing."
Since then, Chuck D has made albums, written two books, hosted a radio show, started a record label, lectured at colleges (including last year at Lane Community College) and made countless television appearances.
He also keeps a blog on www.publicenemy.com, which he said was one of the first Web sites in hip-hop. This year, he launched Chuck D Mobile, a service that offers hip-hop related ringtones, videos and other content for mobile phones.
The Public Enemy comic book is on its third issue. And Chuck D hosts an America Online program called "Worldwide Hip Hop Countdown."
Born Carlton Douglas Ridenhour, Chuck D has never stopped creating or trying to spread his political messages. But after breaking into the mainstream, the group's image has endured some public body blows, and its style of selecting message-packed rhymes over inventive beats has fallen out of favor in this day of commercially viable hip-hop that focuses on partying and overindulgence.
Some of the pioneers in the conscious hip-hop movement are working to reverse that trend; X-Clan is calling it the New Golden Era of hip-hop. Part of X-Clan's intention on this tour is to bridge the gap between the first generation of hip-hop and emerging fans who, at present, seem to be drawn to lighter fare.
There's still plenty of power to fight, but willing soldiers seem to be in short supply these days. The crew's wires sometimes cross out there between the million-miles-a-minute mind of Chuck D and the outrageous Flavor Flav.
Flav always has taken the hype role for the crew. But his much-publicized drug-related arrests and his recent starring role on the VH1 reality shows "The Surreal Life" and "Flavor of Love" have put Flav, and by association Public Enemy, in the public eye - but maybe not in the most desirable light.
The Flavor Flav flap
Chuck D writes about Flavor Flav's recent television stardom in a Sept. 20 entry in his blog.
To paraphrase, Chuck D says Flav may be addicted to fame, but he's fundamentally the same person he met 25 years ago. Flav's had problems with drugs and the TV programs weren't flattering, but Chuck D says those shows play into racist archetypes that are money makers in this culture.
Chuck D says Public Enemy, on the other hand, represents the true spectrum of personalities and interests and can't be categorized in cookie-cutter images.
In the 1980s, "Flav was Skittles and Starburst to Professor Griff's okra and beets, and everything else we did was in between," he writes. "Somehow along the way, black life and culture was deemed profitable, and the big great white male took interest.
"I'm glad Flav is busy, really not surprised at all. ... But it's a double wince at times when the stats say that it's a well-watched program by the masses of black folk and the topic the next day amongst black folk at school and work. Grown people mind you."
Public Enemy's new mater- ial has stayed contemporary, decrying high levels of African-American male incarceration, railing against the Bush administration and its Iraq policy, and criticizing a celebrity-driven culture.
"Celebrity the new drug/ In America/ Gotta have it/ Gotta be it/ So the young ones see it," Chuck D writes in "Preachin' to the Quiet" off the 2005 release, "New Whirl Odor."
In the '80s, Public Enemy declared its desire to identify 5,000 new black leaders. But when asked if he thought that had happened, Chuck D didn't say yes or no.
"You're either a leader or a follower," he said. "Unfortunately, there are more followers than leaders. ... In this country, we need to have more am- bassadors."
He said he's still fighting the stereotypes and working to get more women in music.
"Female empowerment is something we really need to understand," he said. His label, SLAMJamz, is featuring a new album from Crew Grrl Order: "B Grrl Stance."
Chuck D has been touring colleges for 16 years and speaks on almost every topic - from the legacy of Elvis Presley to the global music industry - and is widely regarded as hip-hop's most respected intel- lectual.
While sociopolitical content remains his meat, Chuck D doesn't believe mainstream rappers are devoid of consciousness. He said he thinks Jay-Z, who works on African water issues, is "the greatest rapper of all time."
The X-Clan comeback
Public Enemy headlining this tour is not a comeback, but choosing X-Clan as support will certainly help the lesser-known group's comeback album, "Return From Mecca," out in January on Suburban Noize Re- cords.
Led by Brother J, X-Clan emerged in the '90s as a strong voice in the Afro-centric, conscious hip-hop movement. But the group never had a breakthrough hit.
"No one is doing what X-Clan is doing right now," Brother J said in a recent phone interview. "There's no one that can compete with the music of the Game and Eminem and 50 Cent.
`These guys are killing the waves because their music is banging. And we finally have those elements with conscious music. ...
`Our sound sounds triumphant. It echoes in your mind. I have that kind of confidence that the people will embrace our material like that."
The Brooklyn-based collective has released a pair of albums, which its bio calls "historic": "To the East, Black- wards" in 1990 and "Xodus" in 1992. Then it disbanded.
"X-Clan were activists both inside the booth and out," the bio says, `as they were Blackwatch members and very vocal supporters of several pro-black organizations.'
Blackwatch was a black nationalist movement founded by Lumumba Carson and Professor X, who both later became members of X-Clan.
"The goal of Blackwatch was to take those kids that were bored of the same old approach of black nationalism," Brother J says in a 2005 interview published at www.blackelectorate .com. "We wanted to get people to stand up for their rights a little closer.
`And although we say black nationalism, it's basically aimed at improving the black environment. We're not meant to be a prejudiced circle."
Co-founder and group spokesman Brother J explained that the new incarnation of X-Clan is still a black nationalist group, but that term is not always understood.
The X-Clan itself is nontraditional in that many of its members don't do hip-hop, but rather are teachers and mentors of Brother J. Members serve in a New York foundation that teaches everything from architecture, to martial arts to technology courses, Brother J said.
"We have to bring knowledge, we have to have people in our crew who can offer solutions," he said. "X-Clan now, that type of craft, is now a chamber where it can be a classroom for the youth that we attract to our music.
"As we are older men now, I want to bring more of a teaching aspect to the house, because a lot of the crowd that the X-Clan attracted in the past are now teachers," he said.
"We want to pass on that gift of knowledge, you know, teach this in your home, teach something positive."
CONCERT PREVIEW Public Enemy with the baNNed, X-Clan The lineup: Chuck D and Flavor Flav are the MCs, backed by the baNNed (bassist Brian Hardgroove, guitarist Khari Wynn, drummer Michael Faulkner and turntablists DJ Johnny Juice and DJ LORD), who will open with a short set What: Conscious hip-hop When: 8 p.m. today Where: McDonald Theatre, 1010 Willamette St. Tickets: $30 Listen: Visit www.registerguard.com/ publicenemy.php to hear sound clippings from Public Enemy, Crew Grrl Order and X-Clan
You can call Serena Markstrom at 338-2371 or e-mail her at firstname.lastname@example.com.
Reader Opinion
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Title Annotation: | Entertainment; For 20 years, Public Enemy has fought the good fight for civil rights |
Publication: | The Register-Guard (Eugene, OR) |
Date: | Dec 15, 2006 |
Words: | 1471 |
Previous Article: | Simply superb sounds of the season. |
Next Article: | Locals admire Public Enemy. |
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Email: email@example.com | Twitter: @WWLTV
NEWORLEANS-- Police are investigating the shooting of a man near the Fair Grounds Sunday evening and they are seeking the public's help.
Around 6:30 p.m., the victim was shot while walking in the 3000 block of Ponce de Leon Street, police said. He was shot in the chest and hit in the leg as well. Police said he is in critical condition.
The NOPDhas released a video of a man shown pushing a bicycle that was taken around the time of the incident. His still frame is show above. Police say he is not a suspect but they think he may know something about the crime.
According to police, the shooter had dreadlocks and was wearing a black shirt and shorts. He was riding a white-colored bicycle. The man fled down Ponce de Leon toward Gentilly Boulevard after the shooting.
Anyone with information is asked to call Crimestoppers at 504-822-1111 or toll-free 1-877-903-STOP


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Tuesday, June 28, 2005 | ||||||||
Sprucing up for holiday festival | ||||||||
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Mike Hibner directs Adam Dues in positioning a concrete planter. Dues nursery donated the plants and labor for that project, while Garden Emporium and MAH Garden Center donated labor and landscaping for other areas along the lakefront. Purchase this as a quality photograph |


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total posts: 13
How to refresh almost stale cinnamon rolls
FoodPairing lets you explore food flavor networks with luscious infographics.
The Counter. If Burger Heaven can't be described as more than 312,120 unique burger combination, I don't know what is.
Australian Boutique winery PEPPERTREE wines finally has a local presence and website in the US. Just in time because I was down to my last couple of bottles.
PI(e) SQUARED. In an universe where pies are round some Parisian bakers dare to be different
Mysterious ultra-thin and delicious apple slice cookies from Japan.
Perfect for notcot + tastespotting, the cooking/designing objects. The bread knife is also a ruler, and the board has a chopping side and an x-acto side.
Kamakura makes a japanese sweet called "Child cover of Flower" or at least that's what babelfish translation thinks it means...
Discovered Zenya Red in Thailand. The perfect mix of pomegranate and green tea...
LU invented the cookie La Paille D'Or in 1905, so why can't I find them an ywhere in LA?
CORSICA COLA "Cola Corsu, A Cosa Veru" I bought these while in Ajaccio, and it actually tastes pretty good!
Xocoa Barcelona makes incredible chocolates, but also a chocolate beer called BIRRACAO for the adventurous tastebuds
A few posts from a recent trip to Barcelona: DEMASIE makes cookies in that taste as good as their understated graphic artist friendly packaging. Try the spicy chocolate chip and chilli ones.


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Mr abdu raheem Why is java so important in networking and mobile?
Unlike standalone computers, with networking and mobile computing, it is the interconnection that becomes important. This means that you have to have different computers or mobile devices 'talk' to each other. Just like people, if they understand a common language, communication becomes easier. The common language already exists in Java, which is called JVM. JVM is a kind of low level language that all machines are made to understand, and Java is built on top of that. So, Java has a natural advantage not enjoyed by any other language in network and communication, and is the preferred choice.
Krishna's description was good, but let's take it a step further. Machines weren't made to interpret java, it's the other way around: java was written in a way so that it will work with many different kinds of machines/devices. Java is essentially a framework upon which software applications are built, the same as C or any other compiled language. Java has become popular because the underlying framework is easy to compile and run on many different computing chips (platforms) such as regular desktop PC's and mobile phones. Once the framework is in place, a java application written by someone on a desktop PC will also run on a mobile phone because of the "byte code" that java uses. What Krishna described is the "byte code", that will work identically on every different platform/device that supports Java.
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Rate Dr. Laith Azzouni
Dr. Laith Azzouni's Ratings
Dr. Azzouni is a credit to the dental profession. I came into the office with an acute phobia of needles. When my wisdom teeth became so infected as to require surgery, I was recommended to Dr. Azzouni. Dr. Azzouni allowed me over an hour to become comfortable with receiving an IV, and was incredibly patient and understanding. The receptionist Angie, who is the most compassionate woman I've ever had the good fortunate of meeting, accompanied me into the surgery - and despite having just recovered from hip surgery herself - sat with me through the whole procedure to reassure me that it would be ok. I am happy (and quite proud) to report that I was able to receive the IV, that the surgery went perfectly well, and that I am in no pain, no bleeding, no bruising, and no swelling. I cannot recommend Dr. Azzouni's office enough. I credit him and his incredible staff for my first step in finally moving on from my needle phobia. My deepest gratitude to his office.
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My daughter was supposed to have all four wisdom teeth removed and he only removed 3 saying the other wasnt down far enough. He prescribed tylonal with codine which wasnt enough to take care of my daughters pain. They shuffled her out the door like she was at a drive through and the front desk lady gave no sense of urgency for my daughter waiting in the car while she walked around chatting with her co workers. Also the surgeon cut my daughters tougne during the procedure and didnt even say anything. This person should have his license to practice PULLED!!!!!! now i look like the cheap ass that stayed in network and my daughter is still in crazy pain....
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For background on subcomponents, see Why does the Windows Installer log list apparently duplicate components prepended with double underscore and appended with 65?
A careful reader will notice a problem with the subcomponent generation algorithm. See it? It's the component name is based off the first 40 characters of the component. What happens if the the first 40 characters of all the components in a package are identical?
The Windows Installer has code to look for collisions and increment an index until one is not found. Turns out there's a arbritary limit of 100 iterations of that loop.
Here's why the simplified repro package suffers from the problem
You have 74 components in the Component table in this package. Of those 74 components, 70 have the same 41 character prefix: PUBLIC_HIDEAPP_OAK_LIB_MIPSIV_FP_RETAIL__. What we're hitting here is the MaxTry limitation. In the installation package, there are three tables that result in cost-linking: Shortcut, IniFile, & MoveFile. The Shortcut table can be ignored because it doesn't use one of the 70 components with the same 41 character prefix. The IniFile and MoveFile tables are important.
Starting with the IniFile table: There are 35 components of the 70 that are listed in the table. Each component ends up being cost-linked to two directories. That means that two temp components are created for each component in the table. So, we have cost-linking of the component to the CRC directory and cost-linking of the Component to the WindowsFolder directory. Even with the child component account, you'll still start to hit a problem. (Each component will end up with 1 child component after the first run of cost-linking the CRC component).
By the end of this, we've used up 70 cost-link names. We only have about 100 available because of the MaxTries amount and the fact that only the first 40 characters are chosen. So we have temp components:
Now we move on to the MoveFile table. There's a possibility of two cost-linked components created per row. However, the source and destination folders in this package authoring are the same, so there'll only be one cost-linked component per row. Note that the directory used here was not one that was used in the IniFile table (if it was, we wouldn't need to create a new cost-linked component for it). There are 35 rows reprsented in the MoveFile table for these 70 components. That makes 35 more temporary components that have to be created since all of the rows represent unique components and new directories.
Well, now we've hit the 100 limit. 70 + 35 = 105 so we bomb out for the temp component creation. This cost-linking starts at:
Normally this isn't a problem because you don't usually hit the subcomponent name limitation. Most component names differ within the first 40 characters, and even if not, there aren't enough similarities to hit the iMaxTries upper limit. It just so happens that this is the case with the way these packages are built. If you guarantee uniqueness within the first 40 characters of all components, you won't have any issues.
What you'd normally expect to see would be something like the following if your components didn't include that same 41 character prefix:
IniFile table results: __MSGSNET___PDB65 (cost-link for WindowsFolder) __MSGSNET___PDB66 (cost-link for CRC) __MSMSGS___LIB65 (cost-link for WindowsFolder) __MSMSGS___LIB66 (cost-link for CRC) __MSMSGS___PDB65 (cost-link for WindowsFolder) __MSMSGS___PDB66 (cost-link for CRC) __MSMSGS_QVGA___LIB65 (cost-link for WindowsFolder) __MSMSGS_QVGA___LIB66 (cost-link for CRC) ...
MoveFileTable results: __DSRTP___LIBB65 (cost-link for PUBLIC_HIDEAPP_OAK_LIB_MIPSIV_FP_RETAIL__DSRTP___LIB) __DYNDLL___PDBB65 (cost-link for PUBLIC_HIDEAPP_OAK_LIB_MIPSIV_FP_RETAIL__DYNDLL___PDB) ...
But because you have the same 40 characters in your package (actually 41), you end up with all of the collissions and end up maxing out because you hit the upper limit for subcomponent name generation.
If you want to make your packages work, you'll need to alter your component name generation. In particular, ensure that the first 40 characters are unique.
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Luke Bryan Reno NV Tickets
Luke Bryan Reno
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Details of Luke Bryan Reno and the Ticket Luck value
Country music fans are in for a special treat because one of the biggest names of the genre is coming to perform at the Luke Bryan Reno event. Luke is an amazing singer who has made quite a name for himself because of his singing and song-writing prowess. Luke Bryan Reno tickets should be bought by fans to be part of a really magnificent event.
Luke Bryan was born on 17th July, 1976 and started his love affair with music at a very young age. He learnt guitar when he was just fourteen and that led him to play at local bars. He made his debut with the track All My Friends Say which he also co-wrote. His first album I'll Stay Me came out in 2007 to a lot of positive feedback from everywhere. He followed that up with super hit songs and albums like Do I, Doin' My Thing, Someone Else Calling You Baby, Country Girl (Shake It for Me) and Tailgates & Tanlines, his most recent album. Tailgates and Tanlines went straight to the top of various charts to cement Luke's reputation as an amazing performer.
Luke Bryan Reno is the latest concert by this sensational musician and it comes right at the heels of his rise as a commercially viable artist. It is an event that cannot be missed and that is why every country music fan should grab Luke Bryan Reno tickets as soon as possible.
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Data from 150 lung transplant patients demonstrates potential to improve
management of risk for infection
BOSTON, April 10 /PRNewswire/ -- A prospective analysis of data collected from 170 patients receiving lung transplantation at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center (UPMC) has suggested that the ImmuKnow(R) assay of cell-mediated immunity (CMI), when combined with microbial analysis of bronchoalveolar (BAL) fluids in immunosuppressed patients, can help to differentiate between patients with fungal colonization and those patients with active fungal infections. These data were presented in an oral session today by Shahid Husain, MD at the annual meeting of the International Society for Heart and Lung Transplantation (ISHLT) in Boston, MA.
"Our hypothesis was that global immunoreactivity, as measured prospectively using the ImmuKnow assay of CMI, would be different for patients with fungal colonization as compared to patients with true fungal infections," said Dr. Husain. "This hypothesis appears to have been borne out by our preliminary results."
"Our study has shown that ImmuKnow values are significantly different for patients with fungal colonization as compared to patients with true fungal infections six months after transplantation," Husain continued.
Data were collected prospectively from 170 lung transplant recipients at UPMC between 2003 and 2006. These patients provided a total of 712 blood samples for analysis, while also being prospectively monitored and classified for episodes of infection according to standardized criteria.
All patients received alemtuzumab induction and tacrolimus suppression to prevent organ rejection. Results of ImmuKnow assays of CMI were included in the analysis if and when they were obtained within 30 days of a documented episode of clinical syndrome (fungal colonization/ fungal disease).
In the initial 6-month period following T-cell depletion (while
SOURCE Cylex Copyright©2008 PR Newswire. All rights reserved |


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Narrow your search
Lexus' styling has gone off the deep end with sharp angles and an aggressive aesthetic, and it looks like the next generation of its popular RX SUV will similarly upgrade its look during next week's New York auto show.
The following cars represent the most technically advanced available.
Headphones that plug into the the Lightning port of your iPhone, iPad or iPod and draw power from it are due to hit the market soon. Here's a preview of the JBL Reflect Aware, the Philips Fidelio M2L and the Fidelio NC1L.
A new generation of audio and motion-sensing technology based on the human ear is always listening out for your voice.
Thirty years later, the Mac's journey is far from over. It's had an even greater influence on the company's touch devices than the Apple II did on the Mac.
The latest iPod Touch is the best iPod ever, and as close to a phoneless iPhone 5 as you can get -- but its high price makes it a tough call versus cheaper tablets with larger screens.
We've got some exclusive details about Sony's upcoming SmartWatch refresh.
CNET's Donald Bell looks at the value proposition of Apple's latest 16GB iPod Touch -- and doesn't like what he sees.
By mixing immersive offline and online experiences into traditional game and toy play, San Francisco start-up hopes to turn industry on its head.
Packing haptic feedback and a speaker, the Apple iPen not only writes and draws on your iPad but also tells you what's happening.
The fourth-gen iPod Touch is Apple's second-best portable media player, with a price that will help you forget about No. 1.


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"SMOKERS BANNED FROM LOOKING AT CIGARETTES WHILE SMOKING - SMOKERS will have to hold a large piece of card over their face so they cannot look at the cigarette they are smoking, ministers said last night.Are you 100% certain that this is satire?
The 'smoking mask' will include a small mouth hole and a handle, though later models may be fitted with elasticated straps.
From next April, if smokers want to buy cigarettes they will have to uncover them during a day-long treasure hunt using a series of very difficult clues.
Under the new regulations the smokers will then have to store their cigarettes inside a large cereal box, which may or may not contain a cobra.
When they want to smoke they must position the cereal box on a table, strap on their smoking mask and then fumble around inside the box in the hope of finding a cigarette and not a large, venomous snake.
The mask will also carry a warning which reads: "Lighting a Cigarette While Wearing This Mask May Cause You to Set Fire to the Mask Instead of the Cigarette and Burn Your Face Off."
Health secretary, Alan Johnson, said: "If you can't see nicotine, it can't see you. And, as any scientist will tell you, if something can't see you, it has no way of knowing you exist.""
Friday, 12 December 2008
Anti-smoking legislation
The Daily Mash has the details of the next piece of Labour government legislation:
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Genetically Modified Potatoes Emerge as Newest Food Abomination
Just when you thought that genetically modified salmon was the final straw in the genetic manipulation of nature, a new food abomination has been created. Researchers in India have developed genetically modified potatoes, filled to the brim with genetically altered amino acids.
Genetically Modified Potatoes – A New Creation
It seems as if scientists are aiming to re-create nature entirely. From genetically altered fish threatening the genetic code of fish on a global scale, to genetically modified canola spreading into the wild, it is apparent that a tidal wave of genetic modulation has hit the environment very hard.
These genetically modified potatoes now threaten the purity of potatoes internationally, as it can grow into the wild in a similar manner that the modified canola did. All it takes is a careless farmer to allow his modified crop to be planted elsewhere, without properly identifying the crop as modified. This is how the food supply is thoroughly endangered.
The environment is of course important to preserve, but modified food also effects our bodies. If you are unfamiliar with the risks association with modified food, please read Killing The Food Supply: The Dangers of Genetically Modified Food, or read excerpt regarding the process in which it is created below:
The bioengineering process itself is quite ridiculous. Billions are spent each year to genetically modify the food supply, tainting it with genetically modified frankenfood. Genetically modifying foods requires one to tamper with the very genetic coding of the crop and/or seed.
The process entails the transfer of genes from one organism to another, such as taking particular genes from a pig and transferring them to a tomato. Not only does this defile nature, but it leads to a host of health problems.
Due to the complexity of a living organism's genetic structure, it is impossible to track the long-term results of consuming genetically modified food, including genetically modified potatoes. Introducing new genes into even the most simple bacterium may cause an array of issues, highlighting the complexity of even the simplest organisms. Introducing new genes to highly complex organisms such as animals or crops is even riskier.
When introducing the gene to its new host, it is essentially impossible to predict the reaction. The genetic intelligence of the host could be disrupted with the introduction of the new gene, creating an adverse reaction. There is truly no way of knowing the long-term effect genetically modified food, as there are too many variables. There is simply no room for science when Monsanto is involved.
Support natural health: checkout the new Natural Society Natural Health Clothing Line today and fund the message of organic living through our exclusive new designs!
Google Plus Profile Anthony is the Founding Director of NaturalSociety, whose writings on the subject of health and wellness have reached tens of millions of readers worldwide. A proponent of an organic lifestyle, the growth of alternative news, and a dedication to aiding various non-profit organizations, NaturalSociety was Anthony's next step in what he calls "highlighting what you won't be hearing about on the major news networks." Anthony has appeared on both grassroots and established platforms alike, including routine appearances on Drudge Report, Daily Mail, RT, The Blaze, Infowars, Michael Savage's Savage Nation, Coast to Coast AM, and many others. Follow Anthony on Twitter Follow Anthony on Facebook |