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Bakersfield Homes for SaleBakersfield, California, is the county seat of Kern County and is located at the southern end of the San Joaquin Valley. It lies halfway between Fresno and Los Angeles, 110 miles from each city. Bakersfield has a population of about 347,000 making it the ninth most populated city in California and the 52nd most populated city in the United States. Bakersfield is part of the Bakersfield-Delano Metropolitan area. In 2010 Bakersfield was one of the ten communities to receive the All-America City Award from the National Civic League. Bakersfield encompasses 143.6 square miles and is situated near the "horseshoe" end of the San Joaquin Valley. Bakersfield is bordered by the Sierra Nevada, the Sequoia National Forest, the Tehachapi Mountains and the Temblor Range.Bakersfield Homes for Sale and Real EstateBakersfield is currently experiencing rapid growth, having increased in size by over 400 percent over the last 40 years. Much of the real estate available in Bakersfield is new construction, as a result of the city's growth and influx of new residents. Many types of properties can be found in Bakersfield including historic homes, planned communities, new single family residences and condos.Bakersfield NeighborhoodsBakersfield has a diverse array of districts and neighborhoods, generally referred to by regions that are then broken down into individual neighborhoods. The main areas of Bakersfield are:
Bakersfield Economy and Employment OpportunitiesBakersfield has a robust and diverse economy. It produces more oil than any other county in the United States, and has the fourth most productive agricultural industry. Other industries that are important to the local economy include natural gas and energy extraction, aerospace, petroleum refining, mining, manufacturing, food processing and distribution. The top employers in Bakersfield are:
Bakersfield AttractionsOne of the city's claims to fame is that it has the largest collection of Basque restaurants in the United States. In addition, Bakersfield has many cultural attractions, festivals, annual events, and recreational activities for locals and visitors to enjoy, including
Bakersfield Transportation and CommutingThree freeways provide access to Bakersfield - SR 99, SR 58 and SR 178. In addition, Interstate 5 passes Bakersfield just a few miles to the west. Bus service for Bakersfield is provided by the Golden Empire Transit District with a total of 18 routes. Amtrak passenger rail service is offered on the San Joaquin Route. The nearest regional airport is Meadows Field Airport, while the nearest international airports are Los Angeles International Airport (120 miles), Bob Hope Airport in Burbank (78 miles) and Fresno Yosemite International Airport (110 miles).More Information on Homes for Sale in BakersfieldTo learn more about Bakersfield Homes for Sale CLICK HERE to speak to one of our agents.Bakersfield MapBakersfield real estate officesSort by:
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Rachelle, mommy to 8 year old boys!
My Blog-free homeschooling finds and my lesson plans and link to the new User Agreement
It's also possible you're dealing with eosinophilic esophagitis. You'd need a scope to rule that out or in and making diet changes can affect the accuracy of the scope (if the diet helps the scope is clean when really there is an issue). I've heard of breastfeeding moms drinking the special formula for their kids so even if it is EE it doesn't mean the end of breastfeeding necessarily (though at times the child is truly healthier without because they just can't tolerate the allergens).
If he's dosed properly on PPI's and still having reflux pain I think you need a pediatric GI well versed in EE. |
Allergy testing under two is not as accurate as over two unfortunately but you might get lucky (don't assume negative means he's negative...). Many allergists would say 7 months is too young for environmental allergies to be contributing (like dust or pet or pollen) as he's not had enough time for exposure to trigger immune response. That leaves foods. |
If allergy testing isn't helpful I'd try a really formal rotation diet to try to pinpoint reactions while you eliminate the most common triggers (dairy, gluten, soy, corn, egg I believe) or an elimination diet. Hopefully someone with experience breastfeeding and doing that can help. Most gluten free stuff is nut contaminated I discovered so you have to be careful with that aspect--I can give you a list of safe from nuts gluten free stuff and related if you want. However, as I said, you don't want to change tons of stuff and then not be able to accurately test for EE which I think he needs if the growth or reflux issues continue. They can biopsy for celiac at that time too. |
Rachelle, mommy to 8 year old boys!
My Blog-free homeschooling finds and my lesson plans and link to the new User Agreement
If food is causing eosinophils to build up and damage the esophagus you'd be dealing with EOS disease. Whether it's an allergic reaction or intolerance reaction (I'd lean to allergic given those eosinophils but that's not proven) doesn't really matter I don't think. The key are those eosinophils numbers. And I guess you're thinking why does it matter if it's EOS if you can remove the foods and the kid does better? I'd say it matters because, in my understanding, you can eliminate foods and think symptoms are improved but still have that internal damage going on. You see that when you scope. Many kids with this really need a rest period from all allergens (not just the foods a person might ID via obvious reactions or the top intolerances) to really heal. I've not met many at all that had a clean scope after pulling top allergen foods out. And there are kids who really improved health and growth wise when that rest happened. We pulled all major triggers (allergy and intolerance) out of my son's diet. When he was still having growth and reflux problems they did scope. It didn't have enough EOS to be dx'd but then we were stuck wondering if he really did and removing those things lowered those and if they were safe to add in again. In our case and the case above you're talking a baby who has such severe reflux pain they are failure to thrive. My son was spitting up blood. He dropped off the scale and while we corrected the damage causing the blood he was fearful to swallow, kept not growing, and remained in pain. I think what you have in your mind picture wise is different than my experience? I'm really wondering about my Caleb and EOS disease (in the lower parts, not esophagus) but because of the metabolic issues we have I don't feel we can safely scope him. And while I've removed problem foods I'm left wondering what's going on inside him and if it's responsible for some stuff I'm seeing. I wish we could safely scope the kid. |
Rachelle, mommy to 8 year old boys!
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For many Christians in the western hemisphere, including Roman Catholics, the Sacrament of Confirmation is a celebration of their coming of age. In many Protestant churches, the rite of Confirmation is seen as a mature statement of a person's faith. This is why many western Christians are confirmed between the ages of 12 and 15, when they are on the cusp of adulthood and capable of fully realizing the importance of professing their faith.
When more than 2 billion Christians around the world begin observing Lent next week, they will do so in a variety of ways.
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Giving to a cause is as easy as listening to music. At least it will be for those who attend Elm Street Live at 8 p.m. on May 28.
Half of the proceeds from the night's event will be donated to the Susan G. Komen three-day breast cancer walk. Tickets will be sold for $8 once the doors open at 7 p.m.
Annette Harmon, administrative assistant and financial secretary of Salem United Methodist Church in Covington attended the 28th Annual Conference of the Professional Association of United Methodist Church Secretaries which was held in Orlando, April 15 – 18. More than 215 professionals representing United Methodist offices on various levels, both nationally and internationally, were in attendance.
Heritage Days at Calvary Baptist Church is a celebration of its rich heritage and serves as a way to impact the community and beyond.
Salem United Methodist Church is calling all readers to its front porch for a Bible Reading Marathon.
Opening ceremonies kick off with a prayer and some music at noon Friday. The reading will begin in Genesis and last for a half day, beginning at noon and lasting until 10 p.m.
On May 8, Newton County will come together as a community of faith working together to "Impact Our Community." This day is about collecting for local missions. Donations of money or items will be accepted for FaithWorks, the Food Pantry, Garden of Gethsemane Homeless Shelter, Washington Street Community Center, Newton Medical Center and the Lions Club.
A "Steeple Chase," 5K and 1 mile fun run/walk will kick the day off at 8 a.m. The starting line is in front of Covington First United Methodist Church. At 8 a.m. the fun run/walk will begin, and at 8 ...
Happy 100th anniversary to the ladies of the Pine Grove Woman's Club in Mansfield. Started in 1910 out of necessity for companionship in the then vast farmland region of east Newton County, their club has survived for a century now, a rarity indeed.
Lillian Whisnante, a member for seventy-five years, remembers the beginnings of her club membership. "I used to go to the meetings with my mama who was a member. Each month the county agent would come to one of the members' houses and teach us about canning, gardens and sewing, and we would have a lunch. This ...
Expect to see more than just art at the Creative Arts Festival hosted by First Presbyterian Church of Covington.
The annual Circuit Assembly for the Congregations of Jehovah's Witnesses in S.W. DeKalb, Conyers, and Oxford will be held on April 17 and April 18 at the Assembly Hall of Jehovah's Witnesses, 125 Glen Road, Conyers.
The award winning Marksmen Quartet will bring their unique style of gospel music to the Ebenezer Baptist Church, 3861 Ebenezer Church Road, between Monroe and Social Circle, Sunday, April 25 at 6 p.m. A love offering will be received. For information, call (770) 267-4025.
The Rev. Dr. Royeese Stowe, senior pastor of Chamblee First United Methodist Church in Chamblee is the featured preacher April 25 on "Day 1," the nationally broadcast radio program also accessible by podcast at Day1.org. The program includes a message by Stowe along with interviews conducted by the program's host and executive producer, Peter Wallace.
New Georgia Railroad will perform a concert of old-time music Saturday, April 10, at 7 p.m. in the sanctuary of Church of the Good Shepherd Episcopal, 4140 Clark Street, Covington.
The Easter bunny is coming. And he's set to make several appearances, bringing fun, games, prizes and, of course, lots of candy to children. Two places in particular where you can spot him will be at the First Baptist Church Community Egg Drop and the Community Easter Egg Hunt at The Church At Covington.
More than 5,000 eggs will be dropping on American Legion Field on April 3. Registration starts at 1 p.m. and events will kick off at 1:30 p.m. All families with children 12 years and younger are welcome to the free event.
Dr. John Griffith, president of Presbyterian College in Clinton, S. C., will preside at the First Presbyterian Church in Covington on Sunday, March 21, at 11 a.m.
With March being Women's Appreciation Month, it's only appropriate for Good Hope Baptist Church to have a day focused on celebrating women.
Its ninth annual Victorian Tea is this Saturday from 3 to 6 p.m. And it all began with the church's first lady Stephanie Tomlinson, who said the Lord dropped in her spirit to have a social event for women after establishing a Women's Day a couple years prior.


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Create fuller, more lush plantings with Less Mess Less Wrist Strain Less Time
WEDGIE® works where a trowel doesn't, by making it possible to fill every space.
WEDGIE® was invented by a Chicago gardener who said, "There has to be a better way!" This is how it works: Push WEDGIE® into loose soil Rock it back & forth & side to side Pull WEDGIE® out Put plant in hole
If you've experienced the mess and aggravation of digging out dirt and trying to figure out where to move it next when planting flower boxes, container gardens... your problem is solved. WEDGIE® eliminates digging out dirt!
A WEDGIE® prototype was introduced March 2002, at the Chicago Flower & Garden Show at Navy Pier. In March 2003, gardeners bought WEDGIE® at the Chicago Flower & Garden Show, Boston's New England Flower Show and Mobile's Festival of Flowers. Since 2004, WEDGIE® has been available at garden centers and botanic gardens from coast to coast. If WEDGIE® is not yet available where you purchase plants and tools, ask for it!
Made of durable, high-impact plastic, WEDGIE's bright yellow color keeps it from getting lost. A little kitchen cleanser cleans up WEDGIE® when planting is finished. It is 7" long and has an ergonomically-designed handle. Fingers do not have to close tightly around the easy-to-hold knob handle and the wrist stays in the level/neutral position when planting. This arthritis-friendly tool is being praised by arthritis sufferers and time-pressed gardeners everywhere. Remember, the key to successful container gardening is adequate watering and nutrient-rich, lightweight soil. The container can be anything that holds dirt, from tree stumps to old buckets!
E-mail or fax us with questions or comments. firstname.lastname@example.com 312-337-0114 Happy Gardening!!
Happy Gardening!!
Fertile Gardens 1646 W. Diversey Pkwy Chicago, IL 773-929-9330
Sid's Greenhouses 10926 Southwest Highway Palos Hills, IL 708-974-4500
The Growing Place 25W471 Plank Road Naperville, IL 630-355-4000
Pasquesi Home & Gardens 975 North Shore Drive Lake Bluff, IL 847-615-2700
Pasquesi Home & Gardens 990 W. Northwest Highway Barrington, IL 847-381-5511
The Branch 300 Skokie Valley Road Highland Park, IL 847-831-9580
Town & Country 9515 N. 2nd Street Roscoe, IL 815-654-3333
Chalet 3132 Lake Avenue Wilmette, IL 847-256-0561
Wannemaker's Home & Garden Center 1940 Ogden Avenue Downers Grove, IL 630-852-0700
Knupper Nursery 1801 N. Rand Road Palatine, IL 847-359-1080
Alsip Home & Nursery 20601 South Route 45 Frankfort, IL 815-469-1044
Olbrich Botanical Gardens 3330 Atwood Avenue Madison, WI 608-246-4710
LynnAnn's Path to Nature 3996 County Road A, Sugar Camp Rhinelander, WI 715-272-2032
Bayside Garden Center 400 E. Brown Deer Road Milwaukee, WI 414-352-6159


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News Briefs
Argentina and the IMF |
IMF Management Welcomes Argentine Fiscal MeasuresThe Managing Director of the IMF, Horst Köhler, met with the Minister of the Economy of Argentina, Domingo Cavallo, today. The Minister outlined to the Managing Director the comprehensive set of measures being implemented to contain the fiscal deficit for 2001 within the ceiling of US$6.5 billion established in accordance with the Fiscal Responsibility Law. The Managing Director welcomed these measures as an important and decisive step to boost confidence, consistent with the objectives of the IMF-supported program that is in place. This, together with other initiatives announced by the Argentine government and the unwavering commitment to the Convertibility Law, should provide a strong basis for a sustained recovery of the economy. It is expected that discussions with the authorities on the remaining details of the memorandum on economic policies will be concluded within the next few days. IMF EXTERNAL RELATIONS DEPARTMENT


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Video: Alicia Keys – Gummi Bears Theme Song (Live On Jimmy Fallon)
Alicia Keys made her way to Jimmy Fallon's show for a performance and decided to do something different. Instead of doing one of her new singles, she performs a soulful rendition of the theme to the 1990s cartoon "Adventures Of The Gummi Bears". Her new album "Girl On Fire" drops on November 27th.
Watch the performance below.
Previously: Alicia Keys Premieres "Girl On Fire" Album On Google+ Hangout (Video)


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Will Rackley OG Lehigh | ||
Ht: 6'3″
Wt: 309 |
Strengths: | ||
Dominant left tackle at Lehigh; four-year starter. Good overall size and strength. Excels as a run blocker. Strong lower body allows him to drive defenders backward. Does a nice job anchoring against the bull rush. | ||
Weaknesses: | ||
Hasn't faced elite competition. A position change is necessary; lacks the athleticism to play left tackle in the pros, and probably would struggle at right tackle as well. Not a very explosive player; doesn't deliver a strong initial pop. | ||
Comments: | ||
Players like Rackley that come from lower divisions and require a position change are difficult to project. In time, he could develop into a great interior linemen but he will probably be a bit of a project. While he definitely has upside, he has too many question marks to take until the late 3rd round, if not later. |


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China's economy: Caught in a vicious, stubborn cycle by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine March 13, 2015, 7:37 AM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons Beijing in early March is supposed to be a cheery place. March is when the country's rubber-stamp parliament, the National People's Congress (NPC), holds its annual session. But this year's festivities were dampened by a slew of gloomy economic data. Chinese industrial production grew only 6.8% in January and February, the slowest since 2008. Real estate sales plunged 15.8% in value. Fixed-asset investment, the principal driver of Chinese growth, recorded anemic growth at 1.05% and 1.03% in January and February, respectively (compared with 1.49% and 1.42% in the same period last year). Acknowledging this unpleasant reality, Chinese premier Li Keqiang told the attendees of the NPC that China's GDP growth will be "around 7%" this year. But achieving growth of 7% may be a tall order. China is currently caught in a vicious cycle of excessive debt, overcapacity, and a lack of new sources of growth. This cycle was partly caused by the explosion of credit in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis. In a panicked move to revive growth, Beijing opened the spigot of bank loans and, as a result, companies and local governments went on a borrowing binge that nearly doubled China's total debt within five years. In 2008, China's debt-to-GDP ratio was around 150%. Today, according to the most recent estimates by McKinsey, the figure is 282%, the highest among all emerging-market economies. Besides inflating the largest real estate bubble in world history, this massive infusion of debt also financed many white elephant projects, such as useless infrastructure and excess steel, automobile, and cement factories. Today, China is paying a heavy price for its debt binge. Many reckless borrowers, in particular real estate developers, local governments, and state-owned enterprises, cannot repay their loans because they have wasted their original investments on unprofitable projects. In the meantime, China's traditional, investment-driven growth model is plunging the country into a downward spiral of debt and overcapacity. Weak domestic consumption simply is not generating the necessary demand to absorb added manufacturing capacity created by ever-rising investments. To its credit, Beijing has long recognized the investment-consumption imbalance in its economy. Unfortunately, so far it has taken no effective steps to correct this imbalance. As long as low domestic consumption (currently in the range of 40-50% of GDP, based on varying estimates) continues to constrain demand, Chinese growth is unlikely to pick up speed anytime soon. Optimists believe that the Chinese government can stimulate growth by cutting interest rates and making loans more widely available. The People's Bank of China, the central bank, has already cut interest rates twice in the last four months and reduced banks' reserve ratio (requiring banks to hold less cash in reserves). It is expected to trim rates even further this year. Such a move is unlikely to have a real impact because the main problem with China's economy is a lack of demand, not a lack of liquidity. Any increase in liquidity will simply go to over-leveraged borrowers so they can service their loans, not to finance new, productive projects. Sinking more money into the ground will not address China's underlying economic maladies. Persistent subpar growth will present a serious challenge to the Chinese leadership, particularly President Xi Jinping. In the short-term, the risks Xi faces originate mostly inside the regime itself. The likelihood of social unrest caused by deteriorating growth is small because, so far, poor growth has not yet resulted in rising unemployment. The pains are concentrated mostly in two sectors: heavy industry and real estate. And the Chinese Communist Party is highly capable of repressing social unrest. But near-term economic deterioration will certainly exacerbate tensions inside the party. Because the spoils from growth are dwindling, competition for these spoils will grow more fierce among government officials and provinces. Various bureaucracies and local governments will likely demand assistance from Beijing to increase investment allocations and cut their debt. Making things even worse is Xi's two-year-long anti-corruption campaign, which has both terrorized and alienated the vast Chinese bureaucracy. Looking at China's political calendar, Xi must be concerned about the next Communist Party Congress, which is scheduled for late 2017. His leadership record will be under review. If the Chinese economy maintains its downward spiral at its current rate (roughly half a percentage point per year), the growth rate for 2017 would be around 6%. That's certainly not a report card that any top Chinese leader would want to present to a resentful constituency gathered to reaffirm his leadership. Minxin Pei is the Tom and Margot Pritzker '72 Professor of Government and a non-resident senior fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States
Alibaba, Qualcomm, JPMorgan: China is no country for the fainthearted business by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine February 20, 2015, 9:01 AM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons Managing the risk of doing business in foreign countries is no walk in the park for American corporations and investors. In the case of China, with its arbitrary government, lack of transparency, and endemic corruption, political and regulatory risks are not only a fact of life, they cost U.S. businesses and investors dearly. Three recent but unrelated incidents illustrate the need to rethink – and reprice – the risks of doing business in China. The first one involved Alibaba, China's high-flying e-commerce giant, which had a record U.S. IPO last September. At the end of January, a Chinese regulator – the State Administration of Industry and Commerce (SAIC) – stunned Alibaba's acolytes when it admitted that, prior to the company's IPO, it held a private meeting with Alibaba's executives over several sensitive regulatory issues, in particular the sale of counterfeit goods on Alibaba's sites. Neither Alibaba nor SAIC disclosed this event to the public before the IPO. Alibaba also failed to mention this event in its IPO filing with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). The troubling news of Alibaba's undisclosed meeting with the SAIC coincided with the company's fourth quarter revenue miss, sending its shares down by almost 10%. On February 13, the SEC asked Alibaba for information regarding its pre-IPO meeting with the SAIC. Several security lawsuits have also been filed against the company. Compared to Qualcomm, the U.S. chipmaker, investors in Alibaba should consider themselves lucky. In the same week the SEC contacted Alibaba, Beijing fined the San Diego-based Qualcomm a record $975 million for violating China's monopoly law. What was Qualcomm's sin? It is simply too successful in the Chinese market. Unfortunately, Qualcomm's gain is viewed as China's loss. Beijing aspires to become a world leader in semiconductors and reportedly has committed $170 billion in government funding to unseat American chipmakers like Qualcomm and Intel. Protectionist measures, such as anti-monopoly enforcement against foreign firms, can help build China's champions. Meanwhile, J.P. Morgan has seen its reputation sullied as the result of its "Sons and Daughters" hiring program in Asia. Set up to increase its investment banking business in Greater China, the program offered employment opportunities to children of Chinese officials and businessmen to gain favors with their parents (several other leading Western banks use similar tactics). The Department of Justice (DOJ) and the SEC have been investigating the U.S. banking giant's hiring practices in China over concerns that it violated the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. Several senior J.P. Morgan executives in Asia have left the firm. According to a recent story in The Wall Street Journal, J.P. Morgan will likely pay a fine and commit to reform its hiring practices in a settlement with the DOJ and SEC. These three cases illustrate different risks – cronyism, arbitrariness, and corruption – that lurk in China's business landscape. Cronyism, the incestuous ties between Chinese authorities and well-connected businesses they are supposed to regulate, can trip up American investors who mistake regulatory partiality as business acumen. In a marketplace free of biased enforcement practices, it is impossible to conceive that an e-commerce platform like Alibaba could sell counterfeit goods without suffering severe consequences. Yet the behind-the-scenes meeting between the Chinese regulator and Alibaba reinforces the investment community's fears that business success in China depends less on what you do than who you know. Arbitrariness, as shown in the outsize fine against Qualcomm, has always been a concern for American firms doing business in China. Chinese authorities have a habit of interpreting and enforcing laws and rules in ways that fit their needs and interests. The only difference now is that the stakes are much higher, as the Chinese market has become a critical source of growth for American companies. Qualcomm, for instance, derives half of its revenue from China. The dependence of American firms on the Chinese market gives Chinese authorities even more leeway in imposing fines or extracting concessions. The corruption risk, as highlighted by the J.P. Morgan case, is also well known to American businessmen. Many Chinese officials habitually demand personal benefits as a condition for approving deals. This culture of corruption puts Western firms in an impossible position. If one of them wins a deal by paying off a Chinese official, this firm will have a competitive advantage, forcing other firms to adopt the same corrupt practice. That is why many brand-name Western banks have hiring practices like J.P. Morgan's "Sons and Daughters." Sadly, the risks of cronyism, arbitrariness, and corruption are not likely to go away any time soon. Western firms will need to think of ways to protect themselves. They can demand greater regulatory scrutiny of Chinese firms listed on Western exchanges to enforce transparency. They can also ask their governments to intervene on their behalf. They need to establish codes of ethical conduct against potentially corrupt practices. As for investors, they should raise the risk premium of companies doing business in China. The market value for companies with China-based growth should be discounted to reflect their China-specific risks. Minxin Pei is the Tom and Margot Pritzker '72 Professor of Government at Claremont McKenna College and a non-resident senior fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States
Why China keeps throwing trillions in investments down the drain by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine December 1, 2014, 3:22 PM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons There are two indisputable facts about China's mammoth investments in its infrastructure and factories. One, they are a growth engine, accounting for roughly half of the country's GDP increase since 2000. The other fact is that China's investment rate, averaging 43% of GDP since 2000, is greater than any other major economy in history. Many question whether such investment in the Chinese economy can maintain its role as the nation's primary driver of growth. Most economists believe that China must shift from an investment-based growth model to one focused on consumption. (According to the World Bank, Chinese household consumption was only 34% of GDP in 2013.) Amid this debate, one question has gone unanswered: How much bang has China got for the trillions of bucks it has poured into its physical capital over the last two decades? A recent study performed by two economists affiliated with the Chinese National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), Beijing's powerful economic planning and regulatory agency, offered a revealing glimpse into this puzzle. The economists examined two indicators: the delivery rate of completed fixed-asset investment projects and the incremental capital output ratio (ICOR), which measures how much additional capital is required to generate an extra unit of GDP growth. The researchers concluded that both measures show an alarming increase in wasteful and ineffective investments in China. The delivery rate of completed capital projects, which was 74-79% in the late 1990s, has now fallen below 60%. This implies that nearly 40% of Chinese investment projects are either not finished on time or not completed at all. The even more alarming figure, which made headlines around the world, is that ineffective investment has cost China $10.8 trillion since 1997. Sixty-two percent of the wasteful investment—$6.8 trillion—was made after 2009, when China went on an investment binge to stimulate its economy. The two scholars reached this startling conclusion by noting that China's ICOR has risen 50%, from 2.6 (for the period of 1979-1996) to 4 (for the period of 1997-2013). In practical terms, this means that before 1997 China needed $2.60 in investment to generate one dollar of GDP growth; today, China needs $4 to produce a dollar of GDP growth. The rise of ICOR, according to the researchers, indicates that China's investments have become less efficient. To be sure, one can raise technical questions about using ICOR to estimate investment efficiency. A country's ICOR can rise as its economy becomes more capital intensive. Obviously, agriculture requires less capital than manufacturing. In China's case, ICOR was 0.3 for agriculture but 5.9 for manufacturing during 2001-2007. Therefore, in all likelihood, the estimate that China has flushed $10.8 trillion down the drain since 1997 should be taken with caution. Nevertheless, the two audacious government-affiliated economists have asked the right question even though their conclusion may not be totally convincing. Their study highlights a serious problem that many in the international business community have overlooked: the role of the state in making investment decisions in China. Based on official data, the Chinese government and state-owned enterprises invest $2.3 trillion a year in infrastructure and factories (43% of the country's total investment). Since government-funded investments are driven by political decisions, these investments are more likely to fall victim to waste and corruption. Research conducted by a scholar at China's Tsinghua University's School of Management shows that government-funded infrastructure projects, contrary to conventional wisdom, undercut China's productivity. Even when the Chinese government invests in factories, its decisions can result in poor outcomes. This is the case with the manufacturing sector. Every self-respecting local government in China, it seems, wants to own steel mills, cement factories, and auto plants. As a result, these sectors are plagued by overcapacity across the country, which destroys investment returns. To be sure, there is plenty of bad news here. For example, failed investments saddle Chinese banks, which finance most of the investments made by the Chinese government and SOEs, with mountains of non-performing loans. But there may be a silver lining behind China's abysmal investment record. The shocking inefficiency of Chinese investments also means that reforms could potentially generate significant benefits. With a more efficient investment system, Beijing could cut down on its overall investment and channel more of its resources into encouraging consumption, which would make China's economic growth more sustainable in the long run. Let us hope that, instead of punishing the two economists for revealing China's dirty little secret, the Chinese government will get the message and start meddling less in the country's investment activities. Minxin Pei is the Tom and Margot Pritzker '72 Professor of Government at Claremont McKenna College and a non-resident senior fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States
What the U.S. and China understand, that Putin fails to see by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine November 17, 2014, 4:00 PM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons A surprisingly productive summit in Beijing last week has changed, at least for now, the dynamics in U.S.-China relations. There is little doubt that the four key agreements reached between Presidents Barack Obama and Xi Jinping—on climate change, elimination of tariffs on IT products, reciprocal visa liberalization, and notice on major military deployments—will help stabilize and advance a relationship that has been adrift for the last year-and-a-half. The most remarkable fact about the Beijing summit is that it occurred at all. Since Xi came to power two years, he has pursued a hardline domestic agenda and an assertive foreign policy. The deterioration of human rights conditions in China and rising tensions with the nation's neighbors has put China and the U.S. on a collision course. In fact, shortly before the summit, most China watchers were concerned that U.S.-China relations were drifting toward conflict. But the outcome of the summit shows that such a conflict is avoidable. Given their irreconcilable differences over democracy, human rights, and visions of global order, the U.S. and China will always be rivals. However, unlike the former Soviet Union, China also shares important interests with the U.S., such as trade, investment, and international peace. The challenge in managing U.S.-China relations is in getting the balance right. In Beijing last week, Presidents Obama and Xi showed they could walk and chew at the same time. By putting aside their differences over the most contentious bilateral issues, the two leaders focused on the tasks that, if accomplished, could further expand their shared interests. If we parse the agreements on IT tariffs, visa liberalization, and climate change, China apparently has made more concessions than the U.S. Since the U.S. has no tariffs on IT products, the agreement will result in a loss of import duties for China, estimated at several billion dollars a year. The relaxation of visa controls will similarly benefit American business more because of the ease of travel and the resulting attractiveness of the U.S. as a destination for private Chinese investment. On climate change, Beijing's agreement to cap its greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 marks its first formal commitment to limiting emissions and is significant on two fronts. First, Beijing's pledge will dramatically alter the political dynamics in global climate change talks. Up to this point, China has sided with developing nations and insisted that rich countries should bear the primary responsibility for emission reductions. With the U.S.-China climate agreement, China has essentially abandoned its long-held position. As a result, other developing countries, especially India and Brazil, will likely have to modify their positions, increasing the chances of success at the next United Nations Climate Change Conference, scheduled for December 2015 in Paris. Second, Chinese commitment to an emissions cap will almost certainly accelerate the country's energy transition. Although China pledges to increase the share of primary energy production from renewables to 20% by 2030—a realistic task—accomplishing this goal will not be easy since China's energy demand will be much bigger by then and most of the renewables will have to come from nuclear, wind, and solar. Based on the remarks of a senior Chinese official in charge of climate change policy, a key benefit of committing to a cap on emissions is to force painful restructuring of the Chinese coal-dependent energy industry. For the American business community, the good news from the Beijing summit is not solely limited to the potential opportunities in China's energy sector. By opting for cooperation, not confrontation, Xi now must moderate some of Beijing's unfriendly policies toward Western businesses (such as the aggressive enforcement of anti-monopoly laws). For Xi, repairing China's commercial ties with the U.S. is also politically necessary. Like his predecessors, Xi would like to be welcomed to the White House for a formal state visit (preferably before the end of his first term in 2017). The successful Beijing summit makes it a near certainty that Obama will be hosting Xi in Washington next year. If there is one loser in all of this, it is Russian President Vladimir Putin (who was also in town for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit). Isolated and pressured by sanctions, Putin has been eager to seek Xi's support to counter the West. During Putin's visit to Beijing, China and Russia signed a preliminary agreement on a 30-year natural gas deal which will increase Russian exports of natural gas to China by 30 billion cubic meters a year starting in 2020. If Putin was hoping that, by building closer energy ties to China, he could count on Xi to stand with him in confronting the West, he must have been sorely disappointed. He has little appreciation of the complexity and interdependence of U.S.-China relations. Putin tends to see things in black and white, but Xi and Obama know how to operate within shades of gray—and they have both come out ahead in Beijing. Minxin Pei is the Tom and Margot Pritzker Professor '72 Professor of Government and a non-resident senior fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States
Beijing's battle plan for Hong Kong by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine October 1, 2014, 2:09 PM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons The rapid escalation of the pro-democracy protest in Hong Kong caught almost everyone by surprise. Within a matter of days, after battling riot police and tear gas, the student-led movement succeeded in paralyzing key sections of Asia's commercial hub and focusing the world's attention on a political crisis that could cause a grave deterioration in relations between China and the West. At the moment, the biggest worry hinges on whether Beijing will use force, Tiananmen-style, to crush the peaceful protest. The Chinese government could do so either by ordering the Hong Kong authorities to send in anti-riot police again or by deploying the Chinese People's Liberation Army troops stationed in the former British colony. Based on the announcement made by Hong Kong's chief executive CY Leung that he expects the protest to "last a long time" and the muted public response from Beijing so far, it appears that the Chinese government has adopted a different strategy, at least for now. The centerpiece of this short-term strategy is to allow the protest to continue and hope that the leaderless movement will self-destruct by exhausting its energy, growing internal disagreement, and alienating the Hong Kong public through the disruption of traffic and business. Beijing seems to have opted for this strategy in part because of the coincidence of the protest with a weeklong holiday celebrating the 65th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic (October 1). Chinese leaders do not want to have a bloodbath in Hong Kong when they are supposed to toast the Communist Party's achievements or enjoy a relaxing break themselves. Also by pure coincidence, the party is to convene its annual central committee plenum between October 20 and 23. Communist Party General Secretary Xi Jinping and his colleagues have no desire to sanction a brutal crackdown in Hong Kong before the conclave. The last thing they want is to have the plenum focused on the crisis in Hong Kong, which would reflect poorly on the leadership. The Chinese government also seems to believe that the protest may hurt its image but does not pose a real threat. The immediate target is the Hong Kong government and, more specifically, chief executive CY Leung, who bears the responsibility for the initial mishandling of the protest and is the target of public anger in Hong Kong. This somehow insulates Beijing, which can claim with a straight face that it has full confidence in Leung's ability to manage the protest. More importantly, Beijing holds the trump card: genuine universal suffrage and direct elections—the demands of the pro-democracy protestors—are impossible without Beijing's consent. So it is reasonable to assume that Hong Kong's authorities will tolerate the protest and pray for its self-destruction until the end of the month. But after this grace period is over, things could turn very ugly very quickly. The Chinese government is unlikely to give in to the demands of the pro-democracy protestors. Granting Hong Kong universal suffrage would not only be a humiliating loss for the Communist Party, it would also set a dangerous precedent that could encourage pro-democracy forces on the mainland to follow the example of Hong Kong's students. The challenge for Beijing is to quash the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong in a way that does not bear any resemblance to the tragedy of Tiananmen in 1989. If Beijing's Machiavellian calculations are right, we could expect the leaderless student movement to lose momentum as protestors begin to disagree about their goals and as the effects of physical exhaustion and hardship take their toll. In the meantime, public opinion could turn against the protestors because of the seemingly benign tolerance of the authorities and the unreasonableness of the protestors and the disruption they have caused. In this atmosphere, Beijing could organize counter-demonstrations, as it has on previous occasions. (After Hong Kong's pro-democracy forces held a huge rally on July 1, pro-Beijing forces orchestrated a march on August 17.) Should such counter-demonstrations take place, we cannot rule out violent confrontation between the pro-democracy forces and the pro-Beijing elements. Such an incident would provide a perfect excuse for the Hong Kong government to deploy a massive police force and crush the pro-democracy movement, all under the pretext of maintaining law and order. If anything, the Communist Party has proved itself a formidable foe to those who believe that democracy is preferable to one-party rule. So the protestors in Hong Kong would be wise to have their own plan—just in case. Minxin Pei is the Tom and Margot Pritzker '72 Professor of Government and a non-resident senior fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States
Alibaba's IPO and the hypocrisy in U.S.-China economic relations by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine September 12, 2014, 5:29 AM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons The highly anticipated IPO of e-commerce giant Alibaba on September 19 is expected to raise more than $20 billion, a record in U.S. history. It is startling that the company that will set this record is based in China, a country that is challenging American global dominance. While we should all celebrate the impressive achievements of entrepreneurs like Jack Ma, Alibaba's founder, we must not lose sight of another startling reality: for all the worries in the U.S. about the geopolitical and economic threat posed by China, American financial and consumer markets remain widely open to China while the opposite is hardly true. Just think about one fact. One hundred six Chinese companies are listed on the New York Stock Exchange and the Nasdaq. They include state-owned giants such as PetroChina and ChinaMobile, and private firms like Baidu (the search giant) and JD.com (Alibaba's competitor). The number of American companies listed in China? Zero. Of course, this may not be a fair comparison. Because China maintains capital controls and has a nonconvertible currency, it makes little sense for foreign companies to list in China. However, even if there were no capital controls, it is doubtful that an American company could have listed in China with the same kind of ease and welcome experienced by Alibaba. Chinese listing requirements are notorious for their arbitrariness and complexity. This unequal relationship is also reflected in U.S.-China trade. The openness of the U.S. has allowed Chinese-made goods unimpeded access to its vast consumer markets. Between 2000 and the end of July 2014, China's cumulative trade surplus with the U.S. was $3.13 trillion. Meanwhile, American companies doing business in China have periodically encountered harassment and protectionism. Most tellingly, while Alibaba is readying its IPO on the NYSE, Chinese authorities are carrying out tough anti-monopoly enforcement actions against well-known U.S. companies. Microsoft is facing an ultimatum. Qualcomm is being threatened with a $1 billion fine. Chrysler was just slapped with a $5 million fine for "operating a price monopoly"—even though Chrysler's market share in China is less than half a percentage point. Behind this glaringly imbalanced relationship is an even more worrisome political asymmetry. The openness of the U.S. markets to Chinese companies and goods is ensured by the enormous political support from the American business community, which has worked relentlessly to prevent the U.S.-China geopolitical rivalry from spoiling their commercial ties. Since normalization of diplomatic relations between Washington and Beijing in 1979, leading American companies, such as Boeing, GE, Goldman Sachs, and many others have given generously to causes dedicated to improving U.S.-China relations. When China was trying to enter the World Trade Organization, Corporate America launched an all-out campaign on Capitol Hill to ensure that Congress would not block Beijing's entry. Even in China, American businesses have funded scholarships and cultural programs aimed at advancing Chinese understanding of the United States. Of course, one could argue that Corporate America has engaged in these activities out of self-interest. This is undeniably true. But American business leaders also have a more forward-looking mindset. They understand—more deeply than most cynics—that a stable commercial relationship between a democracy and a dictatorship cannot be taken for granted. They must do everything possible to prevent politics from poisoning business. Luckily, America's democratic institutions provide them with the means and access to be China's most powerful lobby in Washington. Sadly, Chinese businesses with huge stakes in a healthy Sino-U.S. relationship have been doing absolutely nothing to champion America's image in China. Even if we exclude state-owned companies because they are essentially owned by the Communist Party, private Chinese firms, including those with listings in the U.S. and those that sell most of their products to the U.S., have been disengaged from political, intellectual, or cultural activities in China that may serve to advance Sino-American ties or act as a voice of moderation and reason. For example, not a single Chinese firm has publicly expressed disagreement with Beijing's harassment of American firms in the ongoing anti-monopoly crackdown. No well-known business leaders have been on record in repudiating the anti-American hysteria in the Chinese media. We can blame this political asymmetry on China's one-party rule, which denies Chinese private entrepreneurs a political space or voice. But Chinese entrepreneurs should not wait for a greenlight from the Communist Party, which sees the U.S. as a threat to its survival. They must do their part to help stabilize the Sino-U.S. relationship because it is in their long-term self-interest. So, when Jack Ma returns to China in triumph, with billions of dollars in the bank, he might want to devote a portion of his entrepreneurial talent to another worthy cause: selling America to China. Minxin Pei is the Tom and Margot Pritzker '72 Professor of Government and a non-resident senior fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States
Why China is taking a very hard line on Hong Kong by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine September 3, 2014, 5:27 PM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons The recent decision by the Chinese government to restrict the nomination process for the election of Hong Kong's chief executive in 2017 all but killed any hope of peaceful democratic reforms in the former British colony. For veteran watchers of the Chinese Communist Party, this development reconfirms a long-standing pattern of the party's determined resistance to any effort that could remotely undermine its power. This "take-no-prisoner" attitude reflects thinking that has been hardwired into the minds of present-day Chinese leaders. As students of history, Chinese leaders have learned many things from the fall of autocratic regimes around the world, ranging from the decadent Bourbons in 18th-century France to the Soviet Union two decades ago. Speeches made by senior Chinese leaders reflecting on these historic events suggest that they have drawn two crucial lessons on the collapse of these autocracies. One is that reforms initiated by ruling elites hoping to survive with a softer approach to governance are ill-advised. Such efforts, however limited, will only encourage the people to demand greater freedom and ultimately unleash a popular revolution toppling the very autocracy naïve reformers tried to save. The arch-villain in this category, in the minds of Chinese leaders, is Mikhail Gorbachev, whose initially modest efforts to reinvigorate a decaying Soviet regime only accelerated its demise. The other lesson is that rulers must never hesitate to use repression to deter and crush those opposing their rule. Any display of flexibility or softness can only be seen as weakness. When Chinese leaders talk about the fall of the Soviet Union, many lament the former Soviet rulers' reluctance or failure to use the military, as Beijing did in June 1989, to defend the tottering empire. Chinese leaders are also shrewd realists. When they face overwhelming odds, they act pragmatically. The greatest practitioner of realism was Deng Xiaoping, who understood that his strategy of saving the party would be doomed if he did not befriend the West, particularly the United States. The reason was simple: Chinese weakness necessitates flexibility and compromise. However, the cold logic of realism also dictates that Beijing must press for maximum advantage whenever it enjoys a favorable balance of power. Today, as China has acquired immense clout, it is acting with none of the strategic restraints prescribed by Deng, whose famous dictum was "hiding your brightness and biding your time." The time to assert Chinese power has apparently arrived. Recent Chinese actions, ranging from an aggressive anti-monopoly campaign against giant Western multinationals to the dangerous midair interception of American reconnaissance planes in international airspace, can only be explained by China's power-centric strategic calculus. In the case of Hong Kong, Chinese leaders are firmly convinced that they now hold all the cards. According to the "Basic Law," Hong Kong's mini-constitution, no electoral reform is possible without the explicit consent of the central government. As for the West, Beijing believes, cynically if not correctly, that no country, including the United States, has neither the stomach nor the ability to make China pay for its actions. On the surface, Chinese leaders have every reason to feel smug. But a more sobering analysis of their power-centered philosophy of government shows its limits and risks. Reform may lead to revolution, but failure to reform inspires radicalism and guarantees revolution. A reactionary regime needs ever-increasing repression to maintain control. Ultimately, rulers relying on force alone will get caught in a vicious cycle of violence and revolt and lose power. This dark scenario might befall Hong Kong should Beijing stick to its uncompromising stance. Hong Kong's pro-democracy forces have multiple means to challenge Beijing's authority—especially if they become radicalized. In the city's legislature, they have enough seats to make the life of Beijing's hand-picked chief executive difficult. Hong Kong's media, still relatively free, will be even more aggressive and critical in its coverage of the performance of a government that lacks popular legitimacy. And, most troubling, a massive civil disobedience campaign could paralyze the city and lead to violent clashes between the protestors and the authorities. Hong Kong could be torn apart. Such an ignominious end to the "one country, two systems" system would be a disaster for China. In addition to making Hong Kong ungovernable, Beijing's hard line approach will surely strengthen the case of the pro-independence forces in Taiwan. The Chinese government will have little credibility to persuade the people of Taiwan that they can count on their promises. We can be certain that Chinese leaders have weighed the consequences of their strategy. The fact that they have taken such counterproductive actions anyway should make all of us more worried about the future of Hong Kong—and of China itself. Minxin Pei is a professor of government at Claremont McKenna College and a non-resident senior fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States
China vs. Western companies: Best defense is a strong offense by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine August 11, 2014, 4:56 PM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons For more than three decades, Chinese leaders have told foreign CEOs who make the trip to Beijing that they are "friends of China." In many ways, it is true. It is hard to think of a group that has done so much to bring China into the global economy. But lately, CEOs of some of the largest Western multinationals are finding that they are not exactly being treated like friends. New Chinese leaders have adopted a far less cordial policy toward foreign businesses operating in China. The trend actually began a year ago, with Chinese regulators launching "anti-monopoly" investigations against Western baby formula-makers, accusing them of charging excessively high prices. Even though the charges were spurious (the Chinese market for baby formula had over 10 brands), Beijing's intimidation and harassment forced companies like Mead Johnson and Abbott Laboratories to cut prices to placate the Chinese government. In recent days, Beijing has expanded and intensified its anti-monopoly enforcement, targeting giant Western companies like Daimler, BMW, Volkswagen, Chrysler, Qualcomm QCOM , and Microsoft MSFT . Many of these companies could face huge fines if they are found to have violated Chinese law. Although Beijing's crackdown may have surprised Western business executives, it is actually a logical complement to the new Chinese leadership's assertive foreign policy. Since his appointment as the new Communist Party chief in November 2012, Xi Jinping has displayed a much less accommodating stance toward the West. You can see evidence such a shift in China's willingness to escalate maritime territorial disputes with Japan, Vietnam, and the Philippines, and its open embrace of Vladimir Putin of Russia. In business, the ethos in China is also changing. Economic nationalism is in full swing. Although no country has benefited from globalization as much as China, Beijing in its heart has little trust in an open trading system. Chinese leaders, including the most senior officials, have often publicly expressed concerns that foreign economic influence and technological dominance is undermining Chinese security. Some of these fears have been translated into policy. The Chinese government has kept Apple's products off its official procurement list (ostensibly because Apple did not submit its applications on time). Cisco's sales in China have plunged due to security concerns. The Chinese business media also reports a plan to replace IOE (IBM IBM , Oracle ORCL , and EMC EMC , the three companies that dominate IT services for Chinese financial firms) with indigenous equipment and service providers. In this context, it would be a mistake to view China's latest anti-monopoly enforcement as isolated acts. Western firms must have a coherent strategy to defend their business rights and interests in China. Whenever Chinese authorities harass their companies, Western CEOs' first instinct is to roll over and play dead. This is a bad idea because, unless their firms have truly violated Chinese law and engaged in internationally unacceptable business practices, such a response is guaranteed to invite future aggravation. Western companies should fight back by following China's legal procedure, demanding transparency, and using the influence of their trade groups (such as the American Chamber of Commerce) to get the facts out. To be sure, China's legal and regulatory systems are totally subservient to the Communist Party and will not likely rule against the government. So, the most effective defense is a vigorous offense: if Beijing's anti-trust enforcement actions have no merit, Western firms should lobby their governments to threaten tit-for-tat retaliation. Thanks to globalization, China now also has immense economic interests in the West—Chinese companies operate in Western countries and are eager to expand. It must be made clear to Beijing that unfair actions against Western companies will result in unpleasant regulatory enforcement measures targeting Chinese firms in the West. A strategy of strict reciprocity will likely deliver better results than quiet capitulation or private groveling. For all its economic gains in the last decade, China still lags significantly behind the West in technology, brand building, and innovation. While it is true that large Western firms count on China for future growth, China also relies on Western multinationals for upgrading its economy. It is unclear if Western firms will be willing to band together to protect their interests. Based on previous experience, European firms are more vulnerable than their U.S. counterparts because European governments lack the heft or the will to confront Beijing. Of course, the Chinese government has exploited this vulnerability fully and has skillfully used the divide-and-conquer tactic, first to separate American firms from European ones and then to show favoritism toward firms from one European country (Germany) over those from another (France). But this time, let's hope that Western firms will have the guts to tell Beijing that they want to be treated like real "friends of China." Minxin Pei is the Tom and Margot Pritzker '72 Professor of Government at Claremont McKenna College and a non-resident senior fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the United States
Is America's China strategy failing? by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine July 8, 2014, 11:46 AM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons When U.S. officials meet their Chinese counterparts in Beijing Wednesday for their biannual Strategic and Economic Dialogue, they'll be carrying out a China strategy of opening the world's second largest economy to U.S.-style capitalism and pacifying its foreign and security policies supported for decades by most of America's "best and brightest" – eight presidents, bipartisan Congressional majorities, the nation's business establishment, and its top foreign policy experts and Sinologists. It's also a strategy that is lagging badly today behind the pace of events in China and throughout East Asia, and that could backfire disastrously. Since the Nixon administration's opening of China in the early 1970s, the U.S. government has sought to help turn the country from an isolated, Cultural Revolution-wracked pariah into a conventional state fully integrated into international political institutions and the world economy. Washington raise this bar in 2005 by urging China to become a "responsible stakeholder" that would actively help preserve the international peace and prosperity so crucial to its success. In the 1990s, a more explicitly self-interested goal was added to this China agenda — greater U.S.-China economic integration. U.S. leaders at the time thought China's enormous scale and phenomenal growth would benefit all Americans, and China's widening free market reforms would make closer ties safe strategically. Even better, ever thicker U.S.-China commercial ties would strengthen Chinese capitalism and democracy. And since the financial crisis erupted, Chinese purchases of U.S. government debt have been welcomed as valuable lifelines for a floundering American economy. These objectives and expectations look increasingly fanciful nowadays. Most conspicuously, far from helping to enhance global security, Beijing has been undermining the East Asia status quo by pressing territorial claims it had long tacitly downplayed. Rising East Asian tensions are not China's fault alone. But no Asian government is embroiled in more disputes with its neighbors, and none has launched such an immense and secretive military buildup. Worries about Chinese threats to vital U.S. security interests have been voiced since the mid-1990s, due largely to official evidence of Beijing's transfers of nuclear weapons and missile technology to Pakistan, North Korea and Iran. Yet although China has always been challenging even for the multinational businesses that have monopolized so many of expanded commerce's benefits, actual and potential China profits has trumped all in their view, and their vigorous lobbying has kept the U.S.-China integration on course. Recently, however, the case for U.S. policy focusing almost single-mindedly on a China economic payoff has weakened, too. Despite its overall growth slowdown, the China market's overall size is impossible to ignore, as is the continued potential of still greatly under-developed sectors like healthcare and other personal services. At the same time, China's actual economic performance could well be even more sluggish than suggested by its dubious official statistics, and its prospects are clouded by ever more dangerous pollution, a government drive to curb reckless lending in sectors like housing, and the possibility that these new restraints won't suffice to prevent damaging bubble bursting and a broader hard economic landing. Just as important, American business is now showing signs of souring on China itself. More and more complain openly about stolen business secrets and Chinese policies that blatantly favor local competitors. Largely as a result, the shares of foreign businesses reporting growing revenues, profits, and operating margins in China last year were still high in absolute terms, but well below recent (2010) peaks, especially for the latter two indicators. Some companies are even leaving or scaling back, as made clear by the 9.3% drop in U.S. investment in China so far this year. And the bilateral tussle over cybersecurity is bound to create further troubles for big U.S. tech firms like Cisco CSCO , IBM IBM , and Microsoft MSFT . Also undermining the economic rationale for further economic integration has been marked backsliding in Chinese reform. As observed in a recent report from the U.S. Trade Representative's office, China made noteworthy liberalization progress while campaigning for World Trade Organization membership. Since admission has been secured, the state's intervention in the economy has rebounded strongly In addition to complicating life for U.S. companies in China, this resurgent economic role casts considerable doubt on the newest plank in the integration platform – Washington's campaign to attract more Chinese capital into non-strategic industries. Encouraging more U.S. investment from enterprises largely free of Beijing's interference arguably makes sense, especially given the U.S. recovery's lagging business spending. Encouraging a bigger U.S. economic footprint for actors still deeply embedded in a state capitalist system – and one notorious for corruption – looks like playing with fire. Because U.S.-China interdependence is already so extensive, Washington can't afford to reverse course suddenly. But prudence requires at least slowing further integration and starting to de-link America's fate from China's in priority areas. More limits on U.S. technology investments in and transfers to China, on U.S. military purchases of Chinese parts and components, and on Chinese takeovers of U.S. businesses, for example, deserve immediate attention. Even experiments with the worthiest goals can fail – and with disastrous results. Washington urgently needs to ask itself whether its half century old experiment in China strategy is falling into this category. Alan Tonelson is the founder of RealityChek, a public policy blog. Previously, he was a research fellow at the U.S. Business and Industry Council and an associate editor of Foreign Policy. He is the author of The Race to the Bottom (2002).
Tesla's big gamble in China by Minxin Pei @FortuneMagazine May 8, 2014, 3:43 PM EDT E-mail Tweet Facebook Google Plus Linkedin Share icons FORTUNE — The salesman in Tesla's only showroom in mainland China (or what the company likes to call "experience center") says the rich people who travel from all over the country to see the gleaming Model S react the same way when they hear the $118,000 price tag: "Wow." As in: Wow! That's cheap. This is the opportunity Tesla Motors TSLA hopes to capitalize on when its executives says China will become its largest market in just a couple years. It's why the company plans to open stores in a dozen other cities by the end of 2014 and invest hundreds of millions of dollars in the country. In fact, China is the driving force behind Tesla's goal of boosting Model S sales by 56% this year. Even with a 25% import fee and value-added taxes pushing the cost to about $118,000 in China, from $71,000 in the U.S., the car isn't considered super-expensive. That's in part because other car brands are subject to the same levies. And so BMW's X5 SUV, for example, costs much more than a Tesla in China despite selling for less than one in the U.S. The real promise for Tesla in China is if it can build cars here. Not only would it bypass the hefty import duty, but its customers would become eligible for local governments' electric vehicle tax credits, an incentive not offered for foreign-built autos. In a visit to Beijing last month, Tesla's founder Elon Musk laid out both the promise and potential pitfalls for Tesla when he said the company would seek to manufacture cars in China in three to four years. The dream scenario is that Tesla builds cars, everybody buys them, the central government is happy that more people are driving electric, and Tesla is championed for decades. MORE: Telsa accelerates gigafactory plans But in reality, Musk's ambition will face many hurdles. Foreign companies typically find that building their own stuff in China is never easy. They're forced to partner with a local Chinese company, which often wants to get its hands on the outsider's technology. In a joint venture, political power often trumps controlling stakes. Furthermore, China is a country with deep-seated suspicions of foreigners. "Time after time, when foreign companies have come here with huge ambitions and a short timeline in obtaining them, it doesn't work out" says James McGregor, an expert on foreign businesses in China and author of One Billion Customers: Lessons from the Front Lines of Doing Business in China. Tesla faces two gigantic hurdles in China. The first is setting up a joint venture with a domestic company to build cars. Tesla's goals will likely be very different from its Chinese partner's. China released a long report in 2006 called "The National Medium- and Long-Term Program for the Development of Science and Technology 2006-2020" that outlines the country's plan to develop "indigenous innovation" and make China a technological powerhouse by 2020. One key way it plans to match Western technology: absorbing and tweaking that same foreign technology. As McGregor wrote in a 2010 paper on the report, "The plan is considered by many international technology companies to be a blueprint for technology theft on a scale the world has never seen before." You can imagine a scenario where Chinese companies start emulating Tesla's battery innovations and then sell their vehicles for much less than Tesla's sticker price. Tesla would likely have little recourse. MORE: Marissa Mayer on Yahoo mobile: "We're late, we're behind" The second hurdle Tesla faces is building a charging network in China with state-owned power companies. It wasn't an accident that Musk dropped the names of two of China's biggest power companies when he was talking about potential partners. But again, China is unlikely to share Tesla's exact interests in building charging stations. What happens when priority is given to domestic electric automakers? How many hundreds of millions is Tesla willing to risk in China? "This is likely to be much much harder, and take a lot longer, than he expects," says McGregor, of Musk. "Does he have the management capacity, the patience, and the capital to handle that? That's a question he should be asking himself." It should be no surprise that China is welcoming Tesla with open arms. On his trip to the country, Musk met with top government level officials and local Shanghai politicians—a big reception for a relatively small player in the global automotive scene. The meetings happened in part because China clearly needs electric cars and it's woefully behind its goal of putting 5 million on the road by 2020. In Beijing's latest lottery round for license plates, the number of applicants for electric vehicles didn't even meet the limit while regular gasoline plates were oversubscribed by 90 to 1. Tesla is pretty straightforward about the wall of challenges it faces. "As much as everyone is hoping we'd disclose negotiations with governments, potential joint ventures, where we're building supercharging stations, the key thing for us is that we're working on it," says Peggy Yang, Tesla's spokesperson in China. " I don't have very concrete plans to lay down to say by June we'll have this, by July we'll have this." It's unfair to focus only on Tesla's challenges. Musk faced almost as many in the U.S. before Tesla came out with its first model, and again before building a charging network. But building goods in China creates unique headaches, even for a company as daring and successful as Tesla. Back in the Beijing showroom, the salesperson is explaining the Model S's aerodynamic door handles, which retract to reduce drag. He touches the driver's side handle to extend it. Nothing happens. "Okay, not working," he grins. He tries again and it slides out. It may have been the smallest problem Tesla ever faces in China.


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The United States of America, through its attorneys, charges: (15 U.S.C. § 1) I. DESCRIPTION OF THE OFFENSE 1. Arteva Specialties, S.a.r.l., d/b/a KoSa, an entity organized and existing under the laws of Luxembourg, is made a defendant on the charge stated below. 2. Beginning at least as early as September 1999 and continuing until at least January 2001, the exact dates being unknown to the United States, within Mecklenburg County within the Western District of North Carolina and elsewhere, the defendant and co-conspirators entered into and participated in a combination and conspiracy to suppress and restrain competition by fixing the price of, andallocating customers for, polyester staple sold by the defendant and its co-conspirators in North America. The combination and conspiracy engaged in by the defendant and its co-conspirators was in unreasonable restraint of interstate and foreign trade and commerce in violation of Section One of the Sherman Act (15 U.S.C. § 1). 3. The charged combination and conspiracy consisted of a continuing agreement, understanding, and concert of action among the defendant and co-conspirators, the substantial terms of which were to fix, increase, and maintain prices and to coordinate price increases for the sale of polyester staple in North America, and to allocate among the corporate conspirators customers for polyester staple in North America. 4. For the purpose of forming and carrying out the charged combination and conspiracy, the defendant and co-conspirators did those things they combined and conspired to do, including, among other things:
BACKGROUND 5. Polyester staple is a man-made, petroleum-based fiber that is manufactured in varying thicknesses and cut into short lengths. It is sold to textile manufacturers who incorporate it into fabrics for sheets, shirts, and other wearing apparel. Other forms of polyester staple have applications in items such as sleeping bags, pillows, and comforters. DEFENDANT AND CO-CONSPIRATORS 6. During the period covered by this Information, the defendant was anentity organized and existing under the laws of Luxembourg, with its principal place of business in Charlotte, North Carolina, and was engaged in the manufacture and sale of polyester staple to customers in North America. 7. Various corporations and individuals not made defendants herein participated as co-conspirators in the offense charged herein and performed acts and made statements in furtherance thereof. 8. Whenever in this Information reference is made to any act, deed, or transaction of any corporation or other business entity, the allegation means that the corporation or other business entity engaged in the act, deed, or transaction by or through its officers, directors, managers, employees, agents, or other representatives while they were actively engaged in the management, direction, control, or transaction of its business or affairs. TRADE AND COMMERCE 9. During the period covered by this Information, the defendant and its co-conspirators sold a substantial quantity of polyester staple in a continuous and uninterrupted flow of interstate and foreign trade and commerce to customers located in states or countries other than the states and countries in which the polyester staple was produced. 10. During the period covered by this Information, the business activities of the defendant and its co-conspirators that are the subject of this Information were within the flow of, and substantially affected, interstate and foreign tradeand commerce. JURISDICTION AND VENUE 11. The combination and conspiracy charged in this Information was carried out, in part, within Mecklenburg County within the Western District of North Carolina, within the five years preceding the filing of this Information. ALL IN VIOLATION OF TITLE 15 U.S.C. § 1. DATED this 31st day of October, 2002.


text:
100' of New U.S. Military Hemp Rope
Item # WX2-282384
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Welcome! We've been supporting client success since 1989 with breakthrough facilitation, strategic planning, and masterful facilitation learning programs. Find out how you can benefit from engaging and empowering group processes that tap people's knowledge, respect diversity, fuel enthusiasm, inspire creativity, and release commitment for action. |


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Author Archives: Dr. Gorehound
The FX Shop: Frank Ippolito (Frank FX / Chiodo Bros Studio)
Good DAY my bloody fiendish friends…Today i bring you another special FX man thats done make-up work on such Hollywood Blockbuster films like Pirates of the Carribean 2 & 3, The Chronicles of Ridd*ck, and many others! Hes Also works with the famous Chiodo Bros. FX team who have done amazing work on such cult favorites such as Killer Klowns From Outer Space! Lets get this MOVING! Dr. Gorehound: When did you first enter the world … Continue reading
The FX Shop: Robert Kurtzman (P13 Studios)
Hello Boils and Crazy back stabbing fiends today i bring you an FX legend who's done amazing work on some of our favorite horror movies from the early 1980's to present and his name is non other then Robert Kurtzman and he owns/operates Precinct 13 Productions. He's made Fx make-up/prosthetic work for such classics as Tremors, From Beyond, A Nightmare on Elm Street 3: Dream Warriors, A Nightmare on Elm Street 5: The Dream Child, … Continue reading
The FX Shop: Interview – Tom Devlin (1313FX)
Good evening my bloody good flesh eating fiends and corpse grinders, today i bring you a man who is a true Fx fanatic and absolutely loves creature features and Troma films, as does yours truly. His name is Tom Devlin and he owns and operates 1313FX studios and he's done make-up/Prosthetics Fx for such films as Ed Gein: The Butcher of Plainfeild, Freakshow, Poultrygeist: Night of the chicken Dead,Punch,Joshua,ZMD: Zombies of Mass Destruction, among other … Continue reading
The FX Shop: Interview – Ozzy Alvarez (Quatum Creations)
Interview: fx artist OZZY ALVAREZ of (Quantum Creations FX, Creature Design) 11.03.08 While the Doctor is off sawing up patients for bit parts, we received this special FX interview from Scott Essman of Visionary Media who interviewed FX Artist Ozzy Alvarez………… One of Hollywood's most respected and in demand 'creature and makeup effect' houses, the team at Quantum Creations FX has been responsible for some of the scariest creatures in movie history, including: I Am … Continue reading
The FX Shop: Interview – Kristi Boul (Rancid House)
Good evening Ghouls and Maggot eaters today i bring you one of the best female FX artist in the indie filmmaking world named Kristi Boul and she works for Rancid House FX and her gorie work can be seen in upcoming films such as SWEATSHOP,CLOSET SPACE, and SWAY! Lets get started! When did you first become fascinated with the world of special FX and makeup?
The FX Shop: Interview – Joe Castro
Hello there Mr. Joe Castro. Good evening bloodie fiends my name is Dr. Gorehound and im here to take you behind the screams with some of the best horror special Fx artist's in the business. Today we have Joe Castro who is famous for his horriying monster/gorie FX in such films as TERROR TOONS, THE JACKHAMMER MASSACRE, THE HAZING,BLOOD SISTERS,FEAST 2: ALL YOU CAN EAT, AND DRILLER. When did you first discover the art of … Continue reading
Comic Review: FVZA – Federal Vampire and Zombie Agency – Issue 1
FVZA #1 (COMIC) Writer: David Hine Art byRoy Allan Martinez, Kinsuh Loh & Jerry Choo Published by Radical Publishing Publication Date: 2009 Format: Color – 64 pages Price: $4.99 (Warning minor spoilers below) Fedral Vampire and Zombie Agency is the newest release from Radical Publishing and i have to say its one of their best and quite possibly one of the best horror comics ive read in awhile next to The Walking Dead and The … Continue reading
Interview: Kim Sonderholm
WHO: KIM SONDERHOLM – ACTOR / DIRECTOR MOVIE: "CRAIG", "horror vault" Interview with KIM SONDERHOLM – 12.26.08 DR.GOREHOUND: How did you get started acting/directing in films, and what fascinates and inspires you to do it? Kim Sønderholm: Well I always wanted to be an actor ever since I was a kid. I watched way too many movies and I still do, I had a fascination for the James Bond and Star Wars films as a … Continue reading


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Jennifer Aniston |
Rachel Green |
Courteney Cox |
Monica Geller-Bing |
Lisa Kudrow |
Phoebe Buffay |
Matt LeBlanc |
Joey Tribbiani |
Matthew Perry |
Chandler Bing |
David Schwimmer |
Ross Geller |
Adria Tennor |
Katherine |
Guest Star |
Jonathan Nichols |
Ray |
Guest Star |
Lisa Calderon |
Erin |
Guest Star |
Marlo Thomas |
Sandra Green |
Recurring Role |
Goof: Monica says she has Rachel's mom's number in her book and that she would call her. However, she doesn't use her book. She dials the number in the phone as if she memorized, without looking in the book.
Trivia: Rachel says her nanny taught her to say "Tu madre es loca," which is Spanish for "Your mother is crazy."
Goof: At the end of the episode when Ross is telling Rachel that she will be a great mother, he leans forward and puts his hands on her legs while Rachel is sitting upright. When the camera angle changes, Rachel is leaning back in the cushions with her hands on her belly and Ross's hands are not on her legs.
Goof: At the end of the episode, a blue-green mat can be seen in the background after Monica falls and bites her tongue.
Ross: Well, I'm not like Rachel's dad. And no offense, but he's an ass!
Sandra: I knew I liked you, Ross!
Ross: Look, I have a son. And his mother and I didn't live together, and whenever he was with me I took care of him all the time, by myself.
Sandra: That's true, you do have another child.
Ross: Yeah.
Sandra: With another woman. Have you no control, Ross?
Ross: That's a different issue.
Monica: Both your sisters called, neither one can make it.
Rachel: What? You mean they can't come to a social event where there's no booze or men? That's shocking!
Ross: Look, y'know when you first came to the city? You were this spoiled helpless little girl who still used daddy's credit card. Do you remember?
Rachel: I hope you're going somewhere with this.
Ross: Look at you! You're-you're this big executive! You are much more capable than you give yourself credit for. I have no doubt you're gonna be an incredible mother.
Rachel: Really?
Ross: I'm telling you.
Rachel: Thank you.
Mrs. Green: Sweetheart, I know you're gonna be a terrific mom, I just think you need a little help, especially at the beginning.
Rachel: But mom, I really know what I'm doing. I can handle this.
Mrs. Green: Really? Remember Twinkles?
Rachel: He was a hamster! I am not going to vacuum up my baby!
Rachel: Why did you invite my mother?
Monica: What?
Rachel: She wants to move in with me and Ross to help take care of the baby.
Phoebe: For how long?
Rachel: Eight weeks. I mean I love my mother, but my God, a long lunch with her is taxing.
Monica: I personally would be honored if she wanted to live with me.
Phoebe: She can't hear you.
Phoebe: (To Mrs. Green) I'm so glad you could make it.
Monica: Yes, thank you so much. And again, we're so sorry. We could not feel worse about it.
Mrs. Green: Try.
Rachel: My mom's not gonna be here?
Monica: Well, given that we forgot to invite her it would be an awfully big coincidence if she was.
Rachel: My God!
Monica: Well, it wasn't my fault, Phoebe was in charge of the invitations.
Phoebe: Well, I don't, I don't have a mother so often I forget that other people--
Monica: Oh, give it a rest!
Rachel: So my mother is not coming to my baby shower?
Phoebe: No. Neither is mine.
Rachel: (referring to her unborn baby) It goes ten times a day?! What are we feeding this baby? Indian food?
Joey: Our first contestant is Ross Geller. Why don't you tell us a little bit about yourself, Ross.
Ross: Well, I'm a paleontologist. I live in New York. I have a son, Ben. (Waves) Hi, Ben! And--
Joey: I said, a little bit, Ross. Now, how about you Chandler.
Chandler: Well, Joey, I'm a headhunter. I hook up out-of-work Soviet scientists with rogue Third World nations. (Waves) Hi, Rasputin.
Sandra: (To Rachel) Oh, look at that face, just like when you were in high school. If I didn't know better, I'd swear you were a cheerleader in trouble.
Joey: Now Chandler, would you like to spin the Wheel of Mayhem or pick a Wicked Wango card.
Chandler: Ahhh, let me think... I don't care.
Joey: You must choose Mr. Bing.
Chandler: Either, it doesn't matter.
Joey: Choose... you jackass.
Ross: (To Rachel, Monica and Phoebe, all red and sweaty) I just bamboozled Chandler! (They all stare at him)... which is not a sexual thing.
International Episode Title:
France: Celui qui était le maillon fragile (The One Who Was The Weakest Link)
This is the final appearance of Marlo Thomas as Sandra Green. Sandra was in 3 episodes of Friends.
This episode runs 24:46 on DVD (a typical sitcom runs about 22:00).
S 10 : Ep 19
Aired 5/6/04 (21:15)
S 10 : Ep 16
Aired 4/29/04 (21:52)
S 10 : Ep 15
Aired 4/22/04 (22:15)
S 10 : Ep 14
Aired 2/26/04 (23:35)
User Score: 144
User Score: 6253
User Score: 1906
User Score: 1729
User Score: 955
User Score: 658
User Score: 514
User Score: 504
User Score: 422
User Score: 405
User Score: 321
User Score: 270
User Score: 169
User Score: 152
User Score: 147
User Score: 133
User Score: 118
User Score: 116
User Score: 106
User Score: 105


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Scientists find rare butterfly on Biscayne Bay island
Researchers hunting for one of the world's rarest butterflies on Monday announced that they captured a single female in the mosquito-filled forest of Elliott Key.
That may not sound like much but the discovery last week gives scientists a shot at producing lab-bred Schaus swallowtails to boost a population that experts fear is fast fluttering toward extinction.
"It at least gives us some hope,'' said Jaret Daniels, a University of Florida butterfly expert leading a recovery effort that includes state and federal wildlife agencies and Biscayne National Park.
Last year, researchers found only four males on the island in Biscayne Bay, prime habitat for the endangered butterfly. This year, in addition to the female, they also found seven larvae, suggesting other females also may be breeding, Daniels said.
The netted female was kept in an enclosure in the wild for four days before being released but laid only one egg, a "disappointing" production Daniels blamed on the heavy rains of the last few weeks. Females can produce hundreds of eggs during their brief "flight" or breeding season.
Still, with the additional larvae, he said, it could be enough to move forward with a captive breeding if needed. The breeding program, run in a Gainesville lab, helped boost the population in the mid-1980s and 1990s.
Like a dozen or so other South Florida butterflies — most notably the Miami Blue, which is now confined to a few colonies in isolated islands off Key West — the Schaus has been in decline for decades. It was first listed as "threatened" in 1976 then elevated to the most serious "endangered'' category in 1984 as the population plummeted, largely as a result of pesticide spraying for mosquito control and development destroying the coastal forests they call home.
In an effort to expand breeding habitat, Biscayne National Park last year planted a large stand of young torchwood trees and also other few key "host plants" that females will deposit their eggs on.
Larry Williams, Florida state supervisor for ecological services for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, which manages endangered species and is supporting the annual Schaus hunts, said teams would continue to search for more females throughout the remaining breeding season, which typically ends around mid-June.
While the find does not assure the species will survive, Williams said, "The despair we felt last year has been replaced by hope."
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The 2012 Austin, Texas Fire exam will be given May 23, 2012. For those of you that would like to be contacted by the Austin Fire Department when registration for the exam begins, go to the link below to fill out a candidate interest card.
Assistant Chief Brent Collins, Cleveland Fire Dept.
Firehouse.com Entry Level Contributor Author since 2002


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Neptune Rings |
Neptune Rings |
Oct 16 2009, 03:50 AM
Member Group: Members Posts: 205 Joined: 6-March 07 From: houston, texas Member No.: 1828 |
No this is not faked! I put it together from a set of departure images. only about 10% or so involved use of a duplicate
image to fill a gap. It took a lot of heavy processing to suppress Neptune glare, which caused some of the spots to go oversaturated and some of the finer ring detail to wash out but its still a pretty pic. I dont think Triton was in the vicinity at the time, which would have been a real kicker. I made this in 1993 and its been lurking in my digital files ever since. its a wonder it didnt "disappear" with all the OS and platform changes since then. -------------------- Dr. Paul Schenk, Lunar and Planetary Institute, Houston TX
http://stereomoons.blogspot.com; http://www.youtube.com/galsat400; http://www.lpi.usra.edu/science/schenk/ |
Oct 17 2009, 10:29 PM
Senior Member Group: Members Posts: 1050 Joined: 26-July 08 Member No.: 4270 |
Wow. That's beautiful!
-------------------- -- Hungry4info (Sirius_Alpha)
Lo-Fi Version | Time is now: 4th May 2015 - 05:03 AM |
RULES AND GUIDELINES Please read the Forum Rules and Guidelines before posting. IMAGE COPYRIGHT |
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text:
by Bob Killick
Gotta Luv it 7 cruises to victory on heat three of JJ Giltinan International 2013
Rag and Famish Hotel, Jack McCartney, Sharko Kennedy, and David Witt kept the 7 Skiff honest throughout and at times closed it right up, especially on the downhill run to Clark Is. Rag, always looking for an opportunity to attack the leader.
The battle for third on the podium had Lumix, Jono Wittey, C- Tech (NZ) Alex Vallings, Appliances on Line, Mica Lane and UK's Pica pushing hard to the finish. Appliances on Line eventually got the better of that group and took third for their score card.
The disappointment award went to Thurlow Fisher Lawyers after playing catch up on the first beat, and pulling into the leaders at the Shark Island wing mark, broke the bobstays on their bow pole which immediately forced their retirement.
Pick the Podium. We had 23 entries go into the hat all with two correct, and out came Sue Tucker from the UK.
Congratulations Sue, you win the cool Barzoptics San Juan Floater Sunnies with the Bragging Rights forRace three and you go into the JJ major prize draw next Sunday with Tina Babbage, Adam Young and Graeme Tumber.
Can you Pick the Podium?.... It's fun and free to enter, simply, log on to 18 footers TV and register to play. Then check out the 'Ready Ranking Reckoner' which makes it easy to select your picks for today's race four and check out the great prizes on offer this Sunday.


text:
Lobbyists representing Tyco International, 2012:
Lobbying Firm Hired | Amount | Subsidiary (Lobbied For) | Lobbyist |
Palmetto Group | $300,000 | Tyco International Manufacturing Co |
Dennis, James Glaze, Steve Prucker, Michael Winburn, John |
Peck Madigan Jones | $240,000 | Tyco International |
Jones, J Jonathon Krasow, Cristina Madigan, Peter McCarthy, Justin Richardson, Sean J |
PricewaterhouseCoopers | $200,000 | Tyco International Manufacturing Co |
Archer, Bill Carlson, Don McClellan, Ed Prior, Andrew |
Tyco International | $1,700,000 | Tyco International |
Bennett, Catherine P Philson, Kelly Sharman, Craig |
*Each quarterly filing is treated as a separate report.
Feel free to distribute or cite this material, but please credit the Center for Responsive Politics. For permission to reprint for commercial uses, such as textbooks, contact the Center: email@example.com


text:
Dear The Economist(or Johnson), How can I find an earlier blog from a blogger called "Konker"? Sincerely, Watson
I am not TE or Johnson but if you type his name in the search bar at the top of the page and then sort it by people you should find it.
Reader comments are listed below. Comments are currently closed and new comments are no longer being accepted.
Dear The Economist(or Johnson), How can I find an earlier blog from a blogger called "Konker"? Sincerely, Watson
I am not TE or Johnson but if you type his name in the search bar at the top of the page and then sort it by people you should find it.
American francophobia? I guess G.L. didn't see JAS's cartoon this week.
As the hours unrolled after 9/11 the Americans were scandalized by the disloyalty of their former French allies. "We are all Americans now" declared "Le Monde" the day after the tragedy but inevitably the majority of the French people retreated en masse from this position. What horror! What outrage! That these poltroons should succeed in causing irreparable damage to an honourable reputation for amity first forged in the sanguinary flames of revolution!
No, what caused the french people to remove their support was, that Bush, Cheney and the Neocons were making a BS case to attack Iraq, which had nothing to do with 9/11.
Yeah, somehow they weren't deceived, unlike TE.
You said that there was a automated version, is it available to the public?
Not as far as I can tell, alas: the author seems to have written the algorithm for his own use but not put it on the web. The original post is at http://ideasillustrated.com/blog/2012/04/01/visualizing-english-word-ori... (the link in my post was to a previous Johnson post, but was broken - I've now fixed it, with apologies.)
"Savoir-Faire is everywhere!"
"Cheese-eating surrender monkey" is two out of four.
Monkey and Cheese ???? ;^p
Our correspondents consider the use and abuse of languages around the world, in a blog named after the dictionary-maker Samuel Johnson
Britain's election campaign: April 18th: Ed Miliband maintains momentum
Mike Huckabee and 2016: Leap of faith
Democracy in America
Political decapitation: Get Clegg
Fighting an American election: Nasty, brutish and long
Democracy in America
Campaigning with Boris Johnson: Where's our sarnies?
Parliaments and prayer: A delicate invocation
This week's issue: China's slowing economy, oil prices and booming housing...
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