text: Author's Angle Bearing in mind the dynamism of developments both in social life (in particular Post– Communism) and social discourse (in particular Political Correctness), and wishing to avoid misunderstandings, it seems expedient to make explicit a few assumptions in this paper. The term "politics" and its derivatives is used in the narrow sense, meaning activities to do with the direct wielding of public power, or of state power, be it central or local. This approach is closely tied to the main thrust of the paper, which is interested only in such characteristics of political behaviour in Bulgaria after 1989 that have clearly elevated – or debased – the quality of democracy in Bulgaria. This, of course, leaves out numerous important activities of governing, party acts and citisens' initiatives, which are outside the scope of this study. From the Fall of 1947 to the Fall of 1989 Bulgaria was an (imperfect) totalitarian state, in the sense that the state did attempt to govern as much of the lives of its subjects as it could, while, at the same time, depriving them of virtually any say in state matters. The most significant social division was that between "the governing" (the "haves" of political power), and "the governed" – the "have nots". The political fact that the governed had no power resulted in the socio–psychological phenomenon of mass fear. The governed would fear the governing, and this fear would normally become the basic framework of their social and individual behaviour. It is just this type of political and social dichotomy that was ended in Bulgaria in the period November 1989 – November 1991. The tools were so simple that they were formulated as early as at the Round Table Talks (between the still ruling Communist Party and the Opposition) in early 1990: a multi–party system, based on universal suffrage; and a market economy, based on private property. That was the sum definition of democratisation at that point. It must be made clear that this process was supposed to be initiated centrally, by the government, it being seen – after years of centralisation – as the only body that could handle such an immense task. These considerations form the basis of interest in political behaviour stricto sensu in its relevance to the democratisation of the state. The transformation of a totalitarian state into a non–totalitarian one has been so far the paramount goal of the changes in Bulgaria. A last caveat seems pertinent: defining this process as democratisation makse use of the Round–Table terms cited above. It looks as if a swing of the pendulum worldwide has pushed societies of different cultures and expectations towards "democracy". But, were we to try to define this democratic trend on the basis of the features of the "developed" (Western? Anglo–Saxon? European?) democracies, we would end in the inanity of a Kirkpatrick–type conclusion: "Democracy is part of ours, and they are not us, therefore..." It seems more promising – at least theoretically – to try the inductive alternative. This would mean establishing, on a country–by–country basis, the local political and/or social meaning of "democratisation", and then measure progress (if any) by such a locally derived yardstick. We could also, of course, fish for 1 similarities,but we would then most probably catch just a few general trends, which would not be of much help if we try to explain or predict local process. It could be safely argued that the "world democratic tendency" comprises some universal characteristics (these vary according to schools of thought), such as: redistribution of power to benefit the individual at the expense of the state; division of state power rather than its accumulation in the hands of a dictator; rationality of governance guaranteed by informed and informing media; and an ideology of freedom rather than an ideology of equality. Yet such generalities do not lead to an understanding why, for example, a Nigerian sociologist said some time ago that a military coup would help democratisation in his country. On the face of it, a coup is not a pro–democratic gesture; but I'd rather trust this judgement of the Nigerian colleague than dismiss it on grounds of definition. Behavioural Circumstances: the Consensus Our subject matter naturally seems to fall into two distinct types of behaviour: that of the post–communist "governing" group, and that of the "governed". In the new circumstances, however, both groups began by displaying behavioural similarities, thus making distinctions difficult at this point. Both demonstrated a mixture of behavioural patterns borrowed from: (a) the non–democratic years (Turkish authoritarianism – until 1878; Csarist authoritarianism – 1934 to 1944; communist dictatorship – 1947 to 1989), and (b) the period of relative democracy (1879 – 1934). This mixed common heritage of the two major groups in society largely accounts for the particular – and sometimes peculiar – ends and means of the Bulgarian transition. It should be noted that in 1989 – 1990 there was a tacit consensus among both governing and governed as to the overarching goal: that the totalitarian system should be destroyed. The means to this end were not a matter of consensus as they were not very clear to anybody. But there was, again, consensus on one vital limit: no shedding of blood should be involved. Apparently, the public had come to equate violence with the old system, and nobody could envisage it as a tool of change away from that system. The first free elections in June 1990 signalled that the first goal – bloodless emergence from the old regime – had been achieved. A second implicit consensus then emerged: that a radical economic reform should begin. The limit of this: anything but starving people. Then, by the fall of 1992, a third consensus gradually formed, this time on foreign relations: that Bulgaria should engage in a war on the Balkans only in case that it were directly invaded by a foreign power. This attitude functions as the "foreign complement" to the domestic "no blood" consensus. With some optimism, it may be concluded that the Bulgarian public has learned a basic negative lesson from its totalitarian experience: namely, that it does not pay to kill people in order for society to achieve a positive goal. 2 One of the more tangible signs, in 1990, of the end of totalitarianism was the disappearance of fear. After the elections, perceived as fair and democratic, the "governed" stopped being afraid of the "governing". This was all the more remarkable, as the "governing" circle remained the same – at least in terms of image. In fact, a narration of the way the ex–communists were forced into retreat – having won elections – illustrates an entirely new awareness on the part of the "governed". To begin with, it was the ex–communist Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) who won the elections (with 47 per cent of the votes to 38 per cent for the major competitor, the Union of Democratic Forces – UDF). Yet the "governed" behaved as if the Socialist Party had in fact lost the elections. This was true for both the electorate of the opposition and – more significantly – for the electorate of the BSP itself. What is more, it was true even of the BSP government. Its Ministers felt very illegitimate and behaved accordingly, creating the impression of lack of resolution and a kind of veiled guilt. Initially, they tried to draw the opposition UDF into a coalition government; the UDF promptly declined the offer. Then the BSP's President, Petar Mladenov, was charged by the opposition with undemocratic behaviour for something he had allegedly said in private (the famous debate: "Did he, didn't he say, 'It is better for the tanks to come'?"). He denied the charge. Evidence was produced exposing him as a a liar – and after a student sit–in and some rather mild and peaceful street demonstrations he resigned, less than a month after the BSP victory. A stalemate followed in Parliament, because a two–thirds majority was required to elect a new President. Ultimately, the BSP climbed down and accepted the candidate of the UDF, its then Chairman Dr Zheliu Zhelev. With BSP votes the dissident philosopher became President. Five months after the elections, the UDF attacked the BSP government without any spectacular charge. There were some demonstrations and the UDF–affiliated trades unions threatened a national strike. The socialist government fell, and a provisional government was established, with strong UDF presence (the UDF had a Vice Prime Minister, and Ministers of Economics and Finance). The "governing class", which for Bulgarians at that time was synonymous with "communists", was in visible total retreat. During this series of events in the summer and Fall of 1990, at some stage the "governed" realised for the first time in their lives that their free vote had made them partners to state power. After this point the totalitarian dichotomy of governed vs. governing stopped making sense. The post–communist cleavage, which structures this analysis, is the opposition of party vs. electorate. Why parties, rather than the "political class" or "power elite"? There are at least two reasons for this. First is the simple fact that there is no longer one, but many parties. This represents the most momentous change from the past. (And many they were: about 120 political parties were formed by the end of 1990.) In the eyes of the public, for the first time people in power were no longer an opaque and alien "they": they were a group which was split along clear party lines, known to "us", and dependent on "our" vote. To dissolve all of this into a common pool called "political elite" would mean to miss the new perception of politics that Bulgarians developed in 1990–1991 – and, of course, to miss the new reality. 3 Parties are, second, the medium through which individuals reach into the state as a whole, since the parties control the legislative, executive and judiciary. The fact that even the trades unions have on several significant occasions acted like political parties highlights the point: at present, for better or for worse, parties are the major instruments of Bulgarian democracy. Parties Legitimacy: Authoritarianism It was assumed that parties who serve the cause of democracy, in order to be legitimate, should be themselves democratic. It was soon discovered, however, that the ubiquitous vernacular definition of "democratic" – "unlike what it was under communism" – is difficult to apply to parties. Some features of the new parties turned out to be very similar to the old Communist Party, yet this fact did not automatically make them illegitimate. Besides, double standards are usually applied when judging the legitimacy of one's "own" party and that of the "others'". A consideration of the party system as a whole is a useful entry into this problematic. Elections in 1990 and 1991 have shown that many parties are formed, about half of them participate in elections, and very few get into Parliament. This means, on the one hand, that besides some abuses of the media on the part of eccentric would–be politicians, the electorate retains a healthy conservatism and is not swayed easily by populist rhetoric. On the other hand, many voters end up without representation in Parliament, as their votes go to parties who are unable to pass the 4 per cent Parliamentary threshold demanded by the existing electoral system. This was the case in the 1991 general elections. A purely proportional system was adopted for the distribution of the 240 parliamentary seats. Sixty–one parties put up candidates, of which 31 were grouped in 9 electoral coalitions. The UDF got 34.36 per cent of the vote; the BSP coalition attained 33.14 per cent; the party of the ethnic Turks, the Movement for Rights and Freedoms, weighed in at 7.55 per cent. All the others remained below 4 per cent; of them, two agrarian parties got 3.86 and 3.44, while two UDF splinter groups achieved 3.20 and 2.81 per cent of the vote. Including non–voters, this means that about one–third of the electorate was not represented in Parliament. Consequently, the legitimacy of Parliament and the government, despite some initial democratic euphoria, was not high from the very beginning. The BSP had the complicated task of balancing the contradictory requirements of avoiding change, so as to retain its electorate, and of changing, in order to acquire democratic legitimacy. It quickly opened up its governing structures and purged them of the communist "old guard". As a result, the party became fairly decentralised in appearance. In reality, power inside its structures was not threatened from below. While at the top of the Socialist Party decisions were taken after fairly normal deliberation, rank–and–file members would usually react to them following the old pattern: top–level decisions are treated as unquestionable orders from above. The party changed its name from Communist to Socialist, but that remained the only major symbolic gesture of change. It did not dissociate itself from the Bulgarian Communist Party tradition, dating from 1891; and despite repeated urging (both from inside and outside the party) throughout 1990, it did not offer an "apology" to the Bulgarian people for the 45 years of its rule after 1944. 4 When it changed its name, a negligible group seceded to continue under the name Bulgarian Communist Party. This groups has remained marginal in politics. In 1993, there was another split, when one of the more popular of the younger Socialist leaders, Alexander Tomov, decided to go it alone, forming a "Citizens' Union for the Republic", without being able to take practically any BSP electorate with him. A social–democratic faction within the party continues to be tolerated. The refusal to criticise its communist past, and the splits at its periphery, slowed the process of the BSP's legitimisation – but has enabled the Socialists to keep most of their party's electorate. By the end of 1993 even its legitimacy problems found a solution. Opinion polls revealed that the BSP was finaly seen as a legitimate political party both by the electorate at large and by the UDF's own voters. There was one caveat: the BSP's current legitimacy goes as far as participation in the political process, but does not include its taking executive power. This public opinion is not prepared to approve. The UDF was established at the end of 1989 as a loose coalition of parties and formations which, by the time of the Round Table three months later, had developed tacitly into a close–knit coalition. This development was chiefly a reaction to the continuing unity of the still formidable communists. The Union was composed of two main types of formations. The first were groups and movements that had been in active opposition to the dictatorship in 1987–1989. These had no experience of party politics and included groups such as the Ecoglasnost environmentalists, the Club for Glasnost and Democracy (which ultimately produced the first UDF President, Dr Shelev), the Podkrepa Independent Trade Union, the Association for Defence of Human Rights, and the Independent Student Association. The second type comprised some traditional (for the pre–communist period) Bulgarian political parties which had been revived right after the fall of the dictatorship and became co–founders of the UDF. Of these, the UDF housed the resuscitated Social–Democratic Party, the Radical Democratic Party, and the Agrarian Union. A little later, the revived Democratic Party also joined. These older "party" people proved to be better professional politicians than the oppositionists of the 1980s. It soon began to look as if the latter would have to become more party–like, or leave the UDF and the power struggle. They had popularity, but manifestly lacked the structures for making politics; they also lacked an adequate attitude towards power. Repeatedly, they had declared that they were only interested in attaining those limited issues on which they had been formed and on which they had campaigned, and were not after gaining political power per se. Moreover, a considerable part of their popularity was due exactly to their declared intention to keep off state power, for that kind of power was still associated with the communists. However, once the UDF was created, the 1980s opposition groups found themselves facing the communists, the revived older parties, and other groups – all of them struggling for control over the state. If a group wanted to be a success in this situation, it had to produce both a new structure and a new ideology, and constitute itself as a political party. To remain in the UDF and not to develop so would have made them powerless and a tool for others to use. The alternative would have meant leaving the UDF and facing accusations of "splitting", "treason" and "selling out to the communists". 5 It is not then surprising that these groups started reforming along party models. Some even managed to reform along communist–party models, reproducing a typically communistic centralised hierarchical structure and authoritarian decision–making process. A case in point was the Human Rights Association. It developed a rigid structure and started recruiting members on a partisan basis, mainly among the ethnic Turks, whose rights it had defended in the past. However, when the ethnic Turks left to form their own party, the Association, though still represented in the UDF, became politically dead. New people filled these new structures and some of the old oppositionists left. This withdrawal was seen as clearing the way for the "second wave" of the opposition. Unlike the first wave, composed of people who operated in the hostile communist environment and wanted a vague kind of democracy, the second wave formed in a friendlier post–communist climate and were clear on wanting political power in the name of a vague democracy. The new groups became the natural motors of further change: the first wave had either to integrate itself with them or be pushed out. Both, in fact, happened. The two "moderate" UDF splinter groups who failed to cross the 4 per cent threshold in the 1991 elections are an example of the latter. Within six months of winning the 1991 elections, the UDF developed a rigid hierarchical structure which cut across the coalition parties. Local structures became bureaucratically linked to the central governing body of the Union, the Coordinating Council, by–passing the structures of the constituent parties. From a close–knit coalition the UDF turned into a loosely–knit party with a heavy apparat, numerous problems and few reasonable remedies. A most disturbing example of this process was the suspension, in July 1994, of the Democratic Party, the most influential party of the Union. The reason was deviation from the Council line. The uncompromising "hardliner" attitude of the UDF against all "moderates" and the Councils' party building went well down with the electorate until the summer of 1993. Since then, the UDF has been losing popularity steadily. Currently, its vote is down to the "hard core" supporters. National surveys and local elections alike (in Veliko Tarnovo in June and in Sandansky in July) have revealed the hard–core UDF electorate to be significantly smaller than its BSP counterpart. Without losing legitimacy, the UDF did manage to squander a lot of support. The MRF draws its legitimacy from two complementary kinds of bigotry. First is the bigotry of an ethnic and religious minority which understands democratic representation in terms of ethnicity and religion: only an ethnic Turk or a Muslim can "understand" and thus "has the right to represent" ethnic Turks and Muslims in Bulgaria. Therefore, ethnic Turks and Muslims are expected to vote MRF as a matter of course. Second, there is the bigotry of the majority: ethnic Bulgarians and Orthodox Christians are deemed to be different from the rest of the inhabitants of Bulgaria, and they constitute the overwhelming majority; democracy is based on majority rule; therefore, the Bulgarian Orthodox majority should rule the country, and anybody who is not happy is free to emigrate. However, so far the MRF has been supported by practically all ethnic Turks and most Muslims in Bulgaria, while only a handful of ethnic Bulgarians have joined, part of them highly principled persons, and the rest very much the opposite. For very unselfish or very selfish career reasons, MRF dignitaries are so keen on having a minority party that they pointedly avoid criticising 6 its leader for his authoritarian style. The MRF was thus mostly built personally by its leader in 1990. Since then, despite dissent and coup attempts by ex–followers, Mr Dogan has retained supreme executive authority in his party. From an abstract point of view, this is often seen as a realistic strategy, given that the ethnic Turks still live in traditional patriarchical communities and possibly would not respect a non–authoritarian leader. On a more concrete level, however, it is revealing to learn that Mr Dogan has not allowed his party's accounts to be audited since its foundation four years ago. Nevertheless, Ahmed Dogan has been able to triumph over all challenges, and the party's legitimacy has not been questioned. Apparently, the MRF does not need to be democratic to be legitimate. It draws its legitimacy not from the situation within the party, but from the situation the party is placed in by outside forces. All the other parties are democratic both in statute and in deed. Only the ones that have manifested enough behaviour of their own will be briefly discussed. In the current UDF coalition of about sixteen members (the number shifts as parties get expelled, suspended, or they return, or split inside, or unite with others), there are only two parties which are developed enough to merit separate attention. The first is the (at present still suspended) Democratic Party. It is in a class of its own, being the only party in Bulgaria that represents if not a class, at least a brand new social stratum: the so–called "restitutes", or persons who have benefited from the restoration of nationalised urban property. It is also historically legitimised through the pre–war party of the same name and, mutatis mutandis, of similar conservative leanings. Interestingly, these old–new wealthy persons, who owe their restored status to democracy, recently tend to lose interest in the DP – and, indeed, in UDF politics in general. It increasingly looks as if, after getting back their real estate, they care not for politics. And this may mean that the DP is losing part of its unique source of legitimacy. The other UDF party of consequence is the Radical Democratic Party. In the inter– war period, it was a party of the left–of–center intelligentsia. Now it is right–of–center and has remained attractive to intellectuals. Its Chair also chairs the National Assembly, which in Bulgaria is a primary post of power. In the last few months, the RDP, together with the DP, have been opposing the radicalism of the UDF central leadership. Although the RDP is still a full UDF member, both parties might secede before the end of the year, leaving the UDF with second–rate formations as members. Of the extra–Parliamentary parties with centrist potential, there are the Bulgarian Party Liberals, the Alternative Socialist Liberal Party, and the Green Party. If they could produce an united effort (which does not seem likely), they could become important. It is remarkable that the New Union for Democracy, a grouping consisting mostly of ex–UDF MPs and not a fully–fledged party, makes much more effective centrist politics than all these three parties put together. The left–of–center is represented by the recent coalition of the Bulgarian Social Democratic party and the BSP splinter Citisens' Union for the Republic. The two make uneasy bed fellows: the BSDP draws its legitimacy from its glorious pre–war history, while the CUR can only boast of its recent split from the BSP. The Agrarian Union (or unions; the various Agrarians are always on the verge of reunification or 7 further splits) also draws on its glorious history, and has nothing to show in the present. Still, it managed to enter parliament in 1990 and would have matched the MRF in 1991 had it not split into a handful of quarelling factions. A very simple pattern emerges. Parliamentary parties are rather authoritarian; authoritarianism is both a cause of their getting into Parliament and an effect of this. And, in both cases, it is a means to ensure discipline and unity of effort. Extra– Parliamentaary parties are non–authoritarian. Although objectively moderate and centrist, they have no chance on the big arena of politics, as they are riven with disagreements, both internal and among the different parties. Their traditional weak spot is leadership. Leadership: Power as Privilege and Corruption Charisma has not played an important part in Bulgarian party politics. Even if a leader does possess a modicum of charisma, it is not for this that s/he retains the leadership. Rather, leadership is regarded as a job requiring business qualities. Many leaders tend to regard their political position as a personal business – aimed principally at direct personal profit. It may be worth noting that this attitude does not necessarily entail corruption – if corruption is taken to mean that a politician agrees to do something s/he knows to be against the best interests of their party or nation in return for money or favours. Rather, it is in the tradition of both democratic and communist rule in Bulgaria to regard political power not as a position of service, but as a post of privilege. It is a question of using a public position for personal gain. The interests of the party or the nation tend to be situated at another level. Despite the fact that such lucrative stratagems occasionally get devastating coverage in the media (especially in papers controlled by opposing parties), such revelations, though usually believed by most of the rank–and–file, do not seem to have any effect on their allegiance. The rare politician who, on the contrary, makes a point of not engaging in such practices, risks the label of "naif" or, even worse, "idealist", both being political synonyms of "misplaced". Currently it looks as if the only person exempt from such dismissive judgements is the President. The fact that he is not making a personal fortune while in office is not held against him for the moment. Corruption of the more trivial kind is universally believed to be ubiquitous. Reactions to it are, however, slightly different. When accusations of this kind appear in the media, they are usually vague and no facts are published, although they are declared to be in the possession of the publisher. The accused would threaten or occasionally even begin a libel suit; and usually there the matter ends. This, for example, is what happened when, in 1992, UDF Prime Minister Filip Dimitrov charged with corruption his own Defence Minister Dimitar Loudshev; or with accusations made both by and against trade union leader Konstantin Trenchev. Party adherents tend to disbelieve such accusations levelled against their own leaders, writing them off as "enemy stratagems". The most common accusations are that the politician has been "bought" by a domestic business group or by a foreign political power. If proven to the public's satisfaction, such an allegation might kill a politician's career. As yet, such cases do not seem likely. 8 On the whole, in terms of image the UDF tends to lose more than the BSP when its leaders are accused of corruption. After all, the UDF came into existence in the name of a new political morality. As for the ex–communists, given the burden of the communist regime's inheritance, they can not be easily harmed by petty new accusations. Rank–and–File: Clientelism A collateral to the attitude of power–as–privilege is the clientelistic syndrome of the rank and file. It is most probably rooted in the traditionalistic character of practically all Bulgarian communities at the end of the 19th century, delayed in their development by the 500 years of Turkish domination. These communities lived by a collectivistic value system. The individualistic revolution which began after the liberation from the Turks and was concomitant with modernisation and urbanisation, was checked after the disaster of World War I, when large sections of the intelligentsia became communist–oriented. Nevertheless, the process of creating citisens and civil society continued to evolve in ups and downs, until the communist seisure of power in 1944 put a stop to the process. The communists opted for a collectivistic personality instead, and started grafting it upon the extant tradition–regulated small–community personality. To solve problem situations which transcend their fixed roles in the community, individuals need outside help. If they do find it – in outside persons – they "borrow" their power, and become "clients" to these outside "patrons". In the pre–war years of democracy, such clientelism was based on family ties, common place of origin and/or political partisanship. Clients expected to solve their problems by receiving political appointments or other favours. These were granted not for particular services to the patron, but for just being des notres, for sharing with the patron a common origin or party affiliation. Clients would also expect to be used by the patron, but again only because they shared a common group identity with him/her, and not in return for specific favours received. In the years of communism, the Communist Party was the only one capable of providing such favours. Membership became a must – at least for the patron that wanted to get ahead; the family or place of origin ties remained as relevant as before. Nowadays clientelism continues to be a major phenomenon in Bulgarian political life; it is being reproduced without significant changes. The newly born and the revived political formations inherited it from both the communist and democratic traditions. The clientelistic style may be largely to blame for the low popularity in the country of the Union of Democratic Forces – and for its steadily dropping popularity in the big cities. It looks as if, in the country, the old clientura of the ex–communists consisted of better respected persons (due to lifestyle, education and intelligence, but also to morals); and these people remained overwhelmingly faithful to their old party. 9 The new clientura of the UDF in the country was mostly formed of outsiders on the lookout for the chance of becoming arrivistes. They adopted an ultra–radical stance, accused the non–clientelist (the more reasonable and moderate) activists of collaboration with the communists, grabbed power posts in the UDF hierarchy and started losing votes steadily. Polls reveal that at present, in 1994, the UDF, which managed just to win the 1991 general elections, does not stand a chance against the BSP. Party Image: Media Control One of the basic features of the democratic past, which has been revived with success, has been the newspaper. Even in Turkish times newspapers of good quality, critical of the Porte or overtly revolutionary, would be printed in Constantinople and Bucharest and distributed in Bulgaria. The press between 1989 and 1992 resembled the press after 1878 in its aggressive style: it was free, often brutal and gross, manipulative and lively – and managed to remain so, despite attempts of parties and governments to bridle it. After 1992, things have been settling down. There are some 10 private, i. e. not party affiliated, national daily newspapers of consequence. The most influential of them are 24 Chasa (controlled by private business), Standart (ditto) Trud (trade union), Continent (left–of–center), Otechestven vestnik (center). There are also private local newspapers, covering the country thoroughly and nearing national standards (e. g. the Plovdiv Maritsa). Bulgarians learned quickly to demand that news and commentary be separated, which has become part of the new rules of the game between journalists and the public. Many private FM radios have sprung, mostly for music, commercials and local news; the National (state owned) Radio and Television is still the main national and foreign news source. Private TV channels were allowed by Parliament only recently, (in March 1994), and do not broadcast yet (although there were private political TV shows) on the state channels. Interestingly, it was the UDF government which, in 1992, tried to bring the media under state control again. After failing spectacularly to make the big private papers obey, the UDF Prime Minister declared that these papers would be "disregarded". Meanwhile, a campaign to practically "re–statify" the electronic media was launched: every item critical of the UDF government was denounced as "communist". The campaign succeeded with TV and – to a large extent – with the National Radio: besides being controlled by Parliament according to the Constitution, these establishments have a long tradition of obeying. This should not be seen, however, as a fight between the "good" media and the "bad" state. The media are fully aware of their advantageous potential as institutions of opinion manipulation. Journalists who do not attempt to manipulate are a minority. The battle is over whether the media have the right to choose the manipulation, or someone else (the government or the parties) chooses it for them to execute. Politically, the negative feature of the media is that they are constantly attempting to manipulate the public; the positive side is that, especially in the case of the press, messages of manipulation do not emanate from the government, and are many and contradictory; so Bulgarians, especially older ones, who were used to read the 10 Communist Party newspapers between the lines, do not swallow much of the proffered stuff. 11 Doing the Job: Three Compromises The spirit of consensus at the beginning of democratisation is doubtlessly a very important positive feature in Bulgarian political life; even should it be broken, it is bound to be remembered and to facilitate compromise between parties in situations of crisis. Moreover, it might not have arisen in the first place: it is something quite novel in Bulgarian politics. Another new trait, which has appeared only in the last six months, is that parties and the government have started to trust independent experts of political analysis, rather than relying exclusively on in–house advice. The recognition that there are limits to vulgar politicising and that there is an outside community of experts who aim at objectivity looks very promising. Compromising with the communists: the case of the Constitution. In four and a half years of post–communism, Bulgaria survived three Parliaments, four prime–ministers and five governments (plus several cabinet reshuffles); two presidents; and three sets of local governments. One of the reasons why the country did survive may be the fact that all these changeovers took place without practically any violation of existing laws and according to provided procedures. This commitment to doing things by the book even under most pressing circumstances should help understand why Bulgarians preferred to "waste" time on a new Constitution, when, for example, it was clear that the lack of new financial and market legislation would mean in hunger for the country back in 1990. In contrast, almost all other ex–communist states chose another option and started with specific laws. This other approach may have seemed more practical; besides, the UDF was still in opposition then and radicals were warning that the new Constitution was bound to be communist–oriented. Yet the UDF decided to compromise. It seemed that for Bulgarians a new Constitution would carry enormous symbolic significance. This was apparently seen by the UDF and taken into account when estimating practical returns. It did not follow to the letter the country's first Constitution, passed in the 19th century following the liberation from the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria remained a republic in the 1990s. But it did imitate that original Constitution in its democratic spirit. It enlarged, for example, the scope of individual rights and restored private property. There are "time bombs" in the text, and a case of dealing with one of them follows. Compromising with "internal" nationalism: the case of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms. Ethnic minorities in Bulgaria are constitutionally non–existent. The Constitution does not in principle grant any group rights. It is presupposed that ethnic minority members will get enough defence of their rights on and individual basis. One of the new institutions which this Constitution established was the Constitutional Court: an independent body of judges pronouncing on cases where an interpretation of the Constitution is necessary. One of the first cases it had to examine was the case of the ethno–religious Movement for Rights and Freedoms. Some BSP MPs were claiming that the MRF was a political party based on ethnicity, therefore unconstitutional 12 (which it was), so the party should be banned from the general elections of 1991 (which should not have happened). The Court declared the MRF legal, as it had already been registered under the election law, which did not prohibit such parties. This was probably bad constitutionalism. but it was sound judgement. For good or bad, the MRF had become the only party to represent the Turkish minority – and this minority simply had to be represented in Parliament. To ban this party might have engendered civil strife, and apparently the judges felt the consensus command: "no blood". Compromising with "external" nationalism: the case of Macedonia. The neutrality of the Army at the time of the anti–communist coup in 1989 set the happy precedent of non–intervention of the Army in politics. This was furthered by the prompt depolitisation of the Army. This newly acquired military placidity was patently demonstrated when Bulgaria became the first country in the world to recognise the ex–Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (together with all the others ex– Yugoslav states) in January 1992. The military, along with all Bulgarians, were weaned on the idea that Macedonians were ethnic Bulgarians, unfortunately under Serbian and Greek domination. The decision to recognise Macedonia was taken by the President; it put an end to territorial and national claims that were centuries old and were deeply ingrained in the national psyche. At the same time, the declaration paid courtesy to "external" nationalists: it said explicitly that Bulgaria, while recognising the Macedonian state, did not recognise a Macedonian nation. For short–sighted Macedonians this meant non–recognition: for Bulgarian nationalists, it meant a betrayal of "our brothers living in Macedonia"; yet the overwhelming reaction both in Bulgaria and Macedonia was one of relief. Bulgaria was relinquishing its territorial claims and launching a new style Balkan behaviour. Paradoxically, Western Europe was infuriated; comments were made that Bulgaria should have waited for the European Community to decide on recognition first. The Community demonstrated that it did not understand how precarious peace on the Balkans is, and how important prompt reactions can be. The Electorate It would seem logical to divide the electorate into urban and rural, for two reasons. First, in 1991 cities voted overwhelmingly pro–UDF, and villages – pro–BSP, which made the vote–locality correlation patent. Second, a locality–medium of influence correlation was assumed at the time: citisens, being more individualistic and atomised, would be influenced politically mainly through the media; while villagers, being more collectivistic, would tend to adhere to a local consensus and usually would judge media messages with the help of local political pundits. 13 Fieldwork has revealed that, although broadly true, this assumption needs specification. Researchers presupposed that a vote in the villages would not be a truly "democratic" vote in the sense of it being based exclusively on informed and rational individual political choice. Obviously enough, the dependent members of a village family (especially the elderly) would "naturally" be swayed by the political advice of the person they are dependent upon. Moreover, the social space between the families is organised in fairly stable "networks" for exchange of material and spiritual goods and services. This is typical and trivial enough for village communities. Also typical is the fact that political ideas, patterns of behaviour and direct influence can circulate through such networks. What is not so trivial is the fact that networks of similar functionality were found to exist in cities as well. Urban society in this country proved to be less atomistic than expected. It should not be assumed that such urban networks are basically rural networks simply translated into a new milieu through a kind of diffusion process. The urban networks are generated in the city itself. Their primary cause seems to be the mass migration in Bulgaria. In the 20 years following World War II, about 30 per cent of the population changed from rural to urban. Before the war the ratio was 70 per cent rural to 30 urban; by the mid–60s it had become 40 rural to 60 urban. Peasants would leave the villages to become urban factory workers; in the new place they would be virtually alone. Even if the migration was done on a group basis, such groups would as a rule be broken quickly by the pressures of the new milieu. The only place where such a "displaced" individual would look for social assistance and contacts would be the same place where they earned their living: the factory. Given their traditionalistic mentality, such persons expect not to produce an infrastructure of their new urban lives, but to have it provided – like it was provided by their village community. Therefore, factory managers were expected to act in a paternalistic manner, providing housing, recreation and holiday basis, extra education and child care. Housing was a traditionally bad problem in such circumstances; getting it in a situation of constant shortage was rightly considered a privilege. So here we have a group of ex–peasants–become workers, urbanised together through the offices of their factory management, living together in the same apartment block provided by the factory, spending holidays in the same resort provided by the factory, and sending their kids to the same kindergarten provided by the factory. In all this they would still be different from the urban aborigines who, even if they worked in the same factory, would not need its paternalistic provisions to the same extent. This lifestyle engenders, of course, strong cohesive forces within the migrant group; it becomes a network in the above mentioned sense. In communist times political influence did not circulate through such networks, as politics was something for the "governing" alone. But when, with the advent of democracy, politics become the people's business as well, the urban networks were in place and ready. And they have become politically significant. 14 Networks: Collectivistic Vote With this in mind, when we go into the field, we test all communities studied, both rural and urban, for the presence of networks. To invent a Parkinsonian formula, the magnitude of the "network effect" is directly proportional to the physical distance from the capital of the country and inversely proportional to the number of network members. And the chance of political influence circulation in the network is directly proportional to the circulating of privilege in the network. In practice this means that urban networks would be exclusively prone to influence by the BSP: these networks were formed in communist times and members would be grateful for their lowly, yet privileged status to the communists. Theoretically, rural networks, formed on a traditional basis, could be influenced by any party; however, in practice they are again influenced mostly by the BSP, which appeals to a traditionalistic, collectivistic and less than sophisticated mentality. Traditionalistic network effects are most visible in small, mono–ethnic and relatively isolated villages. Here, it becomes very clear that feelings may be an individual matter, but thoughts are elaborated in common by the whole family; political attitudes are arrived at after habitual communal discussions. In this way, the entire community generates attitudes. Irrespective of their content, attitudes result in two types of political behaviour: reactive and active. Reactive political behaviour includes actions of the citisen which are the consequence of actions of the authorities (independent of whether these actions are directed at the citisen or not). Active political behaviour is the vote and the activities connected with voting. All citisen activities that aim at the use of authority and politics for personal gain (career, connections and so forth) should be considered separately. These actions can be classified as quasi–political behaviour, and they play a rather significant role (see Clientelism above). Quasi–political behaviour, oriented towards the improvement of an individual's social standing through a change in conditions, is virtually completely motivated by the frameworks and values of the specific community or network. In this sense, this kind of behaviour is locally rooted and its concrete patterns are of conjectural local interest only. Reactive behaviour, aimed at the amelioration of an individual's social status in existing conditions, is also motivated locally and can be interpreted with success only at the level of the local network. Active behaviour, in contrast to the other two types, does not pursue any kind of clear and defined aim of the individual. It has no direct link to the individual's social status, the latter being defined almost exclusively by tradition. From the point of view of the traditional rural networks, this type of behaviour is situated in the range from "a waste of time" to "doing evil". Left to the community alone, this kind of behaviour would not exist. But it is not left to the community: it is being dictated from the centre of power – the capital city to which the community is by tradition subordinated, and the centre towards whose behaviour there is traditional conformity. And conformism is one of the key behavioural components of any traditional community. For this reason, the vote – and the whole inter–electoral and 15 pre–electoral problematic connected with it – comes as something alien. But it is a something that must be accepted and acted out. Otherwise, ultimately, "we go against the authorities" – which is "not the done thing". The urban networks are differently situated: they are as islands in an amorphous sea of free agents, indulging in anonymous actions, which need to be motivated on a purely individual level. In this way, many city dwellers have evolved a behavioural complex which is motivated purely – or to a very great extent – on the individual level. When faced with voting, these city dwellers, in contrast to villagers or urban network members, can connect their voting behaviour to an already existing structure – but a structure which is of their own making, and not a structure imposed from the outside. For this reason, their voting behaviour is to a much greater extent individualised and rationalised. It is, however, to be noted that such an effect, while very obvious in the big cities like Sofia and Plovdiv, is almost unobservable in small towns like Ihtiman or Byala. Messages and Manipulation It seems that the way in which democratic politics is received has not changed significantly in comparison with the period between the two World Wars. Locally, the "modernistic" messages coming out of Sofia are inevitably translated into a traditional" language. In this translation, what is most frequently lost is precisely that which is essential from the point of view of Sofia. The result can be a rather absurd dialogue. Here is one typical illustration: Sofia: "Communists – out of power!" Village: "Good! Our mayor is a good man. (He happens to be a Communist)". Sofia: Up with the UDF! Zhelyu (President Zhelev) is a traitor! Village: Exactly, we are all for Zhelyu, for the UDF. (The same pattern holds for Dogan, the MRF leader). A scandalous conclusion could be that between two–thirds and three–quarters of Bulgarian voters do not take part actively in the democratic process – because they do not vote for "individual" motives. (We assume that a politically motivated vote presupposes an informed choice aimed at individual maximisation of profit in a situation where political values are integrated into the values system of an individual and have no less a legitimacy than non–political values). This being the case, under existing democratic conditions (meaning that the authorities do not hinder these people from becoming active participants), in relation to such voters the authorities are not in the role of a democracy, but of a dictatorship and a manipulation. A dictatorship, because voters are coerced to obey the democratic rules of the game"; and a manipulation, because, once understanding the difficulties in communication, the centre can use them – and does use them – for its own gain, stimulating the periphery towards a behaviour that is profitable to the centre. 16 One of the possible manipulative conclusions – successfully verified during the election campaigns – is that it is senseless to "explain to the people" a given political line. At best the people would interpret the line in their own way, with unforeseeable results. On the other hand, one could push the suggestion that a given political line is the line of the authorities, of the "new behavioural fashion" approved by the centre. The aim would be to switch on the conformity complex. Also, local agitators have been successfully employed as "translators" of the centre's messages into the "local" language in such a way as to ensure that the translation fits the intentions of the centre. The reciprocal message that the center is getting "from below" is that a party needs an electorate, but that the electorate does not necessarily need a party. Opinion Polls: Consistency An interesting insight to voter attitudes may be gained through reactions to polling. No political opinion polls were conducted in Bulgaria during the communist dictatorship. The first was made only in December 1989. Pollsters at the time were dubious: they feared that respondents, who had all their lives learned to dissociate word from deed, would lie routinely when answering the questionnaire and produce multitudes of valueless artefacts. As it turned out, respondents for the most part would answer quite truthfully, making the poll meaningful. However, an unexpected phenomenon emerged: a respondent would answer different questions as if his or her political attitudes and position varied from question to question, frequently to opposite extremes. The phenomenon was attributed to the lack of "political personality" in the mentality of such respondents, who were numerous (about 20 per cent initially). An ad hoc "inconsistency scale" was designed, it being supposed that this phenomenon would trouble pollsters for quite some years. Unexpectedly, within 12 months such inconsistencies had disappeared altogether, and answers within one questionnaire followed an infallible (and rather dull) pattern. The most probable explanation seems to be the simplest: people learned where they stood with politics and began to understand the kind of choices involved. This positive individual reaction to a formidable social challenge allows one to end on a surprisingly optimistic note. Sofia July – August 1994 Note. The conclusions of this paper are based on repeated representative quantitative opinion polls, quota elite and media polls, qualitative political anthropology surveys, and in–depth studies made by colleagues of the author and/or the author personally, beginning in the winter of 1989. 17


text:
Sign him up to a gay dating site.
Personally. I would do nothing..
BUT, keep hinting that revenge is about to come. You could make him go a bit mad teasing him then when he thinks you've forgot .. Make it clear you are still planning something special" it will drive him mad.
I once sewed all Hubby's clothes up. Some I did the neck hole, others the sleeves. It was hillarious watching him try to get his t-shirt on and not understand why he was struggling.
(We were hard up at the time so he didn't have many clothes, and nothing expensive that I was afraid of damaging)
Should he possess a camelbak then strategic use of a pin on the bladder could be annoying (and hard to spot).

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Directorate: Student Funding
Who qualifies for funding?NSFAS LoansA student qualifies for a NSFAS loan if he or she is
NSFAS Bursaries
Other BursariesThese bursaries are obtained from a variety of Donors and have their own individual critieria. Application forms for these bursaries are obtainable from Unisa Regional offices and from DSF.
Funding not administred by Unisa


text:
NVR E H (Zelnorm 6 mg)
Generic Name: tegaserod
Pill imprint NVR E H has been identified as Zelnorm 6 mg.
Zelnorm is used in the treatment of constipation, chronic; irritable bowel syndrome and belongs to the drug class serotoninergic neuroenteric modulators. There is no proven risk in humans during pregnancy. Zelnorm 6 mg is not subject to the Controlled Substances Act.
See also related documents.
Images for NVR E H
- Generic Name:
- tegaserod
- Imprint:
E H - Strength:
- 6 mg
- Color:
- White
- Size:
- 7.00 mm
- Shape:
- Round
- Availability:
- Prescription only
- Drug Class:
- Serotoninergic neuroenteric modulators
- Pregnancy Category:
- B - No proven risk in humans
- CSA Schedule:
- N - Not a controlled drug
- Manufacturer:
- Novartis Pharmaceuticals
- National Drug Code (NDC):
- 00078-0356
- Inactive Ingredients:
- crospovidone
glyceryl monostearate
lactose monohydrate
poloxamer 188
polyethylene glycol 4000
More about Zelnorm (tegaserod)
Consumer resources
Professional resources
Related treatment guides
Every effort has been made to ensure that the information provided is accurate, up-to-date, and complete, but no guarantee is made to that effect. If you have questions about the drugs you are taking, check with your doctor, nurse or pharmacist.
Copyright 2015 Drugs.com, National Library of Medicine, Truven Health Analytics and Cerner Multum, Inc. All Rights Reserved.


text:
Don't miss your chance to see Nico Vega in Syracuse! Check out the schedule below for the concert date of your choice, then buy your Nico Vega Syracuse tickets before they sell out!
Looking for Nico Vega tickets in other cities? View all Nico Vega tickets »
Sorry! We couldn't find any events for Nico Vega in Syracuse.
If you were searching to see if Nico Vega is coming to Syracuse, then you're in luck! For their latest tour, Nico Vega will indeed hold a concert in Syracuse. Have an awesome concert experience when you go to see Nico Vega in Syracuse. Get your Nico Vega tickets Syracuse and join fellow fans for a concert to remember!
All Dates
?Need help ordering? Call 1-888-456-8499


text:
Storm Whistle
Item: 45300.01 | Product Description »
(14) | Write a Review | Ask a Question | 1 Question
Size: 3.25"L x 1.75"W
Dimensions: | 3.25"L x 1.75"W |
Includes: |
Features: |
Sometimes, the only way to be rescued is to be heard. Invaluable for signaling rescuers. Boat safely and carry the necessary equipment. 2-level volume in a sturdy, loud whistle which can be heard while under water. Comes with Split-ring.
Dr.Wright explains how the Storm Whistle works underwater?
by PowerReviewsPros
- Effective (4)
- Simple to use (3)
- Heavy / bulky (3)
Best Uses
- Day trip (5)
- Rapids paddling (5)
- Rivers (5)
- Flat waters (4)
- Kayak / canoe / rafting (3)
- Was this a gift?:
- No (7)
Reviewed by 14 customers
Sort by
Displaying reviews 1-5
Previous | Next »
- Affordable Easy To Use
- Clear Instructions
- Easy To Pack
- Effective
- Simple To Use
Best Uses
- Backcountry Camping
- Campgrounds
- Day Trips
- River Trips
- Road Trips
- Winter Conditions
Comments about Storm Whistle:
Great whistle for emergency
- What Is Your Gear Style:
- Comfort Driven
- Effective
- Loudest Whistle
- Simple To Use
- Works Underwater
Best Uses
- River Trips
- Sea kayaking
Comments about Storm Whistle:
Storm whistle is an essential back up communication to VHF marine radio, hand signals & yelling. Don't go on the water without it.
- What Is Your Gear Style:
- Minimalist
- Effective
- Simple To Use
Best Uses
- Lifevest Attachment
Comments about Storm Whistle:
i got this for myself, for my lifevest when i was out on the ocean on my SUP board. my son saw this... and it immediately went on his lifevest instead. all in all... perfect for what we needed. :D
- What Is Your Gear Style:
- Comfort Driven
- Effective
- Bulky
Best Uses
Comments about Storm Whistle:
As a professional in life saving Search and Rescue, and hard of hearing from years of sirens, helicopters, and shooting, I can attest that there is no better whistle. It's loud lower tones overcome common hearing problems, and can be heard over loud environments, such as white water. While it is large, the bulk is minimal comared to its effectiveness. I have one on every rescue PFD I own! I recommend it to anyone!
- Loud
Best Uses
- Day Trips
- Flat Waters
- Kayak Camping
- Ocean Swells
- Rapids Paddling
- Rivers
Comments about Storm Whistle:
Great whistle, better cover your ears if you're going to test this one inside :-)
- Was this a gift?:
- No
Displaying reviews 1-5
Previous | Next »


text:
I was using k-fold cross validation in glmnet
(which implements lasso regression), but I can't make the ROC charts from this.
glm_net <- cv.glmnet(dev_x_matrix,dev_y_vector,family="binomial",type.measure="class")
phat <- predict(glm_net,newx=val_x_matrix,s="lambda.min")
That gets me a vector with what looks like a log of the fitted values. I was trying to generate some ROC charts after this but it did not work. I think it is because of the nature of the x and y objects which goes into the glmnet
. Do you have any ideas.


text:
recipe reviews for:
"This tangy, sweet, and savory recipe is excellent for either a stir fry sauce or a lovely salad dressing. This was thrown together in an effort to use blueberries that had failed to make it into dessert...and thus this tasty dish is born!"
My Profile | Cooks I Like Reviews | Photos | Recipes | Menus | Blog
Cooking Level: Expert
Homemade pancakes are so easy to make, and nothing tastes better.
Try one of our dozens of ways to make delicious fresh guacamole.
Delicious recipes, party ideas, and cooking tips! Get a year of Allrecipes magazine for $7.99!
Tender pieces of chicken cook in a garlic and orange sauce.
A simple chicken-and-veggie stir-fry with sweet and spicy flavors.
See how to make a quick stir-fry with plenty of garlic and crunchy veggies.


text:
Home / Adventure / Anupam Amod / Arko Pravo Mukherjee / Bollywood News / Divya Khosla Kumar / Himansh Kohli / Hindi / Honey Singh / Mithoon / Nicole Faria / Pritam / Rakul Preet Singh / Romantic / Yaariyan – 2014
Yaariyan – 2014
Director: | Divya Khosla Kumar, |
Producer: | |
Cast: | Himansh Kohli, Nicole Faria, Rakul Preet Singh, |
Story: | Sanjeev Dutta |
Music: | Anupam Amod, Arko Pravo Mukherjee, Honey Singh, Mithoon, Pritam, |
Release on: | 2014-01-10 |
Genre: | Adventure, Romantic, |
Label: | T-Series |
Language: | Hindi, |
Box-office: | 40 crore (US$6.7 million) |
Length: | N/A |
Rating: |
Discription: | Living in a university campus set in Sikkim, Lakshya (Himansh Kohli) is the son of a martyred army officer but does not appreciate his father's sacrifice for the nation. Lakshya, Jiya (Nicole Faria) - a college bombshell, Saloni (Rakul Preet Singh) - a geek, Pardy - a drummer, and Neil - a biker, are five close friends who are exploring the best moments of their lives in college, experiencing different relationships yet living an aimless life. They come across a challenge when their college land has been bought by an Australian businessman who plans to build a casino instead but is ready to lease out the land to the college for 100 years only if they're able to defeat a team of Australian students in a five-round competition. For the first three rounds they are sent to Australia were Lakshya meets his best friend and cousin Debu. During the first round of rock concert, the Australian band steals Lakshya and his band's song, and on protest they brutally beat Debu. While Debu is rushed to hospital, Lakshya and the band perform a Hindi song, eventually losing the first round. Saloni then wins the second round which is a chess competition. Unable to recover from his injuries, Debu succumbs to death in the hospital. Disturbed by his death, Saloni and Neil lose the third round of bike race, giving Australia a 2-1 lead. The competition is then shifted to India with two more rounds to go. Lakshya discovers that Neil was the traitor who gave their song to the Australian band and intentionally lost the bike race motivated by a greed of getting an Australian emigration as promised by an Australian team member. Neil is now planning to lose the cycle race as well, but in order to fail his plan, Lakshya befriends Jannet (Evelyn Sharma) and makes Neil believe that the Australians are double crossing him. Neil realizes his fault and decides to win the race, but fatefully falls from stairs breaking his leg. Lakshya takes his place and beats Australia in round four leading to a tie between both teams. In the final round of rock climbing, a team member of both teams has to collect his respective country's flag from the hill top and race back to college in order to win the competition. After crossing all the hurdles, Lakshya manages to win the race and the college celebrates their victory. The story ends with Lakshya and Saloni, Jiya and Pardy getting together while Neil repents his deeds. |
Yaariyan – 2014
Related Posts
- September 19, 2014 Bang Bang turned down Bigg Boss offer?
- May 18, 2014 Deepika's secret movie date
- May 16, 2014 Hansal mehta is very disappointing on BJP's victory


text:
100% Polyester
January 14, 2014
Comfy fitting and they kept me warm and dry perfect for scottish skiing
January 20, 2014
Not been skiing in them yet but look great!
January 26, 2014
Great trousers, only comment is that they are quite baggy
January 30, 2014
Pleased with product and finally being able to find 'larger' size in skiwear
February 10, 2014
Bought after borrowing a friend's over trousers for walking and realising they were a ski over trouser when i saw something similar to this inshore. advised by helpful and knowledgeable assistant that what i wanted was available in my size online so rushed home and made my purchase. they arrived fast and are comfortable but a tiny bit too long. i am size 12 and 5'6" this may be because of the ski/walking thing. i have tried them locally but not on a wet muddy trail, felt warm and comfortable and all the pockets are handy. will report if performance is not up to promise.
This does not affect your statutory rights
For full terms and conditions please see our Delivery & Returns policy


text:
Bermuda Triangle called and said they've got you. We're unable to detect your location. Please find a location.
Your Houlihan's is located across the street from Worldgate Plaza. Toggle
Your Houlihan's is across the street from Worldgate Plaza in Herndon. Call 703-674-0454. Change location Toggle
Location 2200 Centreville Rd Herndon, VA 22150 703-674-0454
Hours Sun-Thu 11am-10pm (Bar 12am) Fri-Sat 11am-11pm (Bar 12am) Breakfast Mon-Fri 6am-11am Breakfast Sat-Sun 7am-11am
Features Herndon's best happy hour
2600 E Colonial Dr Orlando, FL 32803
Hours Mon-Thurs 11am - 10pm Fri-Sat 11am - 11pm Sun 10am - 10pm Sunday Brunch served 10am-2pm
Call today and ask about our banquet rooms or to make a reservation for a large party.
Smaller portions of your fave appetizers for $3.95 and daily drink specials.
Appetizers Monday-Thursday 3pm-7pm & 9pm-close Saturday 1pm-4pm Sunday All Day
Drinks Sunday-Thursday All Day
Click here for full details.
We're excited to announce our partnership with ReCORK, dedicated to recycling cork and giving it new life in sustainable footwear + other upcycled products. More details here!
Zip codes nearby32803, 32814, 32801, 32802, 32853, 32854, 32855, 32856, 32857, 32858
Cities nearbyOrlando, Winter Park, Goldenrod, Maitland, Mid Florida
Houlihan's in Orlando is located on East Colonial Dr. between Bumby and Primrose and is your place to wine and dine in Orlando. Whether you're looking for a great meal for lunch or dinner, or just a place to unwind with the best Orlando happy hour, the Colonial Drive Orlando Houlihan's restaurant provides a great dining experience. Drink up our happy hour specials, check out our current happenings or just find your favorite item on our menu.
Follow Orlando (Colonial Drive) Houlihan's
Think of it as a digital mood ring. It'll be fun, promise
Get on board with our email club to get in on some freebies and the latest fun going down in Houlihan's
Join our Foody Call Club and we'll text you with local events, discounts and even a free dessert. Standard text messaging rates and data charges may apply. Max. alerts 2x/week. To unsubscribe, text STOP to 96752. For HELP, text HELP to 96752. View full terms & conditions


text:
Here's the second part of the lesson on how to play the bass line to Sir Duke by Stevie Wonder/Nathan Watts.
This video covers just the great riff! (What a riff!)
If you have any questions don't hesitate to head over to my how to play bass website and use the contact form.
Excellent. I've been looking for a new tune to work on. You do a great job of teaching! you guys have been my sole site of learning, besides some previous basics that Im still chewing on. I am a full time student at the time (therefor I have little money) but will donate again soon. You guys are great.


text:
Below is the poem entitled Questionku 1 - 4 which was written by poet Shaz Cheesman. Please feel free to comment on this poem. However, please remember, PoetrySoup is a place of encouragement and growth.
Read Poems by Shaz Cheesman
Best Shaz Cheesman Poems
POEM 1 Eyes meet his gaze A devilish smile Wonder what he will do? POEM 2 If he just knew How he makes me feel Should I keep it inside? POEM 3 My mind says no But my heart says yes Tell me, what should I do? POEM 4 There is some risk For being honest But what will that cost me? Modified Haiku for Questionku Contest


text:
SMIC Reports 2014 Second Quarter Results
SHANGHAI, Aug. 6, 2014 -- Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation (NYSE: SMI; SEHK: 981) ("SMIC" or the "Company"), one of the leading semiconductor foundries in the world, today announced its consolidated results of operations for the three months ended June 30, 2014.
Second Quarter 2014 Highlights
- Revenue was $511.3 million in 2Q14, an increase of 13.4% quarter over quarter.
- Non-GAAP revenue excluding wafer shipments from Wuhan Xinxin reached a record high of $511.3 million in 2Q14, an increase of 1.9% year over year compared to $501.8 million in 2Q13.
- Gross margin was 28.0% in 2Q14, compared to 21.3% in 1Q14.
- Profit for the period attributable to SMIC was $56.8 million in 2Q14, compared to $20.3 million in 1Q14.
- China-region revenue grew to 44.4% of overall revenue becoming the largest contributor to revenue regionally in 2Q14.
Third Quarter 2014 Guidance:
The following statements are forward looking statements which are based on current expectations and which involve risks and uncertainties, some of which are set forth under "Safe Harbor Statements" below.
- Revenue is expected to increase 1% to 5% quarter over quarter.
- Gross margin is expected to range from 24% to 26%.
Non-GAAP operating expenses excluding the effect of employee bonus accrual, government funding and gain from the disposal of living quarters are expected to range from $96 million to $101 million.
Dr. Tzu-Yin Chiu, SMIC's Chief Executive Officer and Executive Director, commented, "Excluding Wuhan's contribution, SMIC achieved record high revenue in the second quarter, which is our ninth consecutive profitable quarter. We reached a gross margin of 28%--our highest since 2005.
Compared to Q1 2014, utilization was up more than 10 percentage points; while revenue increased 13.4% sequentially. When comparing Q2 2014 to Q1 2014, gross margin increased 6.7 percentage points, profit from operations nearly doubled, and net profit tripled. We continue to emphasize the priority of sustained profitability and carefully planned growth. Overall, we are optimistic about 2015 as we prepare our capacity and technology for many new and exciting opportunities.
One of our growth drivers for 2015 will be 28nm. We are happy to work with our long-time customer as we ramp up this new technology. We are on track to have production ramp up in 2015. We are also working with other customers who are targeting to capture the LTE handset IC market in China, AP for tablets, and RF applications on 28nm.
Our other growth driver for this year and more so in 2015 is our differentiated product offering. SMIC continues to experience high demand for 8-inch production capacity for PMIC, CIS, e-NVM, and sensors. Our effort in 12-inch specialty process development has recently yielded the industry's leading 55nm embedded NVM solution. Our customer has entered into high volume production based on this technology.
The strong IC demand in China is continuing to drive our growth. For the first time in SMIC's history, our China revenue has exceeded all other regions in the second quarter. Revenue from China now accounts for more than 44% of our total revenue.
The second quarter recovery ended with strong financials and profitability for SMIC. We are optimistic about 2015 as we prepare for growth on 8-inch and 28nm. We continue to have confidence in our strategy to capture growth opportunities in China."
About SMIC
Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation ("SMIC"; NYSE: SMI; SEHK: 981) is one of the leading semiconductor foundries in the world and the largest and most advanced foundry in mainland China. SMIC provides integrated circuit (IC) foundry and technology services at 0.35-micron to 28-nanometer. Headquartered in Shanghai, China, SMIC has a 300mm wafer fabrication facility (fab) and a 200mm mega-fab in Shanghai; a 300mm mega-fab in Beijing with a joint-venture 300mm fab that is currently under construction; a 200mm fab in Tianjin; and a 200mm fab project under development in Shenzhen. SMIC also has marketing and customer service offices in the U.S., Europe, Japan, and Taiwan, and a representative office in Hong Kong.
For more information, please visit www.smics.com.
Related News
Breaking News
- NXP and Qualcomm Collaborate to Accelerate Adoption of NFC and Security in Mobile, Wearable and Internet of Things Devices
- Arasan Chip Systems Completes a Decade of Total Ethernet IP Solutions
- Silicon Storage Technology and GLOBALFOUNDRIES Announce Qualification of Automotive Grade 55nm Embedded Flash Memory Technology
- M31 Announces Partnership with AST Aiming for Israels Semiconductor Industry
- eMemory NeoFuse Technology Is Verified in 16nm FinFET Process
Most Popular
E-mail This Article | Printer-Friendly Page |


text:
Yamaha Helps out 'Arrested Development'
Composer David Schwartz (aka d Fly, pictured) recently upgraded his workspace with two new Yamaha 02R96 digital mixing consoles 4/16/2004 8:00 AM Eastern
Composer David Schwartz (aka d Fly, pictured) recently upgraded hisworkspace with two new Yamaha 02R96 digital mixing consoles just intime for his latest project: scoring and writing original music for theFox television series, Arrested Development.
"It's a very funny, smart show," Schwartz said. "We often haveupward of 15 minutes of music for each half-hour episode. We're doing22 episodes this season, and every week is mostly newmusic—everything from alternative rock to sambas.
"The new 02R96s allowed me to simplify my studio and simultaneouslyhave more power," Schwartz continued. "We were able to get rid of fiveanalog and two digital patchbays, a separate master section andstreamline from four down to two cascaded consoles, which gives thefeeling of having one large desk. We also sold all our outboardconverters, as we prefer the sound of the [02R]96's. The new boardsdropped into my original custom desks, so the installation was easy.Learning the new features took a few days.
"My engineer can be mixing while I record or edit. The EQ anddynamics are very strong, and the Studio Manager software is veryuseful. I can save scenes from either my keyboard composing setup orfrom the console. Overall, the sound is a significant improvement overthe original 02R, and I never miss my old analog board. As far asflexibility is concerned, the routing allows me to have differentsetups for records, film or mixing work, and everything can be recalledat the touch of a button. We have six Lightpipe and two AES SR cards,which allow me to clock my seven vintage Roland 760 samplers, eventhough they're lacking word clock inputs. That also applies to my DATmachines and the like. We're also using the 02R96's onboard effects andEQ, plus TDM plug-ins. Now I can use my Teletronix LA-2A or MassenburgEQ without losing quality from the converters. I'm also looking forwardto the V2 plug-ins."
Schwartz's latest work has included Maximum Bob,Leap of Faith, Wolf Lake, The Ellen Show, ColdFeet, Everything's Relative, The John LarroquetteShow and Beverly Hills 90210. His film and tele-film creditsinclude Magic in the Water, My Little Assassin,Deadman's Revenge, the soon-to-be-released You Stupid Manand VH-1's Two of Us, based on a fictional post-Beatlesreunion of John Lennon and Paul McCartney.
For more information on the Yamaha board, click here. For more information on Schwartz, visit www.davidschwartzmusic.com.


text:
Feel blessed with Big Sean, Drake and Kanye's 'Blessings' music video
Did Big Sean find the stairway to heaven?
A video of a TV episode, film, or other types of media that can be watched online.
Did Big Sean find the stairway to heaven?
More hard news is breaking first on Facebook, right alongside those happy wedding announcements.
We're four, five seconds from wanting a James Bay duet with Rihanna.
The Sonny and Cher of 2015.
Guinea worm disease may become the second illness in history to be fully eradicated. Join us for a live chat with experts about how it's being wiped out.
It's made from 28 pigs.
Twitter on Monday began giving publishers the ability to embed Twitter video on their sites, meaning YouTube and Facebook now have some new competition in the category. YouTube has let publishers embed videos for years, but starting Monday, tweets on...
Tech-savvy, thrifty Millennials demand instant gratification, and the way they consume TV is changing.
All aboard the express train to crazy town, where Neil Patrick Harris stars in a 'Funny or Die' video about his obsession with Thomas the Tank Engine.
In 2025 video interviews and job offers might be the norm.
Now that Leonard Nimoy is no longer with us, it's worth remembering the moments that made Spock the outstanding character he is.
Former CIA director David Petraeus was confronted by a member of the public in Dublin on Thursday, while visiting Trinity College to accept an award.
Aside from his role as the iconic Spock, Nimoy also appeared in many other movies and TV shows. Here are some of his most memorable roles.
'X' weaves a story that picks up 25 years after the last game -- 2011's Mortal Kombat 9 -- left off.
We have chills -- and it's not because winter is coming.
Drool over these traditional Chinese New Year foods, which promote good fortune.
'Orange Is the New Black's Taryn Manning, who portrays violence-prone devout Christian 'Pennsatucky,' released a music video for 'All the Way.'
The biggest Internet companies in the world are squaring off against the biggest ISPs over net neutrality. Here's what that means.
Remember when games looked like THAT?
The BRIT Awards are streaming live on YouTube with performances from Kanye West, Taylor Swift, Sam Smith, Madonna, Ed Sheeran and more at London's O2.
April and Jerry/Terry/Garry also made out.
Jason David Frank, who was cast as Green Ranger Tommy for the 'Power Rangers' series in 1993, doesn't like the twisted 14-minute short film. Here's why.
The reissue coincides with the band's 40th anniversary.
Schedule your life accordingly.
Neil Patrick Harris hosted the 87th Academy Awards on Sunday, and the event proved to be a night of politically charged speeches and heartfelt moments of humanity. From Patricia Arquette's moving speech about equality once and for all to Graham Moore...
For parents, YouTube has always been a double-edged sword.
While traditional open houses and "for sale" signs aren't going away, but soon it could be a viral video that gets a buyer to sign on the dotted line.
The Lunar New Year -- the Year of the Sheep, or Ram, or Goat, depending on which astrologer you listen to -- has begun. Around the world, dancers, floats, fireworks and performers in panda costumes have helped kick off the celebrations. Prince Willia...
Sam Martin saw the heartbeat in an ultrasound. A melody struck him. And like his child who will arrive in mid-March, "Song For My Unborn Son" was born.
Some dogs just came to have fun at Westminster.
Where there's snow, there's bound to be snowball fights.
Three years before Bob Marley died of cancer at 36, the reggae legend charmed a crowd at Boston's Music Hall. Watch a sweaty Marley perform 'War' in 1978.
Anyone familiar with the emoji keyboard knows far too well that it could use a few additions.
Jordan. Game 6.


text:
Each painting is carefully packaged and delivered with its invoice and certificate of authenticity. In addition, delivery of the abstract paintings is free to mainland France.
Unique abstract paintings.
The abstract paintings offered on the website are all unique and painted by hand by the artist.
Paintings to order
Are you looking for a particular abstract painting? Anthony can carry out your project to order, in accordance with your wishes.
Contact the artist.
The artist is completely available to discuss the creation of your painting. He would be delighted to consult you with regard to the colours of your rooms, your property and the ambiance of the locations. He will fulfil your requirements to your entire satisfaction.


text:
Connect with Us
Latest news, top stories, and community events,
Falcons defeat Wolves in soccer 3-0
The Coupeville girls' soccer team "played well," according to coach Mike Thornton, but fell to South Whidbey 3-0 Thursday in Coupeville.
Thornton said, "We actually played well, and we even had more chances on goal, but we just couldn't get it in the back of the net."
The Falcons got first half goals from Jessica Manca and Paige Miller. Anna Lennon finished the scoring with a second-half goal off a deflection.
Thornton said, "It was a good game for us. We are halfway through and we are playing better than when we started."
The Wolves are now 3-6 for the year, 1-6 in Cascade Conference play. The Wolves go to King's next Tuesday.
Latest news, top stories, and community events,
delivered to your inbox.
Trending Stories Apr 18 - Apr 25
We encourage an open exchange of ideas on this story's topic, but we ask you to follow our guidelines for respecting community standards. Personal attacks, inappropriate language, and off-topic comments may be removed, and comment privileges revoked, per our Terms of Use. Please see our FAQ if you have questions or concerns about using Facebook to comment.
blog comments powered by Disqus
Read the Apr 25
Green Edition
Browse the print edition page by page, including stories and ads.
Browse the archives.
Friends to Follow
View All UpdatesLocal display advertising by PaperG


text:
Using the Kanex Mini DisplayPort HDMI Cable with Audio Support., Will i be able to use my iMac as a TV? Can i hook up my iMac to my digital TV box?
- Asked by Shane D
Kanex Mini DisplayPort to HDMI Cable with Audio Support (10 ft.)
Product No Longer Available
1 Answer from the Community
- Answered by Kashyap K from Brea


text:
Skydiving.com now has a network skydiving location serving Stockland and Iroquois County in Illinois. Call Skydiving.com at 1-800-617-7948 for details, free information and specials on skydiving in Stockland, IL today!
Popular Tags for Skydiving Stockland:
Skydiving Stockland, Skydiving in Stockland, Sky Diving Stockland, Skydive Stockland IL, Skydiving 60967, Stockland Skydiving, Skydiving Stockland Illinois, Skydiving near Stockland, Skydiving in Stockland Illinois, Stockland Sky Diving, Skydive 60967, Skydiving Stockland IL, Skydive Stockland, Skydiving Iroquois County, Skydive in 60967, Skydiving IL, Sky Diving Stockland IL, Stockland, Illinois


text:
Product 'LB291' not found
Sorry but the product you tried to access does not exist.
It may have been discontinued.
The product you tried to access was item number: LB291, description: Womens Outlet Trousers Jeans Shorts Funky Floral Jean
Please don't give up on us yet though, perhaps using our sites search system may locate a similar product.


text:
Posted 30 September 2012 - 04:23 PM
Posted 30 September 2012 - 04:23 PM
No disrespect intended, but think about your post in its totality lightsout.
Look at the parts I bolded. There is something wrong with our fanbase when this is our "bright side."
Is this what we have come to? It's okay because we looked like an NFL team on offense today? LOL. It's okay because even though we gave up 30 points on defense and a 60 yard loaf of bread lob with them pinned to their own goal line, dropped to 1-3, are 3 games back in the division, and now have two demoralizing losses in a row, we "on the whole did fine today?"
I can't.
At some point, you have to man up and breakthrough. We have enough talent to do it. A great coach makes up for any deficiencies your team may have and makes players better than their physical abilities should dictate. Our coach doesn't.
And here we are again, looking for the candy sprinkles in a pile of dog crap.
There is just no excuse for this coaching staff...NO excuse
Posted 30 September 2012 - 04:24 PM
Here in da Car-a-to-the-linas dats wut we calls good defense.
What a joke of a thread.


text:
Beaumont/Port Arthur
Former Vidor Independent School District teacher Sondra Reed now faces criminal prosecution for engaging in what prosecutors say was an improper relationship between the educator and a student.
The indictment was filed June 25 in the 128th District Court, and Orange County District Attorney John Kimbrough signed off that the case is ready for trial on June 26.
A witness has reported that they caught an Orange County Sheriff's Office deputy on tape speeding and recklessly passing vehicles in heavy Houston traffic on June 29.
Wednesday, July 2, at 2:14 am, officers responded to a robbery at Walmart at 4145 Dowlen Road in Beaumont. Two black males entered the store, popped a secured drawer, removed a large amount of cash and threatened an employee. The suspects ran towards Kohl's to a black Chevrolet Impala. A third suspect was in the drivers seat.
The Beaumont Independent School District's proposed Reduction in Force (RIF) failed to garner support from the school district's Board of Trustees when the matter of cutting more than 100 teaching positions came to vote Monday, June 30. One board trustee, Tom Neild, was out of town for the meeting.
AUSTIN PRESS RELEASE – Commissioner of Education Michael Williams has instructed the conservator overseeing the Beaumont Independent School District (BISD) that the board of trustees will be required to get conservator approval for certain expenditures exceeding $10,000.
While we harbor no disrespect for the Wall Street Journal who called us "that scrappy little paper from Southeast Texas," we prefer to think of ourselves as simple seekers of the truth. We're of the opinion that headlines and sound bites never tell the whole story. Our readers demand all the facts, facets and flavors of every story or event. And, they expect to be informed, educated and stirred to action.
For this week's New York Times crossword puzzle, pick up a copy of this week's The Examiner on newsstands now.


text:
The Julie Penrose Fountain located at America the Beautiful Park in Downtown Colorado Springs is most often referred to people as "The O Fountain." Designed as an infinity symbol, and titled "Continuum" by David Barber and Bill Burgess, the fountain rotates as a wall of water, symbolizing the life-giving movement of water between the atmosphere and the earth, splashes all who play at the fountain. Around the fountain lies a shallow splash area which has some movement to it like a miniture river. The fountain is open June to August from 11am to 5pm. Life guards are on duty at these times since the fountain areas can get very slick, and no one can resist sticking their feet into this fountain. It's a great time for little ones who want to sit in the water and splash before or after a picnic lunch at the park, or before the Farmer's Market on Wednesdays.
- Location:
- Colorado El Paso County Colorado Springs
Show All Comments
The Force Realty - Redmond, WA
Woodinville Washington Photographer
Show All Comments


text:
Year 2s please note: the submission deadline for your convergent journalism online assignment has been moved back to 1pm on Friday 10 April.
Congratulations to MA Multimedia Journalism student Josh Fordham, whose interview with the new boss of Charlton FC made a page lead in this week's Dartford and Gravesend Messenger.
Guy Luzon has given few press interviews since his arrival at the club a couple of months ago, so when Josh talked his way into doing a face-to-face with the new manager, the KM gave it a good showing.
As part of his coursework project for the Advanced Multimedia Storytelling module, MA student Aodhan Gregory is running an election debate event next Monday evening (23 March) in Canterbury, starting at 6pm. It's taking place at the Media Centre on the main university campus.
He's worked extremely hard to get representatives from all of the main political parties to attend the debate, which will be recorded 'as live' for the radio show he presents on Canterbury Student Radio. He's also recording the event on video to turn into a web film.
This is a great opportunity for CfJ students to witness and take part in a political debate ahead of the most unpredictable election of recent times. It might also provide you with stories for your portfolio.
Courtesy of Storify, here are the highlights of last night's events as they unfolded on social media.
The National Council for the Training of Journalists is looking for an intern to administer, promote and develop its Journalism Diversity Fund.
The internship will last up to 6 months and will pay a trainee-level salary as well as offering further journalism training and networking opportunities. The previous incumbent is off to work at STV.
Applicants must have completed, or be about to complete, an NCTJ-accredited course.
Full details are on the NCTJ web site. Closing date is Monday 9 March.
Boglarka Kosztolanyi became the seventh winner of the Bob Friend Sky News scholarship at a star-studded Centre for Journalism event last night.
The first year student, who is from Hungary, is seen here collecting her certificate from BBC icon John Humphrys. She wins £3,500 and a four-week placement with Sky News during the summer.
Humphrys was in conversation with Sky News editor-at-large Adam Boulton for the annual Bob Friend lecture in front of an audience that included head of Sky News John Ryley, KM group chairman Geraldine Allinson and NCTJ chief executive Joanne Butcher.
As you know, we like to keep close tabs on our former CfJ students as their careers begin to flourish on the world journalism stage.
Occasionally, we (almost) wish we didn't. Especially when that career involves parading their underwear in the pages of national newspapers.
There will be a briefing for the upcoming radio newsday on Tuesday at 12noon in the small newsroom.
The newsday roles for the rest of this term are as follows:
Radio newsday Friday 13 Feb
Editors: Katie Palmer, Sophie Wentworth
Executives: Paige Aldridge, Dan Crook, Ola Ojuko
Assessed reporters: Uzoma Jemade, Rebecca Lawrence, Amy Nickalls, Nathalie Evele, Michelle Gleaves, Helen Grimes, Cian Hodge, Stine Wannebo, Cecily Snowball, Jasmin Sahota
Hearty congratulations to year 3 undergraduate Victoria Polley, who today collected the award for the best performing student in the NCTJ's broadcast journalism exam.
Victoria collected the award, which is sponsored by ITV News, at today's NCTJ student council meeting hosted by News UK in London.
It's an outstanding achievement.
A group of television production students from the University of the Creative Arts are looking for panellists and presenters for a discussion show they are producing at Maidstone TV studios.
The team are holding auditions next week for "confident, strong and opinionated" personalities who are happy to talk on screen about a variety of topical subjects. They have specifically asked us to draw this to the attention of CfJ students.
Tweets from https://twitter.com/CfJKent/lists/cfj-alumni


text:
Title: | Role of Shear Stress in the Differential Regulation of Endothelial Cathepsins and Cystatin C |
Author: | Platt, Manu Omar |
Abstract: | The importance of shear stress in vascular biology and pathophysiology has been highlighted by the focal development patterns of atherosclerosis, abdominal aortic aneurysms, and heart valve disease in regions exposed to disturbed flow leading to low or oscillatory shear stress at the wall of the blood vessel or the surface of the valve leaflet. The novel and significant finding of this study is that mouse aortic endothelial cell exposure to pro-atherogenic oscillatory shear stress (OS) (+/- 5 dynes/cm2) increased their production of cathepsins, the family of lysosomal cysteine proteases that are potent elastases and collagenases leading to protease degradation and remodeling of the extracellular matrix structural components. Conversely, atheroprotective unidirectional laminar shear stress (LS) (15 dynes/cm2) decreased elastase and gelatinase activities of endothelial cells through a shear stress mediated reduction in cathepsins K, L, and S activity. Their endogenous inhibitor, cystatin C, was found to be inversely regulated by shear stress; LS increased its secretion by endothelial cells while OS decreased it. Binding of free cystatin C in the conditioned media to carboxymethylated papain coated agarose beads led to an increase in cathepsin activity since the available cathepsin was not inhibited. To verify these findings in human samples, immunohistochemical analysis of cystatin C and cathepsin K was performed on human coronary arteries. Cathepsin K stained strongly in the endothelial layer of vessels with degraded internal elastic lamina while cystatin C staining intensity was strongest overlying minimally diseased vessels. Additional roles for cathepsins K, L, and S were found in endothelial cell alignment in response to unidirectional laminar shear stress, endothelial cell migration, and programmed cell death. We conclude that there is an inverse regulation of cathepsins and cystatin C in endothelial cells by LS and OS and identify the cathepsin family of proteases as potential targets for therapeutic intervention of cardiovascular disease development at sites of disturbed flow. |
Type: | Dissertation |
URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/1853/11635 |
Date: | 2006-07-06 |
Publisher: | Georgia Institute of Technology |
Subject: |
Shear stress
Cathepsins Atherosclerosis Endothelial cells Vascular endothelium Atherosclerosis Endothelial seeding |
Department: | Biomedical Engineering |
Advisor: | Committee Chair: Jo, Hanjoong; Committee Member: Galis, Zorina; Committee Member: Nerem, Robert; Committee Member: Shi, Guo-Ping; Committee Member: Taylor, W Robert |
Degree: | Ph.D. |
Files | Size | Format | View |
platt_manu_o_200608_phd.pdf | 8.531Mb |


text:
Find us on Google+
IT Management
Slide Shows
Research Center
Sponsored News
Small Business
PC Hardware
at 30
Big Data Analytics
Cloud Backup
Next Generation Firewall
Moving to the Cloud OS with Windows Server 2012
Securing Office 365 with a Cloud Access Security Broker
Modernization Eases Impact of Changing Storage Requirements in Higher Education
Windows Server 2012: The Road to a Virtualized Data Center
Why You Need a Cloud Access Security Broker
10 Google Nexus One Features You Need to Know
10 Google Nexus One Features You Need to Know
Don Reisinger
Posted 2010-01-06
News Analysis: All the advance news, rumors and blogs gave some people hope that Google's Nexus One smartphone would break enough new technological ground to seriously challenge the iPhone. But now that the Nexus One has been introduced, it appears the mobile device is less than revolutionary. While it has several features sure to appeal to many consumers, it also falls short in certain areas. Here is a look at the high and low points of Google's Nexus One.
Prior to the unveiling of the
Google Nexus One phone, hopes were high.
Some believed the device would be available solely as an unlocked, yet affordable, smartphone. Others said it would feature multitouch gestures that could rival the Apple iPhone. Still others thought that Google's product would be an iPhone killer. Oh, how wrong they were. Google's Nexus One is undoubtedly a good-looking device. But once one looks beyond the design and starts digging into its features, one might find that in some cases it's offering something new and in other cases it's woefully behind. And perhaps that's the lesson that can be learned from the Nexus One. To some, it might be exactly what they're looking for. To others, it might be just another reason to buy an iPhone. Simply put, Google's Nexus One is a standard case of trade-offs.
Let's find go over some pros and cons of the Nexus One.
1. It's available unlocked
Google's Nexus One phone isn't being offered only in an unlocked state, but there is an unlocked version available to those who want to bring the device to AT&T or any other GSM carrier. It's a nice option that should go a long way in appealing to customers who don't want to switch to another carrier just to get the latest mobile phone. Think of it as a shot over Apple's bow.
2. T-Mobile and Verizon are on board
There is a locked version of the Nexus One.
For now,
T-Mobile customers or those who are willing to switch to the service can get a Nexus One
from that carrier at a steeply discounted price of $179. Google said Verizon Wireless and Vodafone are also on board to offer a discounted, locked version of the Nexus One, but that won't be happening until later in 2010.
3. It doesn't have multitouch
Those hoping to find a device that can compete on the same level as the iPhone may be a little disappointed by the Nexus One. Unlike Apple's smartphone, the Nexus One lacks multitouch. In other words, users won't be able to perform gestures like "pinch" to interact with on-screen applications. That is a glaring omission.
4. It has updated Android software
The Nexus One is running Android software that users won't find in other devices running that OS. That means it features some extras, like home screen customization and home screen panels that allow users to add shortcuts to the display. It also has a new feature called Live Wallpapers, which helps users customize the background image on their phones.
Page 1 of 2
Don Reisinger is a freelance technology columnist. He started writing about technology for Ziff-Davis' Gearlog.com. Since then, he has written extremely popular columns for CNET.com, Computerworld, InformationWeek, and others. He has appeared numerous times on national television to share his expertise with viewers. You can follow his every move at http://twitter.com/donreisinger.
Submit a Comment
Loading Comments...
Manage your Newsletters:
My Newsletters
eWeek Editor's Pick
News & Views
Cloud Computing
Mobile and Wireless Update
Best of eWeek
eWeek Sunday Brunch
eCareers Smart Moves
Enterprise Applications Topic Center Update
Enterprise IT Advantage
eWeek Whitepaper Spotlight
eWeek Labs
eWeek Enterprise Update
eWeek Storage Report
Industry Center Update : Finance
Industry Center Update : Government
Industry Center Update : Health Care
Infrastructure Topic Center Update
Linux & Open Source Topic Center Update
Mid-Market Solutions
Securing the Enterprise
VoIP Topic Center Update
What's Hot Now
News and Reviews
Why Europe's Regulatory War Against Silicon Valley Will Backfire
Upcoming HP Business Has a New Logo
Microsoft Halts SQL Server 2014 SP1 Downloads
Google Aims to Encrypt Most Ads by the End of June
New Malware Spreads Through Web Advertising Channels
10 Ways Marissa Mayer Is Reinventing ...
For nearly three years, CEO Marissa Mayer has tried to reinvent Yah...
Watch Now
Thanks for your registration, follow us on our social networks to keep up-to-date


text:
Richards Motor Svce
(716) 297-3440
5000 Sweet Home Rd,
Niagara Falls, NY 14305
Auto Makes We Service
Service & Repair |
Customer Reviews (1 review)
1 Sort by: Date | Helpful
Richards Motor Svce
Mike-is an outstanding mechanic and has an excellent Customer-attitude. He is willing to go the extra mile so to speak and if his knowledge and/or training and skills cannot rectify the problem has no hesitation recommending an alternative repair facilty. Great Repair Facility!
John H
Flag This
Like | 1 person likes this1