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Page 1
International Family Planning Perspectives
Intimate partner violence is the most prevalent form of
gender-based violence worldwide.1Domestic violence has
been directly linked to numerous kinds of immediate and
long-term physical and psychological injury to women.2
Such violence also may contribute to unwanted pregnan-
cies and may increase the risk of sexually transmitted
infections among victims by compromising their ability to
dictate the terms of their sexual relationships.3Moreover,
domestic violence is a common problem during pregnan-
cy4and has been associated with increased risks of mis-
carriage, preterm labor, fetal distress and low birth weight.5
In light of mounting evidence of its varied and deleterious
immediate and secondary effects, domestic violence is
increasingly being recognized not only as an issue of human
rights but also as a serious public health concern.6
Numerous studies have identified possible determinants,
or "triggers," of intimate partner violence, many of which
are salient across diverse cultural and social contexts.
Theories to explain intimate partner violence remain rela-
tively limited, however. This lack of a theoretical perspec-
tive may limit efforts to better understand intimate partner
violence and to respond to it effectively,7particularly at the
level of primary prevention.
Heise has proposed an ecological framework suggest-
ing that intimate partner violence arises from an interplay
among personal, situational and sociocultural factors.8This
framework draws on the cross-cultural literature to iden-
tify potential specific factors associated with abuse at each
level of the social ecology.9However, more empirical
information and theory are needed regarding the relative
importance of these various factors,10how they are inter-
related, and how they may interact with one another to
influence women's risk of violence.
We report findings on the prevalence, nature and potential
determinants of domestic violence—that is, violence per-
petrated against a woman by her husband—among married
women in six Bangladeshi villages. We explore some of the
complex processes underpinning domestic violence in this
context by looking at relationships and interactions among
variables and by drawing on both quantitative analyses and
qualitative data.
Domestic violence is common in rural Bangladesh. Among
rural married women surveyed in 199211and 1993,1247%
and 42%, respectively, reported having experienced phys-
ical violence at the hands of their husband; 43% of women
in a 1999 study reported having been slapped and beat-
en.13 In addition, domestic violence appears to be an im-
portant cause of maternal mortality in Bangladesh.14
In Bangladesh, violence against women is closely linked
to the institution of marriage, as it is in India.15Marriage-
Socioeconomic Factors and Processes Associated
With Domestic Violence in Rural Bangladesh
Lisa M. Bates is
consultant, Empower-
ment of Women
Research Program,
Center for Applied
Behavioral and
Evaluation Research,
Academy for Educa-
tional Development,
Boston, MA, USA.
Sidney Ruth Schuler is
director, Empower-
ment of Women
Research Program,
Washington, DC.
Farzana Islam is
associate professor of
University, Dhaka,
Md. Khairul Islam is
country director,
ORBIS International,
CONTEXT:Although the pervasiveness of domestic violence against women in Bangladesh is well documented,
specific risk factors, particularly those that can be affected by policies and programs, are not well understood.
METHODS:In 2001–2002, surveys, in-depth interviews and small group discussions were conducted with married
women from six Bangladeshi villages to examine the types and severity of domestic violence, and to explore the path-
ways through which women's social and economic circumstances may influence their vulnerability to violence in mar-
riage. Women's odds of experiencing domestic violence in the past year were assessed by logistic regression analysis.
RESULTS:Of about 1,200 women surveyed, 67% had ever experienced domestic violence, and 35% had done so in the
past year. According to the qualitative findings, participants expected women with more education and income to be
less vulnerable to domestic violence; they also believed (or hoped) that having a dowry or a registered marriage could
strengthen a women's position in her marriage. Yet, of these potential factors, only education was associated with sig-
nificantly reduced odds of violence; meanwhile, the odds were increased for women who had a dowry agreement or
had personal earnings that contributed more than nominally to the marital household. Women strongly supported
educating their daughters, but pressures remain to marry them early, in part to avoid high dowry costs.
CONCLUSIONS:In rural Bangladesh, women's social and economic circumstances may influence their risk of domestic
violence in complex and contradictory ways. Findings also suggest a disconnect between women's emerging expecta-
tions and their current realities.
International Family Planning Perspectives, 2004, 30(4):190–199
By Lisa M. Bates,
Sidney Ruth
Farzana Islam and
Md. Khairul Islam
Page 2
Volume 30, Number 4, December 2004
sponsibilities. Men may, in response, use violence to reassert
their control and reinforce the prevailing gender order.22
Girls' education has been promoted extensively by the
Bangladesh government and by nongovernmental organi-
zations (NGOs). The proportion of girls enrolled in formal
and informal schooling has risen dramatically; it is now near-
ly at a par with the proportion of boys.23Simultaneously,
women have increasingly become economically active; for
example, many participate in income-generating schemes,
such as microcredit loan programs, or seek paid employ-
ment outside the home, which can entail a departure from
traditional gender norms mandating women's seclusion.
In Bangladesh, a minimum legal age at marriage of 18
years for females was established in 1929, and the practice
of dowry was outlawed in 1980.24Although these laws have
been publicized in recent years through various channels,
families typically disregard them and enforcement barely
exists. Similarly, a law requiring the registration of marriages
has existed since 1974. The practice has recently been pro-
moted by officials and NGOs interested in supporting
women's rights because of women's profound dependence
on marriage for economic survival. One requirement of Mus-
lim marriage in Bangladesh (and in many other Muslim
countries where laws pertaining to marriage are based on
religious tradition) is that the husband must agree to pro-
vide mehr (or, colloquially, den mohor) at the time of mar-
riage.25Often translated as "dower," mehr is property or
payment promised by the groom and his family to the bride—
a practice originally intended to provide the wife with eco-
nomic security and to limit the husband's arbitrary use of
unilateral divorce. The amount is customarily recorded in
the marriage contract and can be claimed in the event of di-
vorce or death of the husband. (Theoretically, wives may
claim this payment at any time, but in practice, they rarely
do so.26) Thus, in theory, legal registration of a marriage
provides the wife with a basis for filing suit to collect the
dower if her husband deserts her or divorces her, or if he
gives her grounds for divorce by habitually assaulting her.
The data are drawn from six villages in three districts (Rang-
pur, Faridpur and Magura). Our criteria for selecting the
villages were designed, in part, to ensure some geograph-
ic variation and to include areas in which the two largest
microcredit lending programs in Bangladesh were well es-
tablished. They were also selected to avoid areas near the
capital city, which could be atypical of rural Bangladesh,
and areas in which other studies were under way. Although
related norms and practices reinforce women's relative pow-
erlessness, often exposing them to domestic violence.
Bangladeshi females frequently are married in childhood
to an older man who is unknown to them. Despite a law
prohibiting marriage for females younger than 18, rural
women aged 20–49 reported a median age at marriage of
15 years in a 1999–2000 national survey.*16At the time of
marriage, young women usually know little or nothing of
sex,17and sexual initiation can be a traumatic experience.
Domestic violence is often used to establish and enforce
gender roles early in marriage, and very young women may
be particularly vulnerable and unable to resist.
Domestic violence is used in both Bangladesh and India
to extort dowry payments and other property from the fam-
ilies of young married women.18Violence—often of escalat-
ing severity over time—may be perpetrated against women in
conjunction with demands for outstanding (often unafford-
able) dowry payments or demands for additional amounts.19
In a study in India, perceived dowry inadequacy was one of
the main reasons cited to explain domestic violence.20
In studies by Schuler and colleagues on the connections
between violence and gender inequality and the factors that
may influence these outcomes in Bangladesh, men often
used violence to enforce their dominance and nonegalitarian
gender norms, particularly in the initial years of marriage.
This research suggested that the effects of interventions such
as microcredit loan programs—which empower women eco-
nomically and socially—on domestic violence are ambigu-
ous. Participation in such programs can, on the one hand,
reduce a woman's risk of domestic violence by making her
life more visible and by increasing her perceived value in
the family; on the other hand, if the woman's economic em-
powerment results in her acting more assertively, her hus-
band may respond with violence.21
We report results from in-depth interviews, small group
discussions and survey data collected in 2001–2002 in six
villages in Bangladesh to document the types and severity
of violence against women in marriage, and to explore the
potential social determinants of domestic violence and the
pathways through which social and economic factors might
influence women's vulnerability in marriage. Key as-
sumptions guiding this work are that marriage is an im-
portant site for the negotiation and expression of gender
roles and relations, and that the prevailing marriage sys-
tems and practices in Bangladesh need to be understood
in the context of strategies developed by individuals and
families for economic survival.
In this article, we focus on five potential social and eco-
nomic factors that have been identified in previous studies,
including our own previous qualitative research in these sites,
as possible determinants of women's rights and vulnerability
in marriage: women's education, women's participation in
microcredit lending programs, women's contribution to cov-
ering household expenses, dowry arrangements and mar-
riage registration. All these factors are evolving phenomena
in the context of Bangladesh; related changes may work to
subvert and redefine traditional gender roles, rights and re-
*In that study, women's median age at marriage had increased over time—
from 14 years among 45–49-year-olds to 16 years among 20–24-year-olds;
still, 75% of married women reported having been married before age 18.
However, such data should be treated with some caution, as we have found
that many rural Bangladeshis do not know their precise age or birth date.
In addition, because educational improvements and media campaigns
sponsored by government agencies and nongovernmental organizations
have, over time, increased awareness of the minimum legal age require-
ment for marriage, respondents increasingly may have tended to inten-
tionally misreport their age at marriage.
Page 3
International Family Planning Perspectives
we did not select the villages randomly, when we compared
our survey data with rural averages from the most recent
Demographic and Health Survey,27the villages collective-
ly appeared indistinguishable from others in Bangladesh,
except that they had a somewhat lower mean educational
level among women and a lower use of antenatal care. The
villages are poor and somewhat conservative, but not un-
usually so for rural Bangladesh. The religious composition
is typical of Bangladeshi villages—96% of women are
Muslim. In or near the villages are schools operated by the
government, NGOs or religious organizations.
In 1991, when we began conducting research in these
villages, NGOs providing microcredit loans were active in
four of the villages; now at least one such NGO is present
in each. Nongovernmental organizations working in these
villages also promote girls' education and raise awareness
about marriage- and family-related national laws. Accord-
ing to our own data, from 1994 to 2001–2002, the pro-
portion of married women with no education decreased
from 63% to 45%. Rice-processing centers and road main-
tenance projects employ women from some of the villages.
Qualitative Components
The qualitative data come from semistructured, in-depth
interviews with 76 women and from four small group dis-
cussions conducted among married female villagers in
2001–2002. Participants were selected to represent differ-
ent groups of interest—for example, poor women; women,
or mothers of women, who married at a relatively young
or old age; and women whom the field researchers
considered relatively empowered or disempowered. All
participants were briefed in advance on the nature of the
interview; they provided oral consent to participate in the
study. No incentives were given.
The study's qualitative components examined the so-
cial and economic processes underlying early marriage, gen-
der inequality and violence within marriage. Much of the
material pertinent to the topic of domestic violence emerged
spontaneously during interviews on broader topics relat-
ed to marriage and to women's rights and roles within mar-
riage. To explore the range of potential social and economic
factors shaping women's experiences of marriage, includ-
ing violence, the interviewers asked women open-ended
questions about the process of marriage formation and
about their perceptions of what influenced it and women's
status within marriage. Participants were also asked to de-
scribe their own experiences and those of women in gen-
eral, especially whether and how they perceived women's
circumstances in marriage to have changed over time.
Experienced female Bangladeshi researchers conduct-
ed the in-depth interviews and small group discussions;
each generally lasted 1–4 hours. The in-depth interviews
were conducted one-on-one, usually in the participant's
home. Two or three researchers facilitated each small group
discussion, typically in a place where 5–8 participants were
already gathered.
The field researchers subsequently generated written tran-
scripts in Bangladeshi by reviewing tape recordings and
field notes. The transcripts were then translated into Eng-
lish by local translators unaffiliated with the project. The
translations were checked for accuracy and corrected by
the interviewer and, when needed, by another member of
the research team. This process was designed to minimize
the imposition of interpretations during transcription or
translation. We subsequently reviewed and coded the tran-
scripts (using open-ended and thematic codes); the field
researchers provided clarifications and checked interpre-
tations, as needed. During periodic meetings in Dhaka, the
field researchers reviewed our preliminary analyses and
provided evidence to confirm or refute these interpretations.
The field researchers also offered alternative interpretations
and suggested previously unidentified themes and patterns.
Quantitative Component
•Data collection.The quantitative data come from a survey
administered orally in 2002 to married women of reproductive
age (younger than 50 years) in the six villages, plus 130 mar-
ried women older than 50. The latter group had participat-
ed in a 1994 study by Schuler and colleagues involving all
women of reproductive age in the villages. Our sample com-
prised 1,212 respondents, representing 86% of eligible
women. After obtaining informed consent, female researchers
administered the surveys according to World Health Orga-
nization (WHO) ethical safety guidelines for research on vi-
olence against women.28 Every effort was made to ensure pri-
vacy during the interviews; interviews were suspended during
discussion of sensitive topics when interruptions by other
household members or neighbors could not be avoided.*
The researchers were trained to deal with reactions to ques-
tions on domestic violence.
The survey covered a range of topics related to women's
social, economic and physical well-being, including their
capacities and access to resources, empowerment, marriage
characteristics, experiences of domestic violence and health
outcomes. Development of the questionnaire content was
guided by the 1994 survey and the qualitative findings to
date. The final questionnaire was pretested extensively in
areas comparable but not adjacent to the study sites. All
survey data were double entered into a database and ana-
lyzed by using SAS software.
•Measures and data analysis. Our measures of domestic
violence were consistent with WHO guidelines, and we
adapted questions from the WHO Violence Against Women
Instrument.29Currently married women whose husband
lived at home were asked six questions on whether their
husband had committed violent acts of increasing severi-
ty against them ever or in the past 12 months. To minimize
bias based on subjective perceptions of abuse, all these ques-
tions asked about specific behaviors. The primary outcome
used in the main logistic regression analysis was any do-
mestic violence experienced in the past year.
Socioeconomic Factors in Domestic Violence in Rural Bangladesh
*To minimize the odds of systematic error due to differential questionnaire
administration, researchers asked standardized "filler" questions during
such interruptions.
Page 4
Volume 30, Number 4, December 2004
she can say, 'Did I come here empty-handed?'" According
to this interpretation, a dowry can raise a bride's status and
improve her security in her husband's home. The practice
is therefore perpetuated reluctantly, and often with con-
siderable shame, by families to help ensure that their daugh-
ters are treated well in the marital home.
Dowry demands and the stress and hardship they impose
on many families and on new brides emerged as a paramount
consideration in decision-making about marriage formation—
a consideration that increasingly seems to dwarf all others,
such as social status or the quality of the groom and his fam-
ily (although these issues remained important). For most
respondents, managing a daughter's marriage negotiations
is an agonizing process fraught with tension and fear. The
economic burden of dowry can be high—even exorbitant—
but mothers often reported feeling that dowry is necessary
for their daughters' well-being. The interaction of these con-
cerns can clearly translate into downward pressure on age
at marriage, because young women's marriageability is be-
lieved to diminish with age, not least because of concerns
about "sexual purity";‡mothers feared that they would have
to pay higher dowry to find acceptable husbands for older
daughters. Although numerous women expressed a strong
desire to educate their daughters, the apparent social and,
increasingly, economic imperative to marry daughters early
is likely to compromise girls' educational attainment and
undermine the potential for girls' increased education to
translate into delayed marriage.
Women often spontaneously mentioned females' in-
creasing education level as a major change in recent years
and an important determinant of women's experiences.
Participants suggested that education can improve the cir-
cumstances in which females enter marriage—for example,
by allowing them legitimate reasons to postpone marriage;
by improving their marriageability and, therefore, their
prospects for marrying a "good" man (by making them more
desirable to prospective husbands and their families); and
by increasing the affordability of marriage by acting, at least
in part, as a surrogate for dowry.
Many women perceived education as also improving
women's status and opportunities in their conjugal house-
holds, thereby affording them more freedom and less de-
pendence. In their view, education has both direct effects
on women's status and indirect effects that operate through
increased earning potential.
Many participants argued that education can also help a
woman speak on her own behalf and defend herself, regardless
of personal earnings or family wealth. As one uneducated
Education, one of the independent variables, was mea-
sured as number of years of school completed. In addition,
two variables were used for women's economic activity. The
first, contribution to household expenses, was based on the
woman's rough estimate of her relative economic contri-
bution to meeting household expenses. The second such
variable was an indicator of whether the woman currently
belonged to an NGO microcredit loan program.
The dowry variable is based on the woman's report of
whether an agreement on dowry (in the form of cash or prop-
erty) was made at the time of marriage. Marriage registra-
tion indicates whether her marriage was formally registered.
Additional control variables were marital household so-
cioeconomic status and age. Socioeconomic status was mea-
sured by an aggregate scale of seven dichotomous items
based on household size; substances used to build the walls,
roof and latrine of the house; presence of electricity in the
home; and television and radio ownership. Age was ascer-
tained by asking current age. For those who responded
"don't know" (24%), we inferred the woman's age on the
basis of additional information asked about age in relation
to individual (e.g., menarche, marriage, childbearing) and
national (the 1971 Liberation War) events.*
With the exception of socioeconomic status and age, all
variables used in the analyses were dichotomous. Logistic
regression models were used to examine associations be-
tween domestic violence and the five primary variables of
interest. To further explore the processes and potential in-
fluences suggested by the qualitative findings, we performed
additional logistic regression analyses, which examined
the relationships among key covariates.
Qualitative Findings
Many women recognized and were dismayed by the in-
creasing practice of dowry throughout Bangladesh.†(Until
the 1960s, a "bride price" system of material exchange was
customarily observed, in which the groom's family gave
money and gifts to the bride's family at marriage.30)
According to numerous respondents, women are highly
vulnerable to maltreatment if the economic resources they
bring to their marriage—usually in the form of dowry—are
perceived as meager. Respondents universally condemned
the practice of dowry; they recognized its common use as
a tool of resource extraction and exploitation.
A 40-year-old woman provided this explanation: "If the
dowry is not paid, then a husband…beats his wife or usu-
ally says that he will marry again to a girl whose parents
are able to pay dowry. Some men also send the(ir) wife to
her parents' house to pressure them to pay the dowry."
Despite their condemnation of dowry, most women
seemed resigned to it, as they believed it affords young
women an important degree of social legitimacy and se-
curity. As a 32-year-old woman with no education or income
explained, "If a girl brings dowry, then she has a stronger
position in her in-laws' home….Her mother-in-law cannot
torture her, nor can her husband beat her. If they do, then
*In general, women for whom age was inferred had less education than
did women who stated their age (60% vs. 40% had no education). Thus,
we created a dummy control variable indicating whether age had been
†The use of dowries in the six study villages has increased dramatically
over time: The quantitative data show that among women aged 15–19,
72% had dowry agreements at marriage, compared with fewer than 20%
among those aged 45 or older.
‡Numerous women expressed concern that they cannot keep their un-
married adolescent daughters safe from sexual violence or prevent them
from developing consensual romantic liaisons.
Page 5
International Family Planning Perspectives
32-year-old woman said, "Not only daughters of wealthy
fathers can speak for themselves. Those girls with education
who are aware can protest when their situation is bad."
An employed woman with a secondary education believed
that educated women's assertiveness can be contagious:
"The act of protesting has…increased due to…education.
[But] it is not like all who are protesting are [highly educated].
When I, an educated woman, protest against my husband's
misbehavior, then my neighbor…, who has studied [only]
up to class five, thinks…she will…protest against her hus-
band's behavior as I protested. [She will think,] 'Why should
I tolerate such oppression?'"
Some women expected that education could translate
into at least the potential for employment or earnings; the
earnings would then afford women greater status and rights
in the home and protection from abuse. A 40-year-old
woman with a source of personal income noted, "If a woman
earns, then she has to be treated as an equal to her husband,
because both are earning members of the family. In that
case, the husband can't beat her."
A few women even suggested that with education, women
have opportunities for independence from marriage: If they
cannot change the nature of the marriage, they can leave
it. An educated respondent explained:
"If women are educated, they can get jobs, and they will
be happy...because they themselves are independent. They
don't need to tolerate the torture and oppression of their
husbands. If [a woman] thinks she cannot go on, then she
can leave her husband."
However, this optimistic scenario contradicts most of our
findings. Interviewed women who themselves were desperate
(e.g., severely abused or neglected) were indeed better able
to survive and support their children if they were earning
money, but they did not achieve independence. Often these
women earned money when their husbands did not, and
in these situations, the wife was likely to use her earnings
to support her husband and family rather than leave.
Finally, some respondents saw a great potential for mar-
riage registration, an increasingly common practice, to en-
sure marital security and protect families' financial invest-
ment in marriages. Many said that women with registered
marriages felt more secure because their husbands would
be unlikely to abandon or severely mistreat them for fear
of financial repercussions. According to one participant,
"…women can take shelter of law if their husbands beat
them—it is written in the registry." Another participant pro-
vided this explanation:
"If the marriage is registered, a man cannot leave his wife
easily. He has to pay the amount of dowry given at his wed-
ding time back to his wife….Now, if I have to pay this amount
of dowry to get my daughter married, I will, of course, want
the safety of registered marriage, so…they cannot send our
daughter back without the money."
Survey Findings
Among survey respondents, the median age was 31, and
the median age at marriage was 14. Forty-five percent of
women had had no schooling, and 20% had completed
more than five years (Table 1). Nearly half of women (49%)
had ever belonged to a microcredit program (not shown),
and 40% currently belonged to one. Twenty percent of
women were contributing earnings toward at least some
household payments. Forty-six percent had dowry agree-
ments, and 62% had registered marriages. Use of marriage
registration, like that of dowries, has increased consider-
Socioeconomic Factors in Domestic Violence in Rural Bangladesh
TABLE 1. Percentage distribution of rural married women
surveyed in six Bangladeshi villages, by selected character-
istics, 2002
Yrs. of education
Member of microcredit program
Economic contribution to household
Nominal or none
More than nominal
Dowry agreement
Outstanding dowry debt
Registered marriage
Total 100.0
Note:Percentages for outstanding debt were calculated for the 551 women
with a dowry agreement. For other items, denominators range from 1,189 to
1,203, depending on the number of women eligible to answer questions and
the number of eligible women who answered them.
TABLE 2. Percentage of rural married women reporting
domestic violence, by experience
Violence ever (N=1,186)†
Violence in past year (N=1,084)†
Violence during pregnancy (N=1,158)
Violence worse during pregnancy
Violence resulted in injury (N=1,185)
Any injury
Injury interfered with work
Injury warranted medical attention
Injury received medical attention
†Violence was considered minor if the woman reported being slapped, pushed
or hit, and major if she reported being kicked or burned, or having had a weapon
used against her. Note:Denominators vary according to the number of women
eligible to answer questions and the number of eligible women who answered
Page 6
Volume 30, Number 4, December 2004
36%). Members and nonmembers of microcredit programs
had roughly comparable proportions reporting domestic
violence (34% and 35%, respectively).
In the main multivariable logistic regression analysis
(Table 4), women with a dowry agreement were more likely
than those without a dowry agreement to report experiencing
violence in the past year (odds ratio, 1.5). This finding may
be driven primarily by an effect of unpaid dowry: Women
with outstanding dowry debt had significantly elevated odds
of violence (1.7; not shown). In a further analysis, restrict-
ed to women without outstanding dowry obligations, the
association between having a dowry and experiencing vio-
lence decreased in size and statistical significance (1.3).
Compared with uneducated respondents, women with
more than five completed years of education had significantly
lower odds of violence (0.6). Moreover, current member-
ship in a microcredit program was associated with lower odds
of violence (0.8). In contrast, women whose earnings con-
tributed more than nominally to covering their household's
expenses were significantly more likely to report violence
than were women who contributed very little or none (1.8).
However, the odds of violence decreased as women's house-
hold socioeconomic status or current age increased (0.8 and
0.7, respectively). The difference in the odds for women with
a registered marriage and those for women with a non-
registered marriage was only marginally significant (p=.06).
In the first of two additional logistic regression analyses
exploring the processes and influences suggested by the
qualitative findings, the odds of having a dowry agreement
were significantly lower among women with more than five
completed years of schooling than among those with no
education (0.6; Table 5, page 196). The odds declined with
rising socioeconomic status (0.9), but they increased with
age at marriage (1.1). Age at marriage was also positively
associated with the amount of the dowry (not shown). In
the final logistic regression analysis, the odds of marriage
registration were significantly higher for women with 1–5
or more than five completed years of education than for
women with no education (1.6 and 2.3, respectively; Table
5). However, the odds were reduced significantly for those
with a dowry agreement (0.6).
ably over a relatively short period: More than 70% of women
younger than 30 had registered marriages, compared with
fewer than 40% of those aged 45–49 (not shown).
Sixty-seven percent of respondents reported ever hav-
ing experienced domestic violence, and one-third of women
reported ever having experienced major violence (i.e.,
involving kicks, burns or use of weapons; Table 2). Slight-
ly more than one-third of women had experienced violence
in the past year; 17% of respondents said that they had
experienced at least one episode of major violence in the
past year. Eighteen percent of respondents had experienced
violence during pregnancy, and 3% of respondents said that
violence they had experienced during pregnancy seemed
worse than usual. About one-quarter of respondents re-
ported ever having been injured by their husband; 17% of
women said such an injury had interfered with normal work,
19% had had an injury that warranted medical attention
and 15% had received medical care for such an injury.
The proportion of women who reported experiencing
domestic violence in the past year was significantly high-
er among women with a dowry agreement than among
women with no such agreement (45% vs. 25%; Table 3).
Domestic violence was also significantly higher among
women with a registered marriage (39%, vs. 28% of women
without a registered marriage), women who cover at least
some of their household expenses with their own income
(42%, vs. 33% of those who cover little or none) and women
with a marital household socioeconomic status at or below
the median for the sample (42% vs. 22%). The proportion
experiencing domestic violence was nonsignificantly lower
among women with more than five years of education than
among less educated or noneducated women (30% vs.
TABLE 3. Percentage of rural married women experiencing
any domestic violence in the past year, by selected marital
and socioeconomic characteristics
Yrs. of education
Dowry agreement***
Registered marriage***
Member of microcredit program
Economic contribution to household**
Nominal or none
More than nominal
Household socioeconomic status***
Median or lower
Higher than median
*p≤.05. **p≤.01. ***p≤.001. Note:Denominators range from 1,072 to 1,084, de-
pending on the number of women eligible to answer questions and the num-
ber of eligible women who answered them.
TABLE 4. Adjusted odds ratios (and 95% confidence inter-
vals) from logistic regression analysis assessing the associ-
ation between selected characteristics and women's report
of domestic violence in the past year
Variable Odds ratio
Registered marriage
Dowry agreement
Yrs. of education
0 (ref)
Member of microcredit program
Economic contribution to household
Household socioeconomic status
Current age
1.35 (0.99–1.85)†
1.46 (1.08–1.98)*
0.78 (0.56–1.08)
0.62 (0.40–0.97)*
0.75 (0.56–1.00)*
1.79 (1.26–2.54)**
0.81 (0.73–0.89)***
0.74 (0.68–0.81)***
*p≤.05. **p≤.01. ***p≤.001. †p<.10. Notes:Model is adjusted for whether age
was inferred from other data. ref=reference group.
Page 7
International Family Planning Perspectives
This study has several important limitations. First, although
the villages in this study generally are typical of rural
Bangladesh, they were not selected randomly; the gener-
alizability of the results is therefore limited. Second, because
of our study's cross-sectional design, no cause-and-effect
relationships could be established. In addition, the asso-
ciations observed in the regression analyses could be the
function of some common prior cause. For example, fam-
ilies with an increased likelihood of domestic violence may
be predisposed to seek a less educated bride (perhaps be-
cause of cultural conservatism).
Another potential limitation is reporting bias: Women
may be differentially likely to report certain outcomes in
ways that are systematically related to other characteristics
of interest in the analyses. This may help explain, for ex-
ample, the inverse association between dowry agreement
and education or household socioeconomic status. Our
qualitative data indicate widespread condemnation of the
practice of dowry and shame among many who neverthe-
less felt compelled to perpetuate it. Relatively well educat-
ed and well-off respondents may have had an increased sen-
sitivity to these views and, as a result, may have been less
likely to report their practice of dowry. However, as other
researchers have noted, Bangladeshi women are unlikely
to falsely deny domestic violence, because such violence
is widespread and, for the most part, socially sanctioned,
at least in some circumstances.31Furthermore, the research
team included highly skilled interviewers who were already
known and trusted in the communities; thus, they could
elicit candid responses from participants. Finally, accord-
ing to observations of the field researchers and feedback
solicited from participants after the study, the questions
on domestic violence seemed not to be troublesome to most
Despite these limitations, we believe this study con-
tributes to our understanding of the prevalence and pos-
sible determinants of domestic violence in rural Bangladesh.
Generated by using specific reference periods and concrete,
behavioral measures of domestic violence, these data on
the prevalence and severity of physical abuse can be com-
pared with findings from other studies in Bangladesh. By
integrating qualitative and quantitative data and examin-
ing the relationships among possible factors, we can begin
to understand the interplay of complex economic and so-
cial factors that influence women's risk of violence in the
evolving context of Bangladesh.
Our study results highlight the centrality of marriage as
a setting where various influences intersect—particularly
gender inequality and poverty—and lay the foundation for
women's vulnerability. The findings also highlight the com-
plex and often contradictory nature of the relationships
among factors at different levels, and the ways in which they
may influence women's risk of violence. Another theme that
emerges is the extent to which norms and practices in
Bangladesh are in transition, and how that transition itself
may be a risk factor.
Our quantitative findings of a negative association be-
tween women's education and dowry agreement and also
between household socioeconomic status and dowry agree-
ment* suggest that the practice of dowry disproportion-
ately affects the disadvantaged. Poor men and their fami-
lies may demand dowry to obtain resources by exploiting
the vulnerability of brides' families. Perhaps, in turn, the
poor are less able to leverage resources (including their
daughters' education) against dowry demands. In this con-
text of gender inequality and poverty, the practice of dowry
appears to exacerbate women's risk of domestic violence.
The association between dowry and violence probably re-
flects a selection process, at least to some extent, whereby
families who demand dowry may also be more likely than
others to perpetrate or tolerate violence. Formal dowry
arrangements are associated with some social disappro-
bation; parents who can afford to give informal gifts instead
often do so. The most economically desperate families may
be the least likely to find brides whose parents will spon-
taneously give gifts, and more likely to press for a dowry
agreement and then resort to violence or the threat of vio-
lence to obtain outstanding dowry payments or to add to
the agreed amount. Consistent with the extortion inter-
pretation, our qualitative and quantitative results suggest
that unpaid dowry may put women at especially high risk
of violence, as shown elsewhere.32
In addition, an alternative pathway could be at work. The
qualitative findings suggest that women with dowries may
feel more entitled and therefore may behave more assertively
in the marital home, and such behavior may meet with a
violent response. Other researchers have theorized that vi-
olence may occur in situations in which women's increased
bargaining power threatens men's sense of control and su-
periority.33This interpretation also may help explain the
seemingly contradictory findings on marriage registration
and domestic violence. Perhaps, as interviewed women con-
tended, marriage registration does indeed give women some
measure of long-term economic security (by decreasing their
risk of abandonment and increasing their chances of se-
Socioeconomic Factors in Domestic Violence in Rural Bangladesh
TABLE 5. Adjusted odds ratios (and 95% confidence inter-
vals) from logistic regression analyses assessing the associ-
ation between selected characteristics and women's having
a dowry agreement or a registered marriage
Yrs. of education
0 (ref)
Household socio-
economic status
Age at marriage
Dowry agreement
0.98 (0.71–1.35)
0.60 (0.38–0.92)*
1.56 (1.17–2.07)**
2.29 (1.51–3.48)***
0.85 (0.77–0.93)***
1.08 (1.02–1.14)*
1.01 (0.93–1.09)
0.58 (0.43–0.77)***
*p≤.05. **p≤.01. ***p≤.001. Notes: Both models are adjusted for whether age
was inferred from other data. na=not applicable. ref=reference group.
*The quantitative finding that poorer families are more likely to demand
dowry assumes that household socioeconomic status at the time of the
survey corresponds to that at the time of marriage.
Page 8
Volume 30, Number 4, December 2004
between husband and wife that leads to violence. However,
it also may reflect a degree of material hardship not cap-
tured by our measure of household socioeconomic status
that may, by itself, explain the increased odds of violence.
Our study, like other research,40indicates an association
between poverty and domestic violence. In our sample,
women who earned money and contributed meaningful-
ly to the household budget typically were in the most eco-
nomically deprived families. Particularly in the context of
deprivation, women's economic contribution may increase
the risk of violence by undermining male authority and
established gender roles. This interpretation is supported
by qualitative data suggesting that men's inability to provide
economically for their families may place women at in-
creased risk of maltreatment. Several respondents described
conflict over scarcity as precipitating violence, a finding sup-
ported elsewhere.41
Our observation of a negative association between wom-
en's education and domestic violence seems less ambigu-
ous, but its implications are limited. The odds of domestic
violence were reduced only for women who had at least six
years of education,* suggesting that the modest increases
in educational attainment available to the majority of fe-
males in rural Bangladesh will not substantially alter their
risk. The expectation expressed in the qualitative data that
women's education would lead to higher status and secu-
rity through increased economic participation appears less
realistic in light of the quantitative results. Furthermore,
our results indicate that education cannot be assumed to
improve the terms under which women enter marriage.
Findings of an earlier qualitative study in Bangladesh sug-
gest that the role of girls' education in families' marriage
decisions is largely dwarfed by other considerations.42
The social and economic environment in Bangladesh has
been undergoing rapid change. In response to economic ne-
cessity, new opportunities and changing norms, women are
increasingly deviating from traditional roles, developing new
aspirations and, often unintentionally, challenging the pre-
vailing gender order. In this changing environment, people
have been exposed to information and behavioral change
messages on various health and social issues, including mar-
riage age, dowry, marriage registration, girls' education and,
to a lesser extent, women's rights. The disconnect between
some of our qualitative and quantitative findings may reflect
the lag between women's emerging awareness and expecta-
tions on the one hand, and their present situation on the other.
The changes under way and the further transitions that may
be signaled by this disconnect could continue to put women
at risk.43As we have suggested previously, and Jewkes and
colleagues also have argued, changes that somewhat empower
women may lead to violence in the near term.44Such changes
may become protective only after a critical threshold of em-
powerment has been reached and gender roles have shifted
curing access to money or property should abandonment
occur); yet, as our survey findings suggest, marriage regis-
tration does not seem to protect women from domestic vi-
olence. If anything, marriage registration may be associat-
ed with an increased risk of domestic violence, possibly by
undermining husbands' sense of control.
Our survey results indicating that dowry agreement and
marriage registration are inversely associated contradicts
interviewees' stated rationale for marriage registration as
a means to protect dowry investments in daughters' mar-
riages. One possible interpretation of our quantitative find-
ings is that families' agreement to give dowry reflects a de-
gree of vulnerability and desperation in the marriage market
that also makes these families willing to forego other mea-
sures, such as marriage registration, that might protect their
daughter in the event of mistreatment or divorce.
In our analyses examining associations with domestic
violence, we found different results for the two measures
of women's economic activity—participation in a microcredit
program and contribution of personal earnings to the house-
hold budget. The effect of membership in a microcredit pro-
gram on women's status and autonomy, and on their risk
of domestic violence, is a subject of ongoing debate.34
Schuler and colleagues have noted that a reduced risk for
violence among women in microcredit programs might not
reflect a protective effect of program participation; instead,
women whose husbands have a reduced inclination toward
violence may be more likely than other women to enter such
programs.35 Findings reported by Mahmud suggest a dif-
ferent selection process, whereby women in less equitable
relationships may be pressured by their husbands to join
credit programs; these women also may be more likely to
experience violence, independent of their credit involve-
ment, than women in more equitable relationships.36
It is also possible that participation in microcredit pro-
grams is becoming socially acceptable as a way for women
to contribute resources to their household, not least because
they often make the loan money available for their husbands'
use.37Khan and colleagues reported that physical abuse was
slightly more prevalent among members of the Bangladesh
Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) credit and savings
program than among nonmembers; however, that abuse
seemed to decrease with duration of membership.38Koenig
and colleagues' findings from Bangladesh highlight the im-
portance of the normative context in shaping the effects of
individual-level factors.39Thus, our finding of no positive
association between microcredit program participation and
domestic violence may indicate that program participation
has become normalized in the study sites and that, as a re-
sult, such participation today does not increase women's
risk of violence because it is not seen as provocative.
However, women whose income is substantial enough
to make them more than marginal contributors to the house-
hold budget may be at increased risk of violence. The ob-
served positive association between women's financial con-
tribution to the household and their odds of domestic
violence may, again, reflect a shift in the balance of power
*However, another study in Bangladesh found strong protective effects
of education at low and high levels (source: reference 12).
Page 9
International Family Planning Perspectives
1. Heise L, Ellsberg M and Gottemoeller M, A global overview of gen-
der-based violence, International Journal of Gynaecology and Obstetrics,
2002, 78(Suppl. 1):S5–S14.
2. Diaz-Olavarrieta C et al., Prevalence of battering among 1,780 out-
patients at an internal medicine institution in Mexico, Social Science &
Medicine, 2002, 55(9):1589–1602; Gomez A and Meacham D, eds.,
Women and mental health: reflections of inequality, Women's Health
Collection #6, Santiago, Chile: Latin American and Caribbean Women's
Health Network, 2001; and Heise L and Ellsberg M, Violence against
women: impact on sexual and reproductive health, in: Murphy E and
Ringheim K, eds., Reproductive Health, Gender and Human Rights: A
Dialogue, Washington, DC: Program for Appropriate Technology in
Health, 2001.
3. Heise L, Ellsberg M and Gottemoeller M, 2002, op. cit. (see reference
4. Gazmararian JA et al., Prevalence of violence against pregnant women,
Journal of the American Medical Association, 1996, 275(24):1915–1920.
5.Valladares EM et al., Physical partner abuse during pregnancy: a risk
factor for low birth weight in Nicaragua, Obstetrics & Gynecology,2002,
100(4):700–705; and Leung WC et al., Pregnancy outcome following
domestic violence in a Chinese community, International Journal of
Gynaecology and Obstetrics, 2001, 72(1):79–80.
6. Heise L, Ellsberg M and Gottemoeller M, Ending violence against
women, Population Reports, 1999, Series L, No. 11; and Heise L and
Garcia-Moreno C, Violence by intimate partners, in: Krug EG et al., eds.,
World Report on Violence and Health, Geneva: World Health Organization
7. Heise L and Garcia-Moreno C, 2002, op. cit. (see reference 6).
8. Heise L, Violence against women: an integrated, ecological frame-
work, Violence Against Women, 1998, 4(3):262–290.
9. Ibid.
10. Heise L and Garcia-Moreno C, 2002, op. cit. (see reference 6).
11. Schuler SR et al., Credit programs, patriarchy and men's violence
against women in rural Bangladesh, Social Science & Medicine, 1996,
12. Koenig MA et al., Women's status and domestic violence in rural
Bangladesh: individual- and community-level effects, Demography,2003,
13. Khan ME, Ubaidur R and Hossain SMI, Violence against women
and its impact on women's lives—some observations from Bangladesh,
Journal of Family Welfare, 2001, 46(2):12–24.
14. Faveau V et al., Causes of maternal mortality in rural Bangladesh,
1976–1985, Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 1988, 66(5):643–
651; and Ronsmans C and Khlat M, Adolescence and risk of violent
death during pregnancy in Matlab, Bangladesh, Lancet, 1999, 354(9188):
15. Gautam DN and Trivedi BV, Unnatural Deaths of Married Women
with Special Reference to Dowry Deaths: A Sample Study of Delhi,New Delhi:
Bureau of Police Research and Development, Ministry of Home Affairs,
Government of India, 1986; Jain RS, Family Violence in India, New Delhi:
Radiant, 1992; Khan ME, Ubaidur R and Hossain SMI, 2001, op. cit.
(see reference 13); and Rao V, Wife-beating in rural south India: a qual-
itative and econometric analysis, Social Science & Medicine,1997, 44(8):
16.Mitra SN et al., Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 1999–2000,
Calverton, MD, USA: ORC Macro, 2001.
17. Rashid SF, Communicating with rural adolescents about sex edu-
cation: experiences from BRAC, Bangladesh, in: Bott S et al., eds., Towards
Adulthood: Exploring the Sexual and Reproductive Health of Adolescents
in South Asia, Geneva: WHO, 2003.
18. Huq L and Amin S, Dowry negotiations and the process of union
formation in Bangladesh: implications of rising education, paper pre-
sented at the annual meeting of the Population Association of America,
Washington, DC, Mar. 28–31, 2001; Schuler SR et al., 1996, op. cit. (see
reference 11); and Schuler SR, Hashemi SM and Badal SH, Men's vio-
lence against women in rural Bangladesh: undermined or exacerbat-
ed by microcredit programmes? Development in Practice, 1998, 8(2):148–
157; Geetha V, On bodily love and hurt, in: John ME and Nair J, eds.,
A Question of Silence? The Sexual Economies of Modern India, London:
Zed Books, 1998; Jejeebhoy SJ, Impressions from a survey in rural India,
Studies in Family Planning,1998, 29(3):282–290; and Rao V, 1997, op.
cit. (see reference 15).
19. Bloch F and Rao V, Terror as a Bargaining Instrument: A Case Study
of Dowry Violence in Rural India, Development Research Group Working
Paper, Washington, DC: World Bank, 2000, No. 2347; Geetha V, 1998,
op. cit. (see reference 18); and Rudd J, Dowry-murder—an example of
violence against women, Women's Studies International Forum, 2001,
20. Rao V, 1997, op. cit. (see reference 15).
21.Schuler SR, Hashemi SM and Badal SH, 1998, op. cit. (see reference
18); and Schuler SR et al., 1996, op. cit. (see reference 11).
22.Counts D, Brown J and Campbell JC, eds., Sanctions and Sanctuary:
Cultural Perspectives on the Beating of Wives,Boulder, CO, USA: Westview
Press, 1992.
23. United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), State of the World's
Children, New York: UNICEF, 2003.
24.Center for Reproductive Rights, Women of the World: Laws and Policies
Affecting Their Reproductive Lives—South Asia, New York: Center for
Reproductive Rights, 2004.
25. Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, Human Development
in South Asia 2000: The Gender Question, Karachi, Pakistan: Oxford
University Press, 2000.
26. Bangladesh National Women Lawyers' Association (BNWLA),
Violence Against Women in Bangladesh, 2002, Dhaka, Bangladesh:
BNWLA, 2003; and Hossain K, In search of equality: marriage related
laws for Muslim women in Bangladesh, Journal of International Women's
Studies, 2003, 5(1):96–113.
27. Mitra SN et al., 2001, op. cit. (see reference 16).
28. WHO, Putting Women First: Ethical and Safety Recommendations for
Research on Domestic Violence Against Women,Doc. WHO/EIP/GPE/99.2,
Geneva: WHO, 2001.
29.Ibid; and WHO, Multi-Country Study on Women's Health and Domestic
Violence Study Protocol, Doc. WHO/EIP/GPE/99.3, Geneva: WHO, 2001.
30.Huq L and Amin S, 2001, op. cit. (see reference 18); and Lindenbaum
S, Implications for women of changing marriage transactions in
Bangladesh, Studies in Family Planning, 1981, 12(11):394–401.
31. Koenig MA et al., 2003, op. cit. (see reference 12).
32. Rao V, 1997, op. cit. (see reference 15).
33. Hoffman KL, Demo DH and Edwards JN, Physical wife abuse in a
non-Western society: an integrated theoretical approach, Journal of
Marriage and the Family, 1994, 56(1):131–146; Jewkes R, Levin J and
Penn-Kekana L, Risk factors for domestic violence: findings from a South
African cross-sectional study, Social Science & Medicine, 2002, 55(9):
1603–1617; and Whaley RB, The paradoxical relationship between gen-
der inequality and rape: toward a refined theory, 2001, Gender and Society,
34. Kabeer N, Conflicts over credit: re-evaluating the empowerment
potential of loans to women in rural Bangladesh, World Development
Report, 2001, 29(1):63–84.
35.Schuler SR, Hashemi SM and Badal SH, 1998, op. cit. (see reference
36. Mahmud S, The gender dimensions of programme participation:
who joins a microcredit programme and why? Bangladesh Development
Studies, 2000, 26(2–3):79–101.
37. Hashemi SM, Schuler SR and Riley AP, Rural credit programs and
women's empowerment in Bangladesh, World Development, 1996,
38. Khan MR et al., Domestic violence against women: does develop-
ment intervention matter? in: Three studies on the effect of BRAC in-
terventions on the lives of the poor women, Socioeconomic Development
and Human Well-Being Working Paper, Dhaka, Bangladesh: Bangladesh
Rural Advancement Committee–International Centre for Diarrhoeal
Disease Research, Bangladesh, 1998, No. 28.
Socioeconomic Factors in Domestic Violence in Rural Bangladesh
Page 10
Volume 30, Number 4, December 2004
Contexte:Si l'omniprésence de la violence familiale à l'encontre
des femmes au Bangladesh est bien documentée, les facteurs de
risque spécifiques—ceux que peuvent affecter les politiques et
programmes surtout—ne sont pas bien compris.
Méthodes: En 2001–2002, des enquêtes, entrevues en pro-
fondeur et discussions en petit groupe ont été menées auprès
des femmes mariées de six villages ruraux du Bangladesh dans
le but d'examiner les types et la gravité de la violence familia-
le, ainsi que d'explorer les voies par lesquelles les circonstances
socioéconomiques des femmes peuvent influencer leur vulné-
rabilité à la violence au sein du mariage. Les probabilités de
violence familiale à l'encontre des femmes durant l'année pré-
cédente ont été évaluées par analyse de régression logistique.
Résultats:Des quelque 1.200 femmes soumises à l'étude, 67%
avaient été victimes de violence familiale, et 35% l'avaient été
durant la dernière année écoulée. Selon les observations qua-
litatives, les participantes pensaient que les femmes instruites
et disposant d'un revenu supérieur étaient moins vulnérables
à la violence familiale; elles croyaient (ou espéraient) du reste
que l'apport d'une dot ou l'enregistrement du mariage pouvaient
renforcer la position de la femme au sein du mariage. De ces
facteurs potentiels pourtant, seule l'éducation s'est avérée as-
sociée à une probabilité significativement moindre de violence.
En revanche, les femmes étaient significativement plus suscep-
tibles d'être victimes de violences en présence d'un accord de
dot ou de revenus personnels contribuant plus que nominale-
ment au ménage. Les femmes soutenaient fortement l'éduca-
tion de leurs filles, tout en demeurant toutefois sensibles aux
pressions de les marier jeunes, en partie pour éviter les coûts
de dot élevés.
Conclusions: Aux zones rurales de Bangladesh, les circons-
tances socioéconomiques des femmes peuvent influencer le risque
de violence familiale qu'elles courent de manières complexes et
contradictoires. Les observations semblent également indiquer
une discordance entre les attentes naissantes des femmes et leurs
The authors thank the field research team—Shefali Akter, Shamsul
Huda Badal, Khurshida Begum, Zakia Naznin, Rabeya Begum,
Mahbuba Hoque, Rasheda Khan and Md. Tofazzel Hossain Monju—
for data collection and useful insights. They also thank Joanna
Maselko, Nicole Mailman and Diana Santana for extensive con-
tributions to data analysis. This research was funded by institutional
support from John Snow, Inc., Research and Training Institute and
by grants from The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, The
Summit Foundation, The Moriah Fund and the U.S. Agency for
International Development. The interpretations and conclusions in
this article do not necessarily reflect those of the funding agencies.
Author contact: firstname.lastname@example.com
39. Koenig MA et al., 2003, op. cit. (see reference 12).
40. Hoffman KL, Demo DH and Edwards JN, 1994, op. cit. (see refer-
ence 33); Ellsberg MC et al., Wife abuse among women of childbear-
ing age in Nicaragua, American Journal of Public Health, 1999, 89(2):
241–244; and Martin SL et al., Domestic violence in northern India,
American Journal of Epidemiology, 1999, 150(4):417–426.
41. Hoffman KL, Demo DH and Edwards JN, 1994, op. cit. (see refer-
ence 33).
42. Huq L and Amin S, 2001, op. cit., (see reference 18).
43. Counts D, Brown J and Campbell JC, eds., 1992, op. cit. (see refer-
ence 22).
44.Schuler SR, Hashemi SM and Badal SH, 1998, op. cit. (see reference
18); and Jewkes R, Levin J and Penn-Kekana L, 2002, op. cit. (see
reference 33).
Contexto: Si bien está bien documentada la presencia
generalizada de la violencia contra la mujer en Bangladesh,
aún no se conocen a fondo los factores de riesgo específicos, en
particular aquellos que pueden ser afectados por políticas y
Métodos:En 2001–2002, se llevaron a cabo encuestas, entre-
vistas detalladas y grupos de estudio pequeños con mujeres ca-
sadas de seis poblados de Bangladesh, con el objeto de exami-
nar los diferentes tipos y niveles de severidad de la violencia
doméstica y para explorar las formas a través de las cuales las
circunstancias sociales y económicas de la mujer pueden in-
fluenciar su vulnerabilidad a la violencia en su vida en pareja.
Mediante el uso de análisis de regresión logística, se evaluaron
las probabilidades de que la mujer sufriera actos de violencia
doméstica durante el último año.
Resultados:De aproximadamente 1.200 mujeres encuestadas,
el 67% alguna vez habían experimentado violencia doméstica,
y el 35% eran objeto de violencia durante el último año. De acuer-
do con los datos cualitativos, las participantes esperaron que las
mujeres con un mejor nivel educativo y con mayores ingresos de-
bían ser menos vulnerables a actos de violencia doméstica; tam-
bién creían (o esperaban) que el tener una dote o un matrimo-
nio registrado podría fortalecer la posición de la mujer en su
matrimonio. No obstante, de estos factores potenciales, solamente
el nivel educativo estuvo relacionado con una significativa re-
ducción de las probabilidades de sufrir violencia; al mismo tiem-
po, las probabilidades fueron significativamente elevadas entre
las mujeres que tenían un acuerdo de dote o ingresos persona-
les que contribuían en forma efectiva al hogar. Las mujeres apo-
yaban sólidamente la educación de sus hijas, aunque existen
presiones para que contraigan matrimonio a edad temprana,
en parte para evitar los elevados costos de la dote.
Conclusiones: En las zonas rurales de Bangladesh, las cir-
cunstancias sociales y económicas de la mujer pueden influen-
ciar el nivel de riesgo con respecto a la violencia doméstica en
formas complejas y contradictorias. Los resultados obtenidos
también sugieren que hay una falta de conexión entre las ex-
pectativas emergentes de la mujer y su realidad actual.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
There has been a ONE WEEK postponement in Daviess County concerning voter registration locations at Coffey and Jameson. The postponement was caused by this week's snowy weather, and poor road conditions that followed.The new date is Wednesday, March 6th. The voter registration times have been re-scheduled for Sims Service Station (Coffey) from 9:15 until 10:45 and at the North Daviess School (Jameson) from 11 o'clock to 12:30.
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An Inventory of the Historical Monuments in Dorset, Volume 2, South east
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Ivar Holt/David Andersen Silver Enamel Starfish Pin browse these categories for related items... Directory: Estate Jewelry: Silver: Scandinavian: Pre 1960: item # 1161995 Please refer to our stock # CL20312 when inquiring.
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Sold Rare and absolutely without equal when it comes to enamel work, this sterling silver with goldwash pin measures approx 1 7/8 inches, is hallmarked 925 S Sterling Norway on the back, attributed to either David Andersen or Ivar Holt (hard to read maker's mark, may be an H in a circle). Pin in perfect working order. Shiny white enamel all in perfect condition. This pin was produced 1950s-60s and was made in 9 colors: black, white, light green, dark green, yellow, red, cobalt blue, light blue, and turquoise. |
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Pakistan VS New Zealand live Azlan shah hockey match 2013 highlights Results
By hot_boy on March 8, 2013 4:22 pm / no comments
During Azlan shah hockey first match will play between Pakistan VS New Zealand. From here you can find Pakistan (PAK) VS New Zealand (NZ) live match 2013 highlights Results. Officials announced that this match will play on March 9, 2013 at the Time 16:05 from Malaysia. Both teams try to start their journey with win so due to this they try their level best for first victory. If one sees the ranking of both teams then Pakistan team is quite above from New Zealand. But the most important thing is that although they win couple of big hockey cup in previous year. Now from a period of time their performance goes down, due to this selector give rest to senior players. This is best time to groom their youngsters because after this a lot of hockey will come and hopefully this step is fruitful for their team. While New Zealand is also a good hockey teams they also done a lot of work on their hockey from a period of time. Their players are encouraged to play good hockey during this event. It will expect that hockey get chance to see good competition. We try to update you the whole aspects of this match so stay on this page to find live results and its highlights.
Pakistan VS New Zealand live Azlan shah hockey match 2013 highlights Results
Pakistan VS New Zealand live Azlan shah hockey match 2013 highlights Results are given there..
- New Zealand (Nz) VS Pakistan (Pak) live
- Date: March 9, 2013 Saturday
- Time: 16:05
- Venue: Malaysia
Pakistan Hockey Team Squads:
Imran Butt (GK), Imran Shah (GK), Mohammad Irfan, Mohammad Imran (c), Muhammad Atiq, Rizwan Junior, Farid Ahmed, Amir Shehzad, Mohammad Tauseeq, Tasawar Abbas, Waqas Sharif, Shafqat Rasool, Haseem Khan, Mohammad Imran Junior, Ali Shah, Mohammad Suleman, Kashif Ali, Irfan Junior, Khalid Butt, Kashif Shah, Sabtain Raza, Muzammil Bhatti, Mohammad Suleman, Arslan, Dilbar
New Zealand Squads:
Cory Bennett, Marcus Child, James Coughlan, Dean Couzins (c), Andy Hayward, Blair Hilton, Hugo Inglis, Stephen Jenness, Devon Manchester, Hamish McGregor, Shay Neal, Arun Panchia, Kane Russell, Alex Shaw, Blair Tarrant, Nick Ross, Jacob Smith, Isaac Staples
Majority of youngster players are in action in Pakistan team. Because senior players are out of form from a period of time; through this youngsters get chance to prove their talent. On the other side New Zealand team enter in ground with previous team. Hopefully a close match will play between these two teams because both teams are of same standard. So never miss the live match between Pakistan VS New Zealand and enjoy it.
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- pak v nwz
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Enhancing the cultural competence of healthcare professionals through an online course.
Kelly, Fiona and Papadopoulos, Irena (2009) Enhancing the cultural competence of healthcare professionals through an online course. Diversity in Health and Care, 6 (2). pp. 77-84. ISSN 1759-1422
Full text is not in this repository.
This item is available in the Library Catalogue
With the marked growth of in-migration to many Western countries over the past few decades, health services face the challenge of providing care to increasingly diverse populations. Minority ethnic groups encounter cultural, linguistic and institutional barriers in accessing health services and in the quality and continuity of their care. A key step in developing culturally sensitive services is the training of health and social care professionals in cultural competence. This article describes an online course on cultural competence for health and social care professionals as an example of good practice. This 8-week course aims to enhance knowledge and skills in cultural competence through an interactive online learning environment. The paper begins with a general introduction to the concept of cultural competence in healthcare and the rationale behind it. It then examines the advantages and disadvantages of online learning as opposed to traditional classroom learning. The many advantages of online learning are discussed, including the flexibility for the learner to fit the course around their work and family commitments. The advantages and disadvantages of the course are subsequently examined from the viewpoint of the students through the course evaluation. This evaluation showed that the three critical elements for running a successful online course were present, namely content, learner support and learning activities. All received positive evaluations from the students. In conclusion, it is clear that online courses on cultural competence can be successful, so long as they are well designed and supported.
Item Type: | Article |
Research Areas: | A. > School of Health and Education > Mental Health, Social Work and Interprofessional Learning |
ID Code: | 4828 |
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Deposited On: | 31 Mar 2010 04:09 |
Last Modified: | 24 Mar 2015 11:06 |
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Scrabble word: SHORTSTOPS
In which Scrabble dictionary does SHORTSTOPS exist?
Definitions of SHORTSTOPS in dictionaries:
- noun - (baseball) the person who plays the shortstop position
- noun - the fielding position of the player on a baseball team who is stationed between second and third base
There are 10 letters in SHORTSTOPS: H O O P R S S S T T
All anagrams that could be made from letters of word SHORTSTOPS plus a wildcard: SHORTSTOPS?
Scrabble words that can be created with letters from word SHORTSTOPS
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SCRABBLE is the registered trademark of Hasbro and J.W. Spear & Sons Limited. Our scrabble word finder and scrabble cheat word builder is not associated with the Scrabble brand - we merely provide help for players of the official Scrabble game. All intellectual property rights to the game are owned by respective owners in the U.S.A and Canada and the rest of the world. Anagrammer.com is not affiliated with Scrabble. This site is an educational tool and resource for Scrabble & Words With Friends players.


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25 years ago:
For awhile it looked like it would be one of those stories of "What if they had Buddy Holly contests and nobody came," but by 8 p.m. Friday, the seating area at the Lubbock Hilton Ballroom was beginning to fill for the local competition in the Holly Look-Alike and Holly '50's Dance contests.
50 years ago:
Three Texas Tech players were singled out for special praise and the entire squad received a pat on the back from Coach DeWitt Weaver Tuesday following the afternoon workout. Players receiving special merit were end Jerry Selfridge, guard Gene Bentley and halfback Floyd Dellinger.
years ago:
Although the city of Littlefield, by a majority of almost two to one, voted in special election today to legalize within its limits the sale of 3.2 beer, citizens tonight saw other obstacles between them and the foaming stein.
100 years ago:
Advertisement: Come to Marfa — Presidio County, Texas — the Banner Stock Farming Country. Wooley and Ballew have downright bargains in ranches and farming lands.
Compiled by Ashley McGuire
FOR MORE about Lubbock's history and Centennial, see www.lubbockcentennial.com and our Centennial page in every Sunday A-J.
Lubbock Avalanche-Journal © 2015. All Rights Reserved. Terms of Service and Privacy Policy


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Manchester United defender Phil Jones has revealed his frustration that the Red Devils will not be in the Champions League next season, as reported by the club's official site.
Jones has been one of few players to come out of the season with any credit under David Moyes, and is set to be on the plane to Brazil with England for the World Cup this summer.
United travel to Everton today and will be keen to hamper the Toffees Champions League hopes, while increasing their own chances of a Europa League finish.
Jones is focused on the next five games, but admitted it has been tough to stay confident after a tough season.
"It's very frustrating [that the club is not involved in a title race], but we've got five games left and it's five games we want to win – we need to win them too," Jones told MUTV.
"We want to finish the season as high as we can in the league table and to do that we have to win these games."
"Obviously we want to be in the Champions League, but that's probably not going to be the case next season," Jones added.
"However, the Europa League is still a good competition and one that we should strive to be in. Any European competition is tough as there are any number of teams that can cause you problems. If we're in it, we'll want to win it."
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The shrine of knowledge.
Don Rosa Drawing Style
A selection of articles related to don rosa drawing style.
Original articles from our library related to the Don Rosa Drawing Style. See Table of Contents for further available material (downloadable resources) on Don Rosa Drawing Style.
- Drawing Down the Moon
- To many, the powerful rite of Drawing Down the Moon belongs exclusively to a Wiccan ritual and it is also rebuffed as some shoddy rite inserted with a favour to reflect the practices of Thessalian witches who 'called down the moon'. The context of the 'drawing...
Paganism & Wicca >> Ritual
- A Treatise on Astral Projection
- There are certain aspects of the astral dimension and the projection process that are very complicated. Much of it is misunderstood and it can all be very confusing at times. This series of articles attempts to shed a little light on the subject, and...
Parapsychology >> Astral Projection
- Hawke, Elen: British Author
- Elen Hawke is an author, artist and British witch from Oxford, England with many years experience both living and teaching the Craft. She is a Craft elder, a Wiccan initiate, and a professional astrologer and tarot reader, as well as being a working...
Real Interviews >> Authors
- A Basic View of Paganism or Bambi Pagansim
- "You people are all so nice! I like the idea of Paganism, but I don't think I could be that nice all the time." The writer was genuinely perplexed and driven to ask me if it is really possible that Pagans, Witches and Wiccans really lived such...
Religions >> Paganism & Wicca
- Don
- Welsh. The Cymric equivalent of Danu. There seems to have been some conflation between Don and St. Anne within Mediaeval times....
Deities & Heros >> Celtic, Welsh, Irish & Brittish
- A Treatise on Astral Projection, Part 3: The Rope Techniques
- A key ingredient to the new projection techniques is an invisible, imaginary ROPE hanging from your ceiling. This ROPE will be used to exert dynamic pressure at a single point on your astral body to force its separation from the physical. The ROPE technique...
Parapsychology >> Astral Projection
- What day are you born on?
- The day of the month on which the you were born - regardless of which month or year it is - is a key numerological indicator, providing an excellent "thumbnail sketch" of standout traits. It strongly influences your Life Path and is helpful in...
Symbology >> Numerology
Don Rosa Drawing Style is described in multiple online sources, as addition to our editors' articles, see section below for printable documents, Don Rosa Drawing Style books and related discussion.
Suggested Pdf Resources
- 24 KENTUCKY ALUMNI Don Rosa sits in front of a portion of his
- he produced art work for his school newspaper at St. Xavier High School in. Louisville.
- alumniweb.uky.edu
- SANTA ROSA ART ASSOCIATION www.santarosaartassociation.
- www.santarosaartassociation.com
- Interviewing the Embodiment of Political Evil:
- www.inter-disciplinary.net
- The Representation of Philosophers in the Art of Salvator Rosa
- Rosa's career, a constant presence in his art. .. science, "this new style of knowledge"[28] practised ..
- edoc.hu-berlin.de
- bean life in the Limon style of canvas art. don't think anyone influenced my art because my painting ..
- www.russellsharman.com
Suggested Web Resources
- Don Rosa - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
- en.wikipedia.org
- Don Rosa - Disney Wiki
- Edit Drawing style section Edit.
- disney.wikia.com
- Don Rosa drawing Magica DeSpell - YouTube
- Apr 11, 2011 Don Rosa drawing Magica at Torino Comics 2011! Don Rosa draws Magica De Spellby MrScrooge477 views · Thumbnail 5:46.
- www.youtube.com
- Geir J. Netland´s Unofficial Don Rosa Gallery
- Section C: Drawings that didn't fit into Section A or B. fortunas.jpg, tempo_t.
- geirnetland.com
- Don Rosa Drawing Style | RM.com ®
- Don Rosa Drawing Style articles, reference materials. Need more on Don Rosa Drawing Style?
- www.realmagick.com
Great care has been taken to prepare the information on this page. Elements of the content come from factual and lexical knowledge databases, realmagick.com library and third-party sources. We appreciate your suggestions and comments on further improvements of the site.


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Apple's Future Is Rosy, With or Without Jobs
Apple's Future Is Rosy, With or Without Jobs
Michelle Maisto
Posted 2011-01-19
Apple's record-shattering first quarter left analysts expecting all good things for Apple's future, despite Jobs' indefinite leave of absence.
Apple's Jan. 18 announcement of its
fiscal first quarter 2011 results
was summed up nicely by Technology Business Research analyst Ezra Gottheil. In a research note released after Apple's earnings call, Gottheil wrote: "We're running out of superlatives." Apple posted record revenue and profit, $26.74 billion and $6 billion, respectively; ended the quarter with nearly $60 billion in cash; and sold record numbers of Macs, iPhones and iPads during the quarter. Despite the company's Jan. 17 announcement that CEO Steve Jobs is taking an indefinite medical leave of absence-which while announced on a day that the markets were closed, nonetheless caused Apple's stock to fall but later right itself-analysts were positive about the likelihood of Apple having many more strong quarters ahead.
"TBR believes Apple's trajectory over the next three years will be similar whether or not Steve Jobs is at the helm," wrote Gottheil.
Several factors contribute to this position, and chief among them is the world's continued interest in the iPhone. While Apple has sold as many iPhones as it has been able to make (during the call, COO Tim Cook said Apple was "working around the clock to make more"), demand is expected to increase further with the release of Verizon's CDMA (Code Division Multiple Access) version and infringe on the iPhone's main competitors, smartphones based on Google's Android mobile-operating system. "One reason for Android's traction is Apple's exclusive deal with AT&T, keeping iPhone out of more than half of the largest smartphone market in the world, the U.S.," wrote Gottheil. "In signing a deal with Verizon, Apple has more than doubled its potential U.S. market, and much more than doubled the part of the U.S. market it has not already penetrated." Piper Jaffray analysts, in a Jan. 19 note, added, "This was the first quarter that we have seen Apple's vision for itself as a mobile-device company come to fruition. ... We see [Apple] targeting a massive market growth opportunity while being increasingly profitable." Another factor pointing to Apple's continued success is interest from China. "Several years ago, we identified China as a top priority," Cook said during the earnings call. "We put enormous energy into China, and the results of that have been absolutely staggering." While revenue from "greater China," which Cook defined as Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong, was $3 billion for all of fiscal 2010, during the first quarter of fiscal 2011 alone, the area chalked up $2.6 billion in revenue. "Korea has also been an outstanding market for us ... and there are several other Asian companies doing extremely well," Cook added. And still another factor is growing interest from enterprises. While the iPhone was once cause for much debate, and IT-manager anxiety, within corporations, it's now being added to CIO-approved device lists and adopted as a valued enterprise tool. Apple's iPad is also finding the same treatment. During the revenue call, Apple CFO Peter Oppenheimer reported that 88 of the Fortune 100 companies are now testing or deploying the iPhone. Additionally, "over 80 percent of the Fortune 100 are already deploying or piloting iPad, up from 65 percent in the September quarter," he said. Among the latter companies are JP Morgan, Wells Fargo, Sears and DuPont. Contributing to this trend is the increased availability of 4G technology, with T-Mobile and Verizon Wireless rolling out networks in 2010, and AT&T expected to begin deploying one this year. Looking to Apple's 2011 second quarter, analysts at financial services firm Jefferies & Co. wrote in a Jan. 18 research note: "Longer term, we believe Apple's product leadership, vertical integration, and vast scale mean that it will receive the lion's share of the economic benefit from the two biggest multiyear trends in technology: 4G and tablets." Ticonderoga Securities analyst Brian White concurred, writing in a Jan. 19 note, "We expect the stock to continue its upward trajectory."
Michelle Maisto has been covering the enterprise mobility space for a decade, beginning with Knowledge Management, Field Force Automation and eCRM, and most recently as the editor-in-chief of Mobile Enterprise magazine. She earned an MFA in nonfiction writing from Columbia University, and in her spare time obsesses about food. Her first book, The Gastronomy of Marriage, if forthcoming from Random House in September 2009.
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- Type: Paper Pack
- Designer: Polka Dot Chicks
- Software Category: Everyday
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- Digital Papers: 11
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This set of collage papers with a burlap texture are great for all your summery / fruity/ baking pies, picking berries etc pages! Mix and Match the whole collection today.
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Enjoyed listening, keep on groovin!!!
Greetings from Bavaria. Best wishes :)
Hi there! Are you available to play a show at Studio 21 on January 16th? Call me @ 216-240-3739, thanks!
wow * you guys really rock "Gone" is awesome * much success to ya * P
wow * your guys really rock "Gone" is awesome * much success to ya * P
I've been wearing your EP out for over a year. When you coming to SLC again?
Sacramento is one of my favorite places. Glad to see there is cool music going on there too.


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Ann very welcoming. Our room in the Annex was spacious as was the ensuite. Bed very comfortable. Very peaceful and wonderful garden. I suppose the only things I could say it lacked were biscuits on the tea tray and toiletries (bath shower gel etc.) At £80 pn I would expect these items. Breakfast was good but not the best we've had.
- Official Description (provided by the hotel):
- Set in the Piddle Valley, midway between abbey town of Sherborne and the county town of Dorchester, Longpuddle is well placed for exploring Thomas Hardy's Dorset and the Jurassic Coast. The 400 year old thatched cottage, originally a farmhouse, overlooks the embryo river Piddle which runs through the garden and paddocks. Guest accommodation comprises three spacious tastefully decorated rooms ideal for an extended stay; two double and one twin with colour TVs, radios and hairdryers, both en suite. A third bed can be made available if required. Breakfast consists of local produce freshly cooked personally by the proprietor. There is also a large comfortable guest's lounge; with a log fire on winter days. This also has a colour television and views over the garden and paddocks. The name Longpuddle was used by Thomas Hardy collectively for the villages of the Piddle valley which has several excellent Pubs serving local food to suite a variety of tastes. The many bridleways offer a chance to see the local wildlife and badger watching is available locally. The delightful village of Cerne Abbas with the famous Giant (The Rude Man) is just a few minutes drive away. Ample off road parking is available ... more less


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Flights from Peinador Airport
VGO Flights
Check for the cheapest flights to and from Peinador airport – VGO on Expedia within our flights section. We offer year round discount flights from VGO to anywhere in the world on a wide selection of airlines. Expedia can help you find great deals on Vigo airport airfares, so book your Vigo flights today to and from VGO airport.
Popular flights from Vigo Airport - VGO to UK destinations
Browse the most popular UK flight destinations out of Vigo airport.
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Browse popular international flights from Vigo, VGO airport.
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Airlines Operating at Peinador Airport
Airline carriers servicing the VGO - Peinador airport.
Peinador Airport Information and Flights
Location: Vigo, ES
Name: Peinador
Latitude / Longitude: 42.231800 / -8.626770
Altitude: 260.91 meters
VGO Wikipedia Information
Name: Peinador
Latitude / Longitude: 42.231800 / -8.626770
Altitude: 260.91 meters
VGO Wikipedia Information
Airport Code:
- GPS Code: LEVX
Peinador, VGO airport, offers flights from multiple airline carriers to many popular global destinations. Above you'll find some useful information about Vigo's airports that can help you in planning your next trip. Expedia offers flights from Peinador on multiple airline carriers, and makes it easy and affordable for you to book.


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LI celebrities' homes on the market
Valerie Kellogg, Newsday LI Home editor, appears on News 12 Tuesday to discuss some of the Island's most exclusive properties, including former Islander Bobby Nystrom's Oyster Bay Cove estate, and 'X Factor' judge Antonio 'L.A.' Reid's Hamptons estate. News 12 video (Aug. 27, 2013)
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