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What is free software? Should you care and if so, why and what does it have to do with cakes and my mother?
My mother and computers
"Write a complete beginner's guide to free software", they said. "It has to be something that your mother would want to get excited about", they said. The problem is my mother neither knows nor cares what software is. The closest she gets to using a computer is when she uses the timer on her oven. I still need a typical reader in mind when I write this though so, for the purposes of this article, my mother not only uses a computer, she gets annoyed when it doesn't perform as expected and she knows that there is no such thing as an "Any" key. She is the target audience, she may use computers at home or at work or both but she has not given much thought to the software she uses or the licence under which she received it.
For the purposes of this article, my mother uses a computer and gets annoyed when it doesn't perform as expected
In this article I'll be explaining a little about what free software is and why you should care. I expect and hope you'll have some questions but for the most part I hope you'll not get confused or lost.
Note: I am not a licencing expert and I'll be using some simplifications. If you are knowledgeable about the subject and feel the need then please comment but remember this is a beginners guide—simplification is the name of the game here.
What is free software?
Wherever you encounter free software, you'll find the term free is being used in relation to freedom and not cost. You may also encounter the phrase "Free as in speech, not as in beer" which reinforces this idea. Whilst reading this article I suggest you forget about cost altogether as it might be a distraction.
The fact is that some computer users don't like to pay for their software (but don't slip it under their jackets in the store) and some don't mind paying. When I say "free software" I am talking about software with freedom attached. I'll explain what that freedom is later but for now remember that cost is not important. Confusingly some free software will cost you money. Much of it doesn't, but what binds all free software (and much of the surrounding "community") together is not cash flow—it's freedom.
Whilst reading this article I suggest you forget about cost altogether as it might be a distraction
Let's talk about cakes for a minute. Some cakes cost money and some don't. Similarly some come with the recipe and some don't. What I'm interested in here is not how much the cake costs to buy or make but what you are allowed to do with the recipe and the cake once you have it.
Imagine this scenario:
- You receive or buy some cakes from someone and they give you the recipe as well.
- They allow you to use the recipe to make your own cakes at home.
- They allow you to change the recipe to leave out the nuts you are allergic to.
- They allow you to redistribute (even sell) both their original and your nut-less version of the cake.
- They insist that if you do redistribute you give others the same option.
- They insist you do not pass the original off as your own work. [1]
It may seem obvious but what they've given you (aside from cakes) is freedom: freedom to use, change and redistribute the cakes and the recipe. You might be thinking that people rarely give you recipes with such conditions attached but those conditions are often inherent in the gift. If you gave a recipe to someone and you were happy for them to pass it on, wouldn't you be angry if they sold it to others but did not allow their customers to pass it on? You gave (or sold) those cakes and/or recipes with certain freedoms attached and you would expect those freedoms to be respected when the cakes and/or recipe is passed on. In short, you want the cakes and recipe to remain as free as when you distributed them.
If you gave a cake recipe to someone ... wouldn't you be angry if they sold it but did not allow their customers to pass it on?
An additional point to note is that when you have access to the recipe, you know what is in the cake—handy if you have that nut allergy or just don't like them. If you don't trust the baker then access to the recipe also means you can make your own cake and be assured of exactly what went in it.
Substitute software for cake and source code [2] for recipe and you can see what the free in "free software" means. I bet you thought the cake analogy wouldn't work!
The advantages of having source code are similar to those for having recipes—except we're not talking about allergies here. If you can see the source code, you can check for things you don't like. You can personally (or have someone else) check the code to ensure it doesn't contain any untoward bugs, back doors [3] or any other malicious code. You can also check the software's security and integrity. Furthermore, you can also learn from the source code by seeing what does what and how. Having a recipe means not only can you make that cake but also that you can use the methods and techniques from that recipe in your own ones. If you like the way someone has implemented something in their software you can use it in yours—in accordance with the free licence. Try that with proprietary software and you might be needing a lawyer and a lot of money.
What's in a licence?
The freedoms we're talking about are within the licence under which you receive the software. All software has a licence. Public domain software says "Do what you want with it—we don't care". Proprietary software often has a licence which says "Use it but don't pass it on, don't change it and don't try to find out what it's made of". Free software says "Use it, change it, redistribute it but don't stop others doing the same".
Why should you care about the licence?
At first glance you might not care about the licence. When you buy cakes you don't stop to think if you will be allowed to give them away—you just do it and when you buy software you often don't think about the licence restrictions.
This is where the analogy breaks down a little. When you buy a cake you own the cake—even the baker cannot take it back, it is legally yours. However, when you buy software, you do not own the software and the software company can take it back or at least stop you using it. That's because you buy a licence to use the software and not the software itself. It's like buying permission to eat the cake but never owning the cake itself. Of course, you have to imagine this cake never disappears even if you eat it (work with me here, I told you the analogy breaks down at this point).
Is free software licencing risky?
Some people think free licencing leaves you open to abuse. After all, what is to stop someone abusing the freedom you have given them? One reaction to this potential abuse of trust is to stop giving away the recipe and start policing what people do with the cakes as well, but that brings all sorts of additional costs. You have to stop people analysing the cake to determine the ingredients, you have to stop people reproducing the cake and passing it off as their own. You have to start with the assumption that every customer wants to abuse your trust. All this costs money and time and these costs have to be recovered—so guess where they are recovered from? That's right, the customer, you and me.
Now you can see how much simpler (and better) life is with free cakes
Now you can see how simple (and better) life is with free cakes! The baker need not worry about whether her customers will give her recipe to their neighbours in fact she actively encourages them to do so! For the customer there's no worrying that sharing the cakes with their colleagues will land anyone in trouble. They are freely allowed to pass the cake to others. The baker may well receive feedback and additions to the recipe, including why certain ingredients are a bad idea in certain markets.
If an individual customer wants the cake baked specifically to their needs they can change the recipe or have another baker change it for them. They can even (but don't have to) redistribute the new version as long as they adhere to the licence and pass on the freedom.
The recipe can now reach markets that a single baker could not possibly reach and each person who uses it is referenced back to the original baker's work. Even if you're the type who just likes to buy cakes off the shelf and doesn't care about the recipe you should be able to see the advantage of free licencing.
Again substitute software for cakes and you can see why we should all care more about our software licences. With cake recipes we expect this kind of freedom—why not with software? An important point to note is that (like cake recipes) free software licences do not insist you redistribute any changes you have made. If you make changes to the source code for your own (or your company's) purposes, then you do not have to distribute them. But, if you do distribute the changes, then you must do so within the terms of the licence.
Does producing free cakes mean you can't make money?
At first glance, it would seem that giving away your recipe is a fast way to go out of business. Why would people buy from you when they can make their own or buy from a competitor?
Again this is where the analogy breaks down a little but there are still a number of ways to make money through free licencing. For a start, not everyone wants to bake their own cakes—some of us are happy to buy them. The days of buying software in boxes at the store may be numbered but people are quite happy paying over the net. Additionally, some customers will need help with understanding or modifying the recipe; and where better to get help than from the original baker? Perhaps you could include free software in your hardware product—there are a number of broadband modem/routers on the market which do this.
Some companies use free software in their own products and have been successful in making money (Google anyone?)—but if you want to do this pay attention to the licence. Other companies have two models: one for non-profits and individuals and one for businesses. The former coming at zero cost and the latter costing money but coming with additional services and/or features that business customers require.
Finally, don't forget you are not having to pay for all that additional security we mentioned above. You may not be passing that cost onto the customer but that will mean your product is better value. A free licence—on a good quality product—will assist in getting your software known as people will start recommending it to each other. As said, some of those will pay for it. In the end—as with anything—people will pay if the product is worth it. Nobody will buy a cake that tastes awful and makes you sick regardless of the licence!
The importance of free software
I can't understate how important freedom is in a software licence. That's because like every other freedom, once you give it up it's very nigh-on impossible to get it back. You may not have paid attention to the licence before but ignoring it means software companies will own your computer. You'll own the hardware but they will (and often do) decide what you can and can't do with it, and when you need to replace it.
I should have mentioned that my mother is a diabetic. She (and anyone baking for her) has to substitute the sugar in most cake recipes. My father doesn't bake and yet enjoys the same cakes baked for my mother—cakes baked from recipes my family passes around freely. Free software does not dictate that you have to be a developer to enjoy its benefits and developers are not forced to operate outside of copyright law or good business sense to use it. Now, anyone got any cake?
Notes and acknowledgements
[1] Actually, not passing work off as your own is part of copyright law but I included it to show that free software licences are not outside of copyright they actually permit greater freedom within it.
[2] The source code is like a recipe from which you make software. It is used should you wish to build the software yourself (rather than use a pre-built version). It also means you (or someone on your behalf) can examine in detail what the software does.
[3] A back-door is where the person who writes the software deliberately leaves a way to access the software remotely. In this way, they can potentially manipulate your computer, read your data or monitor your computer usage, and usually without your consent.
The chocolate cake image used within figures 1 and 3 is adapted from an original work released under a Creative Commons Acknowledgement licence. The original can be found at http://flickr.com/photos/ktlindsay/.
Slight fix
I'd say instead of perhaps saying that you can eat the cake (imagine cake) Perhaps saying that it's like the baker allowing you to eat as much of the particular cake whenever you come into the store, and than suddenly not allowing you...
Have you cake and eat it.
Thanks for this article. I have been using Linux for less than a year and it has been a real eye opener concerning free open source software. I switched to OpenOffice.org and FireFox, use GIMP and Fspot too.
I must admit to being a bit vague on my understanding of the term "Free,as in beer" that I've read a lot, and as to how money can be made from such software. Your article has now clarified this for me.
Glad to be of assistance
Glad to help. I must admit it took me a while to get my head around the "free as in speech" stuff especially in relation to software. The concept of Free software is a little hard to grasp for those of us who have only really encountered the proprietary - let's be honest here - the Microsoft way.
Sharing information is important
I see far too many misconceptions on the web relating to free software in this day and age. An article such as this can help with dispelling some misconceptions. Good job.
"The advantages of having source code are similar to those for having recipes..."
Reading your article made me realise that I've grown rather accustomed to the advantages of FOSS over the years and tend to take them for granted now. However, I don't think I'll ever stop being amazed by the power and flexibility of Emacs, and in particular, the extraordinary magic that can happen if one finds a bug in it. I think I'll do a screen capture video of the process next time I find one. Of course not all software can be like Emacs - not even most FOSS - but I think it would be illustrative.
I really like this article it cleared up alot of things. I am a linux newbie but in time i will get to where i want to go.
Similarities too...
I see the similarities when looking at the socio-political system. Several generations ago, the indigenous inhabitants fought wars to preserve the culture and traditions of a collective people. Under a closed form parliamentary democratic self fulfilling system, the sacrifices made have been dishonored by marginalizing the indigenous peoples in favour of promoting the status of immigrants (parasitic muslim terrorists now abuse the Western social welfare system and Africans have a propensity to defraud the system). If only those that fought the wars had the principle of free software inheritance passing down the generations.
Understanding the free software concept
The anology that the writer uses makes one understand what a free software means. A very well written article. Hats of to him.
Wonderful article, atleast
Wonderful article, atleast it helps us understand what free software is all about, and what we are risking while "agreeing" to end user licence agreement!


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11:57 am
Wed November 9, 2011
How Birth Control And Abortion Became Politicized
The first birth control clinic in the United States opened in 1916. It was operated by Margaret Sanger, who started the clinic after becoming outraged that she couldn't give her patients — poor women in the tenements on New York City's Lower East Side — information about contraceptive options.
"Sanger [went] to these squalid, crowded homes of these young women bearing many children who are begging her — while giving birth — for information about contraception," says historian Jill Lepore. "And it [was] illegal for her to give them any information."
Lepore's latest New Yorker piece chronicles the history and politicization of birth control in America. "From the start," she writes, "the birth-control movement has been as much about fighting legal and political battles as it has been about staffing clinics, because in a country without national health care, making contraception available to women has required legal reform."
Sanger was well aware of the legal battles. Before she opened her birth control clinic, she wrote a letter to New York's district attorney, informing him that she planned to provide printed pamphlets about contraceptive options. Passing out such information was illegal under the 1873 Comstock Law, which prohibited the distribution of any printed information deemed obscene.
"[The Comstock Act] classified all sorts of printed material as obscenity and specified contraception as obscene so that it [was] illegal to send through the U.S. mail ... information, even in a philosophical sense, about reducing a woman's fertility," says Lepore.
Nine days after Sanger opened her clinic in Brooklyn, an undercover police officer came in, posing as a mother who couldn't afford to raise more children. Sanger sold the officer a copy of "What Every Girl Should Know," a pamphlet about contraception and STDs. Shortly after, Sanger was arrested and sentenced to 30 days in prison.
"The courts ... ruled against her and said 'A woman's right to life gives her the right to not have intercourse with a man,' " says Lepore. "Sanger's argument is that a woman has a right to have sex without fear of death [during childbirth]. And the court rules against her."
Gathering Support From Clergy And Physicians
On appeal, the court ruled that it could be permissible for a doctor to talk to women about contraception. That ruling, says Lepore, was the great legal change that made it possible for Sanger to open up clinics across the country where doctors could talk to women about birth control. Sanger also reached out to the medical community as allies. In the late 1930s, the American Medical Association ruled that doctors who were willing could and should give information about birth control to their patients.
"It takes years for that to succeed, but that was a huge success for Sanger and probably her most important success," says Lepore. "There are people who think that was a tactical error — that there would have been ways to better reform the system so that the power of contraceptives didn't go exclusively into the hands of the medical community — but that was the tactic that Sanger thought would be most successful."
By the 1930s, a Gallup poll showed that 75 percent of Americans favored contraception. Sanger's organization, then called the American Birth Control League, reached out to the medical community and clergymen for support. In 1931, a committee of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ endorsed contraception in order to promote "marital love."
That struck Lepore, she says, because of how people think of birth control and religion today.
"A big reason why I wrote this piece was to try to ask us to remember that things have not always been thus," says Lepore. "This set of issues around birth control and abortion seems so overdetermined, as if they are naturally partisan ... or had been consistent over time."
But that was not the case in the 1930s and 1940s, when birth control gained religious support from Protestant and Jewish leaders. In 1936, a federal appellate court removed contraception from the obscenity category.
The Movement Changes
"That's a huge legal triumph for the birth-control movement," notes Lepore. Six years later, Sanger's American Birth Control League was renamed the Planned Parenthood Federation of America.
"By [then], the organization is so mainstream and so respectable and such a mainstay of American life," says Lepore, "that its leaders consider the phrase 'birth control' to be too radical, too controversial and too much of a demand."
By the 1960s, the landscape had changed. In 1965, the Supreme Court struck down a rarely enforced Connecticut state law that prohibited the use of contraception. The Griswold v. Connecticut ruling established that the Constitution protected a right to privacy, which meant that contraceptives were legal.
"Planned Parenthood [is now] an organization that is very far from what Margaret Sanger intended it to be," says Lepore. "By the 1960s, there's this widespread panic in the United States about a population explosion, and so the watchword now is 'population control' and not 'birth control.' "
By the late 1960s, Richard Nixon was pushing Congress to increase federal funding for family planning. In 1970, he signed Title X into law. The bill provided federal government funds for family planning services. A year later, Nixon reversed his position on Title X, after his advisers suggested he could divide the Democratic Party by taking a strong stand against abortion services. (Though abortion was illegal at the time, some restrictions had been lifted and it could be performed, in some cases, on military bases.)
"He begins talking about the sanctity of human life, and he then opposes Title X funding as part of his campaign to court Catholic voters when he runs for re-election," says Lepore.
Nixon was re-elected in 1972. A year later, the Supreme Court issued its key ruling on abortion, Roe v. Wade. Lepore says she decided to focus on the years before Roe v. Wade in her piece because she was able to track how issues like birth control and abortion became partisan over the years.
"I think a lot of that comes from moral posturing around this issue. I think we would do better if we could have these conversations outside of a partisan arena where there is far too much to gain by making these issues partisan," she says. "You can track over American history how much people have gained by staking out these partisan positions, and I think it's a real tragedy."
Interview Highlights
On the politicization of birth control and abortion
"I really do think that it is the great tragedy of American politics that this issue divides us so profoundly. It's a very painful issue to talk to just about anybody with, and I think there's a surprising lack of basic human charity when people talk about this issue, no matter what their position. I feel that so much of the kind of murderous rhetoric of American politics and what we decry as the 'decline of civility' or 'hyperpartisanship' are really troubling as a citizen to watch. And I do think that even when we're not talking about abortion, we are talking about abortion."
On Margaret Sanger and eugenics
"She founds a journal called the Birth Control Review, and she asks [Paul] Poponoe, [the co-author of Applied Eugenics] to contribute to it. She goes to D.C. to debate Poponoe. These eugenicists that Sanger is courting are actually generally opposed to birth control because they considered it, and Poponoe writes at the time, that 'birth control is the reverse of eugenics.' So what someone like Poponoe believes is that the population can be improved by encouraging the fit to biologically reproduce and by discouraging the unfit to reproduce. Poponoe's objection to birth control is that it is widely used and has already been widely used by the people he considers to be the fit. So Poponoe refers to Sanger and the likes of Sanger as 'sob sisters' who are interested in giving women the right to control their reproductive processes, which has nothing to do with eugenics. Eugenicists want basically to coerce the poor to not have more children and in some cases, and Poponoe is among those people who want to, force the poor to not have more children."
On Sanger's personality
"Sanger is a really complicated character. She's not a likable character. As someone who reads people's letters and diaries all the time, I'm always falling in love with people in the archives. They're very companionable — certain people whose papers I read. Sanger is not that type of person. She is a tough, tough character. I think she's quite reckless and quite heedless."
On Sanger and abortion
"Sanger was opposed to abortion, and the birth control movement was always, in those decades, was about making contraception more readily available to women to reduce the abortion rate."
On the current state of politics
"We're so fixed and stuck and at this political impasse and have been at it and stuck in it for so long. I think it's easy to lose perspective on, actually, the arguments made by one side or another have switched sides over time more than once."
On criticism of Planned Parenthood during the 1950s and 1960s
"The criticism of Planned Parenthood in those decades is coming from the left. It's coming from black nationalists. That's where, in the 1960s, these charges that Planned Parenthood is establishing more clinics in poor, black neighborhoods than poor, white women — and that Planned Parenthood is coercing young women into birth control choices that they object to."
This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. In a much-watched election yesterday, Mississippi voters rejected an initiative that would have granted rights of personhood to a fertilized egg. Opponents of the initiative said granting a fertilized egg personhood would have not only made abortion a crime, it would have outlawed certain forms of birth control, like the morning-after pill and the IUD.
Earlier this year, the Republican-led House voted to defund Planned Parenthood. The history of the birth control movement has taken many surprising turns over the past century. My guest Jill Lepore writes about some of them in the current edition of the New Yorker. Her article is called "Birthright." It begins with the current controversy over federal funding for Planned Parenthood, then examines the birth control movement's history, going back to the early 1900s and Margaret Sanger, who founded the first birth control clinic.
Jill Lepore is a professor of American history at Harvard University and a staff writer at the New Yorker. Her latest book, "The Whites of Their Eyes: The Tea Party's Revolution and the Battle Over American History," has been published in paperback.
Jill Lepore, welcome to FRESH AIR. Now, you say that contraception and abortion aren't by nature partisan issues. But have they always been partisan issues in the United States?
JILL LEPORE: They've always been troubling issues that were hotly contested and debated, but in very different ways over time. I think it's really easy, we're so sort of fixed and stuck and at this political impasse and have been at it and stuck in it for so long, it's I think quite easy to lose perspective on actually that the arguments by one side or the other have kind of switched sides over time, more than once.
GROSS: Let's look at the history of the birth control debate in the United States. The first birth control clinic opened in 1916. It was opened by Margaret Sanger. What was her background? What did she see that led her to become a birth control activist?
LEPORE: Sanger came from an Irish-Catholic family. She was one of 11 children. Her father, I think he was a stonecutter. Her mother died of tuberculosis at a relatively young age. I think she was 35 - 45, I'm sorry. And Sanger, as a child, you know, grew up helping raise these children. She also helped deliver one of her mother's babies, this 14-pound baby, when she was eight years old.
She grew up and became a nurse and starting taking care of women in the tenements on the Lower East Side, and this is, you know, the 19-teens, and Sanger married fairly young. She was pregnant within six months of getting married. She had three children fairly quickly herself.
She was, herself, also ill. She had tuberculosis as a young woman. She always - her father lived to be more than - older than 80, and she always attributed her father's long life and good health to the fact that he wasn't the one bearing the children. And she was very - from a young age, fairly quickly politicized. She became a socialist.
And this is at a time in American history when the birthrate has fallen fairly precipitously over the course of the 19th century. Just to kind of think about the history of fertility rates in the United States, the great demographic transition that economists and demographers talk about starts, you know, as early as 1800 when the birthrate among white women in the United States falls from over seven in 1800 to over three in 1900.
But that decline is largely a decline among white middle-class women. For working-class and especially immigrant women, the birth rate is still very, very high. And it turns out that women who are able to control their fertility are actually using contraception. There are studies that are done at the end of the 19th century, and it turns out that a lot of women, middle-class white women, have found a way to use contraception, to get contraception even though contraception is illegal.
And so for Sanger, she goes to these squalid, crowded homes of these young women bearing many children who are begging her, you know, while giving birth or in the hours after giving birth, begging her for contraception, information about contraception. And it is illegal for her to give them any information about contraception, and she becomes outraged by this.
And so she - although, kind of, questions about contraception have been part of a debate among a lot of different people for a long time, Sanger is the first person to really sort of decide this is going to be her single issue focus. This is what she is going to dedicate her life to, is the campaign to make contraception legal.
GROSS: What kind of contraception was available then, that she could teach women about and make available to them?
LEPORE: Yeah, it's actually really - the history of contraception is kind of fascinating because it's really hard to find out in the historical record, right. People are just generally very private about these things, and there are not a lot of opportunities for people's testimony about what methods they're using to be made available.
So there are, for instance, condoms starting in the 1850s with the vulcanization of rubber. They're pretty expensive, and they're very, very hard to get, and a condom requires a fair amount of cooperation on the part of your partner. So it's not considered necessarily the most reliable method.
So that's a method that Sanger would be informing people about. Most people are using withdrawal, frankly, but a lot of women are using pessaries, you know, sort of the grandmother of the sponge or the cervical cap, a kind of a barrier method that's illegal but is possible to acquire.
GROSS: Was that dangerous? Did they lead to infections for a lot of women?
LEPORE: I don't think pessaries are that dangerous. What's actually really dangerous is childbirth, right. People are dying in childbirth all the time. So it's not just these women want to have fewer children. They don't want to orphan the children that they do have.
I think it's really important to think hard about what that maternal death rate means to how people think about contraception and someone like a nurse, someone like Margaret Sanger, thinks about the kinds of things that she is able to provide these women and going back to these houses and taking care of other children after their mother has died in childbirth.
So it's mainly pessaries that Sanger is interested in distributing, and when she opens up this birth control clinic in 1916, she is mainly giving information out about birth control. But even just the giving of information is breaking the law, and so Sanger is arrested.
GROSS: So Sanger finds out that a lot of the immigrant women that she's working with know nothing about birth control. But many of them have had abortions. There was a study at the time, in the teens, in the 19-teens, that you quote that found that 41 percent of women who received medical care through clinics operated by New York City's health department had never used contraception, and of those women, more than half had had at least one abortion. They averaged two apiece.
That's a pretty large figure, considering how, you know: A, that abortions were illegal; and B, they were probably really dangerous.
LEPORE: They were really dangerous. There is a question, though, whether they were more dangerous than childbirth, frankly, at that point. The numbers, the abortion numbers from the early part of the century are pretty staggering. There are estimates that as many as one in three pregnancies in those decades ended in abortion.
All that abortion was illegal. Abortion was criminalized over the course of the 19th century. It had been legal until 1821, but it was criminalized over the course of the 19th century. It's a relatively new thing that abortion is so widely criminalized.
But Sanger - and this is something that people forget about the history of the contraception movement, or the birth control movement. It's Sanger who coins the term birth control, by the way; we get that from Sanger - is that Sanger was opposed to abortion. And the birth control movement was always, in those decades, about using the avail-- making contraception more readily available to poor women in order to reduce the abortion rate.
GROSS: So birth control was illegal. Discussion of it was illegal at the time that Margaret Sanger opened her clinic. And this was because of the Comstock Law. Would you describe that law?
LEPORE: Anthony Comstock was a moral reformer, a social purity reformer, who was the architect of the Comstock Law, which passed in I think 1873, which classifies all sorts of printed material as obscenity and specifies information about contraception as obscene - so that it's illegal to send through the U.S. mails, and this is how Sanger gets in trouble early on in her career.
It is illegal to send through the U.S. mails information, even in a philosophical sense, discussing reducing a woman's fertility.
GROSS: So it's illegal to publish about it. It's illegal to distribute it.
LEPORE: Right.
GROSS: So how does she get around that? She opens a clinic, and it's illegal.
LEPORE: She opens a clinic and illegal, you know, it's a direct action, right. She's hoping to get arrested. She writes to the Brooklyn district attorney before she opens the clinic saying hey, I'm about to open a clinic, and what I'm going to do there is tell women about birth control.
Before that, she has written a series of essays for The Call, which is the socialist daily, called "What Every Girl Should Know." I think it's a seven-part series. The last essay in the series, which discusses a number of venereal matters, mainly venereal disease, is suppressed by the U.S. Post Office. The Call publishes a protest announcement saying what every girl should know: nothing.
Sanger briefly flees the country after she's arrested, after she's charged for obscenity for writing about contraception in "What Every Girl Should Know." She starts her own magazine called The Woman Rebel. Sanger is very much a socialist and very much a feminist, and she sees this as an issue.
And she talks before the courts as contraception as an issue involving a woman's right to life. And the courts continue to rule against her in saying, you know, a woman's right to life gives her the option to not have intercourse with a man. Sanger's argument is that a woman has a right to have sex without fear of death. And the court rules against her. It's only on appeal of her conviction after the opening of the clinic that a court rules that it could be permissible for a doctor to talk to a woman about contraception.
And that is the great legal change that makes it possible for Sanger to open up clinics subsequently. So she opens up that first clinic in 1916 and is arrested. In 1921, she founds the American Birth Control League, which begins opening up clinics across the country, where it's possible for doctors to talk to women about contraception.
GROSS: You know, and that judge who made it legal for her to open her clinic, who said that doctors could prescribe contraception for women, also said that no woman, quote, had the right to copulate with a feeling of security that there will be no resulting conception. How was that interpreted?
LEPORE: Well, one - people ask all the time. Actually, when I've been chatting with people about, oh, I'm working on this history of contraception - people are always quite surprised at the virulence of the social disapproval of contraception itself.
And a lot of it really is about adultery. So Father Coughlin, who's a great opponent of Margaret Sanger, talks a lot in the 1930s about legislation that Sanger is trying to get through - this is later, but, you know, trying to get through Congress in the 1930s - will really, will make it possible for women to have affairs outside of marriage without fear of consequence.
Right, men can have an affair without fear, but if a woman has contraception, she could engage in an adulterous affair, and no one would be the wiser. There's a kind of weird subtext to that. And that - so when I read that judge's ruling, that's one of the things that I hear in that, and that you see a lot in the coverage of this issue at the time.
GROSS: The fear that contraception would enable and empower women to be adulterous.
LEPORE: Right. Because remember, and this is also easily lost in our vantage of what we think that Sanger was up to, all this is information she is only eager to give to married women. It's really not until the 1960s that Planned Parenthood even admits that they - unmarried women are being treated in any clinics. This is really all about allowing married women to control the size of their families.
GROSS: So just to clarify, Margaret Sanger was facing two laws that made her work impossible: The Comstock Law made it impossible for her to write about or speak about contraception or publish anything about contraception, because that violated the Comstock Law, the Comstock Act. The New York Penal Code prevented her from actually distributing any kind of contraception. Do I have that right?
LEPORE: Yes, and there are codes like that all over the country. It's not just New York.
GROSS: OK, so this judge's ruling strikes down the New York Penal Code part that prevents the distribution of contraception?
LEPORE: It allows doctors to distribute information about contraception.
GROSS: So this means that Margaret Sanger has to start teaming up with doctors in her clinic?
LEPORE: Right, and also has to try to start lobbying the American Medical Association to take a position on this issue, which is what she mainly - so at this point, Sanger begins courting support in all kinds of places. She's - does not have a lot of natural political allies, right.
So she begins lobbying doctors. It's not until 1937 that the American Medical Association finally takes a stance on this issue, but then it takes the stand that it is the obligation of doctors, or doctors who are willing, to give information to their patients who are interested in information about contraception, that they should and can.
It takes years for that to succeed, but that is a huge success for Sanger and probably her most important success. There are people who think that was a tactical error, right, that there would have been better ways to find - to keep - to reform the system such that the power over contraception didn't go into - exclusively into the hands of the medical community. But that was the tactic that Sanger thought was likely to be most successful.
GROSS: It's also what the law said, too, wasn't it? I mean...
LEPORE: It's where the legal opening was, exactly.
GROSS: My guest is historian Jill Lepore. Her article "Birthright" is in the current edition of The New Yorker. We'll talk more after a break. This is FRESH AIR.
GROSS: We're talking about the history of the birth control movement with Jill Lepore, a professor of history at Harvard. Her article in the current edition of the New Yorker is called "Birthright: What's Next for Planned Parenthood?" When we left off, we were talking about birth control activist Margaret Sanger, who founded the first birth control clinic in 1916.
Now, Sanger has been accused of being a eugenicist, and you say that, you know, she was courting a lot of allies, and in fact she courted eugenicists, too. What was meant by eugenicist?
LEPORE: This is an important charge against Sanger and against birth control, and later, population control overall, and it's one to be taken very, very seriously. 1916 happens to be also the year that Madison Grant published "The Passing of the Great Race," which is this sort of racial history of America.
Grant is sort of the - probably the most important American eugenicist. He argues that the United States are being taken over by dark-skinned, dark-haired, dark-eyed people and that the true virtue of the United States is to be found in the Nordic peoples, the blue-eyed, blond-haired Nordic peoples.
Grant's racial history and his eugenicist arguments are taken up by lots of other people. They predate Grant, as well. Another really important American eugenicist is Paul Poponoe. Poponoe is a biologist from Stanford who co-authors a book called "Applied Eugenics," which becomes the most widely assigned eugenics textbook in American colleges and universities.
And he's the kind of guy that Sanger courts, even as early as 1916, 1917, when she gets out of jail after having been arrested for opening that clinic. She founds a journal called the Birth Control Review, and she asks Poponoe to contribute to it. She goes to D.C. to debate Poponoe.
These eugenicists that Sanger is courting are actually generally opposed to birth control because they considered it - and Poponoe writes at the time, that birth control as it is currently practiced, is the reverse of eugenics. So what someone like Poponoe believes, or Madison Grant, is that the population can be improved by encouraging the fit - the biologically fit - to reproduce and discouraging the unfit to reproduce.
And Poponoe's objection to birth control is that it is widely used, and has already been widely used, by the people he considers to be the fit. So Poponoe, you know, refers to Sanger and the likes of Sanger as sob sisters who are interested in giving women the right to control their reproductive processes, which has nothing to do with eugenics.
Eugenicists want basically to coerce the poor to not have more children, and in some cases, and Poponoe is among those people who wants to force the poor to not have more children. So Poponoe is the author or the co-author of a book called "Sterilization for Human Betterment."
And so by 1909, California has passed a sterilization law, a forced sterilization law. Two-thirds of American states eventually do the same.
GROSS: Outlawing it? Outlawing forced sterilization?
LEPORE: No, making provisions for forced sterilization.
GROSS: Oh.
LEPORE: Yeah.
GROSS: For whom?
LEPORE: For the people that Poponoe and Grant would call the unfit. And this has to do largely with going into institutions for the insane, the people who were called, at the time, the feebleminded. The origins of the IQ test date to this period, and one of the things the IQ test is designed to do is to determine who is feebleminded and who should be sterilized.
GROSS: So why did Margaret Sanger seek out the eugenicists as allies, when she was opposed to what they believed?
LEPORE: Yeah, yeah, Sanger is a really complicated character. She's not a likable character. You know, as someone who reads people's letters and diaries in the archives all the time, I'm always falling in love with people in the archives. They're very companionable, certain people whose papers I read. Sanger is not that kind of person for me. She is a tough, tough character. I think she's quite reckless and quite heedless.
And I think, first of all, a number of progressive-era reformers, both left and right, fall for eugenics early on, especially before World War I. All kinds of people, Woodrow Wilson is in favor of eugenics at some point. And what people distinguish is those who are in favor of positive eugenics versus negative eugenics, whether that is they want to encourage certain people to have more children - because the birth rate, again, has been falling so fast among wealthier and more educated women, and this is of some concern.
Teddy Roosevelt is a eugenicist in this sense. He's concerned with "race suicide," right. This is one of Roosevelt's big social concerns. People are concerned that the better-off people are basically failing to reproduce, and this is what all the anti-immigration laws in the 1920s are about, is about attempting to address a kind of racial crisis in the American population.
So there's a lot of this stuff out there. It's not like Margaret Sanger is an outlier in 1916, when she is courting eugenicists. There are - all kinds of people are approving of eugenics. And then there are some very brave people who were speaking out against it.
That increases over the '20s, and certainly by the '30s, when, you know, someone like Poponoe's and Grant's writing - their writings are translated into German. they're widely read in Germany, and at that point people are disavowing eugenics, left and right. Nevertheless, those laws remain on the books in many states, those eugenics laws remain on the books in many states into the 1970s.
There are forced sterilizations that happened in the United States for most of the 20th century.
GROSS: Now, Herman Cain described Planned Parenthood as a sham whose purpose is to kill black babies. Do you think a charge like that relates to the eugenics era and the era when Sanger tried to ally with them?
LEPORE: Actually, I think what Cain is drawing on more is protest in the 1960s, which is a little bit different, when there's a kind of Black Panther, black nationalist critique of family planning, per se. But that itself is looking back to the 1930s. So the first state-supported birth control program in the United States started in 1937 in North Carolina. It was run by the North Carolina Eugenics Board.
And at some points in its history, it did things like make the insertion of an IUD a condition of the receipt of welfare. There - you know, it's not - this is not an imagined problem, right. There is a long, complicated history of family planning and its involvement with forced sterilization or, at the very minimum, with coerced sterilization - that is to say people who are given very little choice.
Some people who are sterilized against - without even realizing that that's what's being done to them. It is a very dark and troubling history, but when Cain talks about that - so that's got nothing to do with Sanger opening her clinic in 1916, but it has to do with the longer history of the continued reliance on eugenics arguments in some quarters of the family planning moment.
GROSS: Jill Lepore will be back in the second half of the show. Her article "Birthright: What's next for Planned Parenthood?" is in the current edition of the New Yorker. Her latest book is "The Whites of Their Eyes: The Tea Party's Revolution and the Battle Over American History." Lepore is a professor of history at Harvard. I'm Terry Gross, and this is FRESH AIR.
GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. We're talking about the history of the birth control movement with Jill Lepore, a professor of history at Harvard and staff writer at The New Yorker. Her article in the current edition is called "Birthright: What's next for Planned Parenthood?" She's also the author of "The Whites of Their Eyes: The Tea Party's Revolution and the Battle Over American History."
In talking about how birth control became politicized, you point to a very interesting fact, which is that in 1927, a survey of the members of the American Birth Control League, which was the predecessor of Planned Parenthood, found its membership to be disproportionately Republican from small towns and suburbs. Any idea why that was?
LEPORE: Well, the organization has done a really good job in trying to find alliances with more mainstream organizations and to sort of package itself as a respectable social reform, which indeed it is. There's actually not a lot of evidence that there's more popular objection to the legalization of contraception, right? Most people who have access to contraception are using it. It's really just a question of whether it can be made legal for everybody else. There is a lot of support for it and it's been the case that the American Birth Control League is really effective at gaining support among people who are joiners, who join things like the Rotary Club or the Red Cross or the Anti-Saloon League - a lot of people who are involved in all kinds of different reforms. The reform moves from the cities to the suburbs and it draws a great deal of support. And by, you know, as early as 1928, Sanger is sort of forced out of the organization that she helped found, because birth control has become something very different than the feminist movement that she started it as.
GROSS: In what ways did it become different?
LEPORE: Well, I think partly it has to do with its courting of eugenicists. It's after Sanger leaves that in 1933 the American Birth Control League proposes a merger with the American Eugenics Society. The eugenicists aren't actually interested. But over the long haul, eugenics is a conservative argument, right? It starts out where it appeals to kind of progressive, liberal reformers as well as to conservatives. But over the long haul, it tends to have, it tends to draw conservative support. Here is a way to address the problem of poverty: We will provide birth control to people who are poor and there will be fewer of them. That's not a progressive reform, right? That's not a rights argument about women. That is a very tricky kind of conservative position about - and I don't mean conservative in the sense of our modern parlance, but I mean just in the sense of how people understood it at the time.
GROSS: So you're saying that at some point in the late '20s the birth control movement becomes more about controlling the population of immigrants.
LEPORE: Yeah. The historian David Kennedy, he wrote a really interesting biography of Sanger, writes that birth control is this very odd social movement that starts out as a liberal reform but it is generally turned to conservative ends.
GROSS: When does that start to change?
LEPORE: Well, what of the things that changes over the course of the 1930s is that Sanger moves her efforts to a kind of court reform. And the great legal victory, US vs. One Package of Japanese Pessaries, which is a case that is engineered by Sanger, makes it that doctors can provide birth control to patients and that birth control can be made available, can be sold. The case involves a box of pessaries that are imported from Japan. So that's a huge legal triumph for the birth control movement. And there is also - over the course of the Depression, right, a lot of people are really interested in having fewer children. They have less money. They want to think about the size of their families in economic terms in different ways. People are facing different kinds of hardships. So popular support for contraception and the availability of contraception increases, and they're comes to be - and this is something the American Birth Control League is very successful at in the 1930s - seeking further alliances with clergy. There's a huge amount of clergy support among Protestant clergy in particular, for the birth control movement. So there's just a general progress towards this becoming kind of a mainstream issue. So by the 1940s when Sanger is still on the outs, in 1942 the American Birth Control League is renamed the Planned Parenthood Federation of America, because by now the organization is so mainstream and in some ways sort of so respectable and sort of a mainstay of American life, that its leaders considered the phrase birth control to be sort of too radical, too controversial and too much of a demand.
GROSS: So, you know, you mention clergy became involved. You write that in 1931 the Federal Council of Churches of Christ, chaired by Reinhold Niebuhr, issued a report endorsing contraception because the report said by separating sex from reproduction it promoted marital love.
LEPORE: Yeah. I put that in there because partly it's just so striking. I guess a big reason why I wrote this piece was to try to ask us to remember that things have not always been thus. The way this set of issues around birth control and abortion seem so overdetermined, as if they are actually partisan, as if the way religious denominations fall down, or the question of what is a Christian position on this issue, as if these things were natural or predetermined or had been consistent over time.
It's actually a very eloquent statement, the statement that Niebuhr's committee writes about the importance of contraception and the way that it allows, the way that the separation of sex from reproduction contributes to the stability of marriage. And that actually is a big part of the move from birth control to Planned Parenthood as a matter of nomenclature, or to the phrase family planning, which also comes from the 1940s shortly afterward. At this point in the history of the birth control movement, the unit is not the woman and her body, which was what it started out being for Sanger. It really is the family. And when we think about the kind of consolidation of cultural energy in the wake of World War II and the baby boomers are celebrating the American family as the bulwark against all manner of foreign threats, there's a real celebration of the family. And the Planned Parenthood is a way to build stronger families.
GROSS: So the law that banned the distribution of birth control through the mail was overturned by a Supreme Court decision known as Griswold vs. Connecticut. Griswold was the person who challenged the law. This was in 1965. Who was she, and on what grounds did she challenge the law?
LEPORE: She was the director of a Planned Parenthood clinic of Connecticut and Estelle Griswold participates in that challenge in order to overturn really, to bring to the Supreme Court a test case to establish that as a matter of federal law it is not a violation to distribute contraception. So that really is the last obstacle to the distribution of contraception. And in that case the Supreme Court rules that it is a matter of privacy. That's the case that establishes the distribution of contraception, or a woman's right to use contraception, as a matter of a constitutional right to privacy. So by the 1960s though, the entire landscape has changed with regard to the birth control movement and Planned Parenthood's own activities. It remains an organization that is very far from anything that Margaret Sanger had intended it to be. Sanger continues to be a controversial figure.
But by the 1960s, there's this widespread panic in the United States and elsewhere about a population explosion and so the watchword now is population control, not birth control. "The Population Bomb" is published in 1968 and the federal government for the first time comes to be involved in thinking about family planning. And in the United States it's Griswold v. Connecticut and also the continued lobbying and activism of the most, probably the most important president of Planned Parenthood over its history is Alan Guttmacher, who is an obstetrician.
GROSS: My guest is historian Jill Lepore. Her article "Birthright" is in the current edition of The New Yorker. We'll talk more after a break. This is FRESH AIR.
GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is Jill Lepore. She's a historian at Harvard University and she's the author of an article in the current edition of The New Yorker Called "Birthright. What's next for Planned Parenthood?" And she's also the author of the book "The Whites of Their Eyes: The Tea Party's Revolution and the Battle Over American History." That's just been published in paperback.
So in keeping with how birth control became political, you mentioned - and this really surprised me - that Barry Goldwater was on the board of Planned Parenthood in the 1950s.
LEPORE: Goldwater and his wife are both very active in the Planned Parenthood organization in Phoenix. Goldwater's wife I think is president of the board. I don't know that Goldwater himself, I don't think Goldwater himself ever serves on the board, but they're very active supporters. And really the support for Planned Parenthood in the 1950s and 1960s really is fairly mainline Republican kind of support. There are a lot of women who volunteer their time, and who volunteer with other kinds of organizations like the League of Women Voters. But in - Planned Parenthood is in some places controversial. But actually the criticism of Planned Parenthood in those decades is coming from the left, it's coming from black nationalists. That's where it's in the 1960s that these charges that Planned Parenthood is establishing more clinics in poor black neighborhoods than in poor white neighborhoods and that Planned Parenthood is coercing young women into birth control choices that they object to.
GROSS: President Nixon is a very interesting figure in the history of birth control. In 1970 he signs Title X, and let's stop here and talk about what Title X did.
LEPORE: OK. So up until the 1960s family planning had really basically been privately funded. You know, there were donations or some small local grants and people paid for services or there might be state programs. But in the 1960s there's a series of discussions in the federal government, in Congress about what the role of the federal government should be in dealing with the population problem - the overpopulation problem or the looming population bomb. So as early as 1965, there are hearings on this subject and some of the first early federal funding of family planning becomes part of Johnson's War On Poverty. In 1970, though, Nixon signs Title X, which provides systematically a much more massive federal government intervention that provides funding for family planning services.
GROSS: So when Nixon signs Title X into law, you know, giving federal funding to birth control centers for people who can't afford or don't have health insurance, that doesn't cover abortion because abortion isn't legal yet. But Nixon becomes politicized about abortion in the early '70s, and you say that's at the urging of his strategists. Why did they see abortion as a winning - or antiabortion, I should say, as a winning issue for Nixon?
LEPORE: Well, there had been over the course of the '60s a number of state laws reforming or liberalizing abortion, so that there are some states now where it's possible to have a legal abortion for certain specific reasons. There's a growing number of states. This has led to some considerable opposition, largely from the Catholic Church, and in 1968 the Pope issues a statement decrying both birth control and abortion. And Nixon, like the first Bush, Ronald Reagan signs a liberalized abortion law in California. This really has been a fairly consistently bipartisan issue in the 1960s. There's been a lot of support for family planning. Nixon's advisers, who are looking towards his reelection campaign, suggest in 1970 and 1971 to Nixon that he could divide the Democrats by taking a position on abortion that would activate the Catholic Democrats to move to the Republican Party.
There's a series of memos that are exchanged between Nixon and his advisers quite specifically laying this out as a very deliberate policy that will be very effective in dividing the Democratic Party. And Nixon decides to do that. So he reverses his position on a number of issues in 1970 and 1971, and he deploys the language of the Catholic Church. He begins talking about the sanctity of human life and he then opposes the renewal of Title X funding as part of his campaign to court Catholic voters when he runs for reelection.
GROSS: So I think after that period there's a lot more that's known about how abortion became politicized. But, you know, most of your piece covers the early history of birth control. And I'm wondering why you thought it was important now to look back on that early history.
LEPORE: I really do think that it is the great tragedy of American politics that this issue divides us so profoundly. And it's a very painful issue to talk to just about anyone with. And I think there's a kind of a surprising lack of basic human charity when people talk about this issue, no matter what their position. And I feel that so much of the kind of murderous rhetoric of American politics and what we decry as the decline of civility or hyper-partisanship, these things are really troubling as a citizen to watch, right? And I do think that even when we're not talking about abortion we are often talking about abortion. I mean I think that so much of American politics has a kind of good and evil cast, a do or die, life or death intensity, and I think a lot of that comes from the moral posturing around this issue. I think we would do better if we could have these conversations outside of a partisan arena, where there is far too much to gain by making these issues partisan. And you can track over the course of American history how much people have gained by staking out these partisan positions and I think it's a real tragedy.
GROSS: Jill Lepore, thank you so much for joining us.
LEPORE: Thank you.
GROSS: Jill Lepore is a professor of history at Harvard. Her article "Birthright" is in the current edition of The New Yorker. You'll find a link on our website, freshair.npr.org. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright National Public Radio.

subset: commoncrawl


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[6]Requires an Internet connection to the printer. Feature works with any connected Internet- and email-capable device. Print times may vary. Some HP Officejets may require a firmware upgrade. For a list of supported documents, and image types, see http://www.hp.com/go/eprintcenter. And for additional solutions, see http://www.hp.com/go/mobile-printing-solutions.
[7]Wireless performance is dependent upon physical environment and distance from access point. Wireless operations compatible with 2.4 GHz routers only.
[8]Supports iOS 4.2 and later devices (iPad®, iPhone® 4, iPhone® 3GS, and 3rd and 4th generation iPod touch®) that support multitasking. Works with HP ePrint-enabled printers and all-in-ones. AirPrint™ and iOS 4.2 and later devices require an 802.11 "wireless network" connection to the printer. Wireless performance is dependent upon physical environment and distance from the access point. AirPrint and the AirPrint Logo are trademarks of Apple® Inc. iPad, iPhone, and iPod touch are trademarks of Apple Inc., registered in the U.S. and other countries.
[9]Requires access to third-party app stores. See http://www.hp.com/go/mobile-printing-solutions for details on compatible devices.
[10]Optional 250-sheet paper tray not included; please purchase separately.
[11]Majority of color laser printers
[12]Program availability varies. Original HP cartridge return and recycling is currently available in more than 50 countries and territories around the world through the HP Planet Partners program. For more information, or to request return envelopes and bulk collection boxes, visit http://www.hp.com/recycle.
[13]Compared with the majority of color laser printers < US$300, September 2012. Calculation compares weight of supplies and cartridge packaging needed for the same amount of pages based on ISO yield and continuous printing.
[14]Availability of rewards varies by country. For more information, see http://www.hp.com/go/learnaboutsupplies.
[15]Display-permanence rating by Wilhelm Imaging Research, Inc., or HP Image Permanence Lab. For details, see http://www.hp.com/go/printpermanence.
Printing specifications | |
Print resolution, black: | Up to 1200 x 600 dpi |
Print Speed Black (ISO, laser comparable): | Up to 20 ppm |
Print speed color (ISO, laser comparable): | Up to 16 ppm |
Print speed footnote: | Either after first page or after first set of ISO test pages. For details see http://www.hp.com/go/printerclaims |
Monthly duty cycle: | Up to 25,000 pages |
Recommended monthly print volume: | 250 to 1250 |
Footnote for recommended monthly print volume: | HP recommends that the number of pages per month of imaged output be within the stated range for optimum device performance, based on factors including supplies replacement intervals and device life over an extended warranty period. |
Print technology: | HP Thermal Inkjet |
Print resolution, color: | Up to 4800 x 1200 optimized dpi on HP Advanced Photo paper, 1200 x 1200 input dpi |
Mobile Printing Capability: | HP ePrint, HP webOS printing (TouchPad only), Apple AirPrint™ |
Paper Handling | |
Paper handling standard,input: | 250-sheet input tray |
Paper handling standard,output: | 150-sheet output tray |
Paper handling optional,input: | Optional 250-sheet input tray |
Duplex printing (printing on both sides of paper): | Automatic (standard) |
Document finishing: | Sheetfed |
Envelope feeder: | No |
Media sizes, standard: | Letter; Legal; Government Legal; Executive; Statement; 3 x 5 in; 4 x 6 in; 5 x 7 in; 13 x 18 cm; 8 x 10 in; 10 x 15 cm; L; Photo 2L; Envelope (#10, Monarch, 5.5bar); Card (3 x 5 in, 4 x 6 in, 5 x 8 in) |
Media sizes, custom: | Tray 1: 76.2 x 127 to 215.9 x 355.6 mm (Apple only) |
Media types: | Plain paper; Thick plain paper; HP Bright White Paper; HP Premium Presentation Paper, Matte; HP Premium Plus Photo Papers; Other inkjet papers; HP Advanced Photo Papers; HP Everyday Photo Paper, Matte; HP Everyday Photo Paper, Glossy; Other photo papers; Other specialty papers; Other Greeting Cards; HP Brochure Paper 180g, Glossy; HP Brochure and Flyer Paper, Matte; HP Tri-fold Brochure Paper, Matte; HP Tri-fold Brochure Paper, Glossy; Other brochure papers; Plain hagaki; Inkjet hagaki; Photo Hagaki; Card Stock |
Media weight, recommended: | 16 to 28 lb (plain paper); 60 to 75 lb (photo); 20 to 24 lb (envelope); 90 to 110 lb (card) |
Envelope capacity: | Up to 30 envelopes |
Additional Specifications | |
Memory, standard: | 128 MB DDR3 |
Print languages, standard: | HP PCL 3 GUI; HP PCL 3 Enhanced |
Memory, maximum: | 128 MB DDR3 |
Connectivity | |
HP ePrint capability: | Yes |
Network Ready: | Standard (built-in Ethernet, WiFi 802.11g) |
Connectivity, standard: | Hi-Speed USB 2.0; Built-in wired Ethernet 10/100Base-TX (RJ45) networking; Built-in wireless 802.11b/g/n networking |
Mobile printing capability: | HP ePrint, HP webOS printing (TouchPad only), Apple AirPrint™ |
Connectivity, optional: | Support the following external Jetdirect servers (Print only): HP Jetdirect en1700 External Print Server (J7988G), HP Jetdirect en3700 Fast-Ethernet External Print Server for Network Capable Hi-Speed USB 2.0 Peripherals (J7942G), HP Jetdirect ew2400 802.11b/g wireless and Fast Ethernet external print server (USB 2.0, 10/100Base-TX, 802.11b/g) (J7951G), HP Jetdirect ew2500 802.11b/g Wireless Print Server (J8021A); Other supported accessories: Apple AirPort Express, Apple AirPort Extreme, Apple Airport TimeCapsule |
Minimum system requirements: | PC: Microsoft® Windows® 7: 1 GHz 32-bit (x86) or 64-bit (x64) processor, 2 GB hard disk space, CD-ROM/DVD drive or Internet connection, USB port, Internet Explorer; Windows Vista®: 800 MHz 32-bit (x86) or 64-bit (x64) processor, 2 GB hard disk space, CD-ROM/DVD drive or Internet connection, USB port, Internet Explorer; Windows® XP (SP3)* or higher (32-bit only): any Intel® Pentium® II, Celeron® or compatible processor, 233 MHz or higher, 750 MB hard disk space, CD-ROM/DVD drive or Internet connection, USB port, Internet Explorer 6 or higher. *Supports 32-bit only; Mac OS X v 10.5 or v 10.6: PowerPC G4, G5 or Intel® Core(TM) Processor, 500 MB available hard disk space, 500 MB available hard disk space, CD-ROM/DVD drive or Internet connection, USB port Macintosh: Mac OS X v 10.5 or v 10.6: PowerPC G4, G5 or Intel® Core™ Processor, 500 MB available hard disk space, CD-ROM/DVD drive or Internet connection, USB port |
Photo printing | |
Borderless Printing: | Yes, up to 8.5 x 11 in (US letter), 210 x 297 mm (A4) |
Dimensions and weight | |
Dimensions (W x D x H): | 19.45 x 18.03 x 7.95 in (494 x 458 x 202 mm) |
Weight: | 24.2 lb (11 kg) |
What's included | |
What's in the box: | HP Officejet Pro 8100 ePrinter - N811a; HP 950 black ink print cartridge, HP 951 cyan ink print cartridge, HP 951 magenta ink print cartridge, HP 951 yellow ink print cartridge; Shopping card; Power cord; CD-ROM; Duplexer, USB cable; Set up poster; Getting started guide |
Warranty: | One-year limited hardware warranty, 24-hour, 7 days a week Web support, business hour phone support within warranty period |
Software included: | HP Printer Software; Microsoft Toolbar; HP Update; Shop for Supplies Online |
Cable included?: | Yes, 1 USB |
* HP is not liable for pricing errors. If you place an order for a product that was incorrectly priced, we will cancel your order and credit you for any charges. In the event that we inadvertently ship an order based on a pricing error, we will issue a revised invoice to you for the correct price and contact you to obtain your authorization for the additional charge, or assist you with return of the product. If the pricing error results in an overcharge to you, HP will credit your account for the amount overcharged.
** Lease products available through Hewlett-Packard Financial Services Company (HPFS) to qualified commercial customers in the U.S. and are subject to credit approval and execution of standard HPFS documentation. Lease prices shown are based upon HPFS' current lease rates for premium risk rating customers (as determined by HPFS in its sole discretion). All customers may not qualify for this pricing. HPFS lease rates may vary depending upon HPFS' credit review and approval of the customer and the transaction. Other restrictions may apply. HPFS reserves the right to change or cancel this program at any time without notice.
To download the latest Adobe® Reader® please go to the Adobe website at http://www.adobe.com. Adobe and Reader are trademarks of Adobe Systems Incorporated.
© 2014 Hewlett-Packard Development Company, L.P.


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Ask people to name something green that they look forward to eating each spring, and you might hear asparagus, peas or fava beans. But grass? Not likely.
Unless, of course, you're talking to a cheesemaker. The lush, green grass that follows winter's rainy season is a verdant, bountiful buffet for their lactating livestock.
We don't tend to think of cheese as a seasonal food -- milk is available year-round, after all. But spring is when most cows, goats and sheep give birth, and their milk production peaks as they're sent out to graze on all that fresh, new grass. Their milk -- and the cheese made from it -- takes on a seasonal quality that will change when the fields turn dry and golden come midsummer.
To Lassa Skinner, a Napa cheesemonger and founder of Culture, a quarterly cheese magazine, the most notable quality in spring milk is its rich flavor.
"There's more going on in the feed because they're in the pasture," she says. "There's a lot of really full flavor and lushness to the milk being produced from grass."
Although cheesemakers use spring milk to make all kinds of cheese, from creamy washed-rinds to clothbound cheddars, Skinner says the best way to experience the true expression of that milk is by eating fresh, young cheeses such as ricotta, chevre or fromage blanc from farmstead producers, who raise their own animals.
A quick leap
At Harley Farms, a 200-goat dairy in Pescadero, what's fresh milk one day is ricotta the next. The chevre and fromage blanc are sold at the farm within two days of milking.
The aromas and flavors of these kinds of fresh cheeses are often described as green, grassy or floral. Liam Callahan is the cheesemaker for Bellwether Farms, his family's Sonoma County dairy, which produces cheeses from Jersey cows and sheep, including award-winning ricottas that have been used at some of the country's top restaurants, including San Francisco's Zuni Cafe and Berkeley's Chez Panisse.
Callahan says the grassy flavors in cheese might be romanticized, but that doesn't make them any less real. The 300 sheep on his family's Petaluma ranch eat a steady diet of clover and rye grass each spring.
"You can smell the grass in the spring milk," he says, "and you get a little of that flavor carry-through in fresh cheeses."
Dee Harley, owner of Harley Farms, is one of the romantics. Cheese, she says, is like wine: It has the ability to express terroir.
"The salty ocean air goes into the grass here," she says. "There's a sweetness and tanginess in the cheese that's special to our location. The cheese is the flavor of the farm, really."
There's a better balance in the milk chemistry, too, Callahan says. In the winter, the milk is higher in fat, which presents challenges. In the spring, when the animals are back on a grass diet, the balance of fat and protein is better for cheesemaking -- and for cheese-eating as well.
Those fresh, new cheeses marry particularly well with other spring delights. There's truth behind the "if it grows together, it goes together" adage, and a stroll through the farmers market will tell you everything you need to know.
Asparagus, artichokes, Meyer lemons, strawberries, spinach and spring greens work beautifully with fresh cheese. A simple salad of spinach, oranges and pecan-crusted goat cheese makes a lovely light lunch or first course. An asparagus and ricotta tart makes for an easy weeknight dinner or brunch showstopper. And few things are more heavenly than lemon ricotta pancakes with strawberries.
Herbs included
Harley Farms takes some of the guesswork out of it by selling logs of their chevre already coated with herbs, such as chives and dill that were grown on the farm. They also have goat cheese buttons topped with tomato and basil, apricot and pistachio, or cranberry and walnut.
Regardless of what other ingredients you use with the fresh cheese, Skinner says to "focus on not screwing around too much with it. You want the clean, delicate flavors to shine."
Callahan echoed that sentiment when talking about his ricotta, which has a creamy, almost puddinglike consistency. When you tip it out of the basket it's drained and sold in, it holds its shape, so thick you can actually slice it.
"You can serve it on a plate with whatever's out of the garden or with honey or berries," he says. "Not just blend it into something, like lasagna."
Not that there's anything wrong with that.
Where to find it
Harley Farms: Pescadero's Harley Farms offers goat farm tours, farm dinners and special workshops. Order chevre, including Monet, at www.harleyfarms.com or get it delivered via GoodEggs.com, the artisanal local food service that has pickup sites around the Bay Area.
Bellwether Farms: This Petaluma farm makes fresh cheeses, such as ricotta and fromage blanc, as well as carmody, crescenza, San Andreas and Pepato. Bellwether Farms cheeses are available at many Whole Foods, New Leaf, Nob Hill and Sprouts markets, as well as Lafayette's Diablo Foods. For details, go to www.bellwetherfarms.com.


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Fungal Arthritis Center - Evansville, INWebMD Physician DirectoryEvansville, IndianaFungal ArthritisFungal arthritis facts
Other Related Fungal Arthritis ArticlesEmergency Contact for Evansville
Nearby Evansville Hospitals *Deaconess Hospital Psychiatric Children's Center St Mary's Medical Center Evansville State Hospital Healthsouth Deaconess Rehab Deaconess Cross Pointe Deaconess Gateway Hospital The Womens Hospital Methodist Hospital St Mary's Warrick Hospital River Valley Behavioral Health Gibson General Hospital Owensboro Medical Health System Wabash General Hospital Methodist Hospital Union County *Provider Directory Terms of Use: The WebMD 'Provider Directory' is provided by WebMD for use by the general public as a quick reference of information about Providers. The Provider Directory is not intended as a tool for verifying the credentials, qualifications, or abilities of any Provider contained therein. Inclusion in the Provider Directory does not imply recommendation or endorsement nor does omission in the Provider Directory imply WebMD disapproval. |


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Horsemeat: French company blamed, UK arrests
Friday - 2/15/2013, 1:20am EST
PARIS (AP) -- The price, smell and color should have been clear tipoffs something was wrong with shipments of horsemeat that were fraudulently labeled as beef, French authorities said Thursday. The government pinned the bulk of the blame on a French wholesaler at the heart of a growing scandal in Europe.
Police in the U.K., meanwhile, announced the arrests Thursday of three men on suspicion of fraud at two meat plants inspected earlier this week by the country's Food Standards Agency.
The two separate developments were part of an escalating scare that has raised questions about food controls in the European Union -- and highlighted how little consumers know about the complex trading operations that get food from producers to wholesalers to processers to stores and onto their dinner table.
Europol, the European Union police agency, is coordinating a broad continent-wide fraud investigation amid allegations of an international criminal conspiracy to substitute horse for more expensive beef.
In Paris, Benoit Hamon, the government's consumer affairs minister, said it appeared that in the most prominent case fraudulent meat sales had been going on for several months, and reached across 13 countries and 28 companies. He did not name the countries or companies.
He said there was plenty of blame to go around, but most of it rested with Spanghero, a wholesaler based in southern France.
Officials at Spanghero denied knowingly buying and reselling horsemeat but French authorities immediately suspended their trading activities.
Hamon said Spanghero was one company in a chain that started with two Romanian slaughterhouses that says they clearly labeled their meat as horse.
The meat was then bought by a Cyprus-registered trader and sent to a warehouse in the Netherlands.
Spanghero bought the meat from the trader, then resold it to the French frozen food processor Comigel. The resulting food was marketed under the Sweden-based Findus brand as lasagna and other products as containing ground beef.
Hamon said Spanghero was well aware that the meat was mislabeled when it sold it to Comigel.
"Spanghero knew," Hamon said. "One thing that should have attracted Spanghero's attention? The price."
Hamon said the meat from Romania cost far below the market rate for beef.
A representative for Spanghero said company officials have been interrogated by authorities, who have raided Spanghero headquarters several times in recent days, but no one has been arrested.
The representative insisted the company acted "in good faith" and that it never knew the meat it bought and sold was horsemeat. The representative said he was not authorized to be publicly named according to his contract with Spanghero.
He wouldn't comment on French authorities' insistence that Spanghero should have recognized the meat as horse by its price, smell and color.
Food processor Comigel was not blameless either, Hamon said, declaring that the paperwork from Spanghero had significant irregularities, including a failure to specify country of origin.
"And once the meat was defrosted, we can ask ourselves why Comigel didn't notice that the color and odor was not that of beef?" Hamon said.
Romanian food suppliers rejoiced that the blame for the frozen lasagna scandal has shifted away from Romanian slaughterhouses to companies in France -- a country that prides itself on its cuisine and culinary culture and isn't usually caught up in food scandals.
Sorin Minea, the chief of Romalimenta, the Romanian food industry association, urged tough sanctions for the French companies. "Romania, small and ugly as it, respected all European legislation. In the U.K., legislation was not respected," he said. "I am sad that first we were accused and then there was an inquiry. We feel we are not part of the European family."
Britain's food regulator, meanwhile, said Thursday that six horse carcasses that tested positive for an equine painkiller may have entered the human food chain in France and that horsemeat tainted with the medicine may have been sold to consumers "for some time."
The U.K. Food Standards Agency said eight out of 206 horses it checked had tested positive for phenylbutazone, commonly known as bute. The drug is banned for human use in countries including Britain and the U.S.
Almost no horsemeat is consumed in Britain, where hippophagy -- eating horses -- is widely considered taboo. But thousands of horses killed in the country each year are exported for meat to countries including France and Belgium that have a culture of eating horsemeat.
The scandal has also raised the uncomfortable idea that Europeans may unwittingly have been consuming racehorses, which are often treated with bute.


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To keep quite on something. To not tell people about something. To not divulge information to people that should not know about something. Keeping certain information limited to a certain group or between two people.
автор: IceWarm
21 июня 2004
21 more definitions
Top Definition
Gay promiscuous niggers
The AIDs rate is so high in the black community because so many African Americans are on the down low.
автор: huevos
5 мая 2007
when black males try to remain straight by having sex with other men then go home and sleep with their wives. Just ask Keith from gametalk.
Keith: sup? yah I'm on the down low, nigga please.
other mod: ack! O.o
other mod: ack! O.o
автор: Mis Master Ice cube squared
23 марта 2005
Refers to when closeted black men leading mostly heterosexual lives seek other men for sex that is often anonymus and unprotected
"I am a black man who likes other men, but because of the stigma in the black community about being gay, I will only have sex on the down low."
автор: Screamapillar
5 апреля 2004
When a group of black men say they're going to play poker or Watch sports, they really go to A secret location to have sex with eachother.
LaMarcus: Yo dawg, go to My pad tonight to watch MNF, bring your homies.
DeShawn: Ya, we keep it downlow.
DeShawn: Ya, we keep it downlow.
автор: Shane Skeet
8 февраля 2008
Living on the downlow
Black community slang for black men secrect homosexual activity
Black community slang for black men secrect homosexual activity
Leroy's wife found out he was living on the downlow when she tested positive for AIDS
автор: ch0ng0
14 февраля 2005
Straight black males having gay sex. (see "Law and Order SVU")
Tom and Frank were on the downlow, but they when home to their wives.
автор: geo8x6
18 июня 2004
When black queers try to keep their faggotry a secret amongst each other.
Bi sexual? Let's clear this up now! No such thing! You either suck dick or you do not suck dick there is no inbetween. What do these guys get up in the morning and flip a coin? Tails; hair pie, heads; balls around the chin!
-Andrew Dice Clay
-Andrew Dice Clay
автор: Dice
3 сентября 2004


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For over 30 years, our passion has always been for dirt bikes, ATVs and motorcycles. Our location and experience gives us a unique understanding of your riding needs. Whether you ride motocross, woods, desert, sand, off-road or street, we have the right parts, motorcycle and ATV tires and riding gear for you.
We want to make your shopping experience quick and easy with truly discounted prices and our easy to use website. Our menus will lead you to thousands of the best products from popular product categories like motocross gear, motorcycle gear, dirt bike apparel, ATV apparel, street bike apparel, dirt bike parts, ATV parts, street bike parts, ATV tires, dirt bike tires, motorcycle tires and more. Our machine filter will help you find all the model-specific parts for your machine by choosing your make, model and year from the drop-down lists. The machine filter remembers the machines you've searched on, so you can reuse any machine search as needed. You will find detailed product descriptions and customer reviews to help you with product information and our sales staff and technical experts are available to help you by phone, email and live chat.
We look forward to earning your trust as the best supplier of ATV parts, side-by-side UTV parts, off-road motorcycle parts, dual sport motorcycle parts, street bike motorcycle parts, accessories and apparel.
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We look forward to earning your trust as the best supplier of ATV parts, side-by-side UTV parts, dirt bike parts, dual sport parts, motorcycle parts, accessories and apparel. Rocky Mountain ATV/MC has been the one-stop shop for motorcycle riders and off-road enthusiasts for over 30 years because we always have the riding gear, motorcycle parts and off-road tires they need. We're also where they turn to for answers and instruction on how to install parts, change tires or to get valuable insights and advice on everything off-road. Shop at Rocky Mountain ATV/MC and you'll quickly see why our customers keep coming back for more.


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At Portland Public Schools, this is our goal: By the end of elementary, middle, and high school, every student by name will meet or exceed academic standards and will be fully prepared to make productive life decisions. For more information on Portland Public Schools, call 503-916-3304, e-mail us at firstname.lastname@example.com, or visit www.pps.k12.or.us. Portland Public Schools is an equal opportunity educator and employer.
Share news and events Email your school or student-related stories and events to be featured online.
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