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The Effects of New Media Coverage On Institutional Evaluations Richard Forgette (contact author) Department of Political Science University of Mississippi 116 Deupree Hall P. O. Box 1848 University, Mississippi 38677-1848 firstname.lastname@example.com Jonathan S. Morris Department of Political Science Brewster A-121 East Carolina University Greenville, NC 27858 firstname.lastname@example.com 1 The Effects of New Media Coverage on Perceptions of Congress Abstract New media sources – primarily cable and Internet sources – are transforming how the public obtains and interprets political news. This research assesses whether this new media coverage affects public perceptions of Political Institutions and political elites in general. Particularly, is new media coverage contributing to the electorate's perception of institutional party polarization? We present evidence from experiments designed to address this question. Our experimental design is constructed around new media coverage of the State of the Union Address. We control for the source of news (CNN), and examine how CNN Crossfire, CNN Inside Politics, and CNN Online's coverage and analysis of the State of the Union Address influenced the attitudes and perceptions of subjects. Our findings indicate that drama and conflict-laden new media decreases public evaluations of political institutions, trust and overall partisan support. The intensity of new media exposure influences the extent of these new media effects. 2 Introduction More Americans get their news today from cable television news than from the nightly network news programs. Additionally, the proportion of Americans who read online news at least three days per week has increased ten-fold over the last eight years.1 These new media sources – primarily cable and Internet sources – are transforming how the public obtains and interprets political news. In this research, we assess whether this new media coverage affects public perceptions of Congress, the president, and the political process. Particularly, do different presentation styles of new media play a role in perpetuating low levels of public trust and institutional approval? This paper first elaborates on an argument still emerging in political science and journalism literatures regarding the evolving relationship between institutions and the media, especially Congress. In brief, this argument suggests that some emerging news outlets have a shared interest in communicating congressional activity to the public as principally a conflict between parties. According to these works, conflict-laden coverage presumably appeals to less publicly engaged viewers by presenting a more entertaining and understandable news story that elevates public perceptions of Congress as a partisan, ineffectual body. Given the growth in consumer choice in an increasingly competitive news media industry, new media sources have increased this coverage style in hopes of gaining a larger share of the viewership. However, what is the causal effect of this new media coverage? Particularly, while public cynicism and highly conflictual media coverage may correlate, are cynical viewers merely choosing to watch conflict-ridden news media or does conflict-ridden news create a more cynical public? 3 Recognizing limits to survey data for addressing this question, we present evidence from experiments designed to evaluate the effect of different forms of cable and Internet news coverage on subjects. Specifically, our experimental design is constructed around new media coverage of the State of the Union Address. Subjects were exposed to varying frames of new media coverage coinciding with the President's Annual Address. The State of the Union, thus, provides a natural occurrence for our experiment – evaluating the intermediary role of new media sources on public reactions to institutional conflict. We offer and test hypotheses that suggest different effects from various new media sources. In the next section, we provide context discussing the effects of new media coverage of politics. We then include a section discussing our experimental design and the hypotheses about varying new media effects. The next section is a report and discussion of our findings from different experiments. Finally, we conclude with a discussion on the role of the new media in the context of American politics. We also discuss the need to develop more controlled and more mundane experimental designs to examine media effects in the modern new media environment. New Media Effects The growth of new media – cable and online news especially - is altering not only the manner of political news reporting, it is also transforming the public's news viewing patterns. Americans are increasingly news "grazers" rather than "habitual" viewers. That is, fewer Americans watch or read traditional news at a regularly scheduled time compared to earlier generations. In fact, since the onset of new media, declines have been dramatic in traditional media use. The proportion of Americans regularly watching 4 the nightly network news has been about halved in less than a decade from 60 to 32 percent. Only 41 percent read a newspaper daily compared to 48 percent just four years ago.2 These longitudinal trends coincide with a generational or age-cohort trend. The decline of the public's news habits is most evident among those under 30 years old. The continuous availability of cable and Internet news has most affected younger Americans. Among those under 25, there has been about a 40 percent decline over the past eight years in the amount of time spent daily on the news (from 51 to 30 minutes daily) while the proportion receiving no news has more than doubled (14 to 37 percent).3 These young news grazers report that they enjoy the news less and are inclined to follow news only when important (or dramatic) events occur. This underscores the incentive for new media sources to produce a compelling news product—even when covering the mundane. Presumably, the public's news grazing patterns compels news producers increasingly to emphasize greater urgency, drama, and conflict when framing news. Conflict or drama-laden news is more likely to hold the attention of a more easily distracted and less naturally interested public, and the imperative for increased drama grows as the new sources of news continue to fragment the modern media environment (Bennett 1981; Epstein 1973; Hovind 1999; Paletz and Entman 1981). Additionally, journalistic values and increased criticisms that today's media are biased toward the left (Coulter 2002; Goldberg 2002) or the right (Alterman 2003) often lead news directors to pursue "balanced" coverage of opposing viewpoints. A left versus right, Republican versus Democrat, format achieves this end. 5 Overall, new media sources add to the level of competition for an overall declining news audience base; also, media market segmentation promotes the incentive toward product differentiation among news media providers. Competing for smaller, less loyal audiences, new media outlets may produce news coverage appealing to those with more narrow issue, entertainment, or ideological interests. Davis and Owens (1998) show that political coverage via the Internet, cable news, and talk shows differs significantly from traditional presentations of news. Furthermore, they find that various elements of drama (scandal, conflict, personalization, etc.) are more prevalent in the new media than traditional news. Cable news appeals to news grazers who want intensive and compelling coverage on immediate, late-breaking stories. Politicians also contribute to new media effects. Congress, particularly, may be complicit in perpetuating partisan-style media coverage. Lichter and Amundson (1994) report the decline of congressional coverage in television network and national newspaper outlets over the last thirty years. Congress members and parties have had to become more assertive in promoting media coverage of the institution via alternative sources such as cable and the Internet. Party and ideological leaders also avail themselves to cable news outlets as media spokespersons for their group. Congressional party organizations have significantly increased their effort in coordinated communications strategies (Sellers 2000; Evans 2001). Both parties produce online and cable news to appeal principally to their respective party bases. House Republicans, particularly, have aggressively courted and served a conservative talk radio audience (Davis 1997; Jones 1999). Overall, parties and members activate their electoral base and 6 communicate a coordinated policy agenda by portraying a more ideological, protagonistantagonist public image of congressional conflict. This argument of a symbiotic relationship between the public, new media, and elites is the basis of our empirical study. Particularly, does this new media relationship affect public attitudes toward political actors and institutions? Hibbing and Theiss-Morse (1995, 2001, 2002) make the compelling case that the American public's high regard for democracy in the abstract does not translate into support for democratic processes. The public generally prefers "stealth democracy," weak democratic governments led by altruistic technocrats and without procedural or ideological conflicts.4 Conflict is an inherent part of a politically open society. By definition, a necessary condition of democratic politics is to provide for conflict "conducted amid the open canvassing of rival interests" (Crick 1992, 18). Therefore, as Hibbing and Theiss-Morse eloquently surmise, democratic processes will "often reveal our lack of certainty, often remind us of our disagreements, and are seldom speedy" (1995, 17). For news sources such as CNN, MSNBC, and Fox News, an everyday challenge is to maintain the reputation of a legitimate political news source while at the same time producing compelling and entertaining news that can ensnare the attention of the everallusive modern "news grazers." It appears that many new media formats have answered this challenge by focusing on a central aspect of both legitimate political process and entertainment: political conflict. Political conflict, however, can be reported and embellished to varying degrees, even across different facets within the new media. We stress that all new media are not created equal, and different levels of emphasis on conflict may solicit different responses from viewers. Particularly, the cable talk show 7 genre – including CNN's Crossfire, Fox News' O'Reilly Factor, and MSNBC's Hardball with Chris Matthews – present a more adversarial approach to covering politics replacing or at least supplementing traditional "talking heads" coverage with a new media "screaming heads" news format. What is it that makes the cable talk programs' presentation of conflict more intense than other news sources' discussion of everyday political conflict that naturally occurs as a result of the democratic process? To answer this question, we point to the findings presented by Diana Mutz and Andrew Holbrook (2003), who discuss the central theme of civility. Civility, or a lack thereof, defines the modern political talk show on cable news. In the context of a political campaign, Mutz and Holbrook find that uncivil interactions between candidates in a talk show setting doesn't necessarily damage public perceptions of the candidates themselves, but there are "detrimental effects on perceptions of political actors and the political system more generally" (18). We believe that the cable talk show perpetuates an uncivil picture of the political system on a daily basis, amplifying the most compelling mainstay of the democratic process—conflict. Our analysis assesses whether new media's presentation of conflict has an adverse effect on viewers' perception of political actors, parties, and institutions. We demonstrate that the format and style of coverage—not necessarily the content— influences news consumers. Design and Hypotheses The 2003 State of the Union Address provided a natural experiment for this research assessing new media effects. The Address has been found to have considerable immediate effects on the American public's perceptions of the most important problems 8 facing the country (Cohen 1995). An annual ritual in American politics, the State of the Union Address in the television era follows a well-developed script or routine. First, the event typically follows a long lull in congressional activity after a prolonged holiday recess. News media, thus, anticipate and prepare for this inaugural political event of a new congressional session. News coverage begins typically two to three days preceding the speech previewing the President's likely rhetorical themes and issue statements. On the day of the event, media coverage is intense including more commentary with the advanced news release of the speech text. Media coverage approaches frenzy immediately during and following the evening Address. White House, congressional, and media spokespersons give interpretative pre- and post-speech analysis coverage, including media and political elites "spinning" the speech's meaning and presidential performance. This pre- and post speech media frenzy provides the stimuli for our experimental design. Studies have shown that media coverage surrounding the Address has a considerable impact on public opinion (Bartels 1993; Iyengar, Peters, and Kinder 1982). However, our study investigates how different new media sources' coverage of conflict in this context affects attitudinal change. We crafted two experimental designs exposing subjects to different new media frames covering the State of the Union event. The three media frames used were the CNN Crossfire (high uncivil conflict), CNN News, and CNN Online (lower uncivil conflict). We intentionally selected within the family of CNN new media to control for differences between new media broadcasters. Over 500 individuals participated in either a laboratory or field experiments described below. Subjects were recruited through 9 eleven different introductory courses. They were randomly assigned to one of the three media stimuli or a control group, creating four experimental conditions.5 Participants were not told of the varying media stimuli across groups and were only instructed that the study was to assess generally viewers' opinions of the State of the Union.6 The laboratory experiment involved 240 participants on the day after the State of the Union Address. Again, subjects were randomly assigned to view one of three media stimuli. Some subjects watched a 10-minute video clip from CNN's Crossfire that included a spirited debate of the State of the Union speech in which left-leaning Paul Begala and James Carville faced off against right-leaning Tucker Carlson and Bob Novak. In the true spirit of this conflictual new media's talk show format, the media commentators shouted down, cajoled, and sometimes insulted each other and various political figures. Other subjects were assigned to watch a ten minute clip from CNN's Inside Politics summarizing and interpreting the State of the Union event, which was primarily mediated by CNN correspondent Judy Woodruff, who was appearing live from Capitol Hill. The clip included a news summary as well as opposing political elites' comments of the event. Like their rivals at Fox News and MSNBC, CNN News emphasizes timely information through quick-paced (and often highly repetitive) news anchor presentation. Additional information is also readily available through flashy and decorative textual information presented simultaneously in the form of "tickers" or "pop-ups" at the bottom of the screen. Furthermore, quick segues to supplemental video or satellite footage are often accompanied by colorful graphics and sound effects such as explosions, "pops," or "zips." While much more subdued than the clip from Crossfire, the Inside Politics 10 stimulus contained discussion with elites from both partisan perspectives (Republican Speaker Dennis Hastert and Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer), and issue content and arguments closely resembled the Crossfire news clip. A third group of subjects was taken to computer labs and instructed to read for ten minutes the online coverage of the event from CNN.com. Internet sites exist for each of the major cable news channels, and these sites present images and graphics high in visual appeal. The Internet sites, however, also provide a great deal of information and flexibility. While Internet news sites do not tend to present news in a fashion that prompts information retention to levels comparable to that of print newspapers (Tewksbury and Althaus 2000), it is safe to assume that online versions of cable news channels have textual information that goes beyond what is presented to viewers onscreen. Online users have a wider range of information to choose from as well as a great deal of flexibility in what information they wish to pursue at any given point in time. The on-screen counterparts do not provide such options. As opposed to watching the news on television, reading the news has been found to prompt less emotional responses from the public as a whole (Hibbing and Theiss-Morse 1998). A final cohort was exposed to no stimulus, serving as a control group. A number of steps were taken to ensure control across experimental groups in the laboratory experiment. Again, all four groups were isolated from one another and were unaware of the varying media stimuli and study intent. As mentioned before, we first were careful to ensure the topics discussed in each new media frame were very similar. Our video clips from Crossfire and Inside Politics were taken from the same twenty-four hour period, as were the stories from CNN.com online. Both of the video clips were very similar in 11 length, and the online readers had comparable time to read news on the State of the Union from the CNN website.7 The video and online stimuli each addressed similar issues in the context of the State of the Union Address. Specifically, these issues included the pending war with Iraq (both in the context of domestic and international politics), the state of the U.S. economy, budget policy, tax policy, and the President's relationship with the Republicans and Democrats in Congress.8 There were also some significant differences in the news frames. The most obvious, of course, was that Crossfire and Inside Politics viewers watched the stimulus for the most part, while online users read the news.9 And, while there has been interesting research related to reading the news versus watching the news in the context of information retention and emotional responses to political institutions (see Hibbing and Theiss-Morse 1998), this was not the sole purpose of our experiment.10 Instead, our intent was to examine closely how the new media's high-conflict talk show format can negatively influence institutional support. Therefore, the second major difference across groups was the degree of conflict present in the news frame. The Crossfire news clip was a virtual political battlefield with a great deal of conflict between the shows hosts Tucker Carlson, James Carville, Paul Begala, and Robert Novak. The participants not only insulted each other over Iraq, the budget, tax policy, etc., but they were also highly critical of the Democratic leadership in Congress (Carlson and Novak) and President Bush (Carville and Begala). It is also important to note that much of these dialogues and monologues take place with raised voices— sometimes bordering on yelling. A few quotes from the ten-minute discussion illustrate the level of conflict in the stimulus: 12 (James Carville): Welcome to Crossfire. All four of us are here to countdown to President Bush's big moment to make excuses for the miserable job he's doing on the economy and to offer distractions like a possible war with Iraq instead of real solutions… (Tucker Carlson): President Bush hadn't even finished writing his State of the Union Address when what passes for the Democratic leadership attacked the speech as dishonest and misleading…Presiding over a discredited political party is a time consuming job so Senator Daschle (D-SD) apparently hasn't had a chance to read the newspaper in several years… and they call Bush a moron… (Robert Novak to James Carville): Can I—can I—do you mind if I speak while you're interrupting (me)? (James Carville in immediate response to Novak): Go—Go ahead if you want to attack me… (James Carville rhetorically to the camera): Sorry, Mr. President, fiscal responsibility went out the window back when you gave your rich Republican friends that big tax cut… it's just another broken promise. (Tucker Carlson in response to a Carville comment): The speech you just gave [a second before] was a slightly more articulate version of what the Democrats ran on in the midterms [elections], and how did they do? They got spanked like a bad little girl. [Do] you know why? Because people didn't buy it. (Robert Novak before cut to commercial): Before the left side of the table gets back to whining about the economy, we need to take a short break… There is, of course, conflict present in the Inside Politics frame and the CNN online frame. This conflict, however, is much more subdued and much more mediated. Both frames contain quotes of congressional Democrats criticizing congressional Republicans and vice-versa, but the conflict is presented in a much more traditional manner with journalist interpretation and sound bites. It is the level of conflict that is the main manipulation in this experiment and clearly the most striking difference in the media frames. A content of all three experimental stimuli illustrate that the content of the news stories did not vary significantly. The major themes (the state of the economy and the pending war with Iraq) were consistent across the conditions, which was the result of using the same source (CNN) over the same time period (the day of the State of the Union address).11 The primary differentiating factor from one condition to the next was the style of the coverage: CNN Crossfire provided coverage with an uncivil and 13 combative tone, while CNN Inside Politics and CNN Online provided more civil coverage from a televised and Internet (primarily text) perspective. A field experiment was also conducted involving 312 additional subjects. In this case, subjects were randomly assigned to one of the different stimuli or control groups; however, in this case, subjects were asked to watch or read news coverage outside of a laboratory setting over a four day period preceding and immediately following the State of the Union. The instructions took place in the context of an assignment in which subjects were required only to produce a short summary of their impressions of the media coverage of the State of the Union Address. Our intent was to promote the external validity of the experimental results by incorporating greater environmental distractions and varying levels of viewer attentiveness that are more likely to occur in subjects' homes or regular settings. Subjects were only told when and how to access the assigned media frame. While the subjects were encouraged to participate, we offered no direct incentives for them to fully comply over the three-day experiment. These subjects' partial noncompliance was not only anticipated, but partly served as a rationale for conducting the field experiment. Our intent was to effectively introduce real-world distractions by taking subjects outside of a controlled laboratory setting, thus promoting the external validity often lacking in experimental analyses (Kinder and Palfrey 1993; Green and Gerber 2002). Subjects' self-reported level of cooperation over the three day field experiment was indeed variable. Only 43 percent of participants acknowledged that they watched or read their assigned media source over all assigned days. 14 Using this multi-method approach provides for greater protection again threats to internal and external validity. The laboratory experiment allows for the ability to make causal connections between the stimuli and attitudinal change—a benefit that cannot be provided by survey research or field experiments. The field experiment contributes greatly by taking the stimuli outside of the sterile laboratory setting to examine the effects of exposure in a more realistic setting.12 In short, a combination of a laboratory and field experiment provides for a much more thorough analysis—especially in the context of media effects, where the sterile laboratory setting does not reflect the realities of the average American's news consumption habits. After completing the media exposure, subjects in both the lab and field experiments completed a posttest survey. The instrument included multiple measures of respondents' political evaluations, attitudes, and information retention after the State of the Union media stimulus. Particularly, subjects were asked to assess their levels of approval, perceived conflict and efficacy of political institutions. They were also asked attitudinal questions regarding political trust. The survey instrument also included questions on respondents' levels of political knowledge, partisanship and ideological predispositions.13 Differences between experimental groups were compared via independent sample one-way analysis of variance. In summary, there are different manners in which new media—especially the booming cable news industry—attempt to present political news in a compelling format. Some frequently employed methods include conflict-laden talk shows, visuallystimulating news presentation, and information-rich websites. While there is undeniable overlap across these "new" news styles, we contend that there are discernable stylistic 15 differences that can potentially influence the responses of the news consumer. Most specifically, we are interested in examining how the accentuation of uncivil political conflict in the talk show format can influence political attitudes and institutional evaluations. It is our contention that the tendency to focus on uncivil political conflict in the new media has a more detrimental influence on public support for institutions, individual leaders, and the system as a whole than the information-based and visually stimulating approaches. hypotheses: H1: Uncivil, conflict-laden new media coverage of institutions causes more negative institutional evaluations than other new media. H2: Uncivil, conflict-laden new media coverage of institutions causes negative evaluations of the political system as a whole more than other new media. H3: Uncivil, conflict-laden new media coverage of institutions causes a decrease in support for political parties more than other new media. Based on the above discussion, we propose the following Results The findings from the laboratory experiments suggest a significant effect from exposure to the various new media sources we presented to subjects. The posttest questionnaire, which was administered immediately following exposure to the experimental stimuli, uncovered interesting variations in institutional support and partisan attitudes. We will address each of these findings from the laboratory experiment in turn. Table 1 here. Table One illustrates the effect of the experimental conditions on institutional approval and approval for the federal government as a whole. As predicted in Hypothesis One, subjects exposed to the Crossfire news clip recorded the lowest mean ratings for 16 Congress, the President, and the federal government as a whole. Also, it can be seen from the final column that the baseline for comparison (the control group) reported the highest levels of institutional support in each instance. Also, trust in Congress is negatively influenced by exposure to Crossfire as well. Although the variation in support for President Bush across groups is only marginally significant, the finding in conjunction with the other two measures of support in Table One illustrates a trend that supports Hypotheses One and Two. Also surprising was the effect of exposure to the less conflictual, more visually-stimulating Inside Politics. While it was not expected that Inside Politics presented the degree of partisan conflict sufficient to generate decreased support for political institutions, the results suggest otherwise in the case of approval for Congress and the federal government as a whole. This finding suggests that it takes relatively moderate levels of conflict in the news to adversely influence support. Injecting additional conflict into the news—especially uncivil conflict that was evident in the Crossfire frame—contributes even further to decays in support. CNN Online, while certainly informative, appears to have no discernable influence on any aspect of institutional support. The partisan nature of the Crossfire frame had an expected negative influence on support for congressional political parties. As Table Two denotes, subjects who watched Crossfire displayed less support for congressional Democrats and Republicans than the control group, although these differences do not reach statistical significance. However, overall support for political parties in Congress significantly dropped as a result of watching the conflictual, partisan nature of Crossfire. While it is certainly the case that intense partisanship has a significant polarizing effect on the public (Ansolabere and 17 Iyengar 1995), we found that the Crossfire frame negatively impacted assessments of both parties in Congress. This finding confirms our third hypothesis. Table 2 here. Viewers of the Inside Politics and Online frames also displayed significantly decreased congressional partisan support, although these levels of support were not as low as the support in the Crossfire frame. It is safe to say that the media coverage surrounding the State of the Union Address contains a degree of partisanship that exceeds day-to-day political news, and these findings indicate this inherent partisanship is enough to solicit overall negative impressions of parties. However, the glaring presence of partisan insults and intense rhetoric on Crossfire had the most damaging effect. This effect empirically demonstrates our contention in Hypothesis Three that partisan conflict translates into less public tolerance for the parties overall. Although the lab experiment demonstrated several significant immediate effects of the different new media frames on subjects, the field experiment was not as clear. To test the effect of the three different experimental stimuli in a more natural setting, we assigned a different set of subjects to watch or read one of the three conditions from CNN (Crossfire, Inside Politics, or CNN Online) over the course of three days. A posttest questionnaire was given the day after the Address and closely resembled the posttest administered to the lab experiment subjects. Using the data from the field experiment, we replicated the analyses run on the lab subjects. The results are much different in the field experiment. Real-world exposure to CNN Crossfire has little-to-no effect on any of the dependent variables that were found to be significant in the laboratory experiment. Institutional support, approval for congressional political parties, political efficacy, and 18 overall approval for the federal government as a whole is not influenced by exposure to new media, according to the field experiment results.14 When comparing the findings from the field and laboratory experiments, there is a stark contrast. The lab stimuli, especially the conflicting frame from CNN Crossfire, had a number of significant effects on evaluations of political leaders, parties, institutions, and the system as a whole. The field experiment, on the other hand, suggested that the new media stimuli presented to subjects are more negligible in the context of determining opinion. The immediacy and intensity of new media exposure varied across experiments. A new media effect wanes over an extended period of time and with less concentrated viewing. We elaborate on these findings in the discussion section of this analysis. Discussion This research adds to current knowledge by assessing the different effects between new media sources through laboratory and field experiments. We conclude that conflict-ridden new media negatively affects public approval of Congress and the system as a whole, as well as lowering public trust. Our findings are conditional, though, on the immediacy and intensity of new media exposure. The null field experiment results indicate the possibility that intermittent or casual exposure to new media has little to no effect on political attitudes. While the null results in the field experiment may also be a factor of the design (a point we will elaborate on), we did test for interaction effects between the assigned media source and the number of days each subject reported using the source during the field experiment. No relationship was found. We also assessed whether the behavioral consequences from the lab experiment persisted among subjects one month after the 19 experiment. A post post-test of lab experiment subjects indicated that attitudinal differences between new media and control group subjects disappeared over time. This finding supports the conclusion that new media effects are dependent on the immediacy and intensity of exposure. There are plausible design-oriented explanations for why the field experiment failed to produce similar results. First, it is possible that the nature of our field experiment provided for a lack of consistency in exposure to the stimuli. Although two subjects may have reported exposure to the assigned new media frame for the instructed amount of time (three days), the degree of attention paid to the stimuli could have varied dramatically. Perhaps subject A watched intently each day, while subject B only passively watched, or only introduced the stimulus as "background noise." Although each subject in this hypothetical case would have reported equal exposure, there is obvious variation that cannot be controlled outside of a laboratory setting. Assuming for a moment that unequal exposure was not a factor, a second possibility is that the duration of the field experiment was not sufficient. That is, perhaps three days of mundane exposure to the stimuli was not extensive enough to bring about significant changes in institutional or partisan attitudes. Some existing experimental analyses that facilitated real-time exposure to various news sources often allowed for the experiment to unfold over the course of one or more weeks (see Tewksbury and Althaus 2000). The nature of our stimuli (coverage of the State of the Union Address) prevented us from extending the period of the field experiment because our design was intended to run concurrently with the application of the laboratory experiment. However, it is certainly possible that, had the duration of our field experiment been extended to allow 20 for a larger volume of exposure to uncivil conflict in the news, effects resembling that of the lab experiment could have evolved. Putting the finding from the field experiment aside for a moment, the findings from the lab experiment portend a significant political consequence from new media among certain viewers and over time. The anticipated further growth of new media and its impact particularly among Americans less than 30 years of age suggest that our lab results point to an emerging political phenomena. A person's viewing habits matter in determining the extent of new media effects. However, a growing number of Americans are heavily reliant on new media sources for information and evaluating political events. These results are of interest to both Congress and media effects scholars. Congress scholars have struggled with explaining a "disappearing middle" phenomenon in which roll-call measures and public perceptions indicate increasing congressional party polarization despite no corresponding electoral party polarization. Why has Congress become so much more partisan than the electorate over time? Our experimental results present one response to this question. Notably, the intermediary role of new media increasingly contributes to the public perceptions of congressional party conflict. Congress may be more conflictual than in the past; however, new media may have reason to frame a conflict-laden Congress regardless of actual congressional events because high conflict is compelling. Portraying an ideologically divided Congress may serve media interests even if actual legislative policy disputes are much more nuanced and congressional voting coalitions much more complex. Policy nuances and process complexities may never effectively attract the "news grazers" that have evolved in today's fragmented new media environment. Conflict and drama appear to be the easiest 21 and most cost effective methods new media sources are using to entice the grazers to move in their direction. Unfortunately, this approach has attitudinal consequences that could eventually threaten the minimal level of trust and institutional support necessary to maintain an effective representative democracy. Media effects scholars are also likely to consider these findings interesting. A wide array of political science and communication research examines the stark and subtle difference between new and traditional media sources of political news. Largely these studies focus on the varying effects of exposure to new versus traditional media. Our analysis builds upon this knowledge by exploring the differences within various new news formats. While controlling for the news source (CNN), we have clearly shown that the more conflict-framed talk show format on cable news has immediate effects on the viewers that differ from other new sources that seek to entertain by other means (general cable news or Internet news). This approach has been shown to negatively influence institutional support, trust in government officials, external efficacy, and support for congressional political parties. We also have shown that the CNN Crossfire frame creates images of a U.S. Congress that is highly conflicting and less efficient. As politically-oriented talk shows such as Crossfire, Hardball with Chris Matthews, and The O'Reilly Factor continue to gain popularity, the implications of our findings become more pertinent. When compared to traditional news coverage of American politics, new media has been found to have several unique attributes, including a stronger emphasis on conflict and entertainment. While much of the literature suggests the influence of new media on the public's attitudes and behavior is marginal, our findings suggest otherwise. 22 There are immediate attitudinal and emotional responses to brief exposure to the new media that contain high levels of conflict and drama – the same types of new media that are becoming more popular and prevalent. Finally, the analysis suggests a methodological warning for experimental researchers. While it would have been easy to disregard the field experiment findings to present a more convincing case for new media effects, we think that the conflicting results bring to light the importance of media research methodology. Laboratory experiments involving responses to carefully manipulated stimuli often illustrate significant attitudinal effects, which is an important (and necessary) first step in understanding how news frames can influence the public. However, in the modern era of the television news "grazer," it is increasingly important to focus on experimental studies' external validity—in this case, how prolonged passive exposure to "new" forms of political news influences American viewers. Therefore, it is of increasing importance for future research to consider the realities of how these stimuli influence the public in a "real world" setting, and thus develop more accurate methodological techniques that can combine the best aspects of both laboratory and field experiments. 23 Table 1 Mean Institutional Support by Condition (Lab Experiment) Experimental Condition Crossfire Inside CNN Control Politics Online Group b b Approval for Congress (F 3, 239 = 3.44, 2.59 2.70 2.81 2.96 p<.02)a Trust in Congress (F 3, 240 = 2.66, p<.05)a 3.14b 3.35 3.55 3.57 Approval for President (F 3, 239 = 2.00, 2.54 2.59 2.77 2.89 a p=.11) Trust in President (F 3, 240 = 1.24, p=.30)a 3.10 3.15 3.42 3.49 Approval of federal government as a 2.45b 2.53b 2.60 2.83 a whole (F 3, 240 = 4.83, p<.01) a Oneway analysis of variance results are in parentheses. Higher mean values represent higher levels of support or trust. b Category significantly differs from Control Group using Bonferroni post-hoc test for multiple group comparison (p<.05). 24 Table 2 Mean Party Support by Condition (Lab Experiment) Experimental Condition Crossfire Inside CNN Control Politics Online Group Support for Congressional Democrats 4.68 5.73 5.34 5.19 (F 3, 240 = 3.15, p<.03)a Support for Congressional Republicans 5.78 5.59 6.00 6.26 (F 3, 240 = 1.04, p=.38)a Overall Congressional Partisan Support 10.46b 11.32b 11.34b 11.45 (F 3, 240 = 4.48, p<.01)a a Oneway analysis of variance results are in parentheses. Higher mean values represent higher levels of support. b Category significantly differs from Control Group using Bonferroni post-hoc test for multiple group comparison (p<.05). 25 References Alterman, Eric. 2003. What Liberal Media? The Truth about BIAS and the News. New York: Basic Books. Althaus, Scott L. 2002. "American News Consumption during Times of National Crisis." PS: Political Science and Politics 25:517-521. Ansolabehere, Steven, and Shanto Iyengar. 1995. Going Negative: How Political Advertisements Shrink & Polarize the Electorate. New York: Free Press. Bartels, Larry M. 1993. "Messages Received: The Political Impact of Media Exposure." American Political Science Review 87:267-85. Bennett, Lance W. 1983. News: The Politics of Illusion. New York: Longman. Campbell, Donald T., and Julian C. Stanley. 1963. Experimental and Quasi-Experimental Designs for Research. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Cappella, Joseph N., and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. 1997. Spiral of Cynicism: The Press and the Public Good. New York: Oxford University Press. Clawson, Rosalee A., and Jonathan S. Morris. 2000. "People and Process: Media Coverage of Congress in the 1990s." Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC. Cohen, Jeffrey E. 1995. "Presidential Rhetoric and the Public Agenda." American Journal of Political Science 39:87-107. Cook, Timothy E. 1998. Governing with the News: The News Media as a Political Institution. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press. Cook, Timothy E. 1989. Making Laws and Making News: Media Strategies in the US House of Representatives. Washington, DC: Brookings. Coulter, Ann H. 2002. Slander: Liberal Lies about the American Right. New York: Crown Publishers. 26 Davis, Richard. 1997. "Understanding Broadcast Political Talk." Political Communication 14 (July):323-332. Davis, Richard and Diana Owen. 1998. The New Media and American Politics. New York: Oxford University Press. Durr, Robert H., John B. Gilmour, and Christina Wolbrecht. 1997. "Explaining Congressional Approval." American Journal of Political Science 41 (January):175-207. Epstein, Edward J. 1973. News from Nowhere. New York: Random House. Evans, C. Lawrence. 2001. "Committees, Leaders, and Message Politics." In Congress Reconsidered, 7th edition, ed.s Lawrence C. Dodd and Bruce I. Oppenheimer. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press. Fallows, James. 1996. Breaking the News: How the Media Undermine American Democracy. New York: Pantheon Books. Fox, Richard L., and Robert W. Van Sickel. 2001. Tabloid Justice: Criminal Justice in an Age of Media Frenzy. Boulder, CO: Rienner Press. Green, Donald P., and Alan S. Gerber. 2002. "Reclaiming the Experimental Tradition in Political Science." In Political Science: The State of the Discipline, ed. Ira Katznelson and Helen V. Milner. New York: W.W. Norton and Company. Goldberg, Bernard. 2002. Bias: A CBS Insider Exposes how the Media Distort the News. Washington, DC: Regnery Publications. Hibbing, John R., and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse. 2002. Stealth Democracy: Americans' Beliefs About How Government Should Work. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hibbing, John R., and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse. 2001. "Process Preferences and American Politics: What the People Want Government To Be." American Political Science Review 95:145-153. 27 Hibbing, John R., and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse. 1998. "The Media's Role in Public Negativity Toward Congress: Distinguishing Emotional Reactions and Cognitive Evaluations." American Journal of Political Science 42:475-498. Hibbing, John R., and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse. 1995. Congress as Public Enemy: Public Attitudes Toward American Political Institutions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hollander, Barry A. 1995. "The New News and the 1992 Presidential Campaign: Perceived versus Actual Political Knowledge." Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 72(3):786-798. Hovind, Mark B. 1999. "The Melodramatic Imperative: Television's Model for Presidential Election Coverage." In The Electronic Election: Perspectives on the 1996 Campaign Communication, ed. Kaid, Lynda Lee, and Dianne G. Bystrom. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Iyengar, Shanto. 1991. Is Anyone Responsible? How Television Frames Political Issues. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Iyengar, Shanto, and Donald R. Kinder. 1987. News that Matters: Television and American Opinion. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Johnson, Thomas J, Mahmoud A.M. Braima, and Jayanthi Sothirajah. 1999. "Doing the Traditional Media Sidestep: Comparing the Effects of the Internet and Other Nontraditional Media with Traditional Media in the 1996 Presidential Campaign." Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 76(1):99-123. Jones, David A. 1999. "Political Talk Radio: The Limbaugh Effect on Primary Voters." Political Communication 15 (July):367-381. Kinder, Donald R., and Thomas R. Palfrey. 1993. Experimental Foundations in Political Science. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. 28 Lichter, Robert S., and Richard Noyes. 1996. Good Intentions Make Bad News: Why Americans Hate Campaign Journalism. Lanham, MD: Littlefield Publishers. Lichter, Robert S., and Daniel Amundson. 1994. "Less News is Worse News: Television Coverage of Congress, 1972-92." In Congress, the Press, and the Public, ed. Thomas Mann and Norman Ornstein. Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute and the Brookings Institution. Mann, Thomas, and Norman Ornstein. 1994. Congress, the Press, and the Public. Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute and the Brookings Institution. Margolis, Michael, and David Resnick. 2000. Politics as Usual: The Cyberspace 'Revolution.' Thousand Oaks: Sage. McLeod, Jack M., Zhongshi Guo, Katie Daily, Catherine A. Steele, Huiping Huang, Edward Horowitz, and Huailin Chen. 1996. "The Impact of Traditional and Nontraditional Media Forms in the 1992 Presidential Election." Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 73(2):401-416. Mutz, Diana C., and R. Andrew Holbrook. 2003. "Televised Political Conflict: Nemesis or Necessity?" Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, April 3-6, 2003, Chicago, IL. Niemi, Richard G., Stephen C. Craig, and Franco Mattei. 1991. "Measuring Internal Political Efficacy in the 1988 National Election Study." The American Political Science Review 85 (December):1407-1413. Paletz, David L., and Robert M. Entman. 1981. Media Power in Politics. New York: Free Press. Pfau, et al. 1998. "The Influence of Political Talk Radio on Confidence in Democratic Instituions." Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 75:730-745. Rozell, Mark. 1994. "Press Coverage of Congress, 1946-1992." In Congress, the Press, and the Public, ed. Thomas Mann and Norman Ornstein. Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute and the Brookings Institution. 29 Rozell, Mark. 1996. In Contempt of Congress: Postwar Press Coverage on Capitol Hill. Westport, CT: Praeger. Sabato, Larry J. 1993. Feeding Frenzy: How Attack Journalism has Transformed American Politics. New York: Free Press. Sears, David O. 1986. "College Sophomores in the Laboratory: Influences of a Narrow Data Base on Social Psychology's View of Human Nature." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 51(3):515-530. Sellers, Patrick J. 2000. "Manipulating the Message in the US Congress." Harvard International Journal of Press and Politics 2:22-31. Tewksbury, David, and Scott L. Althaus. 2000. "Differences in Knowledge Acquisition Among Readers of the Paper and Online Versions of a National Newspaper." Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 77(3):457-479. Weaver, David, and Dan Drew. 1995. "Voter Learning in the 1992 Presidential Campaign: Did the 'Non-traditional Media Matter?" Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 72:7-17. 30 Notes 1 Pew Center Report. "Public's News Habits Little Changed by September 11th." June 9, 2002. Pew Research Center for the People and the Press. http://people-press.org/reports/ 2 Pew Center Report, p.3. In comparison, seniors (over 65 years old) spend on average 81 minutes a day gathering news. See the 3 Pew Center Report, p.7. 4 In fact, negative public evaluations of Congress can be attributed more to disapproval of the decision- making process (i.e., democratic deliberation) than "the particular outputs emanating from the process" (1995, 14). The American public wants "democratic decision-making processes in which everyone can voice an opinion, but they do not prefer to see or to hear the debate resulting from the expression of these inevitably diverse opinions. To them, such debate is bickering, haggling, and all talk" (Hibbing and Theiss-Morse 1995, 19). 5 Randomization was confirmed by testing for significant variation across experimental groups on several demographic and partisan variables. Specifically, oneway analysis of variance was conducted to compare group means for party identification, ideology, year of birth, race, gender, years in college, and income. The variance (F) for each variable failed to reach statistical significance at p<.20, thus confirming the high probability of successful random assignment. 6 While the use of a convenience sample of undergraduate college students generally tends to introduce problems generalizing the findings to a larger population (Sears 1986), the nature of our analysis provided some control over this problem. First, the majority of the participants were upper-classman with varying political attitudes, income, gender, and income that we control for in the analysis. Second, we are interested in generalizing our findings to "new media" consumers, which tend to be younger Americans. Therefore, while our subjects may not perfectly represent the general population of today's new media consumers, we are satisfied that our sample is more than adequate in light of the research question. 7 The Crossfire clip ran 10 minutes, 31 seconds; the Inside Politics clip ran 10 minutes, 5 seconds; and the CNN Online readers were given 10 minutes to read stories from the website regarding the State of the Union Address. 31 8 Although we had no direct control over the subjects reading CNN.com, we did provide specific instructions that they were to only read stories related to the State of the Union Address from that particular website. The front page of the website was on each computer screen as subjects entered the lab. In total, CNN.com published eight different news stories covering the State of the Union Address and subsequent reaction at home and abroad. 9 In addition to offering verbal information, cable news programs also offer textual data at the bottom of the screen in the form of a "ticker". This ticker was running during both televised frames of the laboratory experiment. 10 Subsequently, our findings did point to significant differences in the subjects exposed to Crossfire and the subjects exposed to Inside Politics, indicating that viewing news on television in-and-of itself is not the major correlate for generating emotional responses on the part of viewers. 11 Transcripts from the experimental stimuli were analyzed in order to gauge the amount of coverage devoted to the major themes in the televised experimental conditions. Lines of text were counted as a level of measurement. The analysis found that the plurality of the discussion in each televised frame was geared toward the economy and related budgetary issues (Crossfire: 52 percent; Inside Politics: 45 percent), while a smaller proportion discussed the pending war with Iraq (Crossfire: 18 percent; Inside Politics: 30 percent). The remainder of the stories were non-issue oriented and constituted the major divergence in frames (civility versus uncivil conflict). Thirty percent of the Crossfire frame constituted non-descript chatter, insults, and inaudible crosstalk involving multiple journalists speaking (loudly) at the same time. Twenty five percent of the Inside Politics frame included non-descript chatter between hosts and guests and exchanges of pleasantries. An analysis of the archive of CNN online stories available during the time of our experiment found the same prevalent themes, although an analysis of the story headlines found that slightly more attention was given to the pending war with Iraq than the economy (44 percent Iraq; 28 percent economy/domestic; 28 percent other). 12 As Green and Gerber point out, "The attractiveness of field experimentation stems from the fact that randomization is performed within a naturalistic setting." In their estimation, field experiments "speak to the question of causality with far greater clarity and precision than… non-experimental methods" (2002, 811-812). 32 13 This posttest-only control group design forgoes the use of a pretest and has been used widely in experimental research (Campbell and Stanley 1963). It is important to emphasis that the posttest-only control group design does not sacrifice internal validity provided the existence of random assignment to experimental and control groups, which our design contained. This design also removes the internal validity threat of testing, the effect of the pre-testing itself on subjects. 14 In order to preserve space, we have not included the tables that replicated the lab experiment results using the data from the field experiment. It is not necessary to include these tables because they illustrate null results for each of the hypothesized relationships and make no substantive contribution to this analysis otherwise.
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Six Fabulous Gifts Kids Need From Their Dad
Only you can do this for those kids you adore
"Dads, there are some things only you can give your kids," writes Dave Stone, pastor of one of the largest churches in America and author of Building Family Ties with Faith, Love and Laughter. And I'm not talking about basketball shoes or cell phones or bigger allowances or expensive vacations.
These are gifts much more important than that—and much more valuable. Give your children these gifts, and you will reap the benefits for years to come. Withhold them, and you take the chance of watching helplessly as they head down the wrong road.
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MAXX Energy Shooter: Hairy Dream
Dreams can be scary. Better stay wide awake.
Advertising Agency: JWT, Germany
Creative Directors: Till Hohmann, Kirsten Hohls
Art Directors: Ainara del Valle Perez-Solero, Regina Groffy
Copywriter: Daniel Zago
TV Producer: Georg Hofer von Lobenstein
Producer: Jan Fincke
Line Producer: Niko Maronn
Director / Editor: Caspar-Jan Hogerzeil
D.O.P. Cameraman: Gert Kappes
Lighting: Denis Locasso
Music: Sizzer Amsterdam
Post Production: Deli Pictures
Actor: Max Woelky
Music Supervisor: Sander van Maarschalkerweerd
Account Supervisor: Martin Wider
Aired: April 2011
3 comments
This reminds me of some kind of drug addiction film. Makes me feel a bit restless and anxious, so wouldn't want to try the product.
Flame job.
life without music would have been so unfair.


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Abington News
Local news for Abington, MA continually updated from thousands of sources on the web.
Police Looking for Man Who Stole Credit Cards From Vehicle
Yesterday | Patch.com | Comment?
How Does Gov. Wolf's Budget Impact Abington Schools?
Monday Mar 9 | Patch.com | Comment?
Area churches financially impacted by snowstorms
Sunday Mar 8 | Boston.com | Comment?
Thomas Farragher a meaty proposition in Abington
Saturday Mar 7 | Boston.com | Comment?
Abington Commercial Building Sells For $2.6M
Friday Mar 6 | Banker & Tradesman | Comment?
Updated: Sun Mar 29, 2015 10:37 pm
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Pronunciation: (foot'rōp"), Strict Standards: Non-static method FenSites::linkTo() should not be called statically in /site/html/dictionary/footrope.html on line 71 [key]
—n. Naut.
1. the portion of the boltrope to which the lower edge of a sail is sewn.
2. a rope suspended a few feet beneath a yard, bowsprit, jib boom, or spanker boom to give a footing for a person handling sails.
Random House Unabridged Dictionary, Copyright © 1997, by Random House, Inc., on Infoplease.


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"Where Fillmore County News Comes First"
Online Edition
Monday, March 30th, 2015
Volume ∞ Issue ∞
- 6:05:13, Mar 28th 2015 - Fillmore mom - I really enjoyed this article, too bad others used it as their persona ... [Read More]
- 12:29:12, Mar 28th 2015 - vikefan 1 - To Thanks! About blindly following Obama and his governing policies, yo ... [Read More]
- 5:23:52, Mar 27th 2015 - Jimbo79 - Sure, small towns have overlapping news. It seems odd that one should foll ... [Read More]
- 5:18:28, Mar 27th 2015 - FountainFarmer - johnqpublic, To expand on my previous post:,Let me ask you a que ... [Read More]
- 4:44:20, Mar 27th 2015 - Thanks! - I have read your articles for quite awhile now, always amazed that you seem ... [Read More]
- 4:26:44, Mar 27th 2015 - FountainFarmer - johnqpublic, So what if the Bluff Valley Reader had an article ... [Read More]
- 3:09:10, Mar 27th 2015 - johnqpublic - This looks familiar...where else have I read this? Just looks so famil ... [Read More]
- 10:51:48, Mar 27th 2015 - Vikefan 1 - Thanks, Mr. Van Gorp, for speaking out. I'm 100% with you. ... [Read More]
- 10:08:12, Mar 26th 2015 - saverton - Love your story Jim. . . . Good Job! ... [Read More]
- 12:35:40, Mar 26th 2015 - luver of all things left - Sorry pal, I'm kind of new to this. I'll use spellcheck f ... [Read More]
Kappers - Alma Mae
Alma Mae Kappers, 94, of Spring Valley, died Aug. 8, 2004 at Olmsted Medical Center in Rochester.
Alma Mae Broadwater was born Nov. 23, 1909, in Bristol Township, Fillmore County, attended Prairie Queen School through the eighth grade and graduated from Preston High School in 1928. On Oct. 30, 1937, she married Freddie Kappers, and they were later divorced. She taught in Preston and in Fillmore County rural schools until the schools consolidated. Mrs. Kappers then worked at Libby, McNeill & Libby for a short time and was assistant head bookkeeper at First National Bank in Rochester until her retirement in 1974. She had been a member of Greenleafton Reformed Church since she was 16 years old. Survivors include three daughters, Jan (Dick) Evenson of Clermont, Iowa, and Westlaco, Texas, Margie (Bernie) Wampach of Rochester and Evie (Larry) Read of West Des Moines, Iowa; nine grandchildren; five stepgrandchildren; 14 great-grandchildren; three stepgreat-grandchildren; and a great-great-grandson. Two brothers and three sisters preceded her in death. The funeral for Alma Mae Kappers was Aug. 12 at Greenleafton Reformed Church in rural Preston, with the Rev. Roger Lokker officiating. Burial was in Greenleafton Cemetery. Hindt Funeral Home in Spring Valley was in charge of arrangements.
Holm - Johnie N.
Johnie N. Holm, 76, of Grand Meadow, died Aug. 7, 2004 at Seasons Hospice in Rochester.
He was born Jan. 17, 1928, in Mason City, Iowa. On Jan. 22, 1950, he married Doris Neel in Mason City. He farmed in the Mason City area unti
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[Read the Rest]
Hanson - Burdilla A.
Burdilla A. Hanson, 93, of Chatfield, died Aug. 7, 2004 at Chosen Valley Care Center, where she had lived nine years.
Born Nov. 4, 1910, in Chatfield, she graduated from Preston High School in 1928 and from La Crosse Lutheran Ho
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[Read the Rest]
Goldsmith - Charles M.
Charles M. Goldsmith, 71, of Cortez, Colo., formerly of Chatfield, died Aug. 5, 2004 at New Mexico Heart Hospital in Albuquerque.
He was born Aug. 29, 1932, in Chatfield. Mr. Goldsmith retired from the Air Force with the rank of
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[Read the Rest]
Ellis -Helen M.
Helen M. Ellis, 85, of Mabel, died Aug. 7, 2004 at Gundersen Lutheran Medical Center in La Crosse, Wis.
Helen M. Ford was born Jan. 7, 1919, in Mabel to Peter and Maria (Solum) Ford. She attended Mabel High School and Mabel Firs
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[Read the Rest]
Pooler - Mildred G.
Mildred G. Pooler, 99, of Rochester, formerly of Preston, died Aug. 1. 2004 at Samaritan Bethany Home on Eighth.
Mildred Geneva Alfson was born Jun 21, 1905, near Henrytown, Minn., to Tobias and Johanna (Jennie) Alfson. She grad
[Read the Rest]
[Read the Rest]
Peter - Roger
Roger Peter, 83, of Mabel, died Aug. 1, 2004 at Saint Marys Hospital in Rochester.
He was born Aug. 4, 1920, in Winneshiek County, Iowa to Alred and Elta (Libbey) Peter. He attended area country schools. On March 10, 1944, he ma
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[Read the Rest]
Metzger - Eli
Eli Metzger, 88, of Chatfield, died Aug. 2, 2004 at Chosen Valley Care Center in Chatfield following a lengthy illness. He had lived at the care center since Oct. 3, 2001.
Born April 22, 1916, in Elgin, Iowa, and grew up there.
[Read the Rest]
[Read the Rest]
Johnson - Helen
Helen Johnson, 82, of Grand Meadow, died July 27, 2004 at Grand Meadow Healthcare Center.
Helen Hanson was born July 11, 1922, in Taopi. On March 1, 1943, she married Richard E. �Bud� Johnson at the St. Olaf Lutheran parsonage i
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[Read the Rest]


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Black Bear Lodge
No availability found through our partners. Please contact the business directly or check some of our recommended alternatives.
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21 Natural Lakes
... a real treat when it
costs less than $100. This stalling allowed Cindy to catch up; I was
only five minutes ahead by the time we reached her land.
After hand-sawing a wind-downed Balsam,
we got Tag backed onto its spot by the lake for the next nine days.
The weather was really nice for two days but then changed to cold
with rain (and a little snow) ...
Fall colors
... every day and I just can't get enough of the beautiful scenery. The colors are only going to get better so I can't wait for our trip to Copper Harbor, in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan. Then... Next weekend I get to see my very dear friend from Nenana days, Ms Colleen Maki. We'll go the Cranberry Festival in Eagle River, Wi. This ...
Lots of fun visiting Nan Brady
We rode our bikes down the 1/2 mile, secluded road to Nan Brady's retreat on Cranberry Lake in Eagle River, WI. She has a wonderful place, full of family memories. She gave us a tour of her lovely home and breathtaking property. One can sense that a lot of good livin' has taken place here. She ...
The Great North Woods of Wisconsin
... fishing while I did more of the reading, but we both happy doing we what we love most! Over the course of our trip, Scott caught several bluegill, bass, and an northern pike. I only caught 2 bass and 1 bluegill, but I was satisfied with the couple of ...
Loons, Owls and a Wonderful Campground
... don't know what kind) and what I thought were coyotes but ranger said may be wolves. Black bears in area, no problem according to ranger. NOBODY here at the campground and it's just beautiful. Very helpful ranger. book exchange, clean water., nice beach, Jim braved the Wisconsin waters on his floatie.


text:
Book your room at Minotel De Ville
L'Abbaye hotel with a restaurant
Situated in L'Abbaye, this hotel is close to Church Tower. Area attractions also include Caves of Vallorbe and Joux Valley Sports Center.
Hotel Features
Minotel De Ville features a restaurant, conference space, and tour/ticket assistance.
Room Amenities
All guestrooms include minibars, phones, and televisions.Information missing or incorrect? Tell us!
Hotel Amenities
Hotel Amenities
The hotel offers a restaurant.
- Total number of rooms - 14
- Conference space
- Tours/ticket assistance
- Restaurant
Room Amenities
- Phone
- Minibar
- Television
Where to Eat
Minotel De Ville has a restaurant on site.
Hotel Policies
Payment types
You need to know
Extra-person charges may apply and vary depending on hotel policy.
Government-issued photo identification and a credit card or cash deposit are required at check-in for incidental charges.
Special requests are subject to availability upon check-in and may incur additional charges. Special requests cannot be guaranteed.
- A tax is imposed by the city: CHF 3 per person, per night
National Rating
Hotelstars Union assigns an official star rating for properties in Switzerland. This property is rated 3 stars.


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PPlanet added a comment: Simple Application NeededThanks for your reply. I actually ended up solving this with IP Content instead. Not sure how to mark this project as completed.
PPlanet added a project in ProjectsSimple Application NeededHello,
I need a very simple application for IPB 3.4.5 that all it does is redirect to an external url when you click on it. I'd even try to make it myself if I had time but I don't right now.
Basically, just like a link. However, I need this as an application instead because I use a theme that only displays icons on the navigation bar for applications (all other links I can put under a type of "More" menu item).
I don't even need the icon for this application, as I can do that myself. I only need for the tab to be visible in the navigation bar. Just like these apps in the attached example.
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PPlanet added a comment on a blog entry: IP.Board 3.3.x, 3.4.x Security UpdateInstalled it on 3.4.5, and so far so good. But maybe it's too soon to observe any secondary effects. If it doubt keep copies of the files you're going to replace.
PPlanet added a post in a topic: Sub Sub Forum on Forums Index PageMaybe a tad off-topic but I have a question regarding this. Would such an option slow down the site? Or phrased differently, if we were able just to display the main categories with the parent forums but not the subforums inside, would this help with performance?
PPlanet added a post in a topic: Security Patch - Sep 2013 filesThank you, much appreciated. :)
PPlanet added a post in a topic: Security Patch - Sep 2013 filesWhat do I need to do if I'm running IPB 3.4.5 and IP.Gallery 4.2.1? (And yes, I don't want to upgrade Gallery, 4.2.1 works fine with 3.4.5 and I'm not a fan of gallery 5)
Shall I apply both patches?
PPlanet added a post in a topic: Can members of a certain group feature images?I have Gallery 5 installed on my test site; unfortunately I don't have much of a gallery per se to try things out. :smile:
But my question is, can you select certain membership groups to "feature" their own images? I looked at the member groups permissions and couldn't find a setting there.
Because of that I suspect the answer is no.
Allowing a certain group (even a secondary one) to do this would be a great perk, particularly if you have advertisers on the forum.
PPlanet added a post in a topic: User Info Pane, Redundant Display of 'Usergroups'?And you can have an admin group that is not called anything like that, like we do on my forum. So, I don't mind the Admin batch, as it helps stating the obvious particularly for those who are new to the site and they are not familiar yet with our user groups.
PPlanet added a post in a topic: Disposable/temp email addresses
You'll need to install >this hook before you can import any lists.
PPlanet added a post in a topic: IPB vs FacebookI have an IPS site which is relatively niche-oriented. In the first year of existence we got approx. 9,000 members, in the second one approx. 22.000, and now approaching the third year we'll be around 36,000. For a site with a mainly regional focus (90 something per cent of users live in Australia, which by the way it's not a very populated country) we are not doing badly at all. Are we as easy to use as Facebook or Twitter? Of course not; moreover, we are more difficult to use than the IPS site, because you have to post a Hello message before gaining full access, you cannot see members' profiles, galleries, etc. until you reach 10 posts. There are huge permission differences between some membership groups. I guess all this creates a natural selection between those who stay, learn their way around and love it (we have unique content and at the end of the day our structure is logical), and those who can't be bothered working things out and leave (but even for these we serve as a good resource of info, even if they just remain lurkers).
Those who stay and love it, talk to other people on social media, at work, etc. and many come to us really curious and ready to overcome a bit of difficulty at the beginning, so word of mouth shouldn't be underestimated.
Now, for several reasons discussed by others in this thread, I thought it was time to get another basket and put a few eggs in it too... just in case. So, I built a new site with social media and the Facebook way of interacting in mind. I'm running phpfox software, which on one hand has many features that many would like to see coming from IPS, yet on the other, it doesn't feel nowhere near as robust and thoughtfully created and tested as IPS. It's a bit of a Facebook wannabe software but keeping in mind that we won't have the same infrastructure behind it, which is a realistic approach.
Since theme-wise the new site is similar (yet maybe a tad broader than my IPS site), and there's basically no moderation (very much unlike my IPS site), and all forms of advertising are free (also unlike my IPS site), I thought that all I would need to do was to tell users on my site about it, and the new site would sail along fast. Well, here's what happened; some went, signed up, made a few posts, got bored due to the lack of unique content and left. I also tried to spread the word via other means, but it's an uphill battle when people have Facebook and Twitter for the kind of Gen Y type of interaction. It's around 6 months since I opened it and we just passed the 700 members (we get fresh waves of them only when my IPS site is down because I'm upgrading or something, activity catches up but then gradually lessens as people go back to my IPS site).
So, to make a long story short, it's much harder to battle the Facebook effect when you try to be a like Facebook than when you simply are something completely different to Facebook. Of course this is not say that some IPS functions couldn't be more user-friendly (eg. adding full or medium size photos on posts, etc). But overall, I'm extremely happy with IPS because I know that when it comes to making some forms of content the king, it is to a large extent what I actually need.
PPlanet added a post in a topic: Shoutbox - Official SupportI think it's a great tool. I know my members wouldn't like to see it go. Basically it covers a different function to the chatroom, it involves less time, and you don't need to chat with anyone really. It is just for isolated shouts. I'm sorry to see that it has put off two great contributors already.
Now, here's an idea, maybe a silly one, but what about if by default, rather than having a warning about resource-intensive settings, you just don't have the possibility to misconfigure it. I have to admit that I have never adjusted the default settings and never had a problem with it. I also use it on the forum sidebar only (I never liked how it looks on top the forums). Anyway, I hope that someone comes to the rescue, and members learn to be a bit friendlier towards the developers.
PPlanet added a post in a topic: Question about why Gender set to "male" auto...upon registrationIt would be good if everyone was forced to choose any of them rather than going forward with the default. That is, disallowing to continue the registration unless you pick one. And that as for anything you have marked as required. I don't know how it works in the end; I have gender set as "required" in my custom fields but I see some go ahead with the wrong choice as they didn't even change that.
PPlanet added a post in a topic: Linking One Board With AnotherI don't think it's possible. You can use IP.Converge, but the only thing it will do is allow members to sign in to either board using the same details. However, they will be completely different membership numbers, different post count, etc.
I read that IPB 3.4 will do without IP.Converge, and have a build it bridge to other sites you wish to link. But I have no idea if what you'd like will be possible then; somehow I doubt it. Maybe you should merge both forums? (But that's a completely different story)
PPlanet added a post in a topic: blog Tag words barely visibleThat's intentional I think. The more people use a tag, the darker it gets, the less they use it the less noticeable. Other systems differentiate with font size, but somehow a difference between tags is needed. :smile:
There are a couple of 3rd party hooks in the IPS Marketplace to style them differently. I've seen one that looks like a real cloud with floating words. There may be others.
PPlanet added a post in a topic: Allow albums within albums! here is the reasonI think the idea of organising photos in albums and sub-albums is intituive enough and therefore everyone understands it. After all, even non-computer savvy people often have things organised in a similar way at home, and they are also used to forums and sub-forums. I dread the day when IPB, in order to minimise resource consumption, decides to do without sub-forums too. I think that reasons for having sub-forums and sub-albums are kind of similar. Just imagine a forum software that allows categories but no sub-forums. Imagine how different to IPB that would be and how we would struggle to get our heads around a navigation like that; particularly if you already have a developed community used to things in a certain way. Why would anyone think a gallery could get away with it? (Sorry, I hate complaining when I know developers are doing their best but the planned gallery changes worry me. I hope to be wrong though). Cheers.


text: You are looking at articles about Ethics Follow these results: News: 24/03/15 Emotions could offer novel way to fight corruption Those who rejected bribes in an economic game felt good about it, offering potential new paths for fighting graft. Ethics Policy Governance Indigenous Editorials: 03/03/15 Talking openly about women and gender Gender is a complex issue to navigate. Simply put, women and men should neither be limited nor defined by gender. Gender Human rights Communication Ethics Education Multimedia: 01/03/15 SciDev.Net Podcast: Tapping into data This month's show explores the world of data and how it is used to improve people's lives. Data Ethics Communication Aid Policy News: 24/02/15 Ebola struggle hit by failure to involve local people Communities should have been involved in communications about treatment and decisions on trials, say experts. Ethics Communication Disease Knowledge economy Editorials: 23/02/15 The wealth of forests Understanding the complex nature of the wealth of forests may be decisive in efforts to stop their destruction. Forestry Biodiversity Environment Ethics Indigenous Analysis blog: 28/01/15 Focus on Poverty: The wild cards offering climate hope A papal letter and the US-China pact are positive signs for a far-reaching emissions deal, says Roger Williamson. Policy Climate change Governance Ethics Energy Latest on ethics from our other editions Asia-Pacific Analysis: Harnessing science vs corruption South East Asia & Pacific Emociones, opción novedosa para combatir corrupción América Latina y el Caribe Debate persists on pneumonia vaccine in the Philippines South East Asia & Pacific Parler ouvertement de la femme et du genre Afrique Sub-Saharienne أخلاقيات الطب والبيولوجيا.. عدالة مفقودة شمال أفريقيا والشرق الاوسط Hablemos abiertamente sobre mujeres y género América Latina y el Caribe Comment le facteur humain a freiné la lutte contre Ebola Afrique Sub-Saharienne Valuar la naturaleza puede beneficiar a pobres, si se hace bien América Latina y el Caribe Islam and science education work along, say educators South East Asia & Pacific Argentina y México: buscando a los 'desaparecidos' América Latina y el Caribe Feature: 20/01/15 Putting a price on nature can benefit the poor if done right Schemes that pay for responsible eco-management can ignore the poor — but this may be changing, writes Simon Roach. Environment Indigenous Farming Ethics Agriculture Analysis blog: 16/01/15 View on Poverty: How donors can root out corruption Developing innovative proxy measures of corruption could help evaluate the best strategies, says Shing-Yi Wang. Ethics Aid Enterprise Education Influencing News: 08/12/14 Damning review of DFID's anticorruption work attacked A low rating of the UK development department's efforts is based on flawed research, argue critics. R&D Aid Data Governance Ethics Multimedia: 21/11/14 Q&A: The UN Global Pulse director on big data's future In this audio interview, Robert Kirkpatrick highlights the challenges ahead for data and sustainable development. Data Ethics Governance Sustainability SciDev.Net at large: 17/11/14 Don't forget ethics when mapping uncharted slums A new project hopes to track infection sources using this approach. But are ethics being given enough thought? Health Ethics Data Vulnerability Disease Feature: 17/11/14 Q&A: Finding the 'disappeared' in Argentina and Mexico Victor Penchaszadeh explains how forensic genetics can identify people killed by dictators and criminals. Genomics Human rights Ethics Conflict Governance Load more


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In collecting pieces to get back into brewing I started thinking about bottling and what a pain sanitizing bottles is. I want to keg but am just not there yet. Mostly because I don't have room for a keezer. I looked at vinators but they just did not seem very efficient. I then thought about a water hose nozzle. Then I ran across this.AquaAntics Water Bomb Factory
I figure hook it up to a small (NEW) garden sprayer filled with Starsan. Could also use water to blast crud from bottles.
It might work. I don't know how you would get the starsan in the hose, though. What is it about the vinator that isn't efficient? I love mine.
What about a small super soaker? Being serious...I thought about picking one up at a garage sale and just shooting up into each bottle and refilling with what comes out
I guess efficient is not the right word. It just does not look really stable. The balloon filler would be clamped to a table.
As far as how to get the starsan from the garden sprayer to the nozzle I would just use an old garden hose fitting for one end and some tubing for the other. Connect the two with a plastic barbed reducer.
I paid 30 cents for a little plastic sprayer bottle, just hit each bottle with a few squirts.
The vinator I have is about 9 inches in diameter and is very stable setting on the counter top and does have the ability to attach to a bottle tree as well. Also, you are re-using the star-san since most of the excess drains right back from the bottle into the vinator, so less waste of sanitizer. Plus, I also dip the neck of the bottle into the vinator basin after squirting to make sure the top of the bottle is also sanitized.
Quite frankly, the cheap plastic water balloon filler will probably not clip "that" securely to your table, and where is the star-san gonna dribble out to?


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For more than a decade Saxophonist/Composer Evan Tate has provided an original voice in the european jazz scene.
With such formations as the "Munich Saxophone Family", Joe Malinga's "Southern Africa Force", Hermann Breuer's "Blue Bone", Joris Dudli's "New York Propjekt" and "Funktett", Wolfgang Schmid's "Manaus", "The New Doug Hammond Trio", "Legacy" or the "Manhattan Symphony Orchestra" he has proven himself to be a valuable sideman and soloist.
With his own projects Spherical and Hittin' Hard, he continues to display his vision of playing and creating new music for the present age based on jazz tradition.
Evan Tate has also made appearances in Austrian and German radio concerts.
Since 1993 Evan Tate is an Endorser for Julius Keilwerth saxophones.
Since 2006 Evan Tate is a Faculty member at the University of Music and Performing Arts Munich (Hochschule für Musik und Theater München).
Real Name
Evan Tate
I'd like to share what I know about
Internet Marketing
I'd like to discover more about
Internet Marketing, Entrepreneurship
Member Since
Sep 15, 2009
Last Login
Aug 24, 2010 09:02 PM UTC
Manhattan School of Music '84
Bachelor of Saxophone Performance
University of Bridgeport
Composition / Jazz Studies
Fiorello H. LaGuardia High School of Music & Art '79
Musician / Instructor / Musopreneur
Hochschule fuer Musik und Darstellende Kunst Muenchen
Associate Instructor for Jazz Saxophone
April 2006 - Present
Hermann-Frieb-Realschule Muenchen
Instrumental Music Instructor
December 2007 - Present


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De Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and Spa - Kerobokan
Bumbak Dauh, Br Anyar, Kerobokan Kuta Utara - Kerobokan1-877-662-6988
Unwind and relax with private spa tubs in the guest rooms at this luxury Kerobokan villa, not to mention it also offers an outdoor pool and free Wi-Fi. De Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and Spa is also in the mountains.
Enjoy breakfast, lunch and dinner as this 4-star villa in Kerobokan has its own restaurant. Shantini Spa is the place to be for rest and relaxation, offering Ayurvedic treatments, aromatherapy, body scrubs, hydrotherapy, as well as body treatments, body wraps and massages. Fancy sipping an ice-cold drink by the pool? Don't miss out as there is also a poolside bar. Multilingual staff at the 24-hour front desk can provide tour/ticket assistance, express check-in and express check-out. Child-friendly amenities at this villa include a children's pool and supervised childcare/activities.
The lobby offers coffee, free newspapers and a safe deposit box at the front desk. Other amenities include a shopping center shuttle, dry cleaning/laundry, beach/pool umbrellas, a garden, concierge services and laundry facilities.
A terrific place to stay and get away from the husle and bustle. It's a fair way ...Venere Guest, Australia
These reviews have been left by customers who actually stayed at this hotel
Check Availability at De Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and Spa
Facilities at De' Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and Spa
- Laundry service
- Room service - limited hour
- Beach umbrellas and deck loungers
- Laundry room
- Garden
- Pool bar
- Restaurant/Dining
- Barbecue
- Multilingual staff
- Newspapers
- Front desk - safety deposit box
- Front desk - 24 hour
- Concierge
- Luggage room
- City tour
- Outdoor swimming pool
- Children swimming pool
- Shuttle service
- Free parking
- Massages
- Spa/Wellness Centre
- Hydromassage Jacuzzi
- Internet/Email services
Know before you go
- This property's policy is to refuse certain bookings for the purpose of group events or parties, including pre-wedding stag/bachelor and hen/bachelorette parties.
- Guests must transfer via required shuttle to the property. Guests must contact the property at least 24 hours before travel, using the contact information on the confirmation received after booking.
- Reservations are required for massage services and spa treatments. Reservations can be made by contacting the villa prior to arrival, using the contact information on the booking confirmation.
- A fee for a mandatory New Year's Eve gala dinner is included in the total price displayed for stays on 31 December.
- Children 5 years old and younger stay free when occupying the parent or guardian's room, using existing bedding. Children may not be eligible for complimentary breakfast, if one is offered.
- Only registered guests are allowed in the guestrooms.
- Some facilities may have restricted access. Guests can contact the property for details using the contact information on the booking confirmation.
- No pets and no service animals are allowed at this property.
Check-in: between 2 PM and 9 PM.
Check-out: before 12:30 PM.
Please contact the property ahead of time if you are planning to arrive after 9 PM.
PolicyExtra-person charges may apply and vary depending on hotel policy.
Government-issued photo identification and a credit card or cash deposit are required at check-in for incidental charges.
Special requests are subject to availability upon check-in and may incur additional charges. Special requests cannot be guaranteed.
- Minimum Spring Break check-in age is 15 years old.
City tax and/or any other fees charged by the hotel
The charges below are included in your overall room price:
- New Year's Eve gala dinner fee
We have included all charges provided to us by the property. However, charges can vary, for example, based on length of stay or the room you book.
De' Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and Spa reviews
- September 2013
- Venere Guest
- Couple
- Australia
A terrific place to stay and get away from the husle and bustle. It's a fair way away from the beach but there are a couple of restaurants and shops within easy walking distance. It is a really luxurious place to stay but the first room is next to the carpark and you can occasionally hear the staff talking to guests out there. Pool was fantastic and service is brilliant. Thanks again for a great stay.
De' Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and Spa reviews by TripAdvisor
Room Details
Book your luxury accommodation at De Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and Spa, offering 19 guest rooms with private pools and MP3 docking stations. In-room kitchens equipped with microwaves allow you to save on dining expenses while you travel.
Guests can kick back at the end of a busy day and enjoy LED televisions with cable channels and DVD players. Corporate travelers visiting the Kerobokan area will benefit from free wireless high-speed Internet access as well as safes. Additional guest comforts include air conditioning, minibars and coffee/tea makers.
Bathrooms are outfitted with separate bathtubs and showers, bathrobes, slippers and hair dryers. Bathroom toiletries are provided free of charge.
Accommodation Services
- Air conditioning
- Mini bar
- Coffee and tea maker
- Hairdryer in each room
- Safe
- DVD player
- Cable TV
- Wireless Internet access
- Kitchen
Distances from De' Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and SpaCanggu Club - 0.5 km / 0.3 mi
Berawa Beach - 1.5 km / 0.9 mi
Batu Belig Beach - 1.6 km / 1 mi
Canggu Beach - 2.1 km / 1.3 mi
TAKSU Bali Gallery - 2.5 km / 1.5 mi
Petitenget Temple - 2.5 km / 1.6 mi
Seminyak Square - 2.7 km / 1.7 mi
Echo Beach - 2.9 km / 1.8 mi
Eat Street - 3 km / 1.9 mi
Gado Gado Beach - 3.3 km / 2.1 mi
Seminyak Beach - 3.8 km / 2.4 mi
Double Six Beach - 4.4 km / 2.7 mi
Legian Beach - 4.8 km / 3 mi
Honorary Consulate of the Slovak Republik - 5.5 km / 3.4 mi
Honorary Consulate of Brazil - 5.8 km / 3.6 mi
The preferred airport for De Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and Spa is Denpasar (DPS-Ngurah Rai Intl.) - 9.5 km / 5.9 mi.
Distances are calculated in a straight line from the property's location to the point of interest or airport and may not reflect actual travel distance.
Distances are displayed to the nearest 0.1 mile and kilometer.
Transportation services De Uma Lokha Luxury Villas and Spa
- Shuttle service
- Free parking
We have the accommodation you need, all over the world
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- • Ragusa Hotels, Italy


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I love working on startups and trying out delicious. Some of my more recent hobbies include motorcycles, ping-pong, tennis and disc golf.
I'm from San Jose but haven't lived in one place over a year in the past few years.
I'm pretty clean, reliable, open and easy to get along with. Most people like me:)
Let me know if you have any questions.


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Extracellular RNA in Bacteria
The secretion of biomolecules into the extracellular milieu is a common phenomenon in biology. Similar to mammalian cells which secrete and use extracellular vesicles to communicate between cells using the MORE
The 2015 meeting of the International Society for Extracellular Vesicles (4/23-26) and the joint Educational Day of the NIH Extracellular RNA Communication Consortium and ISEV (4/22) are rapidly approaching. Late-breaking MORE
Purpose The purpose of this Funding Opportunity Announcement (FOA) is to invite applications that explore new research on the potential role of exosomes in cell-to-cell communication relevant to the impact MORE


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Grace Worthem of Bardstown was voted "Artist of the Month" at the March meeting of the Central Kentucky Art Guild (CKAG). Votes are from members and guests attending the meeting. Worthem's painting was in oil and was titled "Down the Road." She states her inspiration came from just viewing local areas and photographs. Congratulations to you Grace.
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