text:
Federal judge blocks Obama's immigration executive actions at 26 states' request
- Government
- February 17, 2015
Posted by bonniekgoodman on February 17, 2015
Source: WH, 2-4-15
Oval Office
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I've just had a chance to meet with these six wonderful young people who represent the very best that this country has to offer. And what sets them apart is that they all came here, were brought here by their parents, and up until recently have had a very difficult situation because of their immigration status.
The stories you hear from these young people are parents who aspired for a better life for their children; these folks coming here at the age of four months, or seven months, or 9-year-olds or 10-year-olds, oftentimes not realizing that their status was any different than their classmates and their friends and their neighbors. In some cases, they didn't discover until they were about to go to college that there was a difference that might prevent them from giving back to their community and their country.
And because of the executive actions that we took with respect to DREAM Act kids, and because of the executive actions that I announced late last year with respect to many of their parents, what I've heard is life is transformed. Young people who didn't think it would be possible for themselves to go to college suddenly are going to college. Young people who didn't think that it might be possible to start a business suddenly find themselves in a position to look at starting a business. Young people who have memories of their mothers weeping because they couldn't go to the funeral of their parent now have seen the prospect, the hope, that their lives can stabilize and normalize in some way.
I don't think there's anybody in America who's had a chance to talk to these six young people who or the young DREAMers all across the country who wouldn't find it in their heart to say these kids are Americans just like us and they belong here and we want to do right by them.
And so often in this immigration debate it's an abstraction and we don't really think about the human consequences of our positions. And part of the reason that I wanted to hear from these young people today, and part of the reason why I've heard from young DREAMers in the past is because it's a constant reminder to me of why this is important.
Now, the House of Representatives recently passed a bill that would have these six young people deported. I think that's wrong. And I think most Americans would think it was wrong if they had a chance to meet these young people. And legislation is going to be going to the Senate that, again, tries to block these executive actions. I want to be as clear as possible: I will veto any legislation that got to my desk that took away the chance of these young people who grew up here and who are prepared to contribute to this country that would prevent them from doing so. And I am confident that I can uphold that veto.
So as we move forward in this debate over the next several months, the next year, the next year and a half, I would call on members of Congress to think about all the talent that is already in this country, that is already working in many cases, is already making contributions — in some cases, are joining up in our military, or are already starting businesses, are already attending school — and let's be true to our tradition as a nation of immigrants and as a nation of laws.
My strong preference is going to be to pass comprehensive immigration reform. And I know that there are Republicans out there who want to pass comprehensive immigration reform. In the Senate, they've shown that they are prepared to do the right thing. And rather than continue trying to go back to a system that everybody acknowledges was broken, let's move forward with the incredible promise that these young people represent.
The last point I'll make: There have been suggestions that we will not fund the Department of Homeland Security, which is responsible for patrolling our borders, as well as keeping our air travel safe, as well as patrolling our coasts — there's been talk about not funding that department because of the disagreement around immigration reform. There's no logic to that position. Particularly for Republicans who claim that they are interested in strong border security, why would you cut off your nose to spite your face by defunding the very operations that are involved in making sure that we've got strong border security, particularly at a time when we've got real concerns about countering terrorism?
So my strong suggestion would be that Congress go ahead, fund the Department of Homeland Security. We're doing a tremendous amount of work at the borders. The concerns that people had about unaccompanied children tragically traveling from Central America, that spike has now diminished. We are below the levels that we were two years ago. We are working diligently with the Central American countries to make sure that young people there have hope and that their parents are getting a clear message of not sending them on this extraordinarily dangerous journey.
Let's make sure the Department of Homeland Security is properly funded, we're doing the right things at the borders, we're doing the right things with respect to our airports. And then let's get back to first principles; and remind ourselves that each of these young people here are going to be doing incredible things on behalf of this country.
And to all the DREAMers who are out there and all those who qualify for my executive action moving forward, I want you to know that I am confident in my ability to implement this program over the next two years, and I'm confident that the next President and the next Congress and the American people will ultimately recognize why this is the right thing to do. So I'm going to want all of you to get information so you can sign up if you qualify as well. All right?
Thank you very much, everybody. And thank you, guys, for sharing your incredible stories.
Posted by bonniekgoodman on February 4, 2015
Posted by bonniekgoodman on February 2, 2015
Source: WH, 2-2-15
Budget of the United States Government, Fiscal Year 2016 contains the Budget Message of the President, information on the President's priorities, budget overviews organized by agency, and summary tables.
To download "Budget of the United States Government, Fiscal Year 2016″ as a single PDF click here (150 pages, 2.3 MB)
File Format
|Descriptions of The Budget Documents and General Notes
|The Budget Message of the President
|Building on a Record of Economic Growth and Progress
|Investing in America's Future
|A Government of the Future
|Cuts, Consolidations, and Savings
|Summary Tables
Posted by bonniekgoodman on February 2, 2015
Posted by bonniekgoodman on January 29, 2015
Posted by bonniekgoodman on January 21, 2015
"Good evening.
"I'm Joni Ernst. As a mother, a soldier, and a newly elected senator from the great State of Iowa, I am proud to speak with you tonight.
"A few moments ago, we heard the President lay out his vision for the year to come. Even if we may not always agree, it's important to hear different points of view in this great country. We appreciate the President sharing his.
"Tonight though, rather than respond to a speech, I'd like to talk about your priorities. I'd like to have a conversation about the new Republican Congress you just elected, and how we plan to make Washington focus on your concerns again.
"We heard the message you sent in November — loud and clear. And now we're getting to work to change the direction Washington has been taking our country.
"The new Republican Congress also understands how difficult these past six years have been. For many of us, the sting of the economy and the frustration with Washington's dysfunction weren't things we had to read about. We felt them every day.
"We felt them in Red Oak — the little town in southwestern Iowa where I grew up, and am still proud to call home today.
"As a young girl, I plowed the fields of our family farm. I worked construction with my dad. To save for college, I worked the morning biscuit line at Hardees.
"We were raised to live simply, not to waste. It was a lesson my mother taught me every rainy morning.
"You see, growing up, I had only one good pair of shoes. So on rainy school days, my mom would slip plastic bread bags over them to keep them dry.
"But I was never embarrassed. Because the school bus would be filled with rows and rows of young Iowans with bread bags slipped over their feet.
"Our parents may not have had much, but they worked hard for what they did have.
"These days though, many families feel like they're working harder and harder, with less and less to show for it.
"Not just in Red Oak, but across the country.
"We see our neighbors agonize over stagnant wages and lost jobs. We see the hurt caused by canceled healthcare plans and higher monthly insurance bills. We see too many moms and dads put their own dreams on hold while growing more fearful about the kind of future they'll be able to leave to their children.
"Americans have been hurting, but when we demanded solutions, too often Washington responded with the same stale mindset that led to failed policies like Obamacare. It's a mindset that gave us political talking points, not serious solutions.
"That's why the new Republican majority you elected started by reforming Congress to make it function again. And now, we're working hard to pass the kind of serious job-creation ideas you deserve.
"One you've probably heard about is the Keystone jobs bill. President Obama has been delaying this bipartisan infrastructure project for years, even though many members of his party, unions, and a strong majority of Americans support it. The President's own State Department has said Keystone's construction could support thousands of jobs and pump billions into our economy, and do it with minimal environmental impact.
"We worked with Democrats to pass this bill through the House. We're doing the same now in the Senate.
"President Obama will soon have a decision to make: will he sign the bill, or block good American jobs?
"There's a lot we can achieve if we work together.
"Let's tear down trade barriers in places like Europe and the Pacific. Let's sell more of what we make and grow in America over there so we can boost manufacturing, wages, and jobs right here, at home.
"Let's simplify America's outdated and loophole-ridden tax code. Republicans think tax filing should be easier for you, not just the well-connected. So let's iron out loopholes to lower rates — and create jobs, not pay for more government spending.
"The President has already expressed some support for these kinds of ideas. We're calling on him now to cooperate to pass them.
"You'll see a lot of serious work in this new Congress.
"Some of it will occur where I stand tonight, in the Armed Services Committee room. This is where I'll join committee colleagues — Republicans and Democrats — to discuss ways to support our exceptional military and its mission. This is where we'll debate strategies to confront terrorism and the threats posed by Al Qaeda, ISIL, and those radicalized by them.
"We know threats like these can't just be wished away. We've been reminded of terrorism's reach both at home and abroad; most recently in France and Nigeria, but also in places like Canada and Australia. Our hearts go out to all the innocent victims of terrorism and their loved ones. We can only imagine the depth of their grief.
"For two decades, I've proudly worn our nation's uniform: today, as a Lt. Colonel in the Iowa Army National Guard. While deployed overseas with some of America's finest men and women, I've seen just how dangerous these kinds of threats can be.
"The forces of violence and oppression don't care about the innocent. We need a comprehensive plan to defeat them.
"We must also honor America's veterans. These men and women have sacrificed so much in defense of our freedoms, and our way of life. They deserve nothing less than the benefits they were promised and a quality of care we can be all be proud of.
"These are important issues the new Congress plans to address.
"We'll also keep fighting to repeal and replace a health care law that's hurt so many hardworking families.
"We'll work to correct executive overreach.
"We'll propose ideas that aim to cut wasteful spending and balance the budget — with meaningful reforms, not higher taxes like the President has proposed.
"We'll advance solutions to prevent the kind of cyberattacks we've seen recently.
"We'll work to confront Iran's nuclear ambitions.
"And we'll defend life, because protecting our most vulnerable is an important measure of any society.
"Congress is back to work on your behalf, ready to make Washington focus on your concerns again.
"We know America faces big challenges. But history has shown there's nothing our nation, and our people, can't accomplish.
"Just look at my parents and grandparents.
"They had very little to call their own except the sweat on their brow and the dirt on their hands. But they worked, they sacrificed, and they dreamed big dreams for their children and grandchildren.
"And because they did, an ordinary Iowan like me has had some truly extraordinary opportunities — because they showed me that you don't need to come from wealth or privilege to make a difference. You just need the freedom to dream big, and a whole lot of hard work.
"The new Republican Congress you elected is working to make Washington understand that too. And with a little cooperation from the President, we can get Washington working again.
"Thank you for allowing me to speak with you tonight.
"May God bless this great country of ours, the brave Americans serving in uniform on our behalf, and you, the hardworking men and women who make the United States of America the greatest nation the world has ever known."
Read On ABC News Radio: http://abcnewsradioonline.com/politics-news/gop-responds-to-obamas-state-of-the-union-address-full-text-1.html#ixzz3PW3xtGoc
Posted by bonniekgoodman on January 20, 2015
Source: WH, 1-20-15
The White House is making the full text of the State of the Union widely available on its Medium page. The text, as prepared for delivery, is now online HERE, along with tools that allow people to follow along with the speech as they watch in real time, to view charts and infographics on key areas, to tweet their favorite lines, and to leave notes to provide feedback.
The full text of the State of the Union Address, as prepared for delivery, is posted now on Medium and can be viewed here: http://go.wh.gov/SOTUMedium
There is a ritual on State of the Union night in Washington. A little before the address, the White House sends out an embargoed copy of the President's speech to the press (embargoed means that the press can see the speech, but they can't report on it until a designated time). The reporters then start sending it around town to folks on Capitol Hill to get their reaction, then those people send it to all their friends, and eventually everyone in Washington can read along, but the public remains in the dark.
This year we change that.
For the first time, the White House is making the full text of the speech available to citizens around the country online. On Medium, you can follow along with the speech as you watch in real time, view charts and infographics on key areas, tweet favorite lines, and leave notes. By making the text available to the public in advance, the White House is continuing efforts to reach a wide online audience and give people a range of ways to consume the speech.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
We are fifteen years into this new century. Fifteen years that dawned with terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new generation fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread across our nation and the world. It has been, and still is, a hard time for many.
But tonight, we turn the page.
Tonight, after a breakthrough year for America, our economy is growing and creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999. Our unemployment rate is now lower than it was before the financial crisis. More of our kids are graduating than ever before; more of our people are insured than ever before; we are as free from the grip of foreign oil as we've been in almost 30 years.
Tonight, for the first time since 9/11, our combat mission in Afghanistan is over. Six years ago, nearly 180,000 American troops served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, fewer than 15,000 remain. And we salute the courage and sacrifice of every man and woman in this 9/11 Generation who has served to keep us safe. We are humbled and grateful for your service.
America, for all that we've endured; for all the grit and hard work required to come back; for all the tasks that lie ahead, know this:
The shadow of crisis has passed, and the State of the Union is strong.
At this moment – with a growing economy, shrinking deficits, bustling industry, and booming energy production – we have risen from recession freer to write our own future than any other nation on Earth. It's now up to us to choose who we want to be over the next fifteen years, and for decades to come.
Will we accept an economy where only a few of us do spectacularly well? Or will we commit ourselves to an economy that generates rising incomes and chances for everyone who makes the effort?
Will we approach the world fearful and reactive, dragged into costly conflicts that strain our military and set back our standing? Or will we lead wisely, using all elements of our power to defeat new threats and protect our planet?
Will we allow ourselves to be sorted into factions and turned against one another – or will we recapture the sense of common purpose that has always propelled America forward?
In two weeks, I will send this Congress a budget filled with ideas that are practical, not partisan. And in the months ahead, I'll crisscross the country making a case for those ideas.
So tonight, I want to focus less on a checklist of proposals, and focus more on the values at stake in the choices before us.
It begins with our economy.
Seven years ago, Rebekah and Ben Erler of Minneapolis were newlyweds. She waited tables. He worked construction. Their first child, Jack, was on the way.
They were young and in love in America, and it doesn't get much better than that.
"If only we had known," Rebekah wrote to me last spring, "what was about to happen to the housing and construction market."
As the crisis worsened, Ben's business dried up, so he took what jobs he could find, even if they kept him on the road for long stretches of time. Rebekah took out student loans, enrolled in community college, and retrained for a new career. They sacrificed for each other. And slowly, it paid off. They bought their first home. They had a second son, Henry. Rebekah got a better job, and then a raise. Ben is back in construction – and home for dinner every night.
"It is amazing," Rebekah wrote, "what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times."
We are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times.
America, Rebekah and Ben's story is our story. They represent the millions who have worked hard, and scrimped, and sacrificed, and retooled. You are the reason I ran for this office. You're the people I was thinking of six years ago today, in the darkest months of the crisis, when I stood on the steps of this Capitol and promised we would rebuild our economy on a new foundation. And it's been your effort and resilience that has made it possible for our country to emerge stronger.
We believed we could reverse the tide of outsourcing, and draw new jobs to our shores. And over the past five years, our businesses have created more than 11 million new jobs.
We believed we could reduce our dependence on foreign oil and protect our planet. And today, America is number one in oil and gas. America is number one in wind power. Every three weeks, we bring online as much solar power as we did in all of 2008. And thanks to lower gas prices and higher fuel standards, the typical family this year should save $750 at the pump.
We believed we could prepare our kids for a more competitive world. And today, our younger students have earned the highest math and reading scores on record. Our high school graduation rate has hit an all-time high. And more Americans finish college than ever before.
We believed that sensible regulations could prevent another crisis, shield families from ruin, and encourage fair competition. Today, we have new tools to stop taxpayer-funded bailouts, and a new consumer watchdog to protect us from predatory lending and abusive credit card practices. And in the past year alone, about ten million uninsured Americans finally gained the security of health coverage.
At every step, we were told our goals were misguided or too ambitious; that we would crush jobs and explode deficits. Instead, we've seen the fastest economic growth in over a decade, our deficits cut by two-thirds, a stock market that has doubled, and health care inflation at its lowest rate in fifty years.
So the verdict is clear. Middle-class economics works. Expanding opportunity works. And these policies will continue to work, as long as politics don't get in the way. We can't slow down businesses or put our economy at risk with government shutdowns or fiscal showdowns. We can't put the security of families at risk by taking away their health insurance, or unraveling the new rules on Wall Street, or refighting past battles on immigration when we've got a system to fix. And if a bill comes to my desk that tries to do any of these things, it will earn my veto.
Today, thanks to a growing economy, the recovery is touching more and more lives. Wages are finally starting to rise again. We know that more small business owners plan to raise their employees' pay than at any time since 2007. But here's the thing – those of us here tonight, we need to set our sights higher than just making sure government doesn't halt the progress we're making. We need to do more than just do no harm. Tonight, together, let's do more to restore the link between hard work and growing opportunity for every American.
Because families like Rebekah's still need our help. She and Ben are working as hard as ever, but have to forego vacations and a new car so they can pay off student loans and save for retirement. Basic childcare for Jack and Henry costs more than their mortgage, and almost as much as a year at the University of Minnesota. Like millions of hardworking Americans, Rebekah isn't asking for a handout, but she is asking that we look for more ways to help families get ahead.
In fact, at every moment of economic change throughout our history, this country has taken bold action to adapt to new circumstances, and to make sure everyone gets a fair shot. We set up worker protections, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid to protect ourselves from the harshest adversity. We gave our citizens schools and colleges, infrastructure and the internet – tools they needed to go as far as their effort will take them.
That's what middle-class economics is – the idea that this country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, everyone does their fair share, and everyone plays by the same set of rules. We don't just want everyone to share in America's success – we want everyone to contribute to our success.
So what does middle-class economics require in our time?
First – middle-class economics means helping working families feel more secure in a world of constant change. That means helping folks afford childcare, college, health care, a home, retirement – and my budget will address each of these issues, lowering the taxes of working families and putting thousands of dollars back into their pockets each year.
Here's one example. During World War II, when men like my grandfather went off to war, having women like my grandmother in the workforce was a national security priority – so this country provided universal childcare. In today's economy, when having both parents in the workforce is an economic necessity for many families, we need affordable, high-quality childcare more than ever. It's not a nice-to-have – it's a must-have. It's time we stop treating childcare as a side issue, or a women's issue, and treat it like the national economic priority that it is for all of us. And that's why my plan will make quality childcare more available, and more affordable, for every middle-class and low-income family with young children in America – by creating more slots and a new tax cut of up to $3,000 per child, per year.
Here's another example. Today, we're the only advanced country on Earth that doesn't guarantee paid sick leave or paid maternity leave to our workers. Forty-three million workers have no paid sick leave. Forty-three million. Think about that. And that forces too many parents to make the gut-wrenching choice between a paycheck and a sick kid at home. So I'll be taking new action to help states adopt paid leave laws of their own. And since paid sick leave won where it was on the ballot last November, let's put it to a vote right here in Washington. Send me a bill that gives every worker in America the opportunity to earn seven days of paid sick leave. It's the right thing to do.
Of course, nothing helps families make ends meet like higher wages. That's why this Congress still needs to pass a law that makes sure a woman is paid the same as a man for doing the same work. Really. It's 2015. It's time. We still need to make sure employees get the overtime they've earned. And to everyone in this Congress who still refuses to raise the minimum wage, I say this: If you truly believe you could work full-time and support a family on less than $15,000 a year, go try it. If not, vote to give millions of the hardest-working people in America a raise.
These ideas won't make everybody rich, or relieve every hardship. That's not the job of government. To give working families a fair shot, we'll still need more employers to see beyond next quarter's earnings and recognize that investing in their workforce is in their company's long-term interest. We still need laws that strengthen rather than weaken unions, and give American workers a voice. But things like child care and sick leave and equal pay; things like lower mortgage premiums and a higher minimum wage – these ideas will make a meaningful difference in the lives of millions of families. That is a fact. And that's what all of us – Republicans and Democrats alike – were sent here to do.
Second, to make sure folks keep earning higher wages down the road, we have to do more to help Americans upgrade their skills.
America thrived in the 20th century because we made high school free, sent a generation of GIs to college, and trained the best workforce in the world. But in a 21st century economy that rewards knowledge like never before, we need to do more.
By the end of this decade, two in three job openings will require some higher education. Two in three. And yet, we still live in a country where too many bright, striving Americans are priced out of the education they need. It's not fair to them, and it's not smart for our future.
That's why I am sending this Congress a bold new plan to lower the cost of community college – to zero.
Forty percent of our college students choose community college. Some are young and starting out. Some are older and looking for a better job. Some are veterans and single parents trying to transition back into the job market. Whoever you are, this plan is your chance to graduate ready for the new economy, without a load of debt. Understand, you've got to earn it – you've got to keep your grades up and graduate on time. Tennessee, a state with Republican leadership, and Chicago, a city with Democratic leadership, are showing that free community college is possible. I want to spread that idea all across America, so that two years of college becomes as free and universal in America as high school is today. And I want to work with this Congress, to make sure Americans already burdened with student loans can reduce their monthly payments, so that student debt doesn't derail anyone's dreams.
Thanks to Vice President Biden's great work to update our job training system, we're connecting community colleges with local employers to train workers to fill high-paying jobs like coding, and nursing, and robotics. Tonight, I'm also asking more businesses to follow the lead of companies like CVS and UPS, and offer more educational benefits and paid apprenticeships – opportunities that give workers the chance to earn higher-paying jobs even if they don't have a higher education.
And as a new generation of veterans comes home, we owe them every opportunity to live the American Dream they helped defend. Already, we've made strides towards ensuring that every veteran has access to the highest quality care. We're slashing the backlog that had too many veterans waiting years to get the benefits they need, and we're making it easier for vets to translate their training and experience into civilian jobs. Joining Forces, the national campaign launched by Michelle and Jill Biden, has helped nearly 700,000 veterans and military spouses get new jobs. So to every CEO in America, let me repeat: If you want somebody who's going to get the job done, hire a veteran.
Finally, as we better train our workers, we need the new economy to keep churning out high-wage jobs for our workers to fill.
Since 2010, America has put more people back to work than Europe, Japan, and all advanced economies combined. Our manufacturers have added almost 800,000 new jobs. Some of our bedrock sectors, like our auto industry, are booming. But there are also millions of Americans who work in jobs that didn't even exist ten or twenty years ago – jobs at companies like Google, and eBay, and Tesla.
So no one knows for certain which industries will generate the jobs of the future. But we do know we want them here in America. That's why the third part of middle-class economics is about building the most competitive economy anywhere, the place where businesses want to locate and hire.
21st century businesses need 21st century infrastructure – modern ports, stronger bridges, faster trains and the fastest internet. Democrats and Republicans used to agree on this. So let's set our sights higher than a single oil pipeline. Let's pass a bipartisan infrastructure plan that could create more than thirty times as many jobs per year, and make this country stronger for decades to come.
21st century businesses, including small businesses, need to sell more American products overseas. Today, our businesses export more than ever, and exporters tend to pay their workers higher wages. But as we speak, China wants to write the rules for the world's fastest-growing region. That would put our workers and businesses at a disadvantage. Why would we let that happen? We should write those rules. We should level the playing field. That's why I'm asking both parties to give me trade promotion authority to protect American workers, with strong new trade deals from Asia to Europe that aren't just free, but fair.
Look, I'm the first one to admit that past trade deals haven't always lived up to the hype, and that's why we've gone after countries that break the rules at our expense. But ninety-five percent of the world's customers live outside our borders, and we can't close ourselves off from those opportunities. More than half of manufacturing executives have said they're actively looking at bringing jobs back from China. Let's give them one more reason to get it done.
21st century businesses will rely on American science, technology, research and development. I want the country that eliminated polio and mapped the human genome to lead a new era of medicine – one that delivers the right treatment at the right time. In some patients with cystic fibrosis, this approach has reversed a disease once thought unstoppable. Tonight, I'm launching a new Precision Medicine Initiative to bring us closer to curing diseases like cancer and diabetes – and to give all of us access to the personalized information we need to keep ourselves and our families healthier.
I intend to protect a free and open internet, extend its reach to every classroom, and every community, and help folks build the fastest networks, so that the next generation of digital innovators and entrepreneurs have the platform to keep reshaping our world.
I want Americans to win the race for the kinds of discoveries that unleash new jobs – converting sunlight into liquid fuel; creating revolutionary prosthetics, so that a veteran who gave his arms for his country can play catch with his kid; pushing out into the Solar System not just to visit, but to stay. Last month, we launched a new spacecraft as part of a re-energized space program that will send American astronauts to Mars. In two months, to prepare us for those missions, Scott Kelly will begin a year-long stay in space. Good luck, Captain – and make sure to Instagram it.
Now, the truth is, when it comes to issues like infrastructure and basic research, I know there's bipartisan support in this chamber. Members of both parties have told me so. Where we too often run onto the rocks is how to pay for these investments. As Americans, we don't mind paying our fair share of taxes, as long as everybody else does, too. But for far too long, lobbyists have rigged the tax code with loopholes that let some corporations pay nothing while others pay full freight. They've riddled it with giveaways the superrich don't need, denying a break to middle class families who do.
This year, we have an opportunity to change that. Let's close loopholes so we stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad, and reward those that invest in America. Let's use those savings to rebuild our infrastructure and make it more attractive for companies to bring jobs home. Let's simplify the system and let a small business owner file based on her actual bank statement, instead of the number of accountants she can afford. And let's close the loopholes that lead to inequality by allowing the top one percent to avoid paying taxes on their accumulated wealth. We can use that money to help more families pay for childcare and send their kids to college. We need a tax code that truly helps working Americans trying to get a leg up in the new economy, and we can achieve that together.
Helping hardworking families make ends meet. Giving them the tools they need for good-paying jobs in this new economy. Maintaining the conditions for growth and competitiveness. This is where America needs to go. I believe it's where the American people want to go. It will make our economy stronger a year from now, fifteen years from now, and deep into the century ahead.
Of course, if there's one thing this new century has taught us, it's that we cannot separate our work at home from challenges beyond our shores.
My first duty as Commander-in-Chief is to defend the United States of America. In doing so, the question is not whether America leads in the world, but how. When we make rash decisions, reacting to the headlines instead of using our heads; when the first response to a challenge is to send in our military – then we risk getting drawn into unnecessary conflicts, and neglect the broader strategy we need for a safer, more prosperous world. That's what our enemies want us to do.
I believe in a smarter kind of American leadership. We lead best when we combine military power with strong diplomacy; when we leverage our power with coalition building; when we don't let our fears blind us to the opportunities that this new century presents. That's exactly what we're doing right now – and around the globe, it is making a difference.
First, we stand united with people around the world who've been targeted by terrorists – from a school in Pakistan to the streets of Paris. We will continue to hunt down terrorists and dismantle their networks, and we reserve the right to act unilaterally, as we've done relentlessly since I took office to take out terrorists who pose a direct threat to us and our allies.
At the same time, we've learned some costly lessons over the last thirteen years.
Instead of Americans patrolling the valleys of Afghanistan, we've trained their security forces, who've now taken the lead, and we've honored our troops' sacrifice by supporting that country's first democratic transition. Instead of sending large ground forces overseas, we're partnering with nations from South Asia to North Africa to deny safe haven to terrorists who threaten America. In Iraq and Syria, American leadership – including our military power – is stopping ISIL's advance. Instead of getting dragged into another ground war in the Middle East, we are leading a broad coalition, including Arab nations, to degrade and ultimately destroy this terrorist group. We're also supporting a moderate opposition in Syria that can help us in this effort, and assisting people everywhere who stand up to the bankrupt ideology of violent extremism. This effort will take time. It will require focus. But we will succeed. And tonight, I call on this Congress to show the world that we are united in this mission by passing a resolution to authorize the use of force against ISIL.
Second, we are demonstrating the power of American strength and diplomacy. We're upholding the principle that bigger nations can't bully the small – by opposing Russian aggression, supporting Ukraine's democracy, and reassuring our NATO allies. Last year, as we were doing the hard work of imposing sanctions along with our allies, some suggested that Mr. Putin's aggression was a masterful display of strategy and strength. Well, today, it is America that stands strong and united with our allies, while Russia is isolated, with its economy in tatters.
That's how America leads – not with bluster, but with persistent, steady resolve.
In Cuba, we are ending a policy that was long past its expiration date. When what you're doing doesn't work for fifty years, it's time to try something new. Our shift in Cuba policy has the potential to end a legacy of mistrust in our hemisphere; removes a phony excuse for restrictions in Cuba; stands up for democratic values; and extends the hand of friendship to the Cuban people. And this year, Congress should begin the work of ending the embargo. As His Holiness, Pope Francis, has said, diplomacy is the work of "small steps." These small steps have added up to new hope for the future in Cuba. And after years in prison, we're overjoyed that Alan Gross is back where he belongs. Welcome home, Alan.
Our diplomacy is at work with respect to Iran, where, for the first time in a decade, we've halted the progress of its nuclear program and reduced its stockpile of nuclear material. Between now and this spring, we have a chance to negotiate a comprehensive agreement that prevents a nuclear-armed Iran; secures America and our allies – including Israel; while avoiding yet another Middle East conflict. There are no guarantees that negotiations will succeed, and I keep all options on the table to prevent a nuclear Iran. But new sanctions passed by this Congress, at this moment in time, will all but guarantee that diplomacy fails – alienating America from its allies; and ensuring that Iran starts up its nuclear program again. It doesn't make sense. That is why I will veto any new sanctions bill that threatens to undo this progress. The American people expect us to only go to war as a last resort, and I intend to stay true to that wisdom.
Third, we're looking beyond the issues that have consumed us in the past to shape the coming century.
No foreign nation, no hacker, should be able to shut down our networks, steal our trade secrets, or invade the privacy of American families, especially our kids. We are making sure our government integrates intelligence to combat cyber threats, just as we have done to combat terrorism. And tonight, I urge this Congress to finally pass the legislation we need to better meet the evolving threat of cyber-attacks, combat identity theft, and protect our children's information. If we don't act, we'll leave our nation and our economy vulnerable. If we do, we can continue to protect the technologies that have unleashed untold opportunities for people around the globe.
In West Africa, our troops, our scientists, our doctors, our nurses and healthcare workers are rolling back Ebola – saving countless lives and stopping the spread of disease. I couldn't be prouder of them, and I thank this Congress for your bipartisan support of their efforts. But the job is not yet done – and the world needs to use this lesson to build a more effective global effort to prevent the spread of future pandemics, invest in smart development, and eradicate extreme poverty.
In the Asia Pacific, we are modernizing alliances while making sure that other nations play by the rules – in how they trade, how they resolve maritime disputes, and how they participate in meeting common international challenges like nonproliferation and disaster relief. And no challenge – no challenge – poses a greater threat to future generations than climate change.
2014 was the planet's warmest year on record. Now, one year doesn't make a trend, but this does – 14 of the 15 warmest years on record have all fallen in the first 15 years of this century.
I've heard some folks try to dodge the evidence by saying they're not scientists; that we don't have enough information to act. Well, I'm not a scientist, either. But you know what – I know a lot of really good scientists at NASA, and NOAA, and at our major universities. The best scientists in the world are all telling us that our activities are changing the climate, and if we do not act forcefully, we'll continue to see rising oceans, longer, hotter heat waves, dangerous droughts and floods, and massive disruptions that can trigger greater migration, conflict, and hunger around the globe. The Pentagon says that climate change poses immediate risks to our national security. We should act like it.
That's why, over the past six years, we've done more than ever before to combat climate change, from the way we produce energy, to the way we use it. That's why we've set aside more public lands and waters than any administration in history. And that's why I will not let this Congress endanger the health of our children by turning back the clock on our efforts. I am determined to make sure American leadership drives international action. In Beijing, we made an historic announcement – the United States will double the pace at which we cut carbon pollution, and China committed, for the first time, to limiting their emissions. And because the world's two largest economies came together, other nations are now stepping up, and offering hope that, this year, the world will finally reach an agreement to protect the one planet we've got.
There's one last pillar to our leadership – and that's the example of our values.
As Americans, we respect human dignity, even when we're threatened, which is why I've prohibited torture, and worked to make sure our use of new technology like drones is properly constrained. It's why we speak out against the deplorable anti-Semitism that has resurfaced in certain parts of the world. It's why we continue to reject offensive stereotypes of Muslims – the vast majority of whom share our commitment to peace. That's why we defend free speech, and advocate for political prisoners, and condemn the persecution of women, or religious minorities, or people who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. We do these things not only because they're right, but because they make us safer.
As Americans, we have a profound commitment to justice – so it makes no sense to spend three million dollars per prisoner to keep open a prison that the world condemns and terrorists use to recruit. Since I've been President, we've worked responsibly to cut the population of GTMO in half. Now it's time to finish the job. And I will not relent in my determination to shut it down. It's not who we are.
As Americans, we cherish our civil liberties – and we need to uphold that commitment if we want maximum cooperation from other countries and industry in our fight against terrorist networks. So while some have moved on from the debates over our surveillance programs, I haven't. As promised, our intelligence agencies have worked hard, with the recommendations of privacy advocates, to increase transparency and build more safeguards against potential abuse. And next month, we'll issue a report on how we're keeping our promise to keep our country safe while strengthening privacy.
Looking to the future instead of the past. Making sure we match our power with diplomacy, and use force wisely. Building coalitions to meet new challenges and opportunities. Leading – always – with the example of our values. That's what makes us exceptional. That's what keeps us strong. And that's why we must keep striving to hold ourselves to the highest of standards – our own.
You know, just over a decade ago, I gave a speech in Boston where I said there wasn't a liberal America, or a conservative America; a black America or a white America – but a United States of America. I said this because I had seen it in my own life, in a nation that gave someone like me a chance; because I grew up in Hawaii, a melting pot of races and customs; because I made Illinois my home – a state of small towns, rich farmland, and one of the world's great cities; a microcosm of the country where Democrats and Republicans and Independents, good people of every ethnicity and every faith, share certain bedrock values.
Over the past six years, the pundits have pointed out more than once that my presidency hasn't delivered on this vision. How ironic, they say, that our politics seems more divided than ever. It's held up as proof not just of my own flaws – of which there are many – but also as proof that the vision itself is misguided, and naïve, and that there are too many people in this town who actually benefit from partisanship and gridlock for us to ever do anything about it.
I know how tempting such cynicism may be. But I still think the cynics are wrong.
I still believe that we are one people. I still believe that together, we can do great things, even when the odds are long. I believe this because over and over in my six years in office, I have seen America at its best. I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates from New York to California; and our newest officers at West Point, Annapolis, Colorado Springs, and New London. I've mourned with grieving families in Tucson and Newtown; in Boston, West, Texas, and West Virginia. I've watched Americans beat back adversity from the Gulf Coast to the Great Plains; from Midwest assembly lines to the Mid-Atlantic seaboard. I've seen something like gay marriage go from a wedge issue used to drive us apart to a story of freedom across our country, a civil right now legal in states that seven in ten Americans call home.
So I know the good, and optimistic, and big-hearted generosity of the American people who, every day, live the idea that we are our brother's keeper, and our sister's keeper. And I know they expect those of us who serve here to set a better example.
So the question for those of us here tonight is how we, all of us, can better reflect America's hopes. I've served in Congress with many of you. I know many of you well. There are a lot of good people here, on both sides of the aisle. And many of you have told me that this isn't what you signed up for – arguing past each other on cable shows, the constant fundraising, always looking over your shoulder at how the base will react to every decision.
Imagine if we broke out of these tired old patterns. Imagine if we did something different.
Understand – a better politics isn't one where Democrats abandon their agenda or Republicans simply embrace mine.
A better politics is one where we appeal to each other's basic decency instead of our basest fears.
A better politics is one where we debate without demonizing each other; where we talk issues, and values, and principles, and facts, rather than "gotcha" moments, or trivial gaffes, or fake controversies that have nothing to do with people's daily lives.
A better politics is one where we spend less time drowning in dark money for ads that pull us into the gutter, and spend more time lifting young people up, with a sense of purpose and possibility, and asking them to join in the great mission of building America.
If we're going to have arguments, let's have arguments – but let's make them debates worthy of this body and worthy of this country.
We still may not agree on a woman's right to choose, but surely we can agree it's a good thing that teen pregnancies and abortions are nearing all-time lows, and that every woman should have access to the health care she needs.
Yes, passions still fly on immigration, but surely we can all see something of ourselves in the striving young student, and agree that no one benefits when a hardworking mom is taken from her child, and that it's possible to shape a law that upholds our tradition as a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants.
We may go at it in campaign season, but surely we can agree that the right to vote is sacred; that it's being denied to too many; and that, on this 50th anniversary of the great march from Selma to Montgomery and the passage of the Voting Rights Act, we can come together, Democrats and Republicans, to make voting easier for every single American.
We may have different takes on the events of Ferguson and New York. But surely we can understand a father who fears his son can't walk home without being harassed. Surely we can understand the wife who won't rest until the police officer she married walks through the front door at the end of his shift. Surely we can agree it's a good thing that for the first time in 40 years, the crime rate and the incarceration rate have come down together, and use that as a starting point for Democrats and Republicans, community leaders and law enforcement, to reform America's criminal justice system so that it protects and serves us all.
That's a better politics. That's how we start rebuilding trust. That's how we move this country forward. That's what the American people want. That's what they deserve.
I have no more campaigns to run. My only agenda for the next two years is the same as the one I've had since the day I swore an oath on the steps of this Capitol – to do what I believe is best for America. If you share the broad vision I outlined tonight, join me in the work at hand. If you disagree with parts of it, I hope you'll at least work with me where you do agree. And I commit to every Republican here tonight that I will not only seek out your ideas, I will seek to work with you to make this country stronger.
Because I want this chamber, this city, to reflect the truth – that for all our blind spots and shortcomings, we are a people with the strength and generosity of spirit to bridge divides, to unite in common effort, and help our neighbors, whether down the street or on the other side of the world.
I want our actions to tell every child, in every neighborhood: your life matters, and we are as committed to improving your life chances as we are for our own kids.
I want future generations to know that we are a people who see our differences as a great gift, that we are a people who value the dignity and worth of every citizen – man and woman, young and old, black and white, Latino and Asian, immigrant and Native American, gay and straight, Americans with mental illness or physical disability.
I want them to grow up in a country that shows the world what we still know to be true: that we are still more than a collection of red states and blue states; that we are the United States of America.
I want them to grow up in a country where a young mom like Rebekah can sit down and write a letter to her President with a story to sum up these past six years:
"It is amazing what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times."
My fellow Americans, we too are a strong, tight-knit family. We, too, have made it through some hard times. Fifteen years into this new century, we have picked ourselves up, dusted ourselves off, and begun again the work of remaking America. We've laid a new foundation. A brighter future is ours to write. Let's begin this new chapter – together – and let's start the work right now.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless this country we love.
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Source: WH, 12-20-14
Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
The White House
December 20, 2014
Hi, everybody. As 2014 comes to an end, we can enter the New Year with new confidence that America is making significant strides where it counts.
The steps we took nearly six years ago to rescue our economy and rebuild it on a new foundation helped make 2014 the strongest year for job growth since the 1990s. Over the past 57 months, our businesses have created nearly 11 million new jobs. And in a hopeful sign for middle-class families, wages are on the rise again.
Our investments in American manufacturing have helped fuel its best stretch of job growth since the '90s. America is now the number one producer of oil and gas, saving drivers about 70 cents a gallon at the pump over last Christmas. The auto industry we rescued is on track for its strongest year since 2005. Thanks to the Affordable Care Act, about 10 million Americans have gained health insurance in the past year alone. And since I took office, we have cut our deficits by about two-thirds.
Meanwhile, around the world, America is leading. We're leading the coalition to degrade and ultimately destroy ISIL. We're leading the global fight to combat the Ebola outbreak in West Africa. We're leading global efforts to address climate change, including last month's joint announcement with China. We're turning a new page in our relationship with the Cuban people.
And in less than two weeks, after more than 13 years, our combat mission in Afghanistan will be over, and our war there will come to a responsible end. Today, more of our troops are home for the holidays than at any time in over a decade. Still, many of our men and women in uniform will spend this Christmas in harm's way. And as Commander-in-Chief, I want our troops to know: your country is united in our support and gratitude for you and your families.
The six years since the financial crisis have demanded hard work and sacrifice on everyone's part. But as a country, we have every right to be proud of what we've got to show for it. More jobs. More insured. A growing economy. Shrinking deficits. Bustling industry. Booming energy.
Pick any metric you want – America's resurgence is real. And we now have the chance to reverse the decades-long erosion of middle-class jobs and incomes. We just have to invest in the things that we know will secure even faster growth in higher-paying jobs for more Americans. We have to make sure our economy, our justice system, and our government work not only for a few, but for all of us. And I look forward to working together with the new Congress next year on these priorities.
Sure, we'll disagree on some things. We'll have to compromise on others. I'll act on my own when it's necessary. But I will never stop trying to make life better for people like you.
Because thanks to your efforts, a new foundation is laid. A new future is ready to be written. We have set the stage for a new American moment, and I'm going to spend every minute of my last two years making sure we seize it.
On behalf of the Obama family, I wish all of you a very Merry Christmas.
Thanks, and have a wonderful holiday season.
Posted by bonniekgoodman on December 20, 2014
Source: WH, 12-19-14
James S. Brady Press Briefing Room
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, everybody. We've really got a full house today, huh? Well, all I want for Christmas is to take your questions. (Laughter.) But first let me say a little bit about this year.
In last year's final press conference, I said that 2014 would be a year of action and would be a breakthrough year for America. And it has been. Yes, there were crises that we had to tackle around the world, many that were unanticipated. We have more work to do to make sure our economy, our justice system, and our government work not just for the few, but for the many. But there is no doubt that we can enter into the New Year with renewed confidence that America is making significant strides where it counts.
The steps that we took early on to rescue our economy and rebuild it on a new foundation helped make 2014 the strongest year for job growth since the 1990s. All told, over a 57-month streak, our businesses have created nearly 11 million new jobs. Almost all the job growth that we've seen have been in full-time positions. Much of the recent pickup in job growth has been in higher-paying industries. And in a hopeful sign for middle-class families, wages are on the rise again.
Our investments in American manufacturing have helped fuel its best stretch of job growth also since the 1990s. America is now the number-one producer of oil, the number-one producer of natural gas. We're saving drivers about 70 cents a gallon at the pump over last Christmas. And effectively today, our rescue of the auto industry is officially over. We've now repaid taxpayers every dime and more of what my administration committed, and the American auto industry is on track for its strongest year since 2005. And we've created about half a million new jobs in the auto industry alone.
Thanks to the Affordable Care Act, about 10 million Americans have gained health insurance just this past year. Enrollment is beginning to pick up again during the open enrollment period. The uninsured rate is at a near record low. Since the law passed, the price of health care has risen at its slowest rate in about 50 years. And we've cut our deficits by about two-thirds since I took office, bringing them to below their 40-year average.
Meanwhile, around the world, America is leading. We're leading the coalition to degrade and ultimately destroy ISIL — a coalition that includes Arab partners. We're leading the international community to check Russian aggression in Ukraine. We are leading the global fight to combat Ebola in West Africa, and we are preventing an outbreak from taking place here at home. We're leading efforts to address climate change, including last month's joint announcement with China that's already jumpstarting new progress in other countries. We're writing a new chapter in our leadership here in the Americas by turning a new page on our relationship with the Cuban people.
And in less than two weeks, after more than 13 years, our combat mission in Afghanistan will be over. Today, more of our troops are home for the holidays than any time in over a decade. Still, many of our men and women in uniform will spend Christmas in harm's way. And they should know that the country is united in support of you and grateful not only to you but also to your families.
The six years since the crisis have demanded hard work and sacrifice on everybody's part. But as a country, we have every right to be proud of what we've accomplished — more jobs; more people insured; a growing economy; shrinking deficits; bustling industry; booming energy. Pick any metric that you want — America's resurgence is real. We are better off.
I've always said that recovering from the crisis of 2008 was our first order of business, and on that business, America has outperformed all of our other competitors. Over the past four years, we've put more people back to work than all other advanced economies combined. We've now come to a point where we have the chance to reverse an even deeper problem, the decades-long erosion of middle-class jobs and incomes, and to make sure that the middle class is the engine that powers our prosperity for decades to come.
To do that, we're going to have to make some smart choices; we've got to make the right choices. We're going to have to invest in the things that secure even faster growth in higher-paying jobs for more Americans. And I'm being absolutely sincere when I say I want to work with this new Congress to get things done, to make those investments, to make sure the government is working better and smarter. We're going to disagree on some things, but there are going to be areas of agreement and we've got to be able to make that happen. And that's going to involve compromise every once in a while, and we saw during this lame duck period that perhaps that spirit of compromise may be coming to the fore.
In terms of my own job, I'm energized, I'm excited about the prospects for the next couple of years, and I'm certainly not going to be stopping for a minute in the effort to make life better for ordinary Americans. Because, thanks to their efforts, we really do have a new foundation that's been laid. We are better positioned than we have been in a very long time. A new future is ready to be written. We've set the stage for this American moment. And I'm going to spend every minute of my last two years making sure that we seize it.
My presidency is entering the fourth quarter; interesting stuff happens in the fourth quarter. And I'm looking forward to it. But going into the fourth quarter, you usually get a timeout. I'm now looking forward to a quiet timeout — Christmas with my family. So I want to wish everybody a Merry Christmas, a Happy Hanukkah, a Happy New Year. I hope that all of you get some time to spend with your families as well, because one thing that we share is that we're away too much from them.
And now, Josh has given me the "who's been naughty and who's been nice" list — (laughter) — and I'm going to use it to take some questions. And we're going to start with Carrie Budoff Brown of Politico. There you go, Carrie.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. I'll start on North Korea — that seems to be the biggest topic today. What does a proportional response look like to the Sony hack? And did Sony make the right decision in pulling the movie? Or does that set a dangerous precedent when faced with this kind of situation?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me address the second question first. Sony is a corporation. It suffered significant damage. There were threats against its employees. I am sympathetic to the concerns that they faced. Having said all that, yes, I think they made a mistake.
In this interconnected, digital world, there are going to be opportunities for hackers to engage in cyber assaults both in the private sector and the public sector. Now, our first order of business is making sure that we do everything to harden sites and prevent those kinds of attacks from taking place. When I came into office, I stood up a cybersecurity interagency team to look at everything that we could at the government level to prevent these kinds of attacks. We've been coordinating with the private sector, but a lot more needs to be done. We're not even close to where we need to be.
And one of the things in the New Year that I hope Congress is prepared to work with us on is strong cybersecurity laws that allow for information-sharing across private sector platforms, as well as the public sector, so that we are incorporating best practices and preventing these attacks from happening in the first place.
But even as we get better, the hackers are going to get better, too. Some of them are going to be state actors; some of them are going to be non-state actors. All of them are going to be sophisticated and many of them can do some damage.
We cannot have a society in which some dictator someplace can start imposing censorship here in the United States. Because if somebody is able to intimidate folks out of releasing a satirical movie, imagine what they start doing when they see a documentary that they don't like, or news reports that they don't like. Or even worse, imagine if producers and distributors and others start engaging in self-censorship because they don't want to offend the sensibilities of somebody whose sensibilities probably need to be offended.
So that's not who we are. That's not what America is about.
Again, I'm sympathetic that Sony as a private company was worried about liabilities, and this and that and the other. I wish they had spoken to me first. I would have told them, do not get into a pattern in which you're intimidated by these kinds of criminal attacks. Imagine if, instead of it being a cyber-threat, somebody had broken into their offices and destroyed a bunch of computers and stolen disks. Is that what it takes for suddenly you to pull the plug on something?
So we'll engage with not just the film industry, but the news industry and the private sector around these issues. We already have. We will continue to do so. But I think all of us have to anticipate occasionally there are going to be breaches like this. They're going to be costly. They're going to be serious. We take them with the utmost seriousness. But we can't start changing our patterns of behavior any more than we stop going to a football game because there might be the possibility of a terrorist attack; any more than Boston didn't run its marathon this year because of the possibility that somebody might try to cause harm. So let's not get into that way of doing business.
Q Can you just say what the response would be to this attack? Wwould you consider taking some sort of symbolic step like watching the movie yourself or doing some sort of screening here that —
THE PRESIDENT: I've got a long list of movies I'm going to be watching. (Laughter.)
Q Will this be one of them?
THE PRESIDENT: I never release my full movie list.
But let's talk of the specifics of what we now know. The FBI announced today and we can confirm that North Korea engaged in this attack. I think it says something interesting about North Korea that they decided to have the state mount an all-out assault on a movie studio because of a satirical movie starring Seth Rogen and James Flacco [Franco]. (Laughter.) I love Seth and I love James, but the notion that that was a threat to them I think gives you some sense of the kind of regime we're talking about here.
They caused a lot of damage, and we will respond. We will respond proportionally, and we'll respond in a place and time and manner that we choose. It's not something that I will announce here today at a press conference.
More broadly, though, this points to the need for us to work with the international community to start setting up some very clear rules of the road in terms of how the Internet and cyber operates. Right now, it's sort of the Wild West. And part of the problem is, is you've got weak states that can engage in these kinds of attacks, you've got non-state actors that can do enormous damage. That's part of what makes this issue of cybersecurity so urgent.
Again, this is part of the reason why it's going to be so important for Congress to work with us and get a actual bill passed that allows for the kind of information-sharing we need. Because if we don't put in place the kind of architecture that can prevent these attacks from taking place, this is not just going to be affecting movies, this is going to be affecting our entire economy in ways that are extraordinarily significant.
And, by the way, I hear you're moving to Europe. Where you going to be?
Q Brussels.
THE PRESIDENT: Brussels.
Q Yes. Helping Politico start a new publication.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, congratulations.
Q I've been covering you since the beginning.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think —
Q It's been a long road for the both of us.
THE PRESIDENT: I think there's no doubt that what Belgium needs is a version of Politico. (Laughter.)
Q I'll take that as an endorsement.
THE PRESIDENT: The waffles are delicious there, by the way.
Cheryl Bolen. You've been naughty. (Laughter.) Cheryl, go ahead.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Looking ahead to your work with Congress next year, you've mentioned as an area of possible compromise tax reform. And so I am wondering, do you see a Republican Congress as presenting a better opportunity for actually getting tax reform next year? Will you be putting out a new proposal? Are you willing to consider both individual and corporate side of the tax ledger there? And also, are you still concerned about corporate inversions?
THE PRESIDENT: I think an all-Democratic Congress would have provided an even better opportunity for tax reform. But I think, talking to Speaker Boehner and Leader McConnell that they are serious about wanting to get some things done. The tax area is one area where we can get things done. And I think in the coming weeks leading up to the State of Union, there will be some conversations at the staff levels about what principles each side are looking at.
I can tell you broadly what I'd like to see. I'd like to see more simplicity in the system. I'd like to see more fairness in the system. With respect to the corporate tax reform issue, we know that there are companies that are paying the full freight — 35 percent — higher than just about any other company on Earth, if you're paying 35 percent, and then there are other companies that are paying zero because they've got better accountants or lawyers. That's not fair.
There are companies that are parking money outside the country because of tax avoidance. We think that it's important that everybody pays something if, in fact, they are effectively headquartered in the United States. In terms of corporate inversion, those are situations where companies really are headquartered here but, on paper, switch their headquarters to see if they can avoid paying their fair share of taxes. I think that needs to be fixed.
So, fairness, everybody paying their fair share, everybody taking responsibility I think is going to be very important.
Some of those principles I've heard Republicans say they share. How we do that — the devil is in the details. And I'll be interested in seeing what they want to move forward. I'm going to make sure that we put forward some pretty specific proposals building on what we've already put forward.
One other element of this that I think is important is — and I've been on this hobby horse now for six years. (Audience member sneezes.) Bless you. We've got a lot of infrastructure we've got to rebuild in this country if we're going to be competitive — roads, bridges, ports, airports, electrical grids, water systems, sewage systems. We are way behind.
And early on we indicated that there is a way of us potentially doing corporate tax reform, lowering rates, eliminating loopholes so everybody is paying their fair share, and during that transition also providing a mechanism where we can get some infrastructure built. I'd like to see us work on that issue as well. Historically, obviously, infrastructure has not been a Democratic or a Republican issue, and I'd like to see if we can return to that tradition.
Julie Pace.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. I wanted to ask about Cuba. What would you say to dissidents or democracy advocates inside Cuba who fear that the policy changes you announced this week could give the Castro regime economic benefits without having to address human rights or their political system? When your administration was lifting sanctions on Myanmar you sought commitments of reform. Why not do the same with Cuba?
And if I could just follow up on North Korea. Do you have any indication that North Korea was acting in conjunction with another country, perhaps China?
THE PRESIDENT: We've got no indication that North Korea was acting in conjunction with another country.
With respect to Cuba, we are glad that the Cuban government have released slightly over 50 dissidents; that they are going to be allowing the International Committee of the Red Cross and the United Nations human rights agencies to operate more freely inside of Cuba and monitor what is taking place.
I share the concerns of dissidents there and human rights activists that this is still a regime that represses its people. And as I said when I made the announcement, I don't anticipate overnight changes, but what I know deep in my bones is that if you've done the same thing for 50 years and nothing has changed, you should try something different if you want a different outcome.
And this gives us an opportunity for a different outcome, because suddenly Cuba is open to the world in ways that it has not been before. It's open to Americans traveling there in ways that it hasn't been before. It's open to church groups visiting their fellow believers inside of Cuba in ways they haven't been before. It offers the prospect of telecommunications and the Internet being more widely available in Cuba in ways that it hasn't been before.
And over time, that chips away at this hermetically sealed society, and I believe offers the best prospect then of leading to greater freedom, greater self-determination on the part of the Cuban people.
I think it will happen in fits and starts. But through engagement, we have a better chance of bringing about change then we would have otherwise.
Q Do you have a goal for where you see Cuba being at the end of your presidency?
THE PRESIDENT: I think it would be unrealistic for me to map out exactly where Cuba will be. But change is going to come to Cuba. It has to. They've got an economy that doesn't work. They've been reliant for years first on subsidies from the Soviet Union, then on subsidies from Venezuela. Those can't be sustained. And the more the Cuban people see what's possible, the more interested they are going to be in change.
But how societies change is country-specific, it's culturally specific. It could happen fast; it could happen slower than I'd like; but it's going to happen. And I think this change in policy is going to advance that.
Lesley Clark.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. I had a number of questions on Cuba as well. Appreciate that. I wanted to —
THE PRESIDENT: Do I have to write all these down? How many are there? (Laughter.) "A number" sounded intimidating.
Q As quick as I can. As quick as I can. I wanted to see if you got an assurances from the Cuban government that it would not revert to the same sort of — sabotage the deal, as it has in the past when past Presidents had made similar overtures to the government.
THE PRESIDENT: Meaning? Be specific. What do you mean?
Q When the Clinton administration made some overtures, they shot down planes. They sort of had this pattern of doing provocative — provocative events.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay, so just general provocative activity.
Q Provocative activities any time the U.S. has sort of reached out a hand to them. I wanted to see what is your knowledge of whether Fidel Castro — did he have any role in the talks? When you talked to President Raul Castro, did Fidel Castro's name come up? Or did you ask about him? How he's doing? People haven't seen him in a while. Given the deep opposition from some Republicans in Congress to lifting the embargo, to an embassy, to any of the changes that you're doing, are you going to personally get involved in terms of talking to them about efforts that they want to do to block money on a new embassy?
THE PRESIDENT: All right, Lesley, I think I'm going to cut you off here. (Laughter.) This is taking up a lot of time.
Q Okay, all right.
THE PRESIDENT: All right. So, with respect to sabotage, I mean, my understanding of the history, for example, of the plane being shot down, it's not clear that that was the Cuban government purposely trying to undermine overtures by the Clinton administration. It was a tragic circumstance that ended up collapsing talks that had begun to take place. I haven't seen a historical record that suggests that they shot the plane down specifically in order to undermine overtures by the Clinton government.
I think it is not precedented for the President of the United States and the President of Cuba to make an announcement at the same time that they are moving towards normalizing relations. So there hasn't been anything like this in the past. That doesn't meant that over the next two years we can anticipate them taking certain actions that we may end up finding deeply troubling either inside of Cuba or with respect to their foreign policy. And that could put significant strains on the relationship. But that's true of a lot of countries out there where we have an embassy. And the whole point of normalizing relations is that it gives us a greater opportunity to have influence with that government than not.
So I would be surprised if the Cuban government purposely tries to undermine what is now effectively its own policy. I wouldn't be surprised if they take at any given time actions that we think are a problem. And we will be in a position to respond to whatever actions they take the same way we do with a whole range of countries around the world when they do things we think are wrong. But the point is, is that we will be in a better position I think to actually have some influence, and there may be carrots as well as sticks that we can then apply.
The only way that Fidel's name came up — I think I may have mentioned this in the Davie Muir article — interview that I did — was I delivered a fairly lengthy statement at the front end about how we're looking forward to a new future in the relationship between our two countries, but that we are going to continue to press on issues of democracy and human rights, which we think are important.
My opening remarks probably took about 15 minutes, which on the phone is a pretty long time. And at the end of that, he said, Mr. President, you're still a young man. Perhaps you have the — at the end of my remarks I apologized for taking such a long time, but I wanted to make sure that before we engaged in the conversation he was very clear about where I stood. He said, oh, don't worry about it, Mr. President, you're still a young man and you have still the chance to break Fidel's record — he once spoke seven hours straight. (Laughter.)
And then, President Castro proceeded to deliver his own preliminary remarks that last at least twice as long as mine. (Laughter.) And then I was able to say, obviously it runs in the family. But that was the only discussion of Fidel Castro that we had.
I sort of forgot all the other questions. (Laughter.)
Q I have a few more if you're — how personally involved are you going to get in —
THE PRESIDENT: With respect to Congress? We cannot unilaterally bring down the embargo. That's codified in the Libertad Act. And what I do think is going to happen, though, is there's going to be a process where Congress digests it. There are bipartisan supporters of our new approach, there are bipartisan detractors of this new approach. People will see how the actions we take unfold. And I think there's going to be a healthy debate inside of Congress.
And I will certainly weigh in. I think that ultimately we need to go ahead and pull down the embargo, which I think has been self-defeating in advancing the aims that we're interested in. But I don't anticipate that that happens right away. I think people are going to want to see how does this move forward before there's any serious debate about whether or not we would make major shifts in the embargo.
Roberta Rampton.
Q I want to follow on that by asking, under what conditions would you meet with President Castro in Havana? Would you have certain preconditions that you would want to see met before doing that? And on the hack, I know that you said that you're not going to announce your response, but can you say whether you're considering additional economic or financial sanctions on North Korea? Can you rule out the use of military force or some kind of cyber hit of your own?
THE PRESIDENT: I think I'm going to leave it where I left it, which is we just confirmed that it was North Korea; we have been working up a range of options. They will be presented to me. I will make a decision on those based on what I believe is proportional and appropriate to the nature of this crime.
With respect to Cuba, we're not at a stage here where me visiting Cuba or President Castro coming to the United States is in the cards. I don't know how this relationship will develop over the next several years. I'm a fairly young man so I imagine that at some point in my life I will have the opportunity to visit Cuba and enjoy interacting with the Cuban people. But there's nothing specific where we're trying to target some sort of visit on my part.
Colleen McCain Nelson.
Q Thank you, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: There you are.
Q You spoke earlier about 2014 being a breakthrough year, and you ended the year with executive actions on Cuba and immigration and climate change. But you didn't make much progress this year on your legislative agenda. And some Republican lawmakers have said they're less inclined to work with you if you pursue executive actions so aggressively. Are you going to continue to pursue executive actions if that creates more roadblocks for your legislative agenda? Or have you concluded that it's not possible to break the fever in Washington and the partisan gridlock here?
THE PRESIDENT: I think there are real opportunities to get things done in Congress. As I said before, I take Speaker Boehner and Mitch McConnell at their words that they want to get things done. I think the American people would like to see us get some things done. The question is going to be are we able to separate out those areas where we disagree and those areas where we agree. I think there are going to be some tough fights on areas where we disagree.
If Republicans seek to take health care away from people who just got it, they will meet stiff resistance from me. If they try to water down consumer protections that we put in place in the aftermath of the financial crisis, I will say no. And I'm confident that I'll be able to uphold vetoes of those types of provisions. But on increasing American exports, on simplifying our tax system, on rebuilding our infrastructure, my hope is that we can get some things done.
I've never been persuaded by this argument that if it weren't for the executive actions they would have been more productive. There's no evidence of that. So I intend to continue to do what I've been doing, which is where I see a big problem and the opportunity to help the American people, and it is within my lawful authority to provide that help, I'm going to do it. And I will then, side-by-side, reach out to members of Congress, reach out to Republicans, and say, let's work together; I'd rather do it with you.
Immigration is the classic example. I was really happy when the Senate passed a bipartisan, comprehensive immigration bill. And I did everything I could for a year and a half to provide Republicans the space to act, and showed not only great patience, but flexibility, saying to them, look, if there are specific changes you'd like to see, we're willing to compromise, we're willing to be patient, we're willing to work with you. Ultimately it wasn't forthcoming.
And so the question is going to be I think if executive actions on areas like minimum wage, or equal pay, or having a more sensible immigration system are important to Republicans, if they care about those issues, and the executive actions are bothering them, there is a very simple solution, and that is: Pass bills. And work with me to make sure I'm willing to sign those bills.
Because both sides are going to have to compromise. On most issues, in order for their initiatives to become law, I'm going to have sign off. And that means they have to take into account the issues that I care about, just as I'm going to have to take into account the issues that they care about.
All right. I think this is going to be our last question. Juliet Eilperin. There you go.
Q Thanks so much. So one of the first bills that Mitch McConnell said he will send to you is one that would authorize the construction of the Keystone XL pipeline. When you talked about this in the past, you've minimized the benefits and you highlighted some of the risks associated with that project. I'm wondering if you could tell us both what you would do when faced with that bill, given the Republican majority that we'll have in both chambers. And also, what do you see as the benefits? And given the precipitous drop we've seen in oil prices recently, does that change the calculus in terms of how it will contribute to climate change, and whether you think it makes sense to go ahead with that project?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I don't think I've minimized the benefits, I think I've described the benefits. At issue in Keystone is not American oil. It is Canadian oil that is drawn out of tar sands in Canada. That oil currently is being shipped out through rail or trucks, and it would save Canadian oil companies and the Canadian oil industry an enormous amount of money if they could simply pipe it all the way through the United States down to the Gulf. Once that oil gets to the Gulf, it is then entering into the world market, and it would be sold all around the world.
So there's no — I won't say "no" — there is very little impact, nominal impact, on U.S. gas prices — what the average American consumer cares about — by having this pipeline come through. And sometimes the way this gets sold is, let's get this oil and it's going to come here. And the implication is, is that's going to lower gas prices here in the United States. It's not. There's a global oil market. It's very good for Canadian oil companies and it's good for the Canadian oil industry, but it's not going to be a huge benefit to U.S. consumers. It's not even going to be a nominal benefit to U.S. consumers.
Now, the construction of the pipeline itself will create probably a couple thousand jobs. Those are temporary jobs until the construction actually happens. There's probably some additional jobs that can be created in the refining process down in the Gulf. Those aren't completely insignificant — it's just like any other project. But when you consider what we could be doing if we were rebuilding our roads and bridges around the country — something that Congress could authorize — we could probably create hundreds of thousands of jobs, or a million jobs. So if that's the argument, there are a lot more direct ways to create well-paying Americans construction jobs.
And then, with respect to the cost, all I've said is that I want to make sure that if, in fact, this project goes forward, that it's not adding to the problem of climate change, which I think is very serious and does impose serious costs on the American people — some of them long term, but significant costs nonetheless. If we've got more flooding, more wildfires, more drought, there are direct economic impacts on that.
And as we're now rebuilding after Sandy, for example, we're having to consider how do we increase preparedness in how we structure infrastructure and housing, and so forth, along the Jersey Shore. That's an example of the kind of costs that are imposed, and you can put a dollar figure on it.
So, in terms of process, you've got a Nebraska judge that's still determining whether or not the new path for this pipeline is appropriate. Once that is resolved, then the State Department will have all the information it needs to make its decision.
But I've just tried to give this perspective, because I think that there's been this tendency to really hype this thing as some magic formula to what ails the U.S. economy, and it's hard to see on paper where exactly they're getting that information from.
In terms of oil prices and how it impacts the decision, I think that it won't have a significant impact except perhaps in the minds of folks — when gas prices are lower, maybe they're less susceptible to the argument that this is the answer to lowering gas prices. But it was never going to be the answer to lowering gas prices, because the oil that would be piped through the Keystone pipeline would go into the world market. And that's what determines oil prices, ultimately.
Q And in terms of Congress forcing your hand on this, is this something where you clearly say you're not going to let Congress force your hand on whether to approve or disapprove of this?
THE PRESIDENT: I'll see what they do. We'll take that up in the New Year.
Q Any New Year's resolutions?
THE PRESIDENT: I'll ask — April, go ahead.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Last question, I guess. (Laughter.) Six years ago this month, I asked you what was the state of black America in the Oval Office, and you said it was the "the best of times and the worst of times." You said it was the best of times in the sense that there was — has never been more opportunity for African Americans to receive a good education, and the worst of times for unemployment and the lack of opportunity. We're ending 2014. What is the state of black America as we talk about those issues as well as racial issues in this country?
THE PRESIDENT: Like the rest of America, black America in the aggregate is better off now than it was when I came into office. The jobs that have been created, the people who've gotten health insurance, the housing equity that's been recovered, the 401 pensions that have been recovered — a lot of those folks are African American. They're better off than they were.
The gap between income and wealth of white and black America persists. And we've got more work to do on that front. I've been consistent in saying that this is a legacy of a troubled racial past of Jim Crow and slavery. That's not an excuse for black folks. And I think the overwhelming majority of black people understand it's not an excuse. They're working hard. They're out there hustling and trying to get an education, trying to send their kids to college. But they're starting behind, oftentimes, in the race.
And what's true for all Americans is we should be willing to provide people a hand up — not a handout, but help folks get that good early childhood education, help them graduate from high school, help them afford college. If they do, they're going to be able to succeed, and that's going to be good for all of us.
And we've seen some progress. The education reforms that we've initiated are showing measurable results. We have the highest high school graduation that we've seen in a very long time. We are seeing record numbers of young people attending college. In many states that have initiated reforms, you're seeing progress in math scores and reading scores for African American and Latino students as well as the broader population. But we've still got more work to go.
Now, obviously, how we're thinking about race relations right now has been colored by Ferguson, the Garner case in New York, a growing awareness in the broader population of what I think many communities of color have understood for some time, and that is that there are specific instances at least where law enforcement doesn't feel as if it's being applied in a colorblind fashion.
The task force that I formed is supposed to report back to me in 90 days — not with a bunch of abstract musings about race relations, but some really concrete, practical things that police departments and law enforcement agencies can begin implementing right now to rebuild trust between communities of color and the police department.
And my intention is to, as soon as I get those recommendations, to start implementing them. Some of them we'll be able to do through executive action. Some of them will require congressional action. Some of them will require action on the part of states and local jurisdictions.
But I actually think it's been a healthy conversation that we've had. These are not new phenomenon. The fact that they're now surfacing, in part because people are able to film what have just been, in the past, stories passed on around a kitchen table, allows people to make their own assessments and evaluations. And you're not going to solve a problem if it's not being talked about.
In the meantime, we've been moving forward on criminal justice reform issues more broadly. One of the things I didn't talk about in my opening statement is the fact that last year was the first time in 40 years where we had the federal prison population go down and the crime rate go down at the same time, which indicates the degree to which it's possible for us to think smarter about who we're incarcerating, how long we're incarcerating, how are we dealing with nonviolent offenders, how are we dealing with drug offenses, diversion programs, drug courts. We can do a better job of — and save money in the process by initiating some of these reforms. And I've been really pleased to see that we've had Republicans and Democrats in Congress who are interested in these issues as well.
The one thing I will say — and this is going to be the last thing I say — is that one of the great things about this job is you get to know the American people. I mean, you meet folks from every walk of life and every region of the country, and every race and every faith. And what I don't think is always captured in our political debates is the vast majority of people are just trying to do the right thing, and people are basically good and have good intentions. Sometimes our institutions and our systems don't work as well as they should. Sometimes you've got a police department that has gotten into bad habits over a period of time and hasn't maybe surfaced some hidden biases that we all carry around. But if you offer practical solutions, I think people want to fix these problems. It's not — this isn't a situation where people feel good seeing somebody choked and dying. I think that troubles everybody. So there's an opportunity of all of us to come together and to take a practical approach to these problems.
And I guess that's my general theme for the end of the year — which is we've gone through difficult times. It is your job, press corps, to report on all the mistakes that are made and all the bad things that happen and the crises that look like they're popping. And I understand that. But through persistent effort and faith in the American people, things get better. The economy has gotten better. Our ability to generate clean energy has gotten better. We know more about how to educate our kids. We solved problems. Ebola is a real crisis; you get a mistake in the first case because it's not something that's been seen before — we fix it. You have some unaccompanied children who spike at a border, and it may not get fixed in the time frame of the news cycle, but it gets fixed.
And part of what I hope as we reflect on the New Year this should generate is some confidence. America knows how to solve problems. And when we work together, we can't be stopped.
And now I'm going to go on vacation. Mele Kalikimaka, everybody. (Laughter.) Mahalo. Thank you, everybody.
Posted by bonniekgoodman on December 19, 2014
Source: WH, 12-10-14
South Court Auditorium
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. (Applause.) Hey! Give Alajah a big round of applause. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Everybody have a seat.
Now, Alajah clearly knows where power is. (Laughter.) She knows who has clout and who does not. You did a wonderful job. I'm so proud of you. Good job.
MS. LANE: Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: You're welcome. (Laughter.) In addition to Alajah, we have some important personages here. I want to thank, first of all, America's Secretary of Education — somebody who is so passionate about making sure every child gets a chance in this country — Arne Duncan. Where's Arne? (Applause.) We've got some of early education's strongest supporters in Congress from both parties who are here. We've got Bob Casey from the great state of Pennsylvania. (Applause.) We've got representatives Richard Richard Hanna. Where's Richard? There he is. (Applause.) Jared Polis. (Applause.) Bobby Scott. (Applause.)
I want to thank the business leaders and philanthropists and mayors, all who came here from across America to make big new commitments to our kids. And I know we've got thousands of parents and teachers and alumni from Head Start and Early Head Start watching this live in New Orleans and Fort Lauderdale. So please give them a shout out, as well. Thank you, guys. (Applause.)
Now, you may know that last week brought some good economic news, building on the momentum that we've seen over the past couple of years. Over the first 11 months of 2014, our economy has created more jobs than in any full year since the 1990s. So already — we've still got a month to go — we've already seen more jobs created this year than any time in over a decade. Over the last four years, America has put more people back to work than Europe, Japan, and every other advanced economy combined. Overall wages are rising again, which is a welcome sign for millions of families. So for all the work we have left to do, America is outpacing most of the world. And if we seize this moment, we have the chance to lead the next century just like we led the last one, and make sure that citizens in this country, our children, can have a better life than we did.
But in order to reach our full potential, kids like Alajah need a chance to reach their full potential. Because what makes America exceptional isn't just the size of our economy or our influence around the globe — that is a byproduct of a more fundamental fact about America. The promise we make to our children; the idea that no matter who they are, what they look like, where they start, how much their parents earn, they can make it if they try. It's the essential promise of America -– that where you start should not and will not determine how far you can go.
And we're here today because it's never too early in a child's life to begin delivering on that promise. I'm preaching to the choir now, but I'm going to go ahead and preach. Study after study shows that children who get a high-quality early education earn more over their lifetimes than peers who don't. They're more likely to finish school. They're less likely to go to prison. They're more likely to hold a job. They're more likely to start a stable family of their own — which means that you have a generational transmission of the early starts that kids can get. Early education is one of the best investments we can make not just in a child's future, but in our country. It's one of the best investments we can make.
Today, my Council of Economic Advisers is putting out a report showing that for every dollar we invest now, we can save more than eight dollars later on, by boosting graduation rates, increasing earnings, reducing violent crime. And the study also shows that access to high-quality, affordable childcare means more employment and higher incomes for working parents, especially working moms. Not surprising there. I mean, men, we're getting better, but we're not where we need to be. And moms all too often are juggling between work and childcare. When we have good, high-quality early childhood education, then suddenly we're freeing up everybody to be on the field.
So early education is a win for everybody. It saves taxpayer dollars. It gives our children a better chance. And some states are proving that it's possible to give every child that chance. For 16 years, every child in Oklahoma has been guaranteed a preschool education. Georgia is building on their successful preschool program by launching something called "Talk With Me Baby" — which sounds like an Al Green song, but is actually — (laughter) — I'm not singing. But it's actually a program to make sure make sure language learning begins at the very first weeks of a child's life. Now, let's face it — Oklahoma and Georgia are not places where I do particularly well politically. They're not known as wild-eyed liberal states. But it just goes to show you that this is an issue that's bigger than politics. It's not a red issue or a blue issue. It's about doing what's best for our kids, for our country, and that's an American issue. And we've had some terrific Republican, as well as Democratic, governors and mayors who have really taken leadership on this issue because they recognize it's a good investment.
And that's why, in my 2013 State of the Union Address, I laid out a plan to make sure our children have every opportunity they deserve from the moment they are born. And I asked Congress to work with me to make high-quality pre-K available to every four-year-old in America. Congress hasn't gotten that done yet, but Democrats and Republicans came together to take some steps in the right direction, with new grants that will expand preschool for children across the country.
And in the nearly two years since I called on Congress to take action, we've seen 34 states, along with cities and communities across our country, take action on their own. All told, they've invested more than a billion dollars in our children. In Michigan, a Republican governor signed the nation's second-largest state budget increase for early education into law. Last month, voters in Denver approved a ballot measure to renew and expand their preschool program through 2026. In New York, Mayor de Blasio made pre-K for all a centerpiece of his campaign. And this year, more than 50,000 children are enrolled in New York City preschools — more than twice as many as in 2013. (Applause.) There must be a New Yorker here.
So we're making progress. But here's the thing: For all the progress we've made, for all the children who are on a better path, today fewer than 3 in 10 four-year-olds are enrolled in high-quality preschool. It's not that working parents don't want their kids to be in safe, high-quality learning environments every day. It's that they can't afford the costs of private preschool. And for poor children who need it most, the lack of access to a great preschool can affect their entire lives. We've got kids in this country who are every bit as talented as Malia and Sasha, but they're starting out the race a step behind. And they deserve better. And the whole country will do better if we fix that. So that's what this day is all about.
I'm pleased to announce that my administration will award $750 million of new investment in our youngest Americans. Secretary Duncan is awarding $250 million in new Preschool Development Grants to 18 states. We're giving tens of thousands more children the opportunity to go to high-quality preschool: almost 3,000 preschool students in Nevada, for example, will be able to attend full-day preschool, instead of a half-day program. Montana will create new high-quality preschool programs that will serve kids in 16 communities, including eight communities on Indian lands.
And in order to create a full pipeline of learning programs, from birth all the way to the beginning of Kindergarten, Secretary Burwell is announcing the winners of a $500 million competition that will bring early care and education to more than 30,000 infants and toddlers next year. Our child care centers will partner with our Early Head Start Centers to help kids from virtually every state, from rural Virginia to my hometown of Chicago.
So we're stepping up, but as all of you I'm sure have already heard, investing in our kids is not just the job of the federal government — it's the job of all of us. So in my State of the Union Address this year, I promised to pull together a coalition of elected officials, and business leaders, and philanthropists who are willing to help more kids access the high-quality preschool that they need. And here you are. (Laughter.)
Today, we are delivering on that promise with a new campaign called "Invest in Us." I want to highlight a few of commitments folks in this room because I think it shows how much interest there is in this issue, how much evidence there is behind making the kinds of investments for our kids that we're talking about.
So first of all, you're bringing entire communities together on behalf of children. In Northeast Ohio, for example, Cuyahoga County, the city of Cleveland, local schools, businesses, foundations, and child welfare agencies have all embraced a single plan to ensure that all three- and four-year olds have access to high-quality education. So today the Greater Cleveland Community is announcing $10.2 million in new investments in early childhood programs. And that's going to make a difference. Susie Buffett is leading an effort that will invest $15 million in Omaha. That's making a difference, bringing folks together.
Second, as important as preschool is, you're working to make sure a great education starts even earlier. The George Kaiser Family Foundation reaches out to new parents in Tulsa with a hospital visit before the baby even goes home. After that, they provide parenting classes and literacy programs all the way through a child's third birthday, because they believe that every parent can be a teacher and every home can be a preschool. And as a consequence, they're committing $25 million, in additional dollars, to help achieve that goal.
Number three, you're supporting early education programs that we already have. So the Foundation for Child Development is working with the New York City Department of Education to help train early-learning teachers. Disney is giving away $55 million worth of books and apps for young learners. And judging by trick or treating here at the White House this year, if Disney wanted to throw in some of those princess costumes from "Frozen," that will make a difference. (Laughter.) I mean, there were a lot of Elsas. They just kept on coming, sort of nonstop. (Laughter.)
And finally, you're investing in new, innovative approaches that have the chance to transform the way we teach our children. So thanks to neuroscientists and psychologists and child development experts, we know more about how young minds work than ever before. So we're got the Bezos Family Foundation announcing a $5 million commitment to turn these new insights into new tools for teachers and parents, so that our children get the most out of the time and money that we invest in them. And J.B. Pritzker and M.K. Pritzker, their family foundation is committing $25 million to build on cutting-edge research to help our most vulnerable children succeed.
So all told, in addition to what we're going to be doing at the federal level, organizations here today are making more than $330 million in new commitments. That's worth applauding. (Applause.) And that's pretty extraordinary, that's real money, even in Washington, that's real money. (Laughter.) But it's also just the beginning. So I'm calling on all Americans across our country to make their own commitments to our children. And I'm asking our members of Congress for their commitment as well. Outside Washington, giving our children a fair shot from the earliest age is a priority that crosses party lines. So I hope that the new Congress next year will work with me to make pre-K available for all of our kids. It will not just grow the economy for everybody –- it will change young lives forever.
Just ask Chuck Mills. Where is Chuck? Chuck is here. There's Chuck, right there. Chuck was born in 1962, the youngest of six children, raised by a single mom. A lot of the kids in the neighborhoods where Chuck grew up did not finish school, and a lot of those young people ended up in prison. But in 1966, Chuck's mom saw a flier at a church for a new program called "Project Head Start." Chuck became part of just the second class of Head Start students -– and two years later, he had learned so much that he skipped kindergarten and went straight to first grade. And Chuck's been overachieving ever since. (Laughter.) He graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy. Captain Mills piloted Marine One for two different Presidents. That is something that you want the best people for. (Laughter.) Today, Chuck is the founder and CEO of not one, but two companies in Northern Virginia. "My life," Chuck said, "can be summed up in the words, 'Wasn't supposed to.'"
"Wasn't supposed to." Well, that's not just Chuck's story; that's America's story. America is a nation that "wasn't supposed to." Our entire story is improbable. All of us are here because this country gave someone in our family a chance to beat the odds. None of us were supposed to. Those of us lucky enough to share in this country's promise now have a responsibility to ensure that for all the young people coming behind us who aren't supposed to, that they have those same opportunities.
There are a whole bunch of Chucks out there, all across the country. We have to invest in them. We have to invest in our communities. We have to invest in us. And if we do that, we give every child the same chance that we got, then America will remain the greatest nation on Earth. And I thank all of you for the extraordinary efforts you are making in fulfilling that promise.
Thank you, God bless you. God bless America. (Applause.)
Posted by bonniekgoodman on December 10, 2014
Source: WH, 12-9-14
Casa Azafran
Nashville, Tennessee
THE PRESIDENT:Thank you, everybody.Thank you.(Applause.)Thank you so much.Everybody, please have a seat.Thank you very much.Everybody, please have a seat, have a seat.
Well, hello, Nashville.
AUDIENCE MEMBER:Hola.
THE PRESIDENT:Hola.Cómo estás?
AUDIENCE MEMBER:Bien, bien.
THE PRESIDENT:Bien.Thank you, Renata, for the wonderful introduction.I've brought some friends with me who I think you may know — your Congressmen, Jim Cooper — (applause) — as well as Congressman Steve Cohen from Memphis is here.(Applause.)And I want to thank — is your mayor still here?Where did he go?There he is right there, doing a great job.(Applause.)And his wonderful daughter — we've got to brag about her, she's a junior at Barnard.I just embarrassed her.(Applause.)When you're the father of daughters, your job is to embarrass them, and I'm trying to give an assist here.(Laughter.)
I want to thank Casa Azafran for hosting us, and for being home to so many organizations that do important work welcoming immigrants to the community.And that's why I've come here today.I won't make a long speech, because I want to have a dialogue, but I wanted to give some remarks at the top.
As Renata mentioned, some people might think Nashville was an odd place to talk immigration.It's not what comes to mind when people think about gateways to America.But, as all of you know, Nashville's got one of the fastest-growing immigrant populations in the country."New Nashvillians" — they're from Somalia, Nepal, Laos, Mexico, Bangladesh.And Nashville happens to be the home of the largest Kurdish community in the United States as well.
"They" are "us."They work as teachers in our schools, doctors in our hospitals, police officers in our neighborhoods.They start small businesses at a faster rate than many native-born Americans.They create jobs making this city more prosperous, and a more innovative place.And of course, they make the food better.(Laughter.)I know that Tennessee barbeque is pretty popular, but Korean barbeque is pretty good too.(Laughter.)
And the point is, welcoming immigrants into your community benefits all of us.And I was talking to your Mayor, Karl Dean, on the way over here, and he understands this.He's been a great partner when it comes to preparing immigrants to become citizens.
A couple of weeks ago, I create a Task Force on New Americans that's going to help do this kind of work all across the country.But, as we all know, our immigration system has been broken for a long time.Families who come here the right way can get stuck in line for years.Business owners who treat their workers right sometimes are undercut by competition from folks who are not just hiring undocumented workers but then underpaying them or not paying them minimum wage, or not giving them the benefits that they have earned.Nobody likes the idea of somebody reaping the rewards of living in America without its responsibilities as well.And there are all kinds of folks who want to gladly embrace those responsibilities, but they have no way to come out of the shadows and get right with the law.
And a year and a half ago, a big majority of Democrats, Republicans, and independents in the Senate –- including both of your senators -– passed a bipartisan bill to fix our broken immigration system.The bill wasn't perfect, but it was a common-sense compromise.It would have doubled the number of border patrol agents.It would have made the legal immigration system smarter and faster.It would have given millions of people a chance to earn their citizenship the right way.It was good for our economy — independent economists estimated that it would not only grow our economy faster but shrink our deficits faster.And if the House of Representatives had simply called for an up-or-down vote, it would have passed.It would be the law.We would be on the way to solve — solving this problem in a sensible way.But for a year and a half now, Republican leaders in the House blocked this simple up-or-down vote.
I still believe that the best way to solve this — is by working together to pass the kind of common-sense law that was passed in the Senate.But until then, there are actions that I have the legal authority to take that will help make our immigration system smarter and fairer.And I took those actions last month.
We're providing more resources at the border to help law enforcement personnel stop illegal crossings and send home those who cross over.We're going to focus our enforcement resources on people who actually pose a threat to our communities — felons rather than families, and criminals rather than children.We're going to bring more undocumented immigrants out of the shadows so they can play by the rules — they have to pass a criminal background check, pay taxes, contribute more fully to our economy.
So this isn't amnesty, or legalization, or even a path to citizenship.That can only be done by Congress.It doesn't apply to anybody who's come to this country recently, or who might come illegally in the future.What it does is create a system of accountability, a common-sense, middle-ground approach.And what we're saying is, until Congress fixes this problem legislatively, if you have deep ties to this country and you are willing to get right by the law and do what you need to do, then you shouldn't have to worry about being deported or being separated from your kids.
These are the kind of lawful actions taken by every President, Republican and Democrat, for the past 50 years.So when members of Congress question whether I have the authority to do this, I have one answer:Yes, and pass a bill.(Laughter.)If you want Congress to be involved in this process, I welcome it, but you've got to pass a bill that addresses the various components of immigration reform in a common-sense way.
And I want to work with both parties to get this done.The day I sign this bill into law, then the executive actions I take are no longer necessary and some of the changes that I've instituted administratively become permanent.
Unfortunately, so far, the only response that we've had out of the House was a vote taken last week to force talented young people and workers to leave our country.Rather than deport students or separate families or make it harder for law enforcement to do its job, we just need Congress to work with us to pass a common-sense law to fix the broken immigration system.
And meanwhile, Washington shouldn't let disagreements on this issue prevent action on every other issue.That's not how our democracy works.Americans are tired of gridlock.We're seeing the economy move forward.We need to build on that.And certainly my administration is ready to work for it on a whole range of issues.
I do recognize that there are controversies around immigration — there always have been, by the way.Even those who know we need to reform the system may be concerned about not having Congress get it done.Then there are some folks who worry about immigration changing the fabric of our society, or taking jobs from native-born Americans.And I understand those concerns, but, as I said, they're not new.As a country, we have had these concerns since the Irish and Italians and Poles were coming to Boston and New York, and we have the same concerns when Chinese and Japanese Americans were traveling out West.
But what our history and the facts show is that generation after generation, immigrants have been a net-plus to our economy, and a net-plus to our society.And that's what cities like Nashville prove is still the case.And this city proves that we can address these concerns together and make sure that immigration works for everybody — that it strengthens our economy, that it strengthens our communities, that we can talk about some of the tensions and concerns in a constructive way rather than yelling at each other.
And so let me close with a story of somebody who's working to bring people together.David Lubell, who many of you know and who's here today — where's David?There he is.(Applause.)So David used to run the Tennessee Immigrant and Refugee Rights Coalition.And he knew that some folks were skeptical about immigrants changing the face of Nashville.And he also knew, though, that these immigrants were good people.So he saw an opportunity for immigration to unite this city rather than divide it.And in 2005, he started "Welcoming Tennessee," which connects long-term residents in the community with new immigrants.And you'd have dinners and church socials, and at Rotary clubs, and folks got to know each other and maybe feel some empathy, and see themselves in new arrivals.
And the conversations weren't always easy, but it created a foundation of mutual understanding and respect.And today, David's initiative is expanding across the country.I think we — you said, David, that we've got these kinds of efforts going on in 42 cities around the country.
This is what makes America exceptional.We welcome strivers.We welcome dreamers from all around the world.And it keeps us young, and it keeps us invigorated, and it keeps us striving and pushing the boundaries of what's possible.And then we all bind ourselves together around similar ideals, a similar creed.And one generation in, suddenly those kids are already Americans like everybody else, and we have the same dreams and hopes for them, the same aspirations.
And if we keep harnessing that potential, there's no limit to what this country can achieve.So Nashville is helping to lead the way in getting this conversation right.We hope that if it happens around the country, that eventually it will drift into the House of Representatives — (laughter) — and we're going to get the kind of comprehensive legislation that we need to actually solve this problem.
So with that, let me start taking some questions.Thank you very much, everybody.I appreciate it.(Applause.)
So I've got a microphone here.This is a nice, intimate group.And so there's no rules really.I'd just ask everybody who wants to speak to raise their hand.I'll call on you one at a time.We've got some microphones in the audience.And why don't you, when you're asking your questions, stand, introduce yourself, tell us a little about yourself, and then ask your question.Try to keep your question relatively brief so — and I'll try to keep my answers relatively brief.(Laughter.)I don't always succeed, but I'll do my best.I'm going to take off my jacket because it's warm in here.Is Marvin back there?Okay, we've got some — here we go.Thanks.
All right.Who wants to go first?Yes, right here in the front.
Q Hi, Mr. President.Thank you so much for coming to Nashville, and the Latin community loves you and welcome you to Nashville.My question is — and I think it's a concern in the community that — what is going to happen if the next administration decide not to follow what you — the executive action?And I think many of the communities — afraid are they going to be first in line to deportation because they give their information.And that would be my question.
THE PRESIDENT:Well, I think it's a good question.So let me just — let me go over the mechanics of what's going to happen.
First of all, part of what we're saying is that we can't deport 11 million people and it would be foolish to try, as well as I think wrong for us to try.Congress only allocates a certain amount of money to the immigration system, so we have to prioritize.And my priority is not to separate families who have already been living here but to try to make sure that our borders are secure, to make sure that people come through the right way; to focus on criminals, focus — those who pose a real risk to our society.
And so what's happened is, is the Department of Homeland Security, which is in charge of the immigration services, what it said is, is that we're going to set up priorities in terms of who is subject to deportation.And at the top are criminals, people who pose a threat, and at the bottom are ordinary people who are otherwise law abiding.And what we're saying essentially is, in that low-priority list, you won't be a priority for deportation.You're not going to be deported.We're not going to keep on separating families.And that new priority list applies to everybody, all 11 million people who are here — I mean, not 11 million, let's say, whatever the number is.So even if somebody didn't sign up, they're still much less likely to be subject to deportation.That's because we've changed our enforcement priorities in a formal way.
What we're also saying, though, is that for those who have American children or children who are legal permanent residents, that you can actually register and submit yourself to a criminal background check, pay any back taxes and commit to paying future taxes, and if you do that, you'll actually get a piece of paper that gives you an assurance that you can work and live here without fear of deportation.That doesn't apply to everybody, but it does apply to roughly five million — about half of what is estimated to be the number of undocumented workers here.
Now, that is temporary.Just like DACA, the program that we put in place for young people who are brought here who otherwise are good citizens, are studying, working, joining our military — we did that several years ago, where we said, it doesn't make sense for us to subject these young people to a deportation risk; they're Americans in their heart even if they don't have the right piece of paper.That's temporary as well, although it's been subject to renewal.
And so it's true that a future administration might try to reverse some of our policies.But I'll be honest with you, I think that the American people basically have a good heart and want to treat people fairly.And every survey shows that if, in fact, somebody has come out, subjected themselves to a background check, registered, paid their taxes, that the American people support allowing them to stay.So I think any future administration that tried to punish people for doing the right thing I think would not have the support of the American people.
The real question is, how do we make sure that enough people register so that it's not just a few people in a few pockets around the country.And that's going to require a lot of work by local agencies, by municipalities, by churches, by community organizations.We've got to give people confidence that they can go ahead and register; also make sure that they understand they don't have to hire a lawyer or go to the notary in order to pay for this.Because what we saw during DACA when the young people were given this opportunity, a lot of people signed up but sometimes you would see advertisements, come and give us $1,000 or $2,000 and we'll help you — you don't have to do that.And so we've just got to build an effective network around the country.And the Department of Homeland Security will be working with local organizations to make sure that people get the right information.
But I think the main response to people that we have to assure them of is that the American people actually are fair-minded and want to reward rather than punish people who do the right thing.And if you register, I'm confident that that's going to be something that allows you to then get on a path to being here in this country with your children and watching them grow up and making a life for yourself, as you already have.
Last point.It still is important for us, though, because this is temporary to make sure that we keep pushing for comprehensive immigration reform.Without an actual law, an actual statute passed by Congress, it's true that theoretically a future administration could do something that I think would be very damaging.It's not likely, politically, that they'd reverse everything that we've done, but it could be that some people then end up being in a disadvantageous position.And nobody is going to have a path to actual citizenship until we get a law passed.
Now, the Senate law would call for people to go to the back of the line, so it would take 10, 13 years before they have citizenship, but at least there's that pathway.That's why we still need a law.
And then there are some areas like, for example, the business sector, a lot of high-tech businesses are still looking for young graduates from computer science programs or physics programs around the country.And instead of being able to recruit them and put them to work, those kids are all going home and starting new businesses and creating jobs someplace else.And that doesn't make any sense.So that's another area where we couldn't do anything administratively about that.We were able to streamline some of the legal immigration system, but we've still got more work to do.
Okay?Good.I'm going to go boy, girl, boy, girl to make sure that it's fair.(Laughter.)So, right here.
Q Thank you.Good afternoon, President.Thank you so much for doing what you did.I was undocumented for 10 years from 1996.I took advantage of the amnesty.I want to thank you.I'm a community organizer with the Center for Community Change in Washington, D.C., working with the immigrants from the Human Rights Coalition.And I really thank the people from Nashville, Tennessee for hosting future Chicagoans – of course, I'm from Chicago, too.(Laughter.)
And my question to you is, thank you for the 5 million, but what about the others.There are millions of people who are going to be in the limbo, at risk of being deported.And the second question is, since talking about confidence -– people are skeptical about this, because they are afraid to apply for this.So what is your administration going to do to get the confidence — and people to feel safe to apply for this program that you just passed?Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT:Okay.Well, I sort of answered the question, but I'll try to answer it one more time.The prioritization in terms of deportation — that applies to everybody, even if you don't do anything.Now, this will take time to get ICE officers at the ground level to understand what these new priorities are and to apply them in a consistent way.And so there are still going to be stories around the country where some family is separated.
Over time, though, we're really going to be pushing to retrain and refocus and reprioritize ICE officers to understand let's focus on criminals, let's focus on felons, let's not focus on families.
In terms of setting up the system to sign people up to register so they can get an actual piece of paper that says they can work here, that's probably going to take a couple of months. And so that gives us time then to communicate through our community organizations, through our churches, through our cities and towns to make sure that people have good information.
So the folks who, as you said, are in limbo, it's true that they're not going to qualify for the DACA-like registration process that I described.They'll still be, if they're law-abiding, otherwise, if they're working, peaceful, then they're much less likely to deportation now than they would have been in the past.And they don't have to do anything for that.But the registration process, if you qualify, is powerful because you're now able to go to work without being in the shadows, and you're paying taxes, which is good for everybody, because we want people to be above board and to do things the right way.
And I think that those who register — my belief is, is that when we do get to passing a law, finally, I think those who have taken the time to register, pay taxes, gone through a criminal background check, they've got documentation and proof that they've done all that, they're going to have an easier time then qualifying, I think, for a more permanent legal status because they will have already gone through the screening.And that's one incentive for why people should want to sign up.
But building trust will take time.But that's where you come in, so that's your job.I'm going to work with you.I'll work with Renata and I'll work with other activists here to make sure it happens.But we're going to have to do this together.
I will point out that you already had incredible courage among young people when we announced DACA.Now, we didn't get 100 percent of young people who qualified signing up, but we got more than half of the people who were qualified signing up.And slowly then, each person who has the courage to sign up, that creates more confidence across the board.
All right, it's a young woman's turn now.Yes, go ahead.
Q Hi, Mr. President, and thank you so much for being here with us and giving us this opportunity to speak out our fears.I would like to ask you –- I'm with the Tennessee Immigrants and Refugee Rights Coalition.I'm part of the Migrant Women Committee.And I would like to ask you –- people like me that will probably benefit from this executive order, there is a lot of fear still for people that can have the path to a citizen but not immediately.But they apply for DAPA, the Deferred Action for Parents.Will they face a bar from being in this situation?
THE PRESIDENT:No, I think that those who are — look, I would encourage anybody who has another path for legalization to follow that path.But this does not short-circuit whatever other strategies you're pursuing.If you are already trying to get legal permanent resident status or citizenship through some of the existing laws, then you should feel free to continue that.What this does do is it simply says that it gives you an opportunity to make sure that deportation is not going to happen during this period — which will extend for several years.
Can Big Marvin get me my cup of tea back there?Oh, here it is.All right.This isn't Big Marvin, but he's big.(Laughter.)
All right.Gentleman there in the back.
Q I'm a member of the Coalition for Education — Immigration.I'm an immigrant to Nashville.I grew up — Chicago, have lived here the last 12 years.
THE PRESIDENT:It's warmer here.(Laughter.)
Q I do miss the White Sox.
THE PRESIDENT:Yes.
Q My question is about — one of the many things I appreciate so much about your leadership is the civil way in which you approach the most difficult of problems, in spite of hearing the rancor you do from those who disagree.(Inaudible)
-– community like this, trying to talk with reason only to be greeted by deep emotion and anger and rhetoric that is demeaning. It's almost as if we need a civility platform for our nation, an office of civility — maybe for our U.S. Congress.Excuse me, Jim.But I'm serious about how do we teach young people to act in a civil way if we don't role-model the civility?And how important is that for us to move forward, that we can engage in the kinds of conversations in the tone that you present problems?
THE PRESIDENT:Well, look, first of all, I don't know anybody more civil than Jim Cooper.(Applause.)He is an extraordinary gentleman, and always has been, ever since I've had a chance to know him since I came to Washington.
Look, immigration, as I said before, has always elicited passion.And it's ironic because unless you are a member of a Native American tribe, you came here from someplace else, or your people did.And I know that sometimes folks talk about, well, we came here the right way rather than the wrong way.And it's true that previous generations came through Ellis Island or they came through Angel Island or other ways of arriving here.
But I think sometimes we overstate the degree to which that was some really elaborate bureaucratic process.There's a reason, for example, that these days a lot of people named Smith used to be named Smithsowsky or Smitharea or whatever it is.What happened is when they came in somebody just said, what's your name, and they stamped them and if they couldn't pronounce it — you always hear stories about they Anglicized it.A lot of times people's papers were not necessarily being checked because folks might not have had papers.And who came in and who didn't varied depending on how big of a workforce — or how much industry was looking for new labor, and what the political climate was at that particular time.
And so what happens is, is that once folks are here we kind of forget that we used to be there.And what I try to do when I talk about these issues is just try to put yourself in somebody else's shoes and feel some empathy, and recognize that to some degree, if you're American, somewhere back there, there was somebody who was a newcomer here too.And it wasn't always neat and orderly the way the American population expanded across the West.And if we have that sense of empathy then maybe that creates civility.That's why the kinds of efforts were seeing here in Nashville just conversations where people get to know newcomers is so important.
It's interesting — I was telling Steve and Jim, I get about 40,000 correspondence every day, and some of them are just writing to say you're doing a good job, keep going.Some of them are you are the worst President ever, you're an idiot, a lot of them are just people asking for help.
But more than once, multiple times during the course of my presidency, I've gotten letters from people who say I don't agree with you about anything, I am a Republican, I used to be really angry with you about your immigration posture and then I found out that my son Jim's best friend, Jose, was undocumented and he wasn't going to be able to apply to the local college because he was afraid about being deported, and this is a kid who has played in my back yard, helped me wash my car, and been on the ball team with my kid and I loved this kid and so I don't think it's right that this young person shouldn't be treated the same way that I would want someone to treat my son.And I've gotten a lot of letters like that.And they say, even though I still don't agree with you about anything — (laughter) — I do ask you — that you give Jose a chance.
And so that's where civility comes from.It's that interaction and personal experience as opposed to just being able to stereotype somebody one way or the other.Now, it's important, by the way, though, that the civility runs both ways.And I do think — obviously I've been at the receiving end of people really angry at me about not just these executive actions, but have been ginned up by some of the conservative talk shows that think that I'm usurping my authority despite the fact that every previous President has exercised the same authority or they think I'm favoring immigrants over red-blooded Americans.And so that's a lot of the criticism directed at me.
But what's also true is sometimes advocates on behalf of immigrants have suggested that anybody who is concerned about the impact of immigration, or asks questions about comprehensive immigration reform, that they must be racist or they must be anti-immigrant or their ignorant.And, that's not true either.
There are people who are good people who actually believe in immigration, but are concerned about rewarding somebody who broke American laws.There are good people who believe in immigration but are concerned, will new immigrants depress wages, particularly in the low-wage sectors of the economy.Those are legitimate questions, and we have to be just as civil in addressing those questions as we expect people to be when we are talking to them.Because I think the facts are on our side, I think the studies have shown that over time immigrants aren't lowering wages but in fact improving the economy, and over time, boosting wages and jobs for everyone.
So I would rather just make the argument on the facts, but just because somebody thinks that instinctually doesn't mean that they are bad people.So civility is good, but it doesn't just run one way.And I think — the good book says, don't throw stones in glass houses, or make sure we're looking at the log in our eye before were pulling out the mote in other folks eyes.And I think that's as true in politics as it is in life.
Okay.Let's see if I've got any women who want to ask questions today.I'm going to make sure I'm fair.That young lady in the back right there.You.
Q Hi.I'm part of an organization that works with refugees and immigrants.And one question I have — was there a particular reason why the parents of the DACA — the DREAMers, the DACA recipients, were excluded in your new executive order?
THE PRESIDENT:Yes, there is.And it was — the actions I took were bound by the legal authority that the Office of Legal Counsel determined I had in this area.The office — I don't want to get too technical here, but the Office of Legal Counsel is a special office in the Department of Justice that is mandated to give me independent judgment not subject to politics or pressure from me about what my legal authorities are.
And so we presented to them the various things that we'd like to do.They were very clear about my legal authority to prioritize and then provide this temporary protection for parents whose children were Americans, or — American citizens, or legal permanent residents.Because the argument they found compelling, and there was a lot of precedent for, was — essentially humanitarian argument — that if we're prioritizing, why would we want to separate families.
The challenge we had in the minds of the Office of Legal Counsel was, if you've already exempted the young people through DACA, and then you bootstrap off of that the capacity to exempt their parents as well, you're not rooted originally in somebody who is either a citizen or a legal permanent resident.So it was a legal constraint on our authority.It was not because we did not care about those parents.
And I know that there are a lot of DREAM Act kids who are concerned that their parents may not still qualify.A sizable number do because they have a sibling who ended up being born in the United States.But not all do.This is one more reason why we still need to pass comprehensive immigration reform.Because what we did was to do everything that I could within my legal authority, but not go beyond the legal authority that we possessed.
This young man right here.I think the mic is coming from behind you.
Q Thank you, Mr. President.We are delighted to have you here in Nashville and in Casa Azafran.I'm a member of the mayor's New American Advisory Council, and also direct a nonprofit that's housed here called AMAC, the American Muslim Advisory Council.And my question to you is that — in 2004, when you gave that speech about — at the Democratic convention, kind of alluded to this idea that we are one nation, there's no black and blue — blue or red America.But when it comes to this issue of immigration, as someone that works in this community, our mantra here in Nashville is, Nashville for all of us, and Tennessee for all of us.
So to come around that idea for America for all of us, that we don't keep having this conversation — as the President, you have been in this position the past six years.What would you say to other — Americans who are feeling now on that side even considering the newly elected Congress that are adamant on stopping these steps?Because I got the privilege of being the — welcoming Tennessee director, and being in those conversations — and inherently, Tennesseans are the nicest people.Those people are in charge of the — that we used to have those conversations with.But what would you say to the rest of the nation — who thinks that now new Americans or immigrants are getting this special treatment?
THE PRESIDENT:Well, I, I addressed the nation when I announced this action, and I made a couple of simple points.
First of all, America is a nation of immigrants, but it's also a nation of laws.And there does need to be accountability if you came here in a way that was not in accordance with the law.The question then becomes, how do you make that person accountable?I mean, one way of doing it is randomly or sporadically separating families, but you don't have uniform enforcement, you're pushing people into the shadows.They may not be paying taxes.They may be taken advantage of by unscrupulous employers.You are using all those resources instead of strengthening borders.And that's not a smart outcome.
The second approach would be to pass laws that say, let's improve the legal system.Because sometimes people actually would be qualified to come here if the system was just a little smoother, but they end up with a situation where they've got to wait years to be reunited with a family member who's legally here and the heartache just becomes too great.So we're — in some cases, we're pushing people into the illegal system because we're not making the legal system smart enough.
We can get people out of the shadows.We can acknowledge they are our neighbors, our friends, our coworkers.And then we still have to be serious about border security.And there have been times — I want to be very frank — there have been times where I've had arguments with immigrant rights activists who say, effectively, you know, there shouldn't be any rules, these are good people, why should we have any kind of enforcement like this.And my response is, in the eyes of God, everybody is equal.In the eyes of God, some child in Mexico, Guatemala, Libya, Nepal is the equal of my child.
I don't make any claims that my child is superior to somebody else's child.But I'm the President of the United States, and nation states have borders.And, frankly, because America is so much wealthier than most countries around the world, if we had no system of enforcing our borders and our laws, then I promise you, everybody would try to come here, or if not everybody — maybe you wouldn't have that many Swedes or Singaporians try to come here, but a whole lot of folks would try to come.And that we couldn't accommodate.And it wouldn't be fair, because there's — you have to have some sort of line.It can't just be — it can't be whoever is able to get in here first, and then — it's sort of first one to win the race.Because sometimes it's just an accident that one person lives in a country that has a border with the United States, and another person in Somalia, it's a lot harder to get here.
So the idea is, then, that what we try to do is to have a system that resets; that acknowledges — and this is where I think most Americans are.They recognize, you know what, people who are already here — many times they've been here 5 years, 10 years, 20 years, they've got deep roots here, they've shown themselves to be good people, their kids are for all practical purposes Americans — let's just acknowledge they're part of our community, they're part of our society.
But then the tradeoff is, let's try to make the legal system fairer, and in some cases, that means, for example, doing more work at the borders — although, by the way, the real work at the borders is not simply to just — more fencing and more people every five minutes at the borders, because we've already got a whole lot of folks at the borders.We can do some other additional stuff, but a lot of it is helping Mexico or helping Central American countries strengthen their economies so people don't feel desperate and compelled to come here.
But I guess the bottom line is, what I say to folks on the other side of this debate is, work with me to reflect the wisdom of the American people.And I think the American people's wisdom is, people who are already here, let's give them a shot, let's get them out of the shadows, but let's also set up a legal system that is more reliable, more certain, more fair, doesn't have people jumping the line, is more honest and reflecting the fact that families, it's very hard for them to stay separated for 10, 15 years and so you shouldn't set up a legal system that requires that.You've got to figure out a way to have it more reflective of human nature.
Now, does that mean everybody is going to listen to me on the other side?Not necessarily.They're pretty sure I'm an illegal immigrant.(Laughter.)That was a joke.(Laughter.)But I mean, there are going to be some who just disagree with you.
The good news is, is that over time, these issues work themselves out.Anybody who is of Irish extraction — and that includes me, because I've been to a little town in Ireland called Moneygall, where my great-great-great-great-great-great-great-great grandfather came over here.It turns out he was a boot maker, and it turns out Biden's guy, Biden's great-great-great-great-great came from I think the adjoining county within like 20 years.So me and Biden are — really are cousins.(Laughter.)
But anybody of Irish extraction just has to — read your history and look at how people talked about Irish immigrants.I mean, it was just — everything that's said today was said about them — they're criminals, they're shiftless, they are draining our resources, they're irresponsible, they're going to change our culture.
And so if you read those passages, then you have to understand that this is not a new phenomenon.But the good news is, it should also be a source of optimism, because over time, essentially, new people get absorbed.And it's always messy.It's always a messy piece of business.
But the one thing that I want to emphasize — because sometimes this doesn't get emphasized enough, and it seems somewhat abstract — but any economist will tell you that economies with younger workforces grow faster than economies with older workforces.One of the biggest advantages America has over Europe, over Japan, over China is we have a younger population.And it's almost a mathematical certainty that we will grow faster than they do, all things being equal — I mean, we've got to make good choices about investing in research and development and education and all that stuff — but all things being equal, we will grow significantly faster than those other countries because our population is younger.
The only reason our population is younger is because we have this tradition of immigrants.Otherwise — because native-born Americans, actually, our birth rates are as low as Europeans' are.But we replenish ourselves, and that's good.And, by the way, people who are about my age right now, and who are going to be looking to draw on Social Security, when you're 70, the way Social Security works, it's the current workforce that pays for the retired workforce.And so you have a stake in these folks working and paying taxes, these young people, to support your retirement.So this is — it's good for the economy as well as for our society.
How much time do I have?I want to make sure I'm not — am I doing pretty good?I've got a priest here who's got his hand up, but it's a woman's turn first so this is — I'm a little nervous about not calling on him right away but I'm trying to stick to the rules here.(Laughter.)So all right, young lady right in the front here.
Q Hello, Mr. President.I am a senior in high school.And my question to you would be, how can we as young people in our communities get involved to address issues such as immigration or the access to a post-secondary education?What are some things we can do?
THE PRESIDENT:Well, if you're here, you must already be involved.(Laughter.)You know, getting young people involved in civic life and activism and voting is one of the most important things we can do as a society.Because there are exceptions and there are people who are young at heart and young at mind, but the truth is, you get older, you get stuck in your ways and you start looking backwards and really focused on what was instead of what could be.
And again, part of the reason America has done so well is because we constantly reimagine ourselves, and we have a youthful culture that says, well, let's — in the words of Robert Kennedy, some people ask why, and we have a tendency to ask why not.And that's good.
Now, young people are also busy with — I got a couple young people at home — they have other things that they're interested.I won't name all of them.Hopefully some if it is their books and doing their homework.(Laughter.)And one of the most concerning things I had about the midterm elections was young people — the voting rates among young people dropped off drastically.
Young people have tended to vote at very high level during my presidential campaigns, but in between, they lose interest.And part of what your peers have to do is to understand that politics and government and policy and all the decisions that are going to shape your lives are not just a matter of one election, but it has to be sustained over time.
And when you think about what's at stake right now, immigration is obviously a major issue.Climate change — most of those of us who are 50 or over, by the time the problems of a warming climate really hit, we'll be gone, but you'll still be around and your kids will be here.And if it's having a significant impact on weather patterns, and drought, and wildfires, and flooding, and food, and migration, it's not going to be pretty.So you have to get involved now to do something about it.
When we look at higher education costs, historically, Congress and state legislatures are more attentive to the demands of seniors than they are the demands of young people for one simple reason:Seniors vote, young people don't.If you want state legislatures to increase support for higher education that then can help reduce tuition, then young people have to vote at a higher percentage than just 12 percent of those who vote.
Look at what's happening right now with respect to concerns about bias and law enforcement, and policing.I mean, I met with a group of young activists, including several from Ferguson, to talk to them, and I was very impressed with how they presented themselves, and they were very serious and thoughtful.And I told them, I said, listen, I want you to continue to be active, because that's how change happens.You need to be respectful.You need to understand that you're not going to get 100 percent of the change that is needed, because that's never been how society works, but if you are steady and you sustain it and you push it and you don't tired or disappointed when you get half a loaf instead of a whole loaf, over time, the country and the world is transformed.
And I'm confident that — I said in an interview recently — America is a more just place, and issues of racial discrimination are lessened today than they were 50 years ago or 20 years ago, but that didn't just happen by accident, that happened because people — especially young people — helped to make it happen.And over time, change occurs and people adjust to a new reality, and they open their heart and mind to new possibilities.And young people are typically the triggers of that.
So I think when your leaders like — young leaders like you are talking to your friends, you've got to just remind them that you have responsibilities and obligations.And make sure that you serve pizza at the meetings — (laughter) — because free food always helps when getting young people involved in social causes.(Laughter.)
All right, Father.Thank you for your patience there, sir.You've got a microphone behind you.
Q Father Joseph Freen (ph), native Nashvillian.I think I speak on behalf of a good number of people, Mr. President, of both parties — some you know may not agree with some of your policies.But I think I can speak for so many who are so proud of you for giving such a great example of a husband, of a father, and doing your very best as a President.
So we are very proud of you, grateful you've come to Nashville.We wish for you — I'm sure on behalf of all of us — a joyful and a blessed Christmas to you.
THE PRESIDENT:Well, I appreciate that very much.That's very nice.Thank you.(Applause.)
I appreciate that, Father.It's worth considering the Good Book when you're thinking about immigration.This Christmas season there's a whole story about a young, soon-to-be-mother and her husband of modest means looking for a place to house themselves for the night, and there's no room at the inn.
And as I said the day that I announced these executive actions, we were once strangers too.And part of what my faith teaches me is to look upon the stranger as part of myself.And during this Christmas season, that's a good place to start.
So thank you for your generous comment.But if we're serious about the Christmas season, now is a good time to reflect on those who are strangers in our midst, and remember what it was like to be a stranger.
Last question.That was a pretty good place to end, though.(Laughter.)I got to admit.I kind of want to — but I'm going to call on one more person.Gentlemen, you can all put your hands down.I'm going to call on this young lady right here.
Q Hi, Mr. President.I'm an immigration attorney.And I wonder, what are the things that you deem necessary for comprehensive immigration reform if Congress does act soon?
THE PRESIDENT:Well, the Senate bill is a pretty good place to start.I do think there's more work we can do at the borders.As I said before, it's not just a matter of pouring money down there.
I'll give you one very simple example.You'll recall that some of the politics of this shifted during the summer when these unaccompanied children were here.And there was two weeks of wall-to-wall coverage.And we were being invaded by 8-, and 12- and 13-year-olds.I mean it was just terrifying, apparently.But it reflected a serious problem.You had smugglers, coyotes, who were essentially taking money from family members here, shuttling these kids up — it wasn't that they weren't apprehended.It wasn't like they snuck through the border.What happened was they basically presented themselves at the border.They'd come in.And because there are so few immigration judges down there, because we hadn't done a very good job cooperating with Central America and Mexico to deal — go after these smugglers, you'd then have a situation which the kids would oftentimes simply be released to the family member, and then that was the end of the things.
And so one of the things that we've done is — well, several things we did.Number one, I met with the Central American leaders down there and said, listen, you can't — you've got to do something to message to families down here:Do not send your children on a dangerous path like this because we don't know how many of them might have gotten killed, gotten abducted, trafficked in some terrible way.We have no way of keeping track of that.You can't have them take this dangerous journey.
And to their credit, those Central American countries worked with us.We said to Mexico, you've got to do something more about the southern border.They did that.We now have the number of unaccompanied children below the rate that it was two years ago.So this was a momentary spike.
But also what we need to do is make sure that we have enough immigration lawyers down there that you can process kids and immigration judges to process kids in a timely fashion, but with due process so that if they have legitimate refugee claims, those can be presented, and if not, then they can be returned home.
So that's not a strict border issue.It's not a fence issue.It's "have you set up a sensible process" issue.So I think that's one pillar.
Second pillar is improving the legal immigration system.I already mentioned this but I'll just repeat a couple of examples.Somebody who potentially qualifies to be a resident here, forcing them to leave the country and then waiting for years before they come back when they've got family members here, that's just not how the human heart works.It's very hard to expect somebody to do that.
Let's have a more sensible, streamlined system.Let's reduce some of the backlogs that already exist for people who actually qualify, but it's just they're waiting in line so long that they get frustrated.Let's do something for especially talented and skilled people who are graduating.We educate them.We should be stapling a green card to graduates of top schools in fields that we know we need.And by the way, we can charge fees that we then use to make sure that American kids are getting the kinds of scholarships and training they need for those same jobs in the future.
We need to do more work.We need to deal with the agricultural sector.I'm generally skeptical when you hear employers say, well, we just can't find any Americans to do the job.A lot of times what they really mean is, it's a lot cheaper if we potentially hire somebody who has just come here before they know better in terms of what they're worth.
But in the agriculture sector, there's truth.We enjoy a lot of cheap fruits and vegetables and food stuffs because of the back-breaking work of farm workers.And we should find a system that is fair, make sure that they are not subject to exploitation, and helps us run the economy.We should make sure that we're cracking down on employers who are purposely hiring undocumented workers so that they can get around minimum wage laws or overtime laws, so forth.
And finally, as I've discussed this whole afternoon, we should get people out of the shadows.And the Senate bill I thought had a sensible approach, which said, if you've been here a certain amount of time, you've got a clean record, you're willing to submit yourself to a background check, you're willing to pay back-taxes, you're willing to pay a fine, learn English, go to the back of the line, but if you do all that, you can stay here for now and we're going to put you on a pathway where eventually you can earn your citizenship, although it will be many years into the future because we still have to clear out those folks who did it the right way.
This concept — what I just described, that package — has bipartisan support.It's not that it doesn't have bipartisan support.The challenge is, is that there's a certain segment — primarily within the Republican Party, although in fairness, in the Democratic Party there are some people who are resistant as well, who just keep on believing this notion of, that's amnesty, that's amnesty.
And what amnesty implies I think in the minds of the American people is that you're getting something for nothing; that you're getting over.And when you describe for people that, in fact, you do have to get a background check, you do have to register, you do have to pay fines, you do have to pay back-taxes, then people feel differently.But that's never advertised by opponents.And that's one reason why, by the way, that I've said to immigrant rights groups, you have to describe the responsibility side of this and not just the rights side of this.Because I think sometimes — I appreciate the immigrant rights groups.They speak from the heart, and they know the people involved.And they love them, and they want to just do right by them.And I get that.
But this is where you need to look at the other side of the equation and what people feel like is, you know what, if you're just coming here for nothing, and I don't know that you're paying your taxes and you broke the law, and now suddenly I'm paying for your kid's school and your kid's hospitalization, and if feels unfair — at a time when people are already feeling burdened by their own challenges, trying to afford their own kid's college education, or feeling like they're worried about their own retirement.
So the langue we use I think is important.You have to speak to the fact that — if somebody broke the law, even if they're good people, they've got to be held accountable.And there are going to be responsibilities involved in it.Because if it's just rights and no responsibilities, then people feel resentful.
That make sense?All right, guys, I enjoyed spending time with you.Thank you.(Applause.)
Posted by bonniekgoodman on December 9, 2014
Posted by bonniekgoodman on December 4, 2014
Posted by bonniekgoodman on December 1, 2014
Source: WH, 11-25-14
Copernicus Center
Chicago, Illinois
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so much. (Applause.) Everybody, have a seat. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you so much. Happy early Thanksgiving, everybody. It is good to be home. (Applause.) Although it's cold in Chicago. (Laughter.) It was 60 degrees in Washington. It's not 60 degrees here. (Laughter.)
Let me begin by thanking the Copernicus Center. Dzien dobry to everybody. (Applause.) We appreciate you. Thank you so much.
I hope you don't mind — because obviously there's a lot of stuff in the news — I actually need to begin by saying a few words about what's happened over the past day, not just in Ferguson, Missouri, our neighbor to the south, but all across America.
As many of you know, a verdict came down — or a grand jury made a decision yesterday that upset a lot of people. And as I said last night, the frustrations that we've seen are not just about a particular incident. They have deep roots in many communities of color who have a sense that our laws are not always being enforced uniformly or fairly. That may not be true everywhere, and it's certainly not true for the vast majority of law enforcement officials, but that's an impression that folks have and it's not just made up. It's rooted in realities that have existed in this country for a long time.
Now, as I said last night, there are productive ways of responding and expressing those frustrations, and there are destructive ways of responding. Burning buildings, torching cars, destroying property, putting people at risk — that's destructive and there's no excuse for it. Those are criminal acts, and people should be prosecuted if they engage in criminal acts.
But what we also saw — although it didn't get as much attention in the media — was people gathering in overwhelmingly peaceful protest — here in Chicago, in New York, in Los Angeles, other cities. We've seen young people who were organizing, and people beginning to have real conversations about how do we change the situation so that there's more trust between law enforcement and some of these communities. And those are necessary conversations to have.
We're here to talk about immigration, but part of what makes America this remarkable place is being American doesn't mean you have to look a certain way or have a certain last name or come from a certain place; it has to do with a commitment to ideals, a belief in certain values. And if any part of the American community doesn't feel welcomed or treated fairly, that's something that puts all of us at risk and we all have to be concerned about it.
So my message to those people who are constructively moving forward, trying to organize, mobilize, and ask hard, important questions about how we improve the situation — I want all those folks to know that their President is going to work with them. (Applause.) Separate and apart from the particular circumstances in Ferguson, which I am careful not to speak to because it's not my job as President to comment on ongoing investigations and specific cases, but the frustrations people have generally — those are rooted in some hard truths that have to be addressed.
And so those who are prepared to work constructively, your President will work with you. And a lot of folks, I believe, in law enforcement and a lot of folks in city halls and governor's offices across the country want to work with you as well.
So as part of that, I've instructed Attorney General Eric Holder not just to investigate what happened in Ferguson, but also identify specific steps we can take together to set up a series of regional meetings focused on building trust in our communities. And next week, we'll bring together state and local officials, and law enforcement, and community leaders and faith leaders to start identifying very specific steps that we can take to make sure that law enforcement is fair and is being applied equally to every person in this country.
And we know certain things work. We know that if we train police properly, that that improves policing and makes people feel that the system is fair. We know that when we have a police force that is representative of the communities it's serving that makes a difference. (Applause.) And we know that when there's clear accountability and transparency when something happens that makes a difference. So there are specific things we can do, and the key now is for us to lift up the best practices and work, city by city, state by state, county by county, all across this country, because the problem is not just a Ferguson problem, it is an American problem. And we've got to make sure that we are actually bringing about change.
The bottom line is, nothing of significance, nothing of benefit results from destructive acts. I've never seen a civil rights law, or a health care bill, or an immigration bill result because a car got burned. It happened because people vote. It happened because people mobilize. It happened because people organize. It happens because people look at what are the best policies to solve the problem. That's how you actually move something forward. (Applause.)
So don't take the short-term, easy route and just engage in destructive behavior. Take the long-term, hard but lasting route of working with me and governors and state officials to bring about some real change.
And to those who think that what happened in Ferguson is an excuse for violence, I do not have any sympathy for that. (Applause.) I have no sympathy at all for destroying your own communities. But for the overwhelming majority of people who just feel frustrated and pain because they get a sense that maybe some communities aren't treated fairly, or some individuals aren't seen as worthy as others, I understand that. And I want to work with you and I want to move forward with you. Your President will be right there with you.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Thank you, Mr. President!
THE PRESIDENT: All right? So that's what we need to focus on. (Applause.) Let's be constructive.
I appreciate your patience, because I know you came here to talk about immigration. But this is relevant, because part of what America is about is stitching together folks from different backgrounds and different faiths and different ethnicities. That's what makes us special. (Applause.) And, look, let's face it, sometimes that's hard. Sometimes that's hard to do. But it's worthwhile, it's worth doing.
If you go to — I was just traveling in Asia — you go to Japan, they don't have problems with certain folks being discriminated against because mostly everybody is Japanese. (Laughter.) You know? But here, part of what's wonderful about America is also what makes our democracy hard sometimes, because sometimes we get attached to our particular tribe, our particular race, our particular religion, and then we start treating other folks differently.
And that, sometimes, has been a bottleneck to how we think about immigration. If you look at the history of immigration in this country, each successive wave, there have been periods where the folks who were already here suddenly say, well, I don't want those folks. Even though the only people who have the right to say that are some Native Americans. (Applause.)
Now, it is fitting that I've come here, back home to Chicago. Because Chicago has always been a city of immigrants. And that's still true in the neighborhoods that define this city. (Applause.) Especially on the North Side up here. I mean, there's — (laughter.) We got everything up here. (Laughter.)
No, you go to the public schools around here and you got 50, 60, 70 different languages being spoken. From Andersonville to Chinatown; from Devon to Greektown; Pilsen to Ukrainian Village — immigrants have made this city of broad shoulders their home. We are Swedish and Polish and German and Italian. Everybody is Irish on St. Patrick's Day. (Laughter and applause.)
We've got names like Pat Quinn, our Governor — (applause) — and Luis Gutierrez, our Congressman — (applause) — Jan Schakowsky, another Congresswoman — (applause) — Brad Schneider, Congressman. (Applause.) Rahm Emanuel — (applause.) All mixed up. (Laughter.) I don't mean Rahm. I mean all of us, together. (Laughter.) It is true that Rahm speaks a language that can't be translated in front of children. (Laughter.) Although he's a mayor now, so he doesn't do that anymore, I'm sure. (Laughter.)
Anyone who's driven along the Kennedy has seen the silhouettes of steeples jabbing at the sky — steeples as diverse as the houses of worship that they belong to, and the immigrants that built them, and the communities who call those neighborhoods home to this day.
Today, we're here at a Polish community center, and I just — (applause.) I was just meeting with a group of Chicago's business and civic leaders, representing people who come here from Mexico and China and Poland and Ireland.
You just heard Billy Lawless, who was a successful business owner back in Galway. But, he says — and I'm quoting here — "I had a thing for the United States. I always wanted to see if I could hack it with you guys." And so, 16 years ago, Billy comes to Chicago, opens up an Irish pub — because there was a shortage of Irish pubs in Chicago. (Laughter and applause.) Then he opened another restaurant, then another, and then another. And four months ago, Billy and his wife became American citizens, and they voted for the very first time as Americans on November 4th. And you can often find their son, also named Billy, charming the heck out of customers at all hours of the day and night. Together they've gone from employing 10 workers to employing more than 250 workers.
And you just heard what Billy said — "This is what we immigrants do." One study a few years ago found that immigrants start more than a quarter of all new businesses in the United States — one-quarter of them. Another study found that immigrants and their children start over 40 percent of Fortune 500 companies. Think about that. But it makes sense, because being a nation of immigrants gives us this huge entrepreneurial advantage over other nations. If you are willing to strike out, go to someplace new, build from scratch — you've got that sense of being willing to take risks and being able to build something from scratch — you have that spirit, that's part of what the American spirit is all about. It's part of what drove us westward across the frontier — not feeling like what's in front of you is the only thing that's possible, but that something else is possible.
And because of those businesses started by immigrants, we all benefit. It means more jobs. It means more growth for everybody.
Now, as I said last week, our immigration system has been broken for a long time. Families who try to come here the right way can get stuck in line for years. Business owners who treat their employees right often see the competition exploit undocumented workers to undercut businesses. All of us, I think, don't like the idea that anybody can reap the rewards of living in America without its responsibilities. And there are people who desperately want to embrace those responsibilities, but they have no way of coming out of the shadows and getting right with the law. So everybody is stuck with a system that doesn't work for anybody.
Now, a year and a half ago, we had a big majority — Democrats, Republicans, independents — in the United States Senate and they came together, they passed a bipartisan bill to fix this broken system. And the bill wasn't perfect. It didn't have everything I wanted; it didn't have everything that anybody wanted. But it did reflect common sense. It was this huge improvement.
We would have doubled the number of border patrol agents. So if you are concerned about illegal migration, it would have made our borders that much tougher. It would have made our legal immigration system smarter and fairer, and reduce some of the backlog that hampers families from getting here. It would have given millions of people a chance to earn their citizenship the right way. And independent experts said that, over the next two decades, the new law would grow our economy and shrink our deficit.
And had the House of Representatives allowed a simple yes or no vote on that kind of bill, it would have passed. That's all they needed to do, just call the bill. It would be law right now. We'd be well on our way to solving the problems in the system. I'd be implementing those provisions. But for a year and a half, over 500 days, Republican leaders in the House simply refused to allow a vote. They wouldn't let it come to the floor.
Now, I still believe the best way to solve this problem is by working together to pass that kind of common-sense law. When I was talking to Billy and the other civic leaders — there were things that can only be solved by Congress. But until then, there are actions I have the legal authority to take that will help make our immigration system more fair and more just. And I took them last week. (Applause.) They were the right thing to do. (Applause.)
So we're devoting more resources for law enforcement to stem the flow of illegal crossings at the borders and to speed the return of those who do cross over. We're initiating smarter reforms so high-skilled immigrants, and graduates, and entrepreneurs can stay and contribute to our economy. And I'm taking new steps to deal responsibly with the millions of undocumented immigrants who already live here — including here in Chicago.
Now, I've said this before, so I just want to be clear, and I say it in front of immigrant rights groups all the time. Undocumented workers who broke our immigration laws should be held accountable. There's a particular category, and that's those who may be dangerous. It's a small minority, but it's a significant one. And that's why, over the past six years, deportations of criminals are up 80 percent. And we'll keep focusing our limited enforcement resources on those who actually pose a threat to our security. Felons, not families. Gangs, not some mom or dad who are working hard just trying to make a better life for their kids.
But even —
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Mr. President, that has been a lie. You have been deporting every —
AUDIENCE: Booo —
THE PRESIDENT: All right. Okay. All right. That's fine. All right.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Not one more! Stop deportations!
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Not one more!
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Inaudible) — to a lot of people and this is not about immigration reform for communities — labeling people as criminals. And that is not the truth! You did not — (inaudible) — felons, not families.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay, I've heard you.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: Okay.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: I understand.
AUDIENCE: Booo —
THE PRESIDENT: Listen, hold on. Hold on. Hold on. Young lady, don't just start yelling, young lady. Sir, why don't you sit down, too. Listen —
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: Here, can I just say this? All right, I've listened to you. I heard you. I heard you. I heard you. All right? Now, I've been respectful. I let you holler. So let me — (applause.) All right? Nobody is removing you. I've heard you. But you've got to listen to me, too. All right? (Applause.) And I understand you may disagree. I understand you may disagree. But we've got to be able to talk honestly about these issues. All right?
Now, you're absolutely right that there have been significant numbers of deportations. That's true. But what you're not paying attention to is the fact that I just took action to change the law. (Applause.) So that's point number one.
Point number two, the way the change in the law works is that we're reprioritizing how we enforce our immigration laws generally. So not everybody qualifies for being able to sign up and register, but the change in priorities applies to everybody.
The point is that, though I understand why you might have yelled at me a month ago — (laughter) — although I disagree with some of your characterizations, it doesn't make much sense to yell at me right now — (applause) — when we're making changes. (Applause.)
So the point is — but the point is, let's make sure that you get the facts and that you know exactly what we're doing. And then if you have disagreements, then you can work through all the immigrant rights organizations that we work with to try to address some of your concerns. (Applause.) Right?
But here's what won't work. What won't work is folks — what won't work is folks just shouting at each other. All right? So I've been respectful. I responded to your question. I'd ask you now to let me speak to all the other people who are here. All right? (Applause.) Okay.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Inaudible.)
AUDIENCE: Booo —
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. It's good to be back in Chicago. (Laughter and applause.) Because everybody has got something to say. But I'm not going to be able to have a conversation with each of you separately. (Laughter.) So there are other ways of engaging. Just sit down. I went off script for a pretty long time. (Laughter.) I don't mind. I know people are passionate about this. But be respectful of everybody who's here. (Applause.) All right?
Now, let me get to the point that I was making, which is even if we deported all the criminals, folks who had actually done bad things, there are millions of people here who are good people but have still broken the immigration laws. And they're found in every state, every race, every nationality. Tracking down and rounding up and deporting millions of people is not realistic. It's not who we are. It's not what America should be.
On the other hand — and this sometimes is not acknowledged — if you came here illegally, you are cutting in front of the line of the folks who were trying to come here legally –(applause) — which also is not fair. (Applause.) that's not fair. That doesn't make people bad people. But it does mean that you cut in front of the line — because there are a lot of folks who are waiting to try to get here legally.
So the deal that we're putting forward is this: If you've been here for more than five years; if you have children who are citizens or legal residents; if you register, and pass a criminal background check, and pay your fair share of taxes — then you can apply to stay temporarily. You can come out of the shadows. You can get right with the law.
This isn't amnesty, or legalization, or even a pathway to citizenship — because that's not something I can do. That is something only Congress can do. It also doesn't apply to anyone who has come to this country recently, or might come illegally in the future — because borders do mean something. So it's accountability. It's a common-sense approach that allows me to exercise legal authorities that I have in order to make sure that we're preventing families from being broken apart.
And I am the first one to acknowledge that part of the reason that this has become important to me is, you're right, there have been times where families got broken apart — while I've been President. And it's heartbreaking. That's not right. So until Congress does a complete fix, what we're saying is, if you have deep ties here, and you start paying your fair share of taxes, then we won't deport you and separate you from your kids. (Applause.)
And even if you do not fully qualify, we will still try to reprioritize how we're enforcing the laws — which we have to do — in a way that is less likely to break families apart. Because the system is broken.
And one of the reasons why this is important is because immigrants are good for the economy. We keep on hearing that they're bad. But a report by my Council of Economic Advisers put out last week shows how the actions we're taking will grow our economy for everybody. By 2024, the actions that I'm taking will add at least $90 billion to our Gross Domestic Product. (Applause.) And this economic growth will reduce our deficit by $25 billion. These actions will grow our labor force by nearly 150,000 people, and they will boost wages for American-born workers.
Now, if we passed a comprehensive law, it would be even better. We'd grow even faster, and the deficit would come down even faster. But even the steps we're taking now will make a difference.
And these actions are lawful. They're not only lawful, they're the kinds of actions that have been taken by every President for the past 50 years. (Applause.) When I hear some of my Republican friends talk about this, I try to remind them President Reagan took action to keep families together. The first President Bush took action to shield about 1.5 million people — that was about 40 percent of undocumented immigrants in America at the time.
So when folks in Congress question my authority to make our immigration system work better, I've one answer: Pass a bill. (Applause.) Pass a bill. Go ahead and pass a bill. I want to work with both parties on a more permanent legislative solution. I know that's what Luis Gutierrez wants, and Jan Schakowski wants, and Brad Schneider wants. They've been at the forefront fighting for a more permanent solution. And the day I sign a comprehensive immigration bill into law, then the actions I take will no longer be necessary.
But in the meantime, I'm going to do what I can to make this system work better. And in the meantime, Washington shouldn't let disagreements over one issue be a deal-breaker on every issue. (Applause.) That's not how our democracy works. You can't disagree with one thing and then just say, all right, I'm going to take my ball away and go home. (Laughter.) And Congress certainly should not shut down the government again over this. Americans are tired of gridlock. We're ready to move forward. (Applause.)
As you can imagine, I've gotten a lot of letters and a lot of emails about immigration over the past few days. And some have said it was a mistake for me to act. But then others remind me why I had to. One letter I got last week came from Brett Duncan, of Dawsonville, Georgia. And Brett is a Republican, and so he doesn't really agree with me about anything. (Laughter.) Well, maybe everything. His ancestors came over from Scotland before the Civil War, so his immigration status is pretty much settled. (Laughter.) But he's done missionary work overseas. He knows what it's like to be a stranger. And over the years he's gotten to know a lot of the new immigrants in his community. And here's what he said. He said, "Their children are as American as I am. It would be senseless to deport their parents." It would be bad for America." "I believe," Brett wrote, "that a human being, created in the very image of Almighty God, is the greatest resource we have in this country." (Applause.)
So we're not a nation that kicks out strivers and dreamers who want to earn their piece of the American Dream. We are a nation that fundamentally is strong, is special, is exceptional, because we find ways to welcome people, fellow human beings, children of God, into the fold, and harness their talents to make the future brighter for everybody.
We didn't raise the Statue of Liberty with her back to the world. We did it facing the world — her light, her beacon shining. And whether we are — whether we cross the Atlantic, or the Pacific, or the Rio Grande, we all shared one thing, and that's the hope that America would be the place where we could believe as we choose, and pray as we choose, and start a business without paying a bribe, and that we could vote in an election without fearing reprisal, and that the law would be enforced equally for everybody, regardless of what you look like or what your last name was.
That's the ideal that binds us all together. That's what's at stake when we have conversations about immigration. That's what's at stake when we have conversations about Ferguson — are we going to live up to those ideals of who we are as a people. And it falls on all of us to hand down to our kids a country that lives up to that promise, where America is the place where we can make it if we try. (Applause.)
So, thank you very much, everybody. God bless you. God bless America. (Applause.)
Posted by bonniekgoodman on November 25, 2014
Posted by bonniekgoodman on November 25, 2014
Source: WH, 11-22-14
WASHINGTON, DC — In this week's address, the President laid out the steps he took this past week to fix our broken immigration system. Enacted within his legal authority, the President's plan focuses on cracking down on illegal immigration at the border; deporting felons, not families; and accountability through criminal background checks and taxes. These are commonsense steps, but only Congress can finish the job. As the President acts, he'll continue to work with Congress on a comprehensive, bipartisan bill — like the one passed by the Senate more than a year ago — that can replace these actions and fix the whole system.
Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
Las Vegas, Nevada
November 22, 2014
Hi everybody. Today, I'm at Del Sol High School, in Las Vegas, to talk with students and families about immigration.
We are a nation of immigrants. It has always given America a big advantage over other nations. It keeps our country young, dynamic, and entrepreneurial. But today, our immigration system is broken, and everybody knows it.
That's why, nearly two years ago, I came to this school and laid out principles for immigration reform. And five months later, Democrats, Republicans, and Independents in the Senate came together to pass a commonsense compromise bill. That bill would have secured our border, while giving undocumented immigrants who already live here a pathway to citizenship if they paid a fine, started paying their taxes, and went to the back of the line. Independent experts said it would grow our economy, and shrink our deficits.
Now, had the House of Representatives allowed a yes-or-no vote on that kind of bill, it would have passed with support from both parties. Today it would be the law. But for a year and a half, Republican leaders in the House have refused to allow that simple vote. Now, I still believe that the best way to solve this problem is by working together — both parties — to pass that kind of bipartisan law. But until that happens, there are actions I have the legal authority to take as President — the same kinds of actions taken by Democratic and Republican Presidents before me — that will help make our immigration system more fair and more just.
I took those actions this week. We're providing more resources at the border to help law enforcement personnel stop illegal crossings, and send home those who do cross over. We'll focus enforcement resources on people who are threats to our security — felons, not families; criminals, not children. And we'll bring more undocumented immigrants out of the shadows so they can play by the rules, pay their full share of taxes, pass a criminal background check, and get right with the law.
Nothing about this action will benefit anyone who has come to this country recently, or who might try and come to America illegally in the future. It does not grant citizenship, or the right to stay here permanently, or offer the same benefits that citizens receive. And it's certainly not amnesty, no matter how often the critics say it. Amnesty is the immigration system we have today — millions of people living here without paying their taxes, or playing by the rules. And the actions I took this week will finally start fixing that.
As you might have heard, there are Members of Congress who question my authority to make our immigration system work better. Well, I have one answer for that: Pass a bill. The day I sign it into law, the actions I've taken to help solve this problem will no longer be necessary.
In the meantime, we can't allow a disagreement over a single issue to be a dealbreaker on every issue. That's not how our democracy works. This debate deserves more than politics as usual. It's important for our future. It's about who we are, and the future we want to build.
We are only here because this country welcomed our forebears, and taught them that being American is about more than what we look like or where we come from. What makes us Americans is our shared commitment to an ideal — that all of us are created equal, and all of us have the chance to make of our lives what we will. That's the country we inherited, and it's the one we have to leave for future generations.
Thank you, God bless you, and have a great weekend.
Posted by bonniekgoodman on November 22, 2014
Del Sol High School
Las Vegas, Nevada
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Las Vegas! (Applause.) Good to see you again — you were here two years ago. (Applause.) It's good to be back at Del Sol High School –- go Dragons! (Applause.)
Let me just say that whenever I fly to Vegas on Air Force One, the plane is a little more crowded. (Laughter.) For some reason, folks want to come to Vegas. But today it was also crowded with a whole bunch of people who have been passionate about making sure America always remains a nation of immigrants, including your Senator, Harry Reid; the leader of the Democrats in the House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi; some extraordinary members of Congress who have been leading on immigration reform — they are doing unbelievable work, and I want to just name a couple of them — and if I forget somebody, make sure I don't get into trouble — from left to right, we've got Xavier Becerra, Ben Lujan, Luis Gutierrez, Dina Titus, Steve Horsford, and Bob Menendez. (Applause.) We've got the son-in-law of Cesar Chavez and a hero to farmworkers in his own right, Arturo Rodriguez. (Applause.)
And I just want to — and since we're on farmworkers, a legend, somebody who has just been a great friend to working people all across the country, Dolores Huerta. Love you. (Applause.)
I'm so inspired by the introduction by Astrid. Last night, I spoke directly to the American people about immigration, and you heard me talk about Astrid. And if you watched her introduction just now, you heard her talk a little bit about herself.
She was brought here as a little girl, and grew up believing in America and in her identity as an American, just like Malia or Sasha. And then as she grew up, she found out that she was undocumented, which meant she couldn't do all the things her friends could do. She feared that she and her brother could be separated from their dad. And then one day, she decided to start advocating for her fellow DREAMers, and to stand up for her family, and to fight to make a difference in this country that she loves.
And part of what makes America exceptional is that we welcome exceptional people like Astrid. (Applause.) It makes us stronger. It makes us vibrant and dynamic. It makes us hopeful. We are a nation of immigrants, and that means that we're constantly being replenished with strivers who believe in the American Dream. And it gives us a tremendous advantage over other nations. It makes us entrepreneurial. It continues the promise that here in America, you can make it if you try, regardless of where you come from, regardless of the circumstances of your birth.
Our immigration system has been broken for a very long time — and everybody knows it. As Americans, we believe in fairness –- the idea that if we work hard and play by the rules, we can get ahead. But too often, the immigration system feels fundamentally unfair. You've got families who try to come here the right way but sometimes get separated, or stuck in line for years. You've got business owners who are doing the right thing by their workers, offering good wages and benefits, and then you've got companies that are ignoring minimum wage laws or overtime laws, taking advantage of undocumented immigrants, and as a consequence, undercutting the employers who are doing the right thing.
All of us take offense to the idea that anybody can reap the rewards of living in America without its responsibilities. And folks like Astrid and Astrid's parents, who desperately want to make amends, embrace the responsibilities of living here — they're forced to either live in the shadows or risk having their families torn apart.
We've known about this for years. And we've known we can do better. And for years, we haven't done much about it. Well, today, we're doing something about it. (Applause.)
Now, when I took office, I committed to fixing this broken system. And I began by doing what I could to secure our borders, because I do believe in secure borders. And over the past six years, illegal border crossings have been cut by more than half. Don't let all the rhetoric fool you. There was a brief spike this summer in unaccompanied children being apprehended at the border, but it was temporary, and the number of such children is now actually lower than it's been in nearly two years. Overall, the number of people trying to cross our border illegally is at its lowest level since the 1970s, when I was in high school — and I've got gray hair now. (Laughter.) So it's been a long time.
And nearly two years ago, I came here, Del Sol High School, right in this gymnasium — (applause) — and I said that the time had come for Congress to fix our broken immigration system. And I laid out some basic principles for reform that a lot of different parties could agree on. And what was remarkable was the consensus that started to develop. We had business leaders and labor leaders, and evangelical leaders, and law enforcement leaders; we had Republicans and we had Democrats and independents — and they all said that, yes, we should secure our borders, we should bring our legal immigration system into the 21st century, and then, once and for all, we should give the 11 million people living in the shadows a chance to make amends and earn their citizenship the right way.
So those were our principles. We laid them out. We were very clear. (Applause.) And after I laid out those principles, we then went to work with Congress. And we started in the Senate. And you ended up with a big majority of Democrats and Republicans and independents all coming together in the Senate to pass a bipartisan bill based on these principles.
The Senate bill wasn't perfect; it was a compromise. That's how things work in Congress. That's how things work in a democracy. Not everybody was satisfied with every provision, but it was a good, solid, common-sense bill that would have made our immigration system a lot better.
It would have doubled the number of border patrol agents. So for those who wanted more border security, that was in the bill. It would have made the legal immigration system smarter and fairer. It would have given the opportunity for young people who are talented and who have gotten a degree — maybe in computer science or some technical field — to stay here and work, and contribute, and create a business, and create more jobs.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Thank you, Mr. President!
THE PRESIDENT: You're welcome. (Applause.) And it would have given millions of people that chance to get right with the law. But it wasn't just a gift — they would have had to pay a fine. They would have had to learn English. They would have had to get to the back of the line. They would have had to pay back taxes.
It was a sensible bill, and all these members of Congress, they worked on it and were supportive of it. And independent experts — not me — people who analyze the economy for a living, they said that over two decades, the new law would grow our economy, shrink our deficits. In other words, it would help to solve some big problems in a bipartisan way. And nobody was happier than me. And when it passed the Senate, we said, all right, let's send it over to the House, we've got the votes in the House. We've got Democrats and Republicans who were prepared to vote for it in the House. (Applause.)
It has now been 512 days — a year and a half — in which the only thing standing in the way of that bipartisan bill and my desk so that I can sign that bill, the only thing that's been standing in the way is a simple yes-or-not vote in the House of Representatives. Just a yes-or-no vote. If they had allowed a vote on that kind of bill, it would have passed. I would have signed it. It would be the law right now.
These leaders right here tried to make it happen. Nancy Pelosi kept on saying to John Boehner, let's just call the bill, see where it goes. There are Republicans who worked hard on this bill too, and they deserve credit. Because even though it wasn't necessarily popular in their party, they knew it was the right thing to do.
But despite that, the party leadership in the House of Representatives would not let it come forward. And I cajoled and I called and I met. I told John Boehner, I'll wash your car, I'll walk your dog — (laughter) — whatever you need to do, just call the bill. That's how democracy is supposed to work. And if the votes hadn't been there, then we would have had to start over. But at least give it a shot — and he didn't do it.
And the fact that a year and a half has gone by means that time has been wasted. And during that time, families have been separated. And during that time, businesses have been harmed. And we can't afford it anymore.
Las Vegas, I have come back to Del Sol to tell you I'm not giving up. I will never give up. I will never give up. (Applause.) I will not give up.
AUDIENCE: Si se puede! Si se puede! Si se puede!
THE PRESIDENT: So we're not giving up. We're going to keep on working with members of Congress to make permanent reform a reality. But until that day comes, there are actions that I have the legal authority to take that will help make our immigration system more fair and more just. And this morning, I began to take some of those actions. (Applause.)
So I talked about — I thought — I talked about what I could do based on talking to all the legal experts, talking to the Office of Legal Counsel. And not everything that we want to do we can do, but they told me what we could do. And I wasn't going to sit idly by and not do at least what I was authorized to do.
So first, we're providing more resources to law enforcement so they can stem the flow of illegal crossings at our border and speed up the return of those who do cross over. I want to repeat that — border security is important.
Second, we're making it easier for high-skilled immigrants, graduates, entrepreneurs to stay and contribute to our economy. (Applause.)
Third, we're going to take steps to deal responsibly with millions of undocumented immigrants who are already here. (Applause.) Now, as I did last night, I want to spend some extra time talking about the third step, because this is the one that brings up the strongest passions on both sides.
The truth is, undocumented workers broke our immigration laws. They didn't follow the rules in terms of how they were supposed to come. And I believe they should be held accountable. And some have proven to break other laws. Some are dangerous. That's why over the past six years, deportations of criminals are up 80 percent. And that's why we'll keep focusing enforcement resources on actual threats to our security. But that means felons, not families. That means criminals, not children. It means gang members, not moms who are trying to put food on their — on the table for their kids. (Applause.)
So essentially what we're doing is what law enforcement does every day. We've got limited resources, and so we're going to prioritize who are the folks who should be subject to removal, and that means that we've got to make sure that we've got clear rules in terms of how we're enforcing the law.
But even as we focus on deporting criminals, the fact is, millions of immigrants, they live here. And many of them have been here a very long time. And they're found in every state, and they're of every race and every nationality. I know a lot of people focus on the Latino community, but the truth is that –
AUDIENCE MEMBER: — does not qualify!
THE PRESIDENT: — the truth is that they're not just –
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Inaudible.)
AUDIENCE: Si se puede! Si se puede! Si se puede! (Applause.)
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: That's right, not everybody will qualify under this provision. That's the truth. And — that's the truth. That's why we're still going to have to pass a bill. That's why we're still going to have to pass a bill. (Applause.)
So listen, I heard you, and what I'm saying is, we're still going to have to pass a bill. This is not — this is a first step. It's not the only step. We're still going to have to do more work. (Applause.) So let — I've heard you. I've heard you, young man. I've heard you, and I understand. I've heard you. But what I'm saying is, this is just a first step. So, young man, I'm talking to a lot of people here. I've been respectful to you, I want you to be respectful to me, all right? Okay. (Applause.)
Now, understand that not everybody who comes here is Latino. Sometimes that's the face of immigration. Let me tell you, I'm from Chicago. (Applause.) And we've got some Irish immigrants whose papers aren't in order. We've got some Polish immigrants whose papers are not in order. We've got some Ukrainian folks. Down in Florida we've got some Haitian folks. This is not just a Latino issue, this is an American issue. (Applause.) This is an American issue.
And what we have to do is be honest — that tracking down, rounding up, and deporting millions of people is not realistic. That's not who we are. Most undocumented immigrants are good, decent people. They have been here for a long time. (Applause.) They work, often in the toughest, most low-paying jobs. They're trying hard to support their families. They worship at our churches. Their kids go to school with our kids. (Applause.)
So the fact is that — even Republicans who say that they don't want to pass this bill that was passed by these legislators, they're not serious about trying to deport 10, 11 million people. That's all rhetoric. Now, what we do expect is that people who are here play by the rules. You shouldn't get rewarded for cutting in line.
So we've offered the following deal: If you've been in America for more than five years; if you have children who are American citizens or legal residents; if you register, you pass a background check, you are willing to pay your fair share of taxes –- then you're going to be able to apply to stay in this country temporarily without fear of deportation. You can come out of the shadows, get right with the law. (Applause.)
Now, let's be clear on what this deal is, and what it isn't. This action doesn't apply to anybody who has come to this country recently. You can't show up for a week and then suddenly apply — you can't. Because borders mean something. It doesn't apply to anybody who might come illegally in the future. While I support a path to citizenship — and so do all these legislators here — this action doesn't grant citizenship, or the right to stay permanently, or receive the same benefits that citizens receive — only Congress can do that. All we're saying is we're not going to deport you and separate you from your kids. (Applause.)
Now, if you've taken responsibility, you've registered, undergone a background check, you're paying taxes, you've been here for five years, you've got roots in the community — you're not going to be deported. And I know some critics call this action amnesty. It's not amnesty. Amnesty really is the system we've got today. You've got millions of people who are living here, but they're not obliged to pay their taxes or play by the rules, and then politicians just use the issue to scare people and whip up votes at election time.
So they want to keep the system as is — people living in the shadows, maybe providing cheap labor, not subject to any worker protections, and then you pretend like you're being tough on immigration. That's not the right way to do it. That's the real amnesty, just talking, leaving the broken system the way it is.
The bottom line is, mass amnesty would be unfair. But mass deportation would be both impossible and contrary to our country's character. That's not who we are. That's not who we are. (Applause.)
So what we are offering is accountability. It is accountability. It's a common-sense, middle-ground approach. If you meet the criteria, you can come out of the shadows, you can get right with the law. If you are a criminal, you're going to be deported. If you plan to enter the United States illegally, your chances of getting caught and sent back are going up.
And for those who don't qualify under this rule, we're still going to need legislation. But the actions I've taken are not only lawful, they're the kinds of actions taken by every Republican President and every Democratic President for the past half century. (Applause.) Ronald Reagan took action to keep families together. The first President Bush took action to shield about 40 percent of undocumented immigrants at the time. This isn't something I'm doing as if it's never been done. This kind of thing has been done before.
So when members of Congress question my authority to make our immigration system work better, I have a simple answer: Pass a bill. (Applause.) Pass a bill. Nobody is stopping them from passing a bill. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Pass a bill! Pass a bill! Pass a bill!
THE PRESIDENT: I mean, I got to admit, these days I don't always listen to all the commentary — (laughter) — but I understand that some of them are already saying that my actions "sabotage" their ability to pass a bill and make immigration work better. Why? I didn't dissolve parliament. That's not how our system works. (Laughter.) I didn't steal away the various clerks in the Senate and the House who manage bills. They can still pass a bill. I don't have a vote in Congress — pass a bill. You don't need me to call a vote to pass a bill. Pass a bill.
Because the actions I've taken are only a temporary first step. I don't have the authority to do some really important reforms. We should be creating new programs for farmworkers. We should be adding visas for the high-tech sector. We should be creating a pathway to citizenship. But only Congress can do that.
The House could still pass the bipartisan Senate bill before the end of the year. (Applause.) They still have time. They've still got — what are you guys schedule to be in for, another four weeks. Right after Thanksgiving call the bill. It's been sitting there. And if they don't want to pass that bill, then I pledge to work with Republicans and Democrats next year to pass a more permanent legislative solution. And the day I sign that bill into law, then the actions that I've taken will no longer be necessary. And I'll give everybody credit. I'll be happy to have John Boehner and Mitch McConnell alongside Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi and Luis Gutierrez and Bob Menendez and all these folks — we'll all have a nice signing ceremony.
So I just want to emphasize this issue. Because I hear some people say, well, we're in favor of immigration reform, but we don't think that it should be done without Congress. Well, Congress, go ahead and do it.
And meanwhile, Washington should not let disagreements over one issue be a dealbreaker on every issue. That's not how our democracy works. Congress certainly should not shut down the government again over this. Because Americans are tired of gridlock. We are ready to move forward. And we don't want to — and we just want sensible, common-sense approaches to problems.
Now, this debate deserves more than the usual politics, because for all the back and forth in Washington, as I said last night, this is about something bigger. This is about who we are. Who do we want to be?
America is not a nation that accepts the hypocrisy of workers who mow our lawns, make our beds, clean out bedpans, with no chance ever to get right with the law. We're a nation that gives people a chance to take responsibility and make amends, and then create a better future for their kids.
America is not a nation that should be tolerating the cruelty of ripping children from their parents' arms. We're a nation that values families, and we should work together to keep them together. (Applause.)
America attracts talent from all around the world. We educate the world's young people in our universities, and then we just send them home, even if they're wanting to start a business or they've got some specialized skill. We just send them home, and then they compete against us. We should be encouraging the best and the brightest to study here and stay here, and invest here, and create jobs here and businesses here, and industries here. You look at Silicon Valley — 30, 40 percent of the companies that we now take for granted that have changed our lives, they were started by immigrants. (Applause.)
So that's what this issue is all about. And that's why it deserves reasoned and thoughtful and compassionate debate. And that's why we have to focus not on our fears, we've got focus on our hopes.
You know, every day we receive thousands, tens of thousands of letters and emails at the White House. And as you can imagine, for the past few days, a lot of them have been about immigration. They've come from good, decent people on both sides of this debate. And I want to — I want everybody here to understand, there are folks who are good, decent people who are worried about immigration. They're worried that it changes the fabric of our country. They're worried about whether immigrants take jobs from hardworking Americans. And they're worried because they're feeling a lot of economic stress, and they feel as if maybe they're the ones paying taxes and nobody else is taking responsibility. So they've urged me not to act.
And I hear them. And I understand them. But you know, I've also got a lot of letters and emails reminding me why we had to act — from American family members of hardworking immigrants who feared their families could be torn apart; from DREAMers who had proudly stepped out of the shadows and were willing to live without fear, even though it was a big risk for them; from Republicans who don't agree with me on everything, but are tired of their party refusing to vote on reform.
One Republican who wrote me said this — he said he supported my decision, and he said — and I'm quoting — "I believe that a human being, created in the very image of Almighty God, is the greatest resource that we have in this country." (Applause.)
We're not a nation that kicks out strivers and dreamers who want to earn their piece of the American Dream. We're a nation that finds a way to welcome them. We make them earn it, but we welcome them in as fellow human beings, fellow children of God. And we harness their talents to make the future brighter for everybody.
We didn't raise the Statue of Liberty with her back to the world, we did it with her light shining as a beacon to the world. And whether we were Irish or Italians or Germans crossing the Atlantic, or Japanese or Chinese crossing the Pacific; whether we crossed the Rio Grande or flew here from all over the world — generations of immigrants have made this country into what it is. It's what makes us special. (Applause.)
And whether we fled famine, or war, or persecution; whether we had the right documents, or connections, or skills; whether we were wealthy or poor — we all shared one thing, and that was hope that America would be the place where we could finally build a better life for ourselves and for our children, and for future generations. Hope that America is the place where we could make it.
That's what makes us Americans. It's not what we look like. It's not what our last name is. It's not where we come from. It's not how we pray. What makes us American is a shared commitment to an ideal that all of us are created equal, all of us have a chance to make our lives what we will.
For generations, America — by choice and Americans by birth have come together to renew that common creed and move this country forward that brought us to this moment. That is the legacy that we now have to deliver to the next generation.
Thank you, Nevada. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
Posted by bonniekgoodman on November 21, 2014
Posted by bonniekgoodman on November 20, 2014
My fellow Americans, tonight, I'd like to talk with you about immigration.
For more than 200 years, our tradition of welcoming immigrants from around the world has given us a tremendous advantage over other nations. It's kept us youthful, dynamic, and entrepreneurial. It has shaped our character as a people with limitless possibilities — people not trapped by our past, but able to remake ourselves as we choose.
But today, our immigration system is broken, and everybody knows it.
Families who enter our country the right way and play by the rules watch others flout the rules. Business owners who offer their workers good wages and benefits see the competition exploit undocumented immigrants by paying them far less. All of us take offense to anyone who reaps the rewards of living in America without taking on the responsibilities of living in America. And undocumented immigrants who desperately want to embrace those responsibilities see little option but to remain in the shadows, or risk their families being torn apart.
It's been this way for decades. And for decades, we haven't done much about it.
When I took office, I committed to fixing this broken immigration system. And I began by doing what I could to secure our borders. Today, we have more agents and technology deployed to secure our southern border than at any time in our history. And over the past six years, illegal border crossings have been cut by more than half. Although this summer, there was a brief spike in unaccompanied children being apprehended at our border, the number of such children is now actually lower than it's been in nearly two years. Overall, the number of people trying to cross our border illegally is at its lowest level since the 1970s. Those are the facts.
Meanwhile, I worked with Congress on a comprehensive fix, and last year, 68 Democrats, Republicans, and Independents came together to pass a bipartisan bill in the Senate. It wasn't perfect. It was a compromise, but it reflected common sense. It would have doubled the number of border patrol agents, while giving undocumented immigrants a pathway to citizenship if they paid a fine, started paying their taxes, and went to the back of the line. And independent experts said that it would help grow our economy and shrink our deficits.
Had the House of Representatives allowed that kind of a bill a simple yes-or-no vote, it would have passed with support from both parties, and today it would be the law. But for a year and a half now, Republican leaders in the House have refused to allow that simple vote.
Now, I continue to believe that the best way to solve this problem is by working together to pass that kind of common sense law. But until that happens, there are actions I have the legal authority to take as President – the same kinds of actions taken by Democratic and Republican Presidents before me – that will help make our immigration system more fair and more just.
Tonight, I am announcing those actions.
First, we'll build on our progress at the border with additional resources for our law enforcement personnel so that they can stem the flow of illegal crossings, and speed the return of those who do cross over.
Second, I will make it easier and faster for high-skilled immigrants, graduates, and entrepreneurs to stay and contribute to our economy, as so many business leaders have proposed.
Third, we'll take steps to deal responsibly with the millions of undocumented immigrants who already live in our country.
I want to say more about this third issue, because it generates the most passion and controversy. Even as we are a nation of immigrants, we are also a nation of laws. Undocumented workers broke our immigration laws, and I believe that they must be held accountable — especially those who may be dangerous. That's why, over the past six years, deportations of criminals are up 80 percent. And that's why we're going to keep focusing enforcement resources on actual threats to our security. Felons, not families. Criminals, not children. Gang members, not a mother who's working hard to provide for her kids. We'll prioritize, just like law enforcement does every day.
But even as we focus on deporting criminals, the fact is, millions of immigrants — in every state, of every race and nationality — will still live here illegally. And let's be honest – tracking down, rounding up, and deporting millions of people isn't realistic. Anyone who suggests otherwise isn't being straight with you. It's also not who we are as Americans. After all, most of these immigrants have been here a long time. They work hard, often in tough, low-paying jobs. They support their families. They worship at our churches. Many of their kids are American-born or spent most of their lives here, and their hopes, dreams, and patriotism are just like ours.
As my predecessor, President Bush, once put it: "They are a part of American life."
Now here's the thing: we expect people who live in this country to play by the rules. We expect that those who cut the line will not be unfairly rewarded. So we're going to offer the following deal: If you've been in America for more than five years; if you have children who are American citizens or legal residents; if you register, pass a criminal background check, and you're willing to pay your fair share of taxes – you'll be able to apply to stay in this country temporarily, without fear of deportation. You can come out of the shadows and get right with the law.
That's what this deal is. Now let's be clear about what it isn't. This deal does not apply to anyone who has come to this country recently. It does not apply to anyone who might come to America illegally in the future. It does not grant citizenship, or the right to stay here permanently, or offer the same benefits that citizens receive – only Congress can do that. All we're saying is we're not going to deport you.
I know some of the critics of this action call it amnesty. Well, it's not. Amnesty is the immigration system we have today – millions of people who live here without paying their taxes or playing by the rules, while politicians use the issue to scare people and whip up votes at election time.
That's the real amnesty – leaving this broken system the way it is. Mass amnesty would be unfair. Mass deportation would be both impossible and contrary to our character. What I'm describing is accountability – a commonsense, middle ground approach: If you meet the criteria, you can come out of the shadows and get right with the law. If you're a criminal, you'll be deported. If you plan to enter the U.S. illegally, your chances of getting caught and sent back just went up.
The actions I'm taking are not only lawful, they're the kinds of actions taken by every single Republican President and every single Democratic President for the past half century. And to those Members of Congress who question my authority to make our immigration system work better, or question the wisdom of me acting where Congress has failed, I have one answer: Pass a bill. I want to work with both parties to pass a more permanent legislative solution. And the day I sign that bill into law, the actions I take will no longer be necessary. Meanwhile, don't let a disagreement over a single issue be a dealbreaker on every issue. That's not how our democracy works, and Congress certainly shouldn't shut down our government again just because we disagree on this. Americans are tired of gridlock. What our country needs from us right now is a common purpose – a higher purpose.
Most Americans support the types of reforms I've talked about tonight. But I understand the disagreements held by many of you at home. Millions of us, myself included, go back generations in this country, with ancestors who put in the painstaking work to become citizens. So we don't like the notion that anyone might get a free pass to American citizenship. I know that some worry immigration will change the very fabric of who we are, or take our jobs, or stick it to middle-class families at a time when they already feel like they've gotten the raw end of the deal for over a decade. I hear these concerns. But that's not what these steps would do. Our history and the facts show that immigrants are a net plus for our economy and our society. And I believe it's important that all of us have this debate without impugning each other's character.
Because for all the back-and-forth of Washington, we have to remember that this debate is about something bigger. It's about who we are as a country, and who we want to be for future generations.
Are we a nation that tolerates the hypocrisy of a system where workers who pick our fruit and make our beds never have a chance to get right with the law? Or are we a nation that gives them a chance to make amends, take responsibility, and give their kids a better future?
Are we a nation that accepts the cruelty of ripping children from their parents' arms? Or are we a nation that values families, and works to keep them together?
Are we a nation that educates the world's best and brightest in our universities, only to send them home to create businesses in countries that compete against us? Or are we a nation that encourages them to stay and create jobs, businesses, and industries right here in America?
That's what this debate is all about. We need more than politics as usual when it comes to immigration; we need reasoned, thoughtful, compassionate debate that focuses on our hopes, not our fears.
I know the politics of this issue are tough. But let me tell you why I have come to feel so strongly about it. Over the past few years, I have seen the determination of immigrant fathers who worked two or three jobs, without taking a dime from the government, and at risk at any moment of losing it all, just to build a better life for their kids. I've seen the heartbreak and anxiety of children whose mothers might be taken away from them just because they didn't have the right papers. I've seen the courage of students who, except for the circumstances of their birth, are as American as Malia or Sasha; students who bravely come out as undocumented in hopes they could make a difference in a country they love. These people – our neighbors, our classmates, our friends – they did not come here in search of a free ride or an easy life. They came to work, and study, and serve in our military, and above all, contribute to America's success.
Tomorrow, I'll travel to Las Vegas and meet with some of these students, including a young woman named Astrid Silva. Astrid was brought to America when she was four years old. Her only possessions were a cross, her doll, and the frilly dress she had on. When she started school, she didn't speak any English. She caught up to the other kids by reading newspapers and watching PBS, and became a good student. Her father worked in landscaping. Her mother cleaned other people's homes. They wouldn't let Astrid apply to a technology magnet school for fear the paperwork would out her as an undocumented immigrant – so she applied behind their back and got in. Still, she mostly lived in the shadows – until her grandmother, who visited every year from Mexico, passed away, and she couldn't travel to the funeral without risk of being found out and deported. It was around that time she decided to begin advocating for herself and others like her, and today, Astrid Silva is a college student working on her third degree.
Are we a nation that kicks out a striving, hopeful immigrant like Astrid – or are we a nation that finds a way to welcome her in?
Scripture tells us that we shall not oppress a stranger, for we know the heart of a stranger – we were strangers once, too.
My fellow Americans, we are and always will be a nation of immigrants. We were strangers once, too. And whether our forebears were strangers who crossed the Atlantic, or the Pacific, or the Rio Grande, we are here only because this country welcomed them in, and taught them that to be an American is about something more than what we look like, or what our last names are, or how we worship. What makes us Americans is our shared commitment to an ideal – that all of us are created equal, and all of us have the chance to make of our lives what we will.
That's the country our parents and grandparents and generations before them built for us. That's the tradition we must uphold. That's the legacy we must leave for those who are yet to come.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless this country we love.
Posted by bonniekgoodman on November 20, 2014
Posted by bonniekgoodman on November 20, 2014
Posted by bonniekgoodman on November 17, 2014