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The problem with ideologues is that while they are ready to criticise others for their rigidly held viewpoints, they are rarely ready to recognise that they are equally rigid and intolerant.
Senator Tom Cotton, speaking at the 2013 Conservative Political Action Conference in National Harbor, Maryland.
Nowhere is that on better display than in the recent controversy surrounding the nuclear negotiations with Iran. It must have been a long time since a deliberately provocative, and downright rude, open letter to the Iranian Supreme Leader was penned, and even longer since such a letter was supported with the signatures of 47 US Senators.
Now I understand that junior senators like Senator Tom Cotton want to make a political name for themselves, have always had President Obama in their sights, and see issues such as this as a way to do it. But if 50 members of the Iranian Majlis had sent a similarly worded letter to the US President, what do you think the reaction of the US public, let alone the conservative faction in American politics, would have been?
What the letter did reveal though, is the sort of hubris that only committed ideologues can demonstrate. The sort of hubris that precipitated the White House's 2003 decision to invade Iraq as a precursor to a 'flowering of democracy' among countries and cultures and within a region that few (if any) of the key decision-makers had any idea about. The sort of hubris that also depicts the nuclear negotiations as a bilateral negotiation between Washington and Tehran. Greg Sheridan writing in The Australian said that the letter told '...the Iranian leadership...not to set too much store by any deal it gets from President Barack Obama on nuclear weapons.'
Unfortunately, as the Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif pointed out, the negotiations involve the P5+1 with an agreement that may eventually be backed by a UN Security Council resolution. So the US Senators' open letter should have also been addressed to the British prime minister, the Russian, Chinese and French presidents, the German chancellor and the secretary-general of the UN. Because, by Senator Cotton's logic, he also put all of these leaders on notice that none of them should expect Washington to keep its word on any future agreement. In Senator Cotton's world, the P5+1 should move over and make room for the one.
Now if it was only these people exhibiting such breathtaking and public audacity then we could simply see them as petty local politicians trying to hit a pinpoint target using a shotgun. The problem is their actions are not as random as we think and, like all good ideologues (particularly ex-army officers like the good senator), they encourage supporting attacks.
Thus a few days later The Washington Post ran a somewhat poorly written, but provocatively titled op-ed, 'War with Iran is probably our best option'. I like provocative, but I like accurate even better. So when the neocon author breathlessly claims that 'Iran aims to carry its Islamic revolution across the Middle East and beyond', he ignores the fact that Iran's revolution was Shi'a-specific, and has limited appeal even among the broader Shi'a community (which itself only represents at most 20% of the global Muslim population).
That's the problem with people who over-hype Iran's regional and even at times global ambitions. Tehran faces three significant hurdles in expanding its influence even at the regional level: it has the wrong religion, is the wrong ethnicity, and speaks the wrong language. To expand its influence, Iran creates proxies and courts allies in the time-honoured tradition of countries who seek to expand their influence but have limited means by which to do it.
There is a deep thread of exceptionalism that runs through both American and Iranian notions of self. The problem with conservative ideologues from both countries that harbour this notion of exceptionalism is that they rarely understand that it isn't a view shared by anyone outside their respective countries. Without a modicum of self-awareness, such mindsets can lead to foreign policy adventurism as they both believe in their divinely-ordained right to lead. And, while the embarrassing letter has been seen for what it is, it reveals a way of thinking that reminds us that not all dangerous ideologues reside in the Middle East.
Photo courtesy of Flickr user Gage Skidmore.
During my Army career I was a military planner. I worked on lots of plans. Most were never executed, but others were. Some were standing plans that were annually revised, while others were worked up at the behest of someone higher up the operational chain. I got to know the ADF planning process pretty well and became someone that could be described as a 'military planner'.
Prime Minister Tony Abbott with Chief of Defence Force Air Chief Marshall Binskin inspecting damage in Queensland in the wake of Typhoon Marcia.
In the ADF, you could say the Chief of the Defence Force is formally the 'leading military planner', given he is the one who provides military advice to the Government and 'owns' Joint Operations Command. In practical terms though, the Chief of Joint Operations has carriage of developing operational plans, so he is really the ADF's leading military planner.
Service chiefs would have input into the plans as they are developed, but they aren't planners in their own right. They have a 'raise, train and sustain' responsibility, but not a operational military planning function.
So when The Australian penned this exclusive expose of Prime Minister Tony Abbott's plan to invade Iraq, I was intrigued.
According to the story, the PM raised an operational planning idea in his office and then sought the advice of Australia's 'leading military planners'. Not the normal way of doing things, for sure, but plausible. By the time I got to the second paragraph, however, my 'sloppy journalism' warning light began flashing. And when I noticed that the article failed to define who 'Australia's leading military planners' were, the light stopped flashing and just stayed on.
Then the Chief of Defence Force weighed in to say the matter had never been raised with him formally or informally, and the vultures began to circle over the entrails of The Australian's sensational but poorly researched exclusive.
I assumed that a correction would ensue and that the journalist would have been advised by a military planner of the dictum that one should 'never reinforce failure'. So when The Australian clarified the situation this weekend I was somewhat surprised to find more imprecision and hype.
The previously reported 'unilateral invasion of Iraq' that was discussed with 'leading military planners' was now a dinner party discussion where the PM expressed frustration at the slow pace of deployment of ADF elements into Iraq (damn that Iraqi sovereignty issue) and perhaps asked aloud why we couldn't just take Mosul quickly. The main guest was the Chief of Staff of the US Air Force, who The Australian breathlessly claimed was 'the Pentagon's senior official overseeing the US-led war against Islamic State in Iraq'.
Even though the term 'overseeing' is left undefined, I'm pretty sure that the senior Pentagon official overseeing the war would be the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The Chief of Staff of the Air Force provides air force capabilities to the CENTCOM commander (based in Florida), who actually oversees the operational conduct of the war. The US Navy, Army and Marine commanders do the same for their service branches.
But never mind, one shouldn't let inconvenient facts get in the way of a good story. Rather, my attention was focused on the fact that the people objecting to the PM's proposal had in the space of a week gone from 'Australia's leading military planners' to 'others at the table'. Perhaps the confusion over who Australia's leading military planners are could be put to bed if the list of those attending the dinner was published by the newspaper.
After reading both stories all I know is that if, during my time in the Army, I briefed an operational plan to a real 'leading military planner' that was equally poorly staffed and thought through, I would have been told in no uncertain terms where I had failed to meet expectations.
To use a military planning term, it would appear that in writing about the military planning process the journalist in question has, either wittingly or unwittingly, been part of someone's anti-Abbott 'shaping and influencing' operation.
Photo courtesy of Australian Defence Image Library.
The Prime Minister's National Security Statement included a reference to the possible stripping of citizenship from dual citizens. There has been criticism that such a move will be ineffectual. Peter Hughes claimed it was of limited use because, even though the individuals would be prevented from returning to Australia, they 'would be free to pursue extremist causes and political violence elsewhere.' And in the Sydney Morning Herald yesterday, Professor Matthew Gibney from Oxford University argued against the move from a civil libertarian perspective, saying that 'Denationalisation is thus open to the same criticism that Voltaire made of the practice in 18th century France: namely, that it simply constitutes throwing into our neighbour's yard those stones that incommode us in our own.' This largely echoed a piece from last year by Sydney University's Professor Ben Saul.
While I acknowledge these points, they would carry more weight if the proposal to strip citizenship rendered the person stateless. The subject's failure to renounce another citizenship they possess indicates that they must continue to hold some attachment to that country, and as a continuing citizen of it, they would continue to have an identity and the safeguards afforded by that country.
The civil libertarian argument, however, fails to address what I would argue is a more serious issue: the potential eradication of targeting constraints for Australian intelligence agencies and military forces in dealing with Australian citizens engaged in terrorist activities overseas. The possession of Australian citizenship rightly imposes limitations on how much information Australia's spy agencies can collect, and perhaps more importantly who they can share it with. There have already been legislative amendments to strengthen the intelligence-collection powers of these agencies, but dealing with non-citizens gives them much greater flexibility in sharing information.
So, rather than dual citizens simply becoming someone else's problem or able to undertake violent actions elsewhere, such a move may actually free up Australian authorities to address the problem by sharing information on foreign fighters or terrorists who were formerly Australian citizens.
This may simply mean that the former dual citizen can be arrested and jailed, or deported to their remaining country of nationality. But it may also mean they are killed in a counter-terrorist military operation. In fact, there has been criticism in the UK that people stripped of their citizenship have been killed in drone strikes shortly after, and that the information that enabled their targeting was only released to the US after they were no longer UK citizens. I think this is the more appropriate discussion to be having, rather than a civil libertarian one. To take one possible example, would the Australian public be happy to see a former dual Lebanese-Australian citizen born and raised in Sydney, but now simply a Lebanese citizen because they are fighting for ISIS, killed in a RAAF bombing mission in Iraq based on intelligence gathered by Australian agencies? I think the public would accept this.
None of the steps proposed by the Government represents a silver bullet, but incremental changes to our ability to respond represent an appropriate answer to a unique challenge. Radical jihadists are not Islamic nationalists; they recognise no authority but their interpretation of what God commands them to do. They are by definition and by action intolerant and they are as far removed from the humanist traditions of the Western societies from which some of them emerged as it is possible to be. And while Australian dual citizens fail to recognise the authority of the Commonwealth and kill in God's name, they are protected by the fact that they are citizens of a Commonwealth whose authority they have plainly rejected.
For those relatively few to whom this situation applies, we should look at the stripping of dual nationality as a military and intelligence targeting issue rather than simply a civil libertarian issue.
Photo by Flickr user Ibrahim Khalil.
New Saudi monarch King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud. (Wikipedia.)
With the death of King Abdullah, the Saudi succession machinery has immediately swung into action. The Saudi monarchy prizes stability, and in order to forestall any damaging intrigue regarding succession, particularly in light of heir Prince Salman's reported poor health, Prince Muqrin was announced as the deputy crown prince in March last year. So now King Salman and Crown Prince Muqrin ascend to their respective positions, and the opaque manoeuvrings for access to power for the next generation of Saudi Arabia's extended ruling family begins in earnest.
The new king faces significant security challenges: ISIS on its borders in Iraq, the loosening of its grip in Yemen, plunging oil prices and a challenge for regional influence from Iran. But none of these are existential threats, and the regional situation faced by King Abdullah when he succeeded was also complex. I was in Riyadh when King Fahd died in 2005 and Saudi Arabia was in the grip of an internal security threat more serious than anything it faces now. Back then, there was a near full-scale conflict in Iraq between the US-led occupation forces and both Sunni and Shi'a insurgents, Iran had announced the resumption of uranium conversion, and shortly afterward it elected hardliner Mahmoud Ahmedinejad as president.
This shouldn't be forgotten when pundits speak of the regional security challenges facing Saudi Arabia today. The region faced near continuous crises of one form or another for nearly all of Abdullah's rule, and the decision makers in Riyadh are hardly unschooled in addressing them. The change at the top of the House of Saud is unlikely to presage any significant change in Saudi domestic or foreign policy.
What it will do is force Saudi Arabia and others to look more closely at the next generation, the grandchildren of Abdulaziz. It is likely that one of these (and perhaps even King Muqrin, if he accedes to the throne) will face the types of challenges — domestic instability caused by the House of Saud's inability to meet the terms of the political contract it has with its religious leaders and the social contract it has with its population; the possibility of an economically and politically dominant Iran operating in a post-sanctions environment; as well as a raft of other as yet unforeseen issues — that are likely to truly threaten the stability of the Kingdom.
Hizbullah is likely glad to see the end of 2014.
It will be viewed as a year in which its mortality as an Islamist militia was exposed, and its 'post-Israeli withdraw/post-2006 war with Israel' glow began to appear as a distant memory. It faces challenges on several fronts.
To begin with, its ongoing support for the Assad regime in Syria has continued to cost it in blood and treasure. Casualty figures are nigh on impossible to accurately determine, but it likely numbers in the high hundreds.
Wars are also an expensive business. Because of the slump in global oil prices, it appears that subsidies from Iran are being squeezed and Hizbullah is undergoing some belt-tightening, though there is little indication that this has had any significant operational effect. But the Iraqi Shi'a militia groups which had begun to make more of an appearance in Syria have had to withdraw to Iraq to face the threat posed by the Islamic State coalition there, which means Hizbullah may have to shoulder more of the military load.
If that isn't enough, Hizbullah has also confirmed reports that the organisation has been living with an Israeli informer in one of its most operationally sensitive areas. The damage that this caused is something few of us will ever know, but it is likely to be significant. It is not the first time Israel or its allies have been able to target the organisation, but so far as we know it is the first time such a senior member has been turned. Hizbullah's 'debriefing' of the spy will determine what damage has been done. It will also likely make it difficult for future penetrations to occur, given Hizbullah is a learning organisation.
Yet the successful targeting of a small Hizbullah convoy in southern Syria last night by the Israeli Air Force also indicates that the party's operational security woes are far from over.
On the Lebanese domestic front, some commentators have claimed that Hizbullah faces serious political competition from other elements of the Lebanese Shi'a community as local political dynamics change. But in Lebanon all is rarely as outsiders suppose it to be. Hizbullah is a canny political organisation and its strict internal discipline marks it as different from the other confessional groups operating inside Lebanon. Moreover, under Lebanese electoral law it is practically impossible to challenge Hizbullah's political dominance. As I wrote in this journal article, independent Shi'a political actors stand no realistic chance of achieving electoral success in Lebanon.
While the losses for Hizbullah in Syria are significant, Hizbullah is quick to portray itself as part of a Lebanese national resistance movement, as well as a player in the broader sectarian narrative that has increasingly come to dominate the conflict. Certainly every time I return to Lebanon, I notice greater levels of support for Hizbullah's actions among its co-religionists (even many not aligned to Hizbullah), who see the increasingly sectarian nature of the Syrian conflict as an existential threat.
Hizbullah's investment in the Syrian civil war has grown as the conflict has gone on, and its battlefield performance since it spearheaded the retaking of Qusayr has arguably been pivotal in allowing the Assad regime to regain the military initiative. Years of conflict in Syria will not only have produced a new generation of battle-hardened Hizbullah fighters, it will also have allowed it to establish links with a range of other Shi'a fighters that would otherwise never have occurred. The ramifications will become apparent in the years to come.
Photo courtesy of Flickr user LALLA - ALI.
The deadly and tragic terrorist attack on the offices of Charlie Hebdo brings into sharp relief a foreign policy conundrum that we may no longer be able to simply sweep under the carpet. The problem surrounds the hypocrisy of advocating freedom of speech as a fundamental right and yet failing to criticise Middle Eastern allies who do not see it that way.
Australia is, thankfully, a country where freedom of speech is taken seriously. It is also one that sees it as something more than simply a domestic issue, and considers it a fundamental human right. Indeed, in her September 2013 speech to the UN General Assembly, Foreign Minister Julie Bishop stated that 'Australia has been at the forefront of defending human rights globally and regionally in support of equality and fundamental freedoms', including 'freedom of speech.' The Prime Minister has also said that he is a passionate supporter of freedom of speech.
The Gulf states, however, have a different view when it comes to freedom of speech. This has not hitherto stopped us from establishing good relations with them. We have been close partners and have used facilities in Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman and the UAE to host our military personnel at various times over the last two decades. And in the current fight against the dangerous intolerance that Islamic State and Jabhat al-Nusra advocate, we welcome help from Gulf states which themselves fail to observe what we consider fundamental rights of free expression.
In the UAE, for instance, there is an unwillingness to countenance criticism of its political leadership, a characteristic shared by Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and Oman. However, as an attack on free speech, it is difficult to top the sentence handed out to Saudi blogger Raif Badawi: 10 years imprisonment, a fine of more than a quarter of a million dollars and 1000 lashes.
Now, I'm not naïve enough to suggest that we only choose friends or trading partners among countries who share all of our values. We would be a righteous but impoverished and marginalised country. But that shouldn't stop us from publicly expressing concern, even outrage, when we believe one of our trade or security partners so egregiously transgresses what we consider fundamental human rights such as freedom of speech.
What is most disturbing about the public silence from Canberra on the Saudi case is the fact that the US State Department issued an uncharacteristically terse criticism when it said that:
We are greatly concerned by reports that human rights activist Raif Badawi will start facing the inhumane punishment of a 1,000 lashes, in addition to serving a 10-year sentence in prison for exercising his rights to freedom of expression and religion. The United States Government calls on Saudi authorities to cancel this brutal punishment and to review Badawi's case and sentence.
We are greatly concerned by reports that human rights activist Raif Badawi will start facing the inhumane punishment of a 1,000 lashes, in addition to serving a 10-year sentence in prison for exercising his rights to freedom of expression and religion. The United States Government calls on Saudi authorities to cancel this brutal punishment and to review Badawi's case and sentence.
The PM said after the events in Paris that 'We have to be prepared to speak up for our beliefs. We have to be prepared to call things as we see them.' Surely a public statement condemning the actions of the Saudi Government would be a good way of giving substance to those fine words.
Photo by REUTERS/Francois Lenoir.
The saying 'you have the watches but we have the time' is often attributed to the Taliban (or Mauritanian immigration officials), but it is representative of the fact that indigenous armed groups understand that occupations are temporary, while the population is permanent.
The UK and France learned this in their post-World War II colonial campaigns, the Soviets in Afghanistan, the US in Afghanistan, Iraq and Vietnam. It is a truism of counter-insurgency of course, but not necessarily a law. In some counter-insurgency campaigns the government does win.
In Iraq, the US finds itself in the rather unusual situation where ISIS has all the watches but the Coalition has all the time. While ISIS consists mostly of Iraqis, it also has a growing number of foreign fighters in its ranks. If the Shi'a-dominated Iraqi forces who were in charge before ISIS swept in were seen as occupiers in the Sunni heartlands, the rule of ISIS is now starting to be viewed as something similar, and perhaps worse.
The US has adopted a deliberate campaign to stop ISIS's momentum through the use of air power and then to assist in the retaking of key terrain using Iraqi Government, Kurdish and Shi'a militia forces. At the same time, it has placed pressure on Iraqi politicians to change the prime minister, while assembling a coalition that relieves Washington of the burden of being seen to be going it alone.
Thus far the campaign plan appears to be working. Granted, with a deliberately light footprint in the air and on the ground, and an Iraqi military that requires significant re-training, the roll-back was always going to take time. And a government reasserting its sovereignty will always fall short of what is expected. Moreover, ISIS remains capable of achieving tactical victories in Anbar province.
That said, one of the more noteworthy things about the US-led campaign has been Washington's appreciation of time. Once ISIS's momentum was halted, the immediate crisis forced by the disintegration of Iraqi formations and an enemy generating fear and panic through seemingly unchecked advances was over, and a more deliberate approach was possible.
So the last thing anyone in Washington wants is a major reversal that would re-ignite the ISIS campaign and allow it to regain momentum. Hence the desire to tamp down any attempts to rush precipitously to retake Mosul before the Iraqi forces are capable of doing it. This recent article suggests Baghdad is already pushing for just such a move.
Time is on Washington's side in part because, for ISIS, administration of areas under its control becomes more difficult the longer the conflict goes on. Already there are reports of rising prices in Mosul as winter sets in. The problem for the residents of Mosul is that as pressure on ISIS increases, its rule will likely become more brutal and intolerant.
One thing Washington will need to be alert to is that media organisations don't share its patience. Degrade missions are rarely media-friendly. They are the military equivalent of water dripping on a rock. There are few spectacular images of the action, as the attacks are against individual targets such as fighting positions and vehicles or logistics facilities, while the advising and assisting is normally conducted in small groups in base locations or at formation level or higher. This US media report is one of many likely to emerge that shows how frustrating a degrade campaign can be for the media. It appears to express concern at the lack of hard data the US military is giving out so that the media can judge mission success.
Another danger is that media commentators will begin to equate any ISIS tactical victories with strategic success, and criticise Washington for 'dragging the chain' without appreciating the nature of the social and political terrain in which the Coalition and the Iraqi Government operates. The last thing Washington wants is be forced to rush into things before it or the Iraqi security forces are ready.
Time is a resource as much as ammunition, personnel and finances. Only this time in Iraq, time favours Washington and Baghdad rather than the insurgents.
Photo courtesy of Flickr user United States Forces Iraq.
They're baaaaack...
UK Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond used the Bahraini Government-funded Manama dialogue on the weekend to announce the signing of a Defence Agreement with the Kingdom of Bahrain.
It is sometimes difficult to discern substance from symbolism in these types of announcements. In terms of substance, there is not much to it. The money being outlayed for an upgrade of port facilities (£15 million) is not massive and the permanent facilities don't appear to be extensive. In addition, the Bahraini Government is footing the bill for the improvements, with HM Government paying for the running costs.
There are many reasons why the UK would be happy to ink such a deal. Here are a few:
On the face of it then, the case for a modest military commitment appears strong. In a region in flux, it is sensible that London postures for future possible interventions.
Unfortunately, one of the (many) reasons the region is in flux is because of the poor state of governance that results in people being disenfranchised and persecuted because of their faith or ethnicity, and that autocracies of various hues crack down on dissent through violence rather than dialogue. Given that Bahrain is one of the states which has shown a complete unwillingness to undertake any meaningful political reform and continues to suppress the political demands of its Shi'a majority, London risks sending the wrong signal that it rewards political stability more than it supports political or social equality.
Returning to the east of Suez (if that's what it is) also means a return to pragmatism rather than principle in UK foreign policy.
As part of the 'Sectarianism and Religiously Motivated Violence' Masters course which I run at ANU's National Security College, students were asked to write a post on a contemporary sectarian conflict. This piece by Sophie Wolfer was judged the best of those submitted.
The end of a 40-year sectarian struggle that has taken the lives of over 150,000 Filipino citizens is finally in sight, with President Benigno Aquino urging members of the Philippines Congress to 'swiftly enact a law granting autonomy to the Muslim region of Mindanao'.
An agreement between the Government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) could not have come sooner for Australia, as fears continue to rise that 'festering resentment among the religious minority could be used by extremists such as the Islamic State group to recruit new fighters'.
A poster drawn by 13-year old Julia David on child soldiers in Bangsamoro, 2014.
Traditionally governed in accordance with Islamic law and principles, the independence of the Mindanao region (referred to by its inhabitants as Bangsamoro, meaning ancestral homeland) has been contested by Muslim Filipinos since the Spanish first colonised the region in the late 15th and early 16th centuries. Whilst the Moro people successfully defended the territory of Bangsamoro throughout the Spanish invasion, American occupation and war fatigue soon turned armed resistance into futile independence struggles.
When the US began to prepare the Philippines for self-rule in the mid-1900s, Mindanao was placed under the administration of Manila and assimilation programs were encouraged with the goal of 'Filipinising' the remaining Muslim rebels. This remained the status quo until the 1990s and 2000s, when new developments emerged for the possible independence of the Moro homeland.
Although recent events seem to suggest that autonomy is on the horizon, the journey has been anything but smooth sailing. Years of frustration over exclusionary policies and attitudes implemented by various governors of the Mindanao region, particularly in the post-colonial era, have stirred decades of insurgency and violence throughout the Philippines.
The 30 years preceding the creation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao in 1990 were marred by bloodshed, triggered in part by the Jabidah Massacre of 1968. A number of Moro recruits who were being trained to retake Sabah coveretly by the Philippine military were murdered when they attempted to escape. The massacre became a linchpin for Muslim grievances in the region and led to the formation of the Muslim Independent Movement which called for jihad (holy war) to defend the Bangsamoro homeland.
The possibility of ongoing violence from Islamic extremists in this region presents a significant threat to many neighbouring states, particularly Australia as a key middle power in the region.
Although the current mouthpiece of the independence struggle, the MILF, has clearly stated that it does not condone or participate in Islamic extremism, the continued existence of splinter groups with ties to al Qaeda, such as the Abu Sayyaf movement, is concerning. In its heyday, Abu Sayyaf frequently carried out kidnappings, beheadings and bombings, in addition to providing sanctuary to terrorists such as the perpetrators of the 2002 Bali bombers, an attack which took the lives of 88 Australians.
Regional terrorism represents a real national security threat to Australia, particularly in light of recent threats from the Islamic State and the potential for Muslim Filipinos frustrated and disenfranchised by lengthy peace negotiations to find common cause with such extremist groups. This has been highlighted in recent days by the activities of the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters, a breakaway group that has publicly declared its allegiance and support to the Islamic State and has been disowned by the MILF. It is is suspected of being responsible for the homemade bomb that killed three and injured 22 in North Catabato province on 23 November, an attack seen as a protest against the pending peace deal between the MILF and Philippines Government.
Much is riding on the success of the recent Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro, agreed upon by the MILF and Philippines Government on 27 March. Pending approval by the Philippines Congress, the agreement provides for a 'transitional process from the current Autonomous region in Muslim Mindanao to a new autonomous entity to be called Bangsamoro'.
The region would have a 60-seat regional parliament, control over finances (including taxes), a separate police force and the right to apply Sharia law to Muslim residents. Non-Muslims living in Bangsamoro (approximately 5% of the region's population are Christians) would continue to be governed by Manila. The Bangsamoro Basic Law has been introduced in Congress to establish governance for the proposed autonomous region and has been subject to scrutiny in a series of consultative meetings. These public hearings are scheduled to conclude by 17 December 2014, allowing the Government to ratify the bill by March 2015.
Only time will tell if these provisions are enough to quell sectarian conflicts that have dominated the region for decades. It is crucial that the Australian Government continue to support the Bangsamoro peace process, as its success is likely to be a key factor in the ongoing battle with regional extremists.
Photo courtesy of OPAPP.
Kurdish Peshmerga advance towards Kobani, Syria. (REUTERS/Yannis Behrakis.)
ISIS is a transitory organisation whose aspiration to lead an Islamic reconquista is doomed to fail. It will eventually be degraded and splinter, some of its members joining the myriad other groups within the jihadist milieu while others fight over what is left of ISIS. One thing of enduring interest about the ISIS experience, however, is the way it has understood the Western (and local) media cycle and exploited it.
Grotesque images of beheadings and of Western jihadis spewing forth their intolerant bile are without doubt sickening, but they serve a purpose. One of the enduring principles of war is the maintenance of momentum. Once lost, it is difficult to recover. ISIS has certainly lost its battlefield momentum and is unlikely to recover it. That's why it is trying to maintain momentum through the media.
Like all good PR practitioners, ISIS's PR jihadis understand that in order to give the impression of dominance even when you don't possess it, it is necessary to replace bad news with something that suits your purposes. Hence each video release has coincided with images that ISIS would prefer did not get much airplay.
Note that the latest video showing the beheading of Peter Kassig and Syrian military personnel was released a day or two after the fall of the town of Bayji to Iraqi government forces.
The release of the video of the 17 year-old Australian Abdullah Elmir ranting to camera surrounded by his Lord of the Flies fan group followed a day after spectacular photos of US bombing raids against ISIS targets around Kobane hit our screens. Guess what dominated the media — images of thousands of pounds of high explosive blasting ISIS positions in Syria in the meat grinder of Kobane or a 17 year-old with a rifle blathering on about not much? The latter, of course.
This is part of a broader pattern. A day after the Turkish parliament authorised military action against ISIS (not good news for ISIS), video of the beheading of British aid worker Alan Henning was released. And if we hark back to the recapture of Mosul Dam by Kurdish forces backed by US air support in mid-August, the beheading of US journalist James Foley followed shortly after.
None of these actions are designed to dissuade Western military intervention in Iraq or Syria, or even to goad the West into becoming decisively committed on the ground, because ISIS understands this is unlikely to occur. Rather, it has a much more short-term aim: to get ISIS's military and political setbacks out of the media cycle and replace them with bloody imagery that demonstrates ISIS is still a force. We should not, however, confuse media momentum with battlefield momentum. ISIS may have the former, but it has lost the latter.
While Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon have all felt the heavy burden of hosting hundreds of thousands of Syrian civil war refugees on their soil, Lebanon has felt the largest impact on its security from the fighting.
Lebanon's complex patchwork of religious communities each has their own external supporters. Add to this mix Hizbullah's participation in the fighting in Syria and a porous border, and the spillover effects from Syria are of huge concern to Beirut. And as always, it is the Lebanese security forces that bind the country together as political leaders continuously put self-interest and communal concerns above the national interest.
Lebanese soldiers, Beirut, 2005 (Flickr/Charles Roffey)
I have a soft spot for the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF). For all its faults, it is arguably the one truly national institution in the country. And that is no mean feat in a place where one's national identity must compete for loyalty against the much stronger pull of familial, regional, sectarian and in some cases tribal identity. It is also no mean feat when you have to share the security space with Hizbullah, whose training, equipment and discipline match if not exceed that of the LAF.
The main criticism of the LAF is that when Hizbullah wants to act, the LAF either stands aside or on occasion coordinates with it. The LAF's counter-argument is that taking on Hizbullah would not only be difficult militarily, but more importantly would also threaten the unity of the LAF itself. A very senior LAF officer once told me that his primary focus was on maintaining the unity of the LAF because it was the only national institution.
The LAF's size and equipment make it incapable of repelling foreign invasions, and it will never confront Hizbullah, yet the LAF has had plenty of experience in fighting security threats inside the country, and it is good at it. I remember the national pride on display in 2007 as the LAF defeated Fatah al-Islam fighters holed up in Nahr al-Barid refugee camp, an action which involved some extremely bloody fighting. Now however, the fighting is becoming more constant as militants feel the pressure in Iraq and Syria. The LAF was called upon to fight against Islamist fighters in the border town of Arsal in August and in Tripoli in October, and there is no indication that this will be the last of it.
But there is a more immediate problem. There are still over 20 LAF and other security force personnel being held captive by Islamist militants who were captured during the fighting in Arsal. While little is heard of it in the West, two have been beheaded and it remains a significant political issue in Lebanon. There is a tent protest in downtown Beirut that causes ongoing traffic problems in an already gridlocked city. There is also the tricky issue of the three soldiers who have allegedly defected to ISIS or Jabhat al Nusra, although media reports in Lebanon claimed that one had subsequently turned himself in to the LAF.
The LAF operates in a tough neighbourhood. There are few militaries which have to deal with a significant and ongoing internal security problem while trying to negotiate the release of its soldiers from the same people it is fighting. And the LAF receives little political support. After all, Hizbullah, one of the country's main political parties, operates a battle hardened militia supported by an external power, whose actions in support of the Assad regime in Syria is one of the causes of the problems the LAF has to address. On top of that, LAF commanders need to avoid placing personnel in a position where soldiers' sectarian loyalties collide with their loyalty to the LAF.
The fact that the LAF still turns up to the fight despite all of this is one reason I continue to have a soft spot for it.
Having just spent a few days doing research in Kuwait, it was interesting to see how relatively relaxed Kuwaitis appeared to be about events in neighbouring Iraq.
Kuwait would quite naturally be concerned about the possibility of the conflict spreading further south, as well as the impact it may have on Kuwait's own sectarian relations. Yet on both counts Kuwaitis appear relatively sanguine, and with good reason. They don't see ISIS as any type of existential threat, largely because Iraq's Shi'a-dominated south acts as a protective buffer.
Kuwaiti soldiers during rehearsals for the 50/20 celebration parade, 2011.
Nor do they see the sectarian tensions being imported into Kuwait. Kuwait has always stood out as a rather unusual example of the inter-sectarian compact.
It does have a small but vocal Salafist trend amongst its Sunni community, and several hundred Kuwaitis are believed to have fought or are fighting in Syria and Iraq. Yet its Shi'a community (about a third of the population) is integrated to a much greater degree than anywhere else in the Gulf.
There are several reasons for this, but perhaps the most significant is the fact that many of the richest merchant families in Kuwait are Shi'a (many of Persian origin) and they have been staunch supporters of the Emir for decades. This was particularly welcome during the period of Arab nationalism (a largely Sunni construct) during the 1950s and 60s. While the Iranian Revolution and some terrorist attacks perpetrated by (mainly foreign) Shi'a in Kuwait caused tension, the role of Kuwaiti Shi'a in opposing the Iraqi occupation of 1991 allowed the Shi'a to regain any ground they may have lost.
What this means is that, when dealing with regional security issues, Kuwait must steer a careful course as close to the middle as it can, lest it exacerbate sectarian tensions.
Kuwait rather diplomatically sent a naval vessel in support of the Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) intervention in Bahrain in 2011, ensuring it ticked the Gulf solidarity box without upsetting its own Shi'a constituency. For the same reason, Kuwait has joined the Coalition against ISIS but has not contributed aircraft like the other GCC members (with the exception of Oman). But it has provided timely financial assistance and basing support.
Article 68 of the Kuwaiti constitution forbids offensive war and requires the Amir to decree a defensive war, which provides legal justification for the lack of Kuwaiti aircraft in the Coalition. But the understanding that the jihadists in Iraq in particular have some sympathy among Kuwait's Salafist and tribal minorities would also be a major consideration in Kuwait's approach.
Photo courtesy of Flickr user DVIDSHUB.
When you are an observer and student of a place like the Middle East, it is easy to mix several interests. Does religion, history and politics push your buttons? You won't find a better region for it. Are you a security analyst? There is a surfeit of riches here. A gastronome perhaps? Come on in.
But for a sports nut, it's not so easy. You really have to work to find a fulfilling sporting experience in this part of the world.
I have worked hard to combine my regional interests and sporting loves, and it has been difficult but not impossible. In the mid-1990s I remember playing cricket every Friday afternoon in a cavernous soccer stadium in Damascus. As the melodious tones of the azzan filled the air, we were watched by bemused Damascenes who wondered what the hell these people were playing and hoping that we could bugger off so they could get on with their soccer game.
In 2005, I am proud to say I was part of the revival of Saudi rugby, which had been stopped due to security concerns. The Jeddah team's visit to Riyadh signaled that there was still life in the union and I am happy to report that the Najdis sent the Hijazis back to the coast with their tails between their legs. (Self) selection in the Saudi team followed shortly after (I have the jersey to prove it), and because the security situation did not allow teams to travel to Saudi Arabia, we went to the safety of Bahrain to announce that Saudi rugby was well and truly back.
This love of sport and the Middle East partially explains my presence in Beirut this past weekend. I came here for research, of course, but also to run in yesterday's Beirut Marathon.
Now, I would like to tell you that the Beirut Marathon is a metaphor for some aspect of Middle East life, but it isn't. In fact, in some ways it provides a great counter-narrative, because it featured many things the region lacks. It was well organised and it was meritocratic. The fastest runners did best, rather than the most politically connected runners, or runners of a particular religious persuasion.
The Beirut Marathon was an interesting distraction from the normal fare of a Middle East researcher, but it was only a distraction because no matter how hard you try, it is difficult to escape the region's many fault lines. That's why tomorrow it's back to looking at the the place of the Shi'a in Lebanon.
Photo is the author after running the Beirut Marathon.
If you relied only on the media, you could be forgiven for thinking that the focus of the fight against ISIS has been on the Syrian city of Kobane.
This is thanks to the easy access for international media to the Turkish side of the border near Kobane and the resulting images, as well as the work of the Kurds and their associated lobby groups who want the world to focus on their issues. At one point the ABC even claimed that a hill near the town was 'strategic'. Tactically important perhaps, but strategic ? I don't think so.
As Secretary of State John Kerry noted, the US does not consider Kobane a defining element of the coalition strategy. Rather, it quite rightly sees that Iraq is ISIS's main effort and hence the bulk of Washington's force is directed there.
Kobane's value though, lies in what it represents more than what it is. One of the principles of war that applies to insurgent groups as much as it does to conventional armies is the maintenance of momentum. If you have momentum, then you force your opposition to make reactive decisions under pressure that often turn out to be sub-optimal. You can also create fear and panic in the opposition, as ISIS showed in its attack on Mosul and subsequent drive south which resulted in the collapse of several Iraqi army divisions. ISIS has also relied on battlefield victories to replenish its ammunition stocks and gain military equipment and recruits.
The capture of Mosul, though, may well represent a high point in ISIS's campaign.
While the group is still pressing its advantage in al-Anbar province in Iraq, it has lost Mosul dam and has been investing in Kobane for over a month without success. If it is unable to capture Kobane, it will have lost significant personnel and resources against some Kurdish irregulars (with coalition air support) for little to no gain. One of ISIS's lines of operation will have stalled, and very publicly so.
ISIS is a media savvy organisation and it realises that being beaten back in Kobane would be a very public loss. And in the social media world ISIS inhabits, a public loss can also be a strategic one. Images of coalition airstrikes and Kurdish fighters tearing down ISIS flags don't do much for ISIS's reputation as a near-invincible jihadist war machine, an image on which it has relied for much of its success to date.
Kobane also offers the coalition opportunities greater than the limited value of the town itself. In the past week the coalition has increased its support for the Kurdish fighters, indicating a willingness to fight for the town's defence. This limited action offers some significant practical benefits for the coalition. It will be learning much about integrating airstrikes with indigenous forces and can use the Kobane battle as a live run for future actions against ISIS in Iraq. At the same time, the coalition is able to degrade ISIS forces in the region, who appear to be reinforcing failure in their assault on Kobane.
Photo courtesy of Flickr user Ogbodo Solution.
The question of defining a 'moderate' rebel in Syria's civil war bedevils the US as it works to fulfill its plan, announced by President Obama on 10 September, to arm and train anti-ISIS groups in Syria.
The term 'moderate' is thrown around with gay abandon without anyone defining exactly what they mean by it. And with good reason. It is first and foremost a relative and not an absolute term. Notice how often we write 'moderate' in inverted commas when using the term? Someone Riyadh considers a moderate could well be a raging Salafist to a Western audience, while someone considered a moderate by the West would likely be not sufficiently Islamic to placate many in the Gulf. This interview from April is a good example of the complexity of the Syrian battlespace and why the term 'moderate' should be considered extremely subjective.
But Western politicians of all persuasions would have you believe that a moderate rebel is 'someone that we can do business with', which is a rather vacuous idea, since you can only ever measure how moderate a person is when they are actually in a position to wield power. On the path to success, people and groups (particularly in the Middle East) are likely to say whatever it takes to get external support.
The proposition that Washington can find (or create) a group of 'moderate' rebels to back as part of its plan to degrade and defeat ISIS while not sowing the seeds of a future disaster is full of holes. A couple of issues spring to mind:
First, the countries that have been mooted as possible training locations for the 'moderates' have their own agendas regarding Syria and are hardly liberal democracies, so it is reasonable to assume that they will seek to advance their own interests and agendas (including the place of religion in society) while saying the right things about the need for an inclusive, moderate armed opposition. That paragon of moderation, Saudi Arabia, has agreed to host training for the neo-secular moderate opposition, and discussions appear to be ongoing regarding Turkey's role. President Erdogan's AKP is a modern Islamist party, and the President himself has been complicit (either by commission or omission) in the mess that is Syria by concentrating simply on felling Assad without giving any consideration to what to do when he didn't fall.
Second, the US will have no effective control over the actions and equipment of these 'moderate' forces once they cross the border back into Syria. Why would any right thinking moderate commander do Washington's bidding when he knows that today's US liaison team will be rotated out long before the war is ever concluded? You can try to sub-contract the oversight to 'friendly' regional nations but the problem remains. You can't insulate the weapons, training and logistics support in such a manner that they only provide an advantage to the moderates and not the Islamists, who inhabit the battlefield in greater numbers. As this piece argues, so-called vetted groups' weapons and operations are already directly supporting al Qaeda-aligned Jabhat al-Nusra as well as Salafist groups under the Islamic front umbrella.
Even after the ISIS threat is addressed, there is still the question of what to do about Jabhat al-Nusra, the Islamic Front and myriad other Islamist groups inhabiting the Syrian battlefield. None of them have fixed personnel rosters, and individuals can and do travel between them depending on battlefield success, resource availability, leadership disagreement or doctrinal differences. Some will undoubtedly find their way into the 'moderate' groups currently being 'vetted' for training in 'liberal' regional countries.
Trying to find enough 'moderates' to form a critical mass and then training them in countries whose governments have contributed to creating the Islamist morass in Syria in the first place will be near impossible, and will ultimately create the conditions for further instability. Only this time the West will have contributed directly to it.
Photo courtesy of Flickr user Freedom House.
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OP Senior Member
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So I'd like to try flashing the whole MJC rom via Odin in case something went wrong with the OTA. However while I am comfortable with Odin as I used it many times in the past with my SGS1, I am understandably a bit wary of this whole Knox thing. Will I run into any issues attempting this? Life was so much easier before secure bootloaders lol. I don't want to try this and accidentally brick it. Any insight as to whether or not I should even attempt this would be greatly appreciated! Oh, and if it is OK do I need to remove SIM while doing it?
Last edited by Orbiting234; 9th January 2014 at 07:01 AM.

subset: commoncrawl


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Top Answers To Lake Champlain Travel Questions
There are plenty of rental cottages and accommodations to choose from, though with a group of 20 you may have a little trouble. Here is a website that has vacation rentals for groups of all sizes (http://bit.ly/cLkgcJ)
Suspect you're not going to be able top get all 14 of you into a single unit, but you could try something like lakefront cottages at Henry's Cottages in Alburgh, Vermont, which will put you all very close to one another: http://bit.ly/dsfOaX Other options could be the condos at a four-season mountain resort like Smuggler's Notch or Stowe, though of course then you'll be away from the lake. More listings available to browse at: http://bit.ly/aDeo1b Lastly, have you considered a houseboat rental? Could be a fun way to cruise the lake, though you'll probably need two boats for that large a group. Key in "Lake Champlain houseboat" into Google to find some charter-boat outfitters.
Answer this1 AnswerThis sounds like the perfect place for your family. Depending on the time of year you plan on going, check out their calender of events or activities guide (http://bit.ly/cvEfch) for things to do.
Button Bay State Park in Vergennes, Vermont, might be worth a look. Of course, on the opposite shore of Lake Champlain on the New York side, you've got the endless expanse of Adirondack State Preserve in which to play. Maybe check out the primitive sites at Noblewood Park, a nice quiet spot a few miles north of the Essex ferry dock on Willsboro Point.


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Wooden Front door problems
We're having some issues with our wooden front door. It really won't close without pushing firmly on the bottom and the middle. I've tightened all the hinge screws and still have the same problem. It looks as though the bottom of the door is separating along one of the seams in its construction. The door is four paneled solid raised door. Can I removed the door and re-glue the bottom joint or should we invest in a newer door? Can you still get wooden doors or 1920s quality?
Take out a screw on the middle hinge and replace it with a 2 1/2" screw. Use a drill to drive it in and if theres any room it will pull the door over. This will be a quick fix if the door needs replacing.
yes you can get a variety of wooden doors, you just have to decide what you want. You could also have 1 custom made to match your existing door.
You didn't state your tool/skill level, but of course the door can be removed, planed, clued, sawed, painted, whatever needed. The idea of cinching up the middle hinge sounds interesting. I'd suggest that if you don't have a good high torque low rpm drill that's good for driving screws, just use/get a good fitting screw driver, cost a lot less, but you should be able to find other uses for such a drill/driver if you decide to buy one.
Mmike032, not I'm not following you around, I just came on this forum to put a post on asking about effervescence on a basement wall and decided to read a few "interesting" subject title, hit and commented on two to which you had contributed.
Should I replace the screws going into the frame, door, or both with 2.5" screws? My mechanical level with wood is fairly good. I'm a hobbiest woodworker and I build some mortise and tennon type furniture. I have yet to hang doors yet. Any recomendations on a good faq?
I think the idea is longer screws into the frame to be sure they really anchor the door to the stud, not just the frame. This could make the door swing with less sag, it seems to me, just a guess as I didn't come up with that fix...but reading I add my 2 cents and await further clarity from Mmike.
I am a finish carpenter. We have to adjust doors quite often. This is the easiest and quickest fix for a door that is scrubbing along the catch side. The idea is to drive a long screw through the hinge, jamb and into the framing. This pulls the jamb over if there is any room for it to move. You need a drill for this b/c it takes alot of torgue to drive the screw in. You will be able to tell if it moved any. There is the possibility of making the door hinge bound if the jamb is pulled to much, just back off the screw some if this happens and see how it shuts.
You can also take the door off the hinges and plane it down.If the door is damaged on the strike side I would recommend planing the hinge side. Just mark the hinges on face of door so you know where to put them in case you have to plane off more than the mortise ( which is unlikey)
If the door is damaged and you want to replace it:
Buy a new door that is the same size.(usually they will differ slightly and need to be trimmed) Put new door on saw horses and place old door on top of it. If there is a difference in size them mark what needs to be cut. Also mark your hinges to the new door making sure they are EXACTLY in the same place in reference to the old door.( this is very important)
Cut door to the outside of the line if it needs to be trimmed and then run a planer down it to make it smooth.
Put hinges on it and hang it.
If you were in the South GA area I could help you out if needed.
If your interested, check out my website.
Tonight I put 2.5" screws in all the hinges. The door is still binding. It's binding on the bottom, hinge side, and strike plate side. All along the lower portion of the door. Should I put a shim behind the bottom hinge and then plane the strike plate side??
It did get a tiny bit better with the long screws but still requires a good hip against the center to secure the latch. Maybe the door is warped along the length?
Interesting that it is binding on both the hinge and strike plate sides, makes it sound like the door is too big for the opening for some reason. I would start by trying to get it back to the original situation and then go to The link below. It will take you to the this old house site and a video of tom silva fixing a sticky door. Maybe that will give you some ideas.
That link isnt gonna help you any, its for shimming the hinges out.
Take out all 2 1/2" screws except one in the middle hinge. Is the door scrubbing on the threshold also? Putting a shim behind the hinge is going to make it worse if I am understanding you correct.
So start over with just ONE screw in the middle hinge. IF that doesnt work then put a screw in the bottom hinge. This will pull the door down and back. Do not put a screw in the top, that will pull the bottom back out.
If its scrubbing on the threshold put a screw in the top to pull it up and over.
If none of this works then it needs to be planed. Mark were it is scrubbing and take the door down.
Run a power planer down it where it needs to be planed. This takes a little skill to keep from boogering it up.
Another option to mortise out the bottom hinge more than the others IF THERES ROOM B/T THE DOOR AND JAMB.
1 more option, you might try this first:
cut the caulk on the casing along the strike side of the jamb. Use a beater block (flat block) to gently knock the jamb over on the strike side so its no longer catching the door. If theres any room b/t the framing and the jamb it will mover over. you must cut the caulk/ paint line on the casing so its doesnt pull the caulk making it look shotty.
"Is the finish on your door good quality? The reason I ask is that this is the time of the year for wood doors to expand/contract with humidity. If your door isn't well sealed with spar varnish, the problem may simply be the weather conditions."
Finishes, even spar varnish, only slow the movement of water vapor in and out of the wood.
I need to remove all the screws except for the middle one. I find it so strange that it's rubbing only on the bottom on both the threshold and strike side. Could it be that the hinges are worn out?
I haven't had much time to look at it and just started working with it again. Is there anything wrong with planing the bottom of the strike side?
It seems as though the door is becoming damaged from all the opening and closing. The bottom left seem is starting to separate a little bit.
Maybe it's time for a new door.
Any advice, wood, fiberglass or steel?
Here are some photos...
Just took out the tape. The door is 4mm wider at the bottom than the top. I would say all things considered that would cause the binding on both sides. I wonder if I plane the bottom half a little bit if I can get it to close correctly.
If so should I replace the tin weather stripping with foam?
Is there a gap of anything close to that 4 mm difference where the bottom rail (horizontal part) meets the stiles (vertical parts)? If so, that's the root cause of all this binding, and planing is just going to be a short term fix. (And a downward spiral, in that it'll get more loose; you'll plane more; ...)
You can choose between the easy and not-so-nice fix or hard and "proper"-restoration fix. The easy way is to put glue wherever it can go in the joint; clamp the heck out of it; blam a few screws through where you think the tenons are; then putty the screw holes. The hard way is to template the existing shape of the door; take it apart entirely; redo the pinning for the tenons; glue it; clamp it according to the template; hang it. Note, taking the door apart entirely has the risk of ruining the door. It's also not a one-day project, so you'll have a bit of a front-door problem.
If it was me, I'd probably go for the clamp+screw method.
Good luck.


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Accessories & Strings
Luminlay Introduces Luminescent Fret Lines
Luminlay has expanded their offering of position markers with a new set of luminescent fret lines. Created for fretless basses, the fret lines glow in the dark when activated by an LED light charger. The Luminlay Fret Lines are available in blue and green hues with two thicknesses: .5mm or .58mm. The sets come with... »
StageTrix Releases Wah Fastener
StageTrix has unveiled a new utility product for effects pedals lovers. The Wah Fastener allows for traditional wah pedals to be securely fastened to pedal boards. It uses the same hook and fastener material from their Pedal Fasteners and is mounted on the bottom of your pedal. To attach the fastener, just remove the rubber... »
TC Electronic Announces Polytune 2
TC Electronic has upgraded its flagship tuner with the Polytune 2. The polyphonic tuner, which displays the pitches of all your strings when you strum them simultaneously, now offers a bigger, brighter display as well as chromatic strobe tuner. The Polytune 2 features much brighter LEDs than its predecessor and the brightness of the display... »
Misa Introduces Tri-Bass MIDI Controller
Australian company Misa is all about enabling live bands to play electronic music, and their new Tri-Bass is a great example of that. The Misa Tri-Bass is a MIDI controller built for use with synthesizers or computers while fundamentally feeling like a bass. It has two main parts: a touch sensitive neck with three "strings"... »
FM Cables Introduces Speakon Series Speaker Cables
FM Cables has introduced the Speakon Series of cables for connecting between amps and speaker cabinets. Featuring heavy duty Neutrik connectors, the cables are built with transparent loudspeaker cable with flexible twin wire made in Germany and protected by a fire retardant sheath. The cables come in three types. The 'Tour' Standard has 6mm Squared... »
CAD Audio Now Shipping GXL Wireless Systems
CAD Audio is now shipping their new GXL Wireless Systems, available in VHF and UHF versions. Each of the sets feature two discrete channels with separate RF and AF indicator lights to indicated connectivity. They offer three output options with 1/4-inch and XLR connectors as discrete outputs as well as an XLR mix output. The... »
Rockn Stompn Introduces RS-4 Sequential Power Supply
The Rockn Stompn RS-4 is a new foot-activated sequential power strip designed for musicians. Turned on or off with a footswitch, the RS-4 has eight power outlets grouped into four receptacles that are set to a delay in order to power your gear up in the right order. Each receptacle has an LED to display... »
Höfner Introduces H64/VB-R Tweed-Style Violin Bass Case
Höfner has debuted the H64/VB-R hardshell case for their Violin Basses. The new tweed-style case takes the place of the previous black vintage case and will be included with each German built violin bass. It will also be available separately. The H64/VB-R is inspired by the Selmer Tweed Style cases that were supplied in the... »
Mogami Cable Introduces Gold Series Instrument Silent Series
Mogami Cable announced the Gold Instrument Silent Series of cables at Summer NAMM in Nashville. Offered in straight and 90° angle plugs, the line of cables feature Neutrik Silent Plugs that allow for hot-swapping instruments without causing a pop in the signal. The plugs have an internal switch that automatically silences the cable when unplugged.... »
Headway Music Audio Announces EDB-2 and EDM-1 Preamps
Headway Music Audio has expanded their range of acoustic preamps with the EDB-2 and EDM-1, a pair of preamps that will replace the company's flagship EDB-1 EQ Direct Blend Preamp. Both of the new preamps are designed for acoustic instruments, including upright bass and acoustic bass guitar, and are housed in a metal chassis with... »


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Over the history of death metal, an awful lot of adjectives have been used to describe the genre's fare; fast, loud, harsh, brutal, noisy, nasty, visceral, and increasingly as the subgenre develops, technical. Though many of them paint part of the picture, none of those words accurately describes the whole of Hypocrisy's new album, "End of Disclosure." The painted portions that do apply to the album rest dutifully on the canvas of another word, one never used in death metal except in very rare occasions; measured.
Back in the '80s, Maxine Petrucci and her sister, Roxy, formed the band Madam X with Bret Kaiser on vocals and Chris Doliber on the bass guitar. After one album, 1984's "We Reserve the Right," and a revolving door of replacement vocalists, following the departure of Kaiser, which included Skid Row's Sebastian Bach, the band eventually threw in the towel. To this day, however, Madam X remains the most notable line of Maxine's resumé.
When you pare things down to their essence, truths become clear. When progressive metal is put through the sieve, two common strains stand out. The vast majority of bands fit into one of two categories; those who play technical metal in the mold of Dream Theater, and those who use metal as a framework for throwing in any crazy musical bit they can come up with. That's why we have countless bands that are called Dream Theater clones, and a rising number of bands that are impossible to describe, but very few who play Fates Warning's style of progressive metal.
I suppose it was inevitable and we all should have seen it coming. In thrash's latent, momentous revival, we've come up with new names to buffer the genre and kept the lion's share of the classics alive as well. As the wave of metal resurrection continues however, studious fans will note that every facet of old thrash has been revitalized save one: we've been asking the question "who will be the new S.O.D?" Carrying on the legacy of the Stormtroopers of Death is a deceptively weighty task.
Danko Jones, named after the band's lead singer, has been around for over a decade, but despite their popularity in Europe as well as their native Canada, Danko Jones has failed to make much of a splash in the United States. With quality albums like 2003's "We Sweat Blood" and 2010's "Below The Belt" already behind them, it's somewhat surprising they haven't caught on in the same way similar bands like Buckcherry and Foo Fighters have, but Jones and his band continue to press onward.
I recognize that it probably seems wildly out of place for us to be discussing a band like The Tossers in this space. They're certainly an odd fit with the likes of all the death metal, doom and thrash we tend to concentrate on around here, and their particular blend of Irish folk combined with punk and rock doesn't even come close to fitting into the expansive catch-all of 'progressive.' So what are we doing here?
Over the last few years, as the remaining remnants of melodic death metal withered on the vine, the genre as a whole began to suffer. It wasn't that the turn of the millennium strain of melodic death metal was a cultural touchstone that needed to be saved, but what replaced it didn't account for the very reason it ever existed. Melodic death metal was the bridge between those people who listen to music simply to be pounded by the loudest mash of noise possible, and those who can appreciate heavier sounds but still need to have a conventional song to wrap them in.
Death metal bands are at a disadvantage before I hear a single note of their music. Just by the nature of what they play, it's extremely difficult for any of them to stand out from the pack. Unlike every other genre, where voices and tones vary wildly, death metal is confined to a set of standards that make everyone sound more or less the same. While that's great for fans who are immersed in the music, and can pick out those small differences and magnify them, it leaves people like me weary from listening to album after album, band after band, that all blend together.
Listen to any of Buckcherry's previous five studio albums and you get the idea they've done their fair share of sinning. That isn't to say they're promoting poor behavior, but…ok, maybe a little bit.
At this point in their lengthy career, there are a couple things about Darkthrone which are automatically true and indubitably awesome. First is that, good or bad or indifferent, Darkthrone is doing whatever the hell they want to do. Musically, this duo has moved into the rarefied air of having nothing to prove to anyone. Long gone is the corpse paint, the leather get-ups and most (but not all) of the scowling.


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EASTON, Conn. -- WFBS-TV in Hartford is following its longstanding tradition of naming storms, and Easton, this nor'easter is just for you.
As of Tuesday afternoon, WFSB meteorologists had named the storm expected to hit Thursday as Winter Storm Easton.
This year, storms are being named after Connecticut towns that could also be a person's name, WFSB meteorologist Bruce DePrest said. Easton is the fifth major winter storm to hit Connecticut this year following Ashford, Bethany, Chester and Derby.
The naming of winter storms is a longtime tradition at WFSB and when the station was called WTIC before that. The television station has been naming storms since 1971.
A Winter Storm Warning begins at midnight and lasts until Friday, Feb. 14, at 6 a.m. The major nor'easter should arrive in earnest in the area at about 3 a.m. Thursday. The snow could be heavy at times Thursday morning and produce strong, gusty winds.
The current projection for snowfall accumulation is for 10 to 14 inches in most of Fairfield County. Temperatures will be in the upper 20s to low 30s, with northeast winds of 10 to 20 mph and gusts of up to 30 mph.
The heavy, wet snow combined with gusting winds could cause trees and power lines to fall. Travel conditions will be treacherous with the significant snowfall.
Periods of snow should continue until around the early morning hours of Friday.
- 1 Pedestrian Struck, Killed By Train At Fairfield Station
- 2 Snow Could Return To Weston, Easton, Redding For Monday Morning Commute
- 3 Police: Missing Stamford Man Found Dead On Shippan Beach
- 4 Weston, Easton, Redding Could Could See Another Round Of Snow
- 5 Chance Of Snow Returns To Easton, Weston Tuesday Evening


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Figure 1.
Unidirectional cytoplasmic incompatibility crossing pattern. White circles represent uninfected individuals and black circles represent Wolbachia infected individuals. Crosses between the same infection type produces viable offspring. Cytoplasmic incompatibility occurs when uninfected females mate with Wolbachia infected males, resulting in reduced numbers of viable offspring. As a result, infected females have an effective mating advantage over uninfected females.
Crain et al. BMC Evolutionary Biology 2011 11:290 doi:10.1186/1471-2148-11-290


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I Will Always Love You
Composed by Dolly Parton. Arranged by Robert Longfield. For String Quartet (String Quartet). Pops For String Quartet. Grade 3-4. Published by Hal Leonard (HL.4490840)
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Murrumbateman 2582, Australia1 month ago on digiads.com.au
For sale $1,400kawasaki kx green 1990 80cc
This Used kawasaki 1990 kx 80 motorbike for sale this bike was purchesed in 2004 and has only been ridden 6 times. Had a full engine rebuild in early 2004 and has the papers to prove it. It's power bann is crazy and is a extreamly quick bike. comes with amour gloves and new helmet. $1400 o.n....
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For sale $650kawasaki kx 1986 80cc
Hi selling my kx 80 Goes well got alot if power body needs a bit of work on the plastics good bike it's a little bush basher
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Melbourne VIC, Australia1 month ago on muamat.com
For sale $3,000kawasaki kx 2001 200cc
Kawasaki kdx200 2001 Model Only one owner, Pro Circuit Expansion Chamber, fmf Muffler, Renthal Handlebars, Acerbis Hand Guards, Dunlop D756 tyres with 80% tread. Road registerible but not current Enduro 52 tooth sprocket at rear All genuine accessor...
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Woodville West 5011, Australia3 weeks ago on muamat.com
For sale $1,995kawasaki kx black 2000 80cc
For sale is this Kawasaki kx 80 2000 Model. - 2 stroke - 2000 model - 80cc - Length - 71.7'' - Height - 41.5'' - Width - 28.9'' - 1.5 gal fuel tank - 6 speed - Front and rear brakes - Hydraulic Disc - Kick start -rrp $3049
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Taylors Hill 3037, Australia1 month ago on ebay.com.au
For sale Auctionkawasaki kx 80cc
Up for sale no reserve cr 80 89 parts selling all together three bottom ends, two topends, one complete roller, two seats new front fender new seat cover and front axle bolt pick up only
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Wealth Disparity© idspopd - See portfolio
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["class","coin","difference","disparity","injustice","money","monopoly","problem","social","unfair","wealth","wealthy"]class coin difference disparity injustice money monopoly problem social unfair wealth wealthy
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Bronzo Vying for First U.S. Win in Tokyo City
In the 1 1/2-mile $100,000 Tokyo City Cup Stakes (gr. III) at Santa Anita Park March 28, Bronzo seems to have found the company of seven other horses he should be able to contend with.
In the 1 1/2-mile $100,000 Tokyo City Cup Stakes (gr. III) at Santa Anita Park March 28, Bronzo seems to have found the company of seven other horses he should be able to contend with.
The first reported foal by grade I winner Liaison is a filly that was born Jan. 6 in Micanopy, Fla.
Grade I winner and defending champ Big Macher, along with multiple stakes winner Rousing Sermon and potential star San Onofre, head a deep and competitive field of nine older horses for the $150,000 California Cup Sprint.
Blueskiesnrainbows can score a repeat win in the $200,000 Native Diver Handicap (gr. III) Nov. 29, but instead of Hollywood Park, he'll be trying to accomplish it at Del Mar.
Rebounding from a troubled effort in the Xpressbet Breeders' Cup Sprint (gr. I), favored Big Macher outfought a determined Rousing Sermon to score a game neck victory in the $100,000 Cary Grant Stakes Nov. 23 at Del Mar.
Cassatt and Jojo Warrior, both graded stakes winners, and Shanon Nicole, victorious in two $200,000 stakes in a row, top the cast entered for the "Land of Enchantment Day" card Nov. 26 at Zia Park in Hobbs, N.M.
Los Alamitos Race Course produced a major drawing card for the first graded stakes of its new meet when 2013 juvenile champion Shared Belief was entered for the $500,000 Los Alamitos Derby (gr. II) to be run July 5.
Maggi Moss' Grand Contender will try to nail down a third straight stakes victory when he faces an expected five rivals in the $200,000 Lone Star Park Handicap (gr. III) May 26.
The $500,000 Los Alamitos Derby (gr. II) July 5 and the $200,000 Great Lady M Stakes (gr. II) July 12 will highlight the stakes schedule during the inaugural summer Thoroughbred meet.
Although his Derby Trail run ended with disappointment, grade I winner Tamarando has a chance to claim a lucrative consolation prize as the likely favorite in the $250,000 Snow Chief Stakes April 26 at Santa Anita Park.
Los Alamitos Racing Association, in partnership with the California-based insurance brokerage firm Bolton & Company, will offer a $1 million bonus tied to the new $500,000 Los Alamitos Derby (gr. II) July 5.
With Tyler Baze at the controls, Majestic Harbor seized control going to the three eighths pole in the $100,000 Tokyo City Cup (gr. III) March 29 at Santa Anita Park, opening up an insurmountable lead and winning easily.
Blueskiesnrainbows, whose front-running tactics nearly paid off in last fall's Breeders' Cup Marathon (gr. II), will try another long-distance journey in the $100,000 Tokyo City Cup Stakes (gr. III) March 29 at Santa Anita.
Multiple stakes winner Taptowne, preparing for a likely start in the Oaklawn Handicap (gr. II) in a month's time, was assigned top weight of 117 pounds for the $200,000 Razorback Handicap (gr. III) March 15 at Oaklawn Park.
Mucho Macho Man has been installed as the 9-5 morning line favorite for the 77th renewal of the $750,000 Santa Anita Handicap (gr. I) March 8.
Jockey Martin Pedroza sustained a leg fracture and is to be sidelined for an indefinite period after a starting gate mishap aboard first-time starter Sargentina in the eighth and final race Feb. 7 at Santa Anita Park.
Considered one of the top older horses in the world, two-time Santa Anita Handicap (gr. I) winner Game On Dude heads a field of seven in the $300,000 San Antonio Stakes (gr. II) in his 2014 debut Feb. 8 at Santa Anita Park.
Evan Hammonds recaps the Sham Stakes, San Pasqual Stakes, and Ft. Lauderdale Stakes. watch video
There was no catching Blueskiesnrainbows Jan. 11 at Santa Anita Park in a frontrunning win in the $200,000 San Pasqual Stakes (gr. II).
Trainer Jerry Hollendorfer holds a solid hand in the $200,000 San Pasqual Stakes (gr. II) Jan. 11, sending out recent Native Diver (gr. III) winner Blueskiesnrainbows and Rousing Sermon at Santa Anita Park.
Photos from Gulfstream Park, Fair Grounds, Hollywood Park, Calder, Woodbine, Japan and much more. view slideshow
Jerry Hollendorfer trained the top three finishers in the Native Diver Handicap (gr. III) Dec. 14 at Betfair Hollywood Park, including Blueskiesnrainbows, who blasted out of the starting gate in a front-running tour de force.
Trainer Richard Mandella takes a shot at his own record Dec. 14 in the $150,000 Native Diver Stakes (gr. III), a 7-year-old longshot could become the oldest winner in the final running, and Slim Shadey tries Cushion Track.
British raider London Bridge won the 2013 Breeders' Cup World Championships opener, mowing down the weakening leaders in the final sixteenth of a mile to take the $500,000 Marathon (gr. II) Nov. 1 at Santa Anita Park.
B. Wayne Hughes' Spendthrift Farms announced its 2014 stud fees for 21 stallions both Kentucky-based and regional, led again by leading sire Malibu Moon whose fee jumped from $70,000 to $95,000 stands and nurses.
|Breeder / Owner
|All Squared Away
|Peter Miller
|Jerry Hollendorfer
|Called to Serve
|Justin R. Evans
|Empire Way
|Mike Harrington
|Bob Baffert
|Jerry Hollendorfer
|Rousing Sermon
|Jerry Hollendorfer
|Swaps S. (gr. II)
|Poker S. (gr. III)
|Red Bank S. (gr. III)
|Endear S.
|Sam J. Whiting Memorial H.
|Cutler Bay S.
|Transylvania S. (gr. IIIT)


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Anemia means that you don't have enough red blood cells in your blood or that these cells don't work right. Red blood cells contain hemoglobin, which helps carry oxygen throughout the body. If you have anemia, your body won't get all the oxygen it needs and you may feel "run down." Common symptoms include fatigue, heart palpitations or a fast heartbeat, chest pain, shortness of breath, light-headedness, headache, and weakness. But some people don't have any symptoms at first, and anemia may be discovered from a routine blood test.
Your healthcare provider will ask you about your health history and examine you. A sample of your blood will be taken to check your red blood cells and hemoglobin. Your healthcare provider will test your stool for hidden blood; you may not know you have slow internal bleeding that's causing your anemia.
Your healthcare provider will also do tests to find out what type of anemia you have.
Treatment depends on the cause. (See What causes anemia and how is it treated?) If you have iron-deficiency anemia, your healthcare provider will want you to eat more iron-rich foods, such as liver, whole-grain breads and cereals, eggs, and dark green vegetables. You may also need an iron supplement. If your anemia is severe, blood transfusions may help.
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Apartment Living
Apartment living is a lifestyle not for the faint of heart. Millions of Americans dwell in apartment communities sharing their lives with family, friends and strangers. Step inside this microcosm of society and experience the adventure.
Spring Ahead… Turn your Clock 1 hour ahead
Where did the winter go? Not that everything is springy and warm here, but the calendar says it's time to move on to Daylight Saving Time. Yes, it is the unique creation of mankind designed to grab a few more hours of daylight. Do you think it works? Well, that's probably a matter of opinion. […] [Read More]
Comets in the Night sky… check it out!
Besides talking about apartment living per se, I like to drop in an occasional comment or two about topics in the news or things you might hear around your apartment building. One such topic is an item that's been in the news this week, our ability to see comets in the sky passing by…yes, passing not […] [Read More]
NCAA Basketball Food… What's Your Snack?
March Madness!!! Do you love basketball? Okay, maybe really, really like it a lot and can't wait for the tournament to begin? You may or may not be a basketball fan but anywhere you go this month, there's going to be basketball. Currently in Spokane, there's the State B basketball tournament in addition to the […] [Read More]
The Power of our Words
Words… they so easily slip off our tongue and fly out of our mouths, never to be retrieved again. We all have moments that we would like to 'do over', but alas, they cannot be erased with our favorite pencil eraser, no matter how big or efficient the eraser might be. It's the same way […] [Read More]
New Neighbors
In an apartment community, it is not uncommon to get new neighbors. Often people will move more often when they live in an apartment than they do if they live in a house. But on the other hand, I remember as apartment managers, we had a few tenants who had lived in the same location for a decade […] [Read More]
Happy Birthday, George!
Earlier this week, we celebrated Presidents' Day. It's a day when we celebrate the birthdays of two well-known presidents, George Washington and Abraham Lincoln. Abraham Lincoln's birthday is February 12 and George Washington's birthday is today, February 22. So, I thought I'd share a little history moment here with a couple of quotes from these men who […] [Read More]
A Winter Retreat
Are you ready for Spring? Yes, I am. I'll admit that I think the gray days of Winter would best be written in the history books or Farmer's Almanac and we could move on to sunny pastures. But… Mother Nature may not be so inclined to go there yet. The local weather guy says we might […] [Read More]
When the Lights Go Out
I'm an early riser. In the middle of my morning routine, the lamp on the table, flickered and then went out. I'd been having trouble with it the last few days, so thought the bulb had finally burned out. Since it was the only light on, I walked the short distance to the kitchen to turn […] [Read More]


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Film Review: The Lift (1983)
Posted on 06/04/2014 by Ryne Barber
SYNOPSIS: A lift begins displaying some erratic behavior, like trapping some party goers and nearly suffocating them, and decapitating a security guard. Felix, the technician from the lift company, can't find anything wrong with the circuitry. When he and a nosy reporter begin asking questions of the lift company's electronics partner (Rising Sun Electronics) his boss puts him on a leave of absence. A subsequent visit to a professor leads them to believe that some … Continue reading →


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1605 Canton Highway
Commute to Downtown Milton
Almost all errands require a car.
Score Details
1605 Canton Highway has a Walk Score of 15 out of 100. This location is a Car-Dependent neighborhood so almost all errands require a car.
The closest school is Sawnee Elementary School.
The closest grocery stores are Spot Road Fruit Stand and Golden Palace.
The closest coffee shop is Starbucks. Nearby restaurants include Super Food & Gas, Spot Cafe and McDonald's.
Explore how far you can travel by car, bus, bike and foot from 1605 Canton Highway.


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2 Bedder in Bondi Beach with Great Views
We are renting our apartment in Bondi Beach. 5 mins to walk to beach, 3 mins to walk to Bondi Road. Ideal location for work and play on both bus routes 389 and 380 to City.
Fully furnished with WIFI access. Under cover parking and great balcony views from master bedroom. Lorakeets come to feed on the balcony in the morning. Sunrises are awesome over Bondi.
Great place for 6 months to 1 year let. Share with friends, or as couple or family. Rent and bond is 6 weeks upfront and rent payable every 2 weeks after. Will go fast. Enquire now. Electricty not included.
- How Much:
- $585
- Location:
- Bondi Beach - Moore St
- Contact:
- Vanessa campagnaro on firstname.lastname@example.com
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SOURCE: Toronto Star
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Israeli archeologists say they have discovered King David's palacetags: Israel, Bible, AP, Toronto Star, archaelogy, King David
JERUSALEM — A team of Israeli archeologists believes it has discovered the ruins of a palace belonging to the biblical King David, but other Israeli experts dispute the claim.
Archeologists from Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Israel's Antiquities Authority said their find, a large fortified complex west of Jerusalem at a site called Khirbet Qeiyafa, is the first palace of the biblical king ever to be discovered.
"Khirbet Qeiyafa is the best example exposed to date of a fortified city from the time of King David," said Yossi Garfinkel, a Hebrew University archeologist, suggesting that David himself would have used the site. Garfinkel led the seven-year dig with Saar Ganor of Israel's Antiquities Authority....
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