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"Very informative, thought-provoking, and interesting.... A great beginning for students, teachers, and almost anyone who values critical thinking and seeks greater understanding of the role of violence in our world."
—Portland Book Review
"Well-researched and well-written, and it will definitely make you think. I highly recommend this to anyone interested in politics or the structures of power."
—San Francisco Book Review
"Ginsberg shows that the modern world is the product of violence and the threat of violence, both of which shape our daily lives. A model of careful analysis, this fascinating book makes us think about human conflict in new ways. Ginsberg uses a wealth of engrossing examples to show not only where violence has led us but also what it means and how we can keep it under control."
—David Satter, author of It Was a Long Time Ago, and It Never Happened Anyway
"Ginsberg's new study is important, whether or not you agree with it. It shines a searchlight on aspects of politics that mainstream approaches typically gloss over. It is also a pleasure to read, showing his characteristic combination of lucidity and insight."
—Thomas Ferguson, professor of political science, University of Massachusetts, Boston; senior fellow, Roosevelt Institute
Recent events such as the Boston Marathon bombing remind us that violence is brutal and terrible. Yet, while we may shrink from violence we should not shrink from attempting to analyze and understand violence. A capacity for violence has always been an important facet of human nature. Humans, and perhaps their pre-human ancestors as well, have engaged in murder and mayhem, as individuals and in groups, for hundreds of thousands of years. And, at least since the advent of recorded history, violence and politics have been intimately related. States practice violence against internal and external foes. Political dissidents engage in violence against states. Competing political forces inflict violence upon one another. Writing in 1924, Winston Churchill declared—and not without reason—that "the story of the human race is war."
Academic discussions of the relationship between violence and politics fall into three main schools. Some authors see violence as instrumentally related to politics. Hobbes, for example, viewed violence as a rational means by which individuals sought to achieve such political goals as territory, safety, and glory. In a similar vein, Clausewitz famously referred to war as the continuation of politics by other means. A second group of authors views violence as typically resulting from political failures and miscalculations. The title of an influential paper on the origins of the American Civil War by historian James Randall, "The Blundering Generation," exemplifies this idea. A third group, most recently exemplified by psychologist Steven Pinker, views violence as a form of pathological behavior that is, perhaps, diminishing in frequency with the onward march of civilization. Some proponents of this perspective have even declared that violence is essentially a public health problem.
Whatever their differences of emphasis, each of these perspectives assigns violence a subordinate role in political life—a secondary means of achieving political goals, a result of political miscalculations, an expression of political pathology, and so forth. There is, as Hannah Arendt once noted, an alternative view that assigns violence a superordinate role in politics. This perspective is implied by Mao Zedong's well-known aphorism that political power "grows out of the barrel of a gun." For Mao, violence is the driving force in the political arena while more peaceful forms of political engagement serve to fill in the details or, perhaps, merely to offer post-hoc justifications for the outcomes of violent struggles. Chairman Mao essentially turns Clausewitz on his head by characterizing politics as a sequel or even epiphenomenon of violent struggles—a continuation of violence by other means. Unfortunately, Mao seemed to have an inordinate fondness for mayhem and bloodshed. He did, after all, suggest that the quality of a revolutionary should be judged by the number of people he or she had killed. Yet, our revulsion at the Chairman's practices should not blind us to the accuracy of his observation. Violence and the threat of violence are, in fact, the most potent forces in political life.
It is, to be sure, often averred that problems can never truly be solved by the use of force. Violence, the saying goes, is not the answer. This adage certainly appeals to our moral sensibilities. But whether or not violence is the answer presumably depends upon the question being asked. For better or worse, it is violence that usually provides the most definitive answers to three of the major questions of political life—statehood, territoriality, and power. Violent struggle, in the form of war, revolution, civil war, terrorism, and the like, more than any other immediate factor, determines what states will exist and their relative power, what territories they will occupy, and which groups will and will not exercise power within them.
In the case of statehood, there are occasional circumstances under which a state may be built by and endure mainly through peaceful means. These are, however, the rather rare exceptions. As Charles Tilly has observed, most of today's regimes are the survivors or descendants of a thousand-year-long culling process in which those states capable of creating and sustaining powerful military forces prevailed, while those that could not or would not fight were conquered or absorbed by others. Similarly, when it comes to control of territory, virtually every square inch on the planet is currently occupied by groups that forcibly dispossessed—sometimes exterminated—the land's previous claimants. Thus far, at least, the meek have not inherited very much of the earth. Indeed, the West's global dominance for most of the past millennium is as much a function of its capacity for violence as any other factor.
In some instances, of course, those deprived of their land raise serious objections and moral questions. Ongoing land disputes are particularly manifest in today's Middle East, where the Israelis are accused of pursuing an ongoing policy of stealing Arab land. Indeed, it is often asserted by Palestinians and by other Arabs and their left-liberal supporters in the West that the very existence of the State of Israel represents an illegitimate theft of Arab land. The creation of the State of Israel is seen in these quarters as a supreme tragedy or catastrophe (al nakba in Arabic). Certainly, one can make this argument. Indeed, Arabs and Jews and possibly others, as well, have historic, religious, and legal land claims in the Middle East that merit attention. Yet, Jewish assertions of rightful ownership of the land of Israel do not seem any more or less lacking in legitimacy than any other contemporary territorial claims. It hardly needs to be said that the United States occupies millions of square miles of territory stolen from the Native Americans as well as land taken by force from the Mexicans whose Spanish forebears had previously stolen it from Native Americans. The ancestors of the modern-day Europeans stole their land too. But since these land thefts occurred long ago, the rightful ownership of Western European territory is only occasionally contested these days. In the case of America, the original land owners were largely exterminated by the European settlers and, so, are not in a position to press their claims with much vigor.
The main difference between the Israelis and other contemporary land owners might seem to be that Israel has only existed as a state for a few decades. Israel, moreover, unlike the United States and others, failed to launch a sustained campaign of annihilation against the previous land owners who therefore remain quite able to vocally and violently assert their irredentist claims. Should Israel, however, deserve relegation to the status of a pariah for having been insufficiently murderous? Those nations currently occupying lands whose previous inhabitants they exterminated might seem more blameworthy than those who did not pursue a genocidal program. The point here is not to absolve Israel from reproach but is, rather, to point to the many moral ambiguities surrounding questions of land ownership. The fact of the matter, however unfortunate it may seem, is that territory "belongs" to whatever group is able to seize and hold it.
In the case of power, within every state the composition of the ruling class, if not always the identity of the particular rulers, is generally shaped by the use or threat of what Walter Benjamin called law-making violence. The availability of elections and the correlative peaceful modes of leadership selection that have become common in some parts of the world over the past two centuries does not contravene this last point. Barack Obama, America's first black president, was chosen at the polls. The possibility, however, that a black person could become a member of America's social and political elite was established through sometimes violent and often disruptive protest four decades earlier—to say nothing of the bloody war fifteen decades earlier that freed black people from chattel slavery.
Generally speaking, electoral politics is an arena in which success requires substantial economic, institutional, educational, and organizational resources. Consequently, elections in the Western world are usually fought among competing factions of the bourgeoisie—a social stratum whose power was established in a series of violent struggles that began in Europe in the seventeenth century. Electoral outcomes reflect more than they affect this stratum's power in Western society. Some awareness of the limits of electoral politics seems to underlie the economic protests that developed throughout Western Europe and the United States in 2011. One young Spanish protestor quoted in the American media said, "Our parents are grateful because they're voting. We're the first generation to say that voting is worthless." We shall return to elections in chapter 6.
In the United States over the past two centuries those elected to high political office have mainly been individuals drawn from the middle and upper classes. For new groups, social and economic mobility have generally preceded electoral success. And, if by some chance, significant discrepancies do emerge between electoral results and the actual distribution of power in society, the verdict of the polls is likely to be challenged, often by forcible means. In the United States, for example, such a situation manifested itself in the South during the late 1860s and early 1870s when black electoral success was negated by white-organized paramilitary forces.
Once the basic questions of statehood, territoriality, and power are answered, subsidiary matters might be addressed without a resort to force. But whether some form of peaceful political discourse is likely to emerge in the aftermath of a violent struggle depends in no small measure upon the decisiveness of the struggle's outcome. Decisiveness refers to the relationships among the winners and losers that emerge in the wake of a violent political conflict. An outcome is most decisive when a more or less unitary actor, such as an organized political party, nation-state, revolutionary army, or similar entity—say, the Bolsheviks or Chinese Communist Party—achieves a complete and clear-cut victory over its foes. Decisiveness is reduced when the nominal losers retain the ability to renew hostilities at some future date, or when victory is shared by a loosely knit alliance or coalition whose members' relationships to one another have as yet to be determined.
Generally speaking, more decisive outcomes bring a more certain end to violence but often also lead to the construction of hegemonic national or international regimes. Lack of decisiveness, on the other hand, may leave the road open to continuing or recurrent violence but can also pave the way for the emergence of polyarchical politics and a more liberal national or international order. If the losing parties to a violent conflict are not decisively defeated they may seek to avenge their defeat months, years, or even decades later. Those who are not able to defeat their foes decisively must be prepared to develop programs and policies designed to win the support of their defeated but still dangerous enemies if they wish to avert further hostilities. Thus, in 1066 the Normans defeated the Saxons but were not able to completely destroy the latter's military capabilities. Accordingly, Norman rulers were compelled to incorporate elements of the Saxon nobility into the ruling class and military, and to promote intermarriage and assimilation. Unable to defeat their adversaries more decisively, the Normans found it necessary to rule them more graciously. In a similar vein, though the Bulgarian Empire was conquered by the Byzantines in 1018, the Bulgarian nobility retained significant military strength. Accordingly, Byzantine emperor Basil II allowed Bulgarian nobles to retain their local powers and incorporated them into the Byzantine aristocracy. This policy was successful in preventing revolts, and its reversal after Basil's death sparked a series of rebellions by the selfsame noble families and the eventual overthrow of Byzantine rule.
Decisiveness is also lessened when success in a violent struggle is achieved by a coalition or loosely affiliated set of forces rather than a single entity. Victory won by a coalition may be decisive vis-à-vis the losers but is often followed by disputes among the winners that can produce a renewed threat of violence. The coalition that won a decisive victory over Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan in the Second World War, for example, soon split into hostile camps that faced one another in a protracted and occasionally violent "Cold War." If they wish to avoid internecine disputes, winning coalitions must usually construct institutions and develop rules for peaceful conflict resolution. If the winning coalition involves nations, these arrangements may take the form of complex treaty agreements or super-national organizations like the League of Nations or the United Nations. If the successful coalition consists of groups or entities within a nation, the erstwhile coalition partners may endeavor to develop a constitutional power-sharing arrangement. In the aftermath of the American Revolutionary War, for example, members of the victorious coalition of thirteen states agreed to the Articles of Confederation and, later, the Constitution to provide for the discussion of common issues and the peaceful resolution of problems.
Neither the League of Nations nor the United Nations, nor for that matter the Articles of Confederation and Constitution proved fully effective in preventing the emergence of conflicts among their various members and signatories. There can be little doubt that a decisive resolution of violent national or international conflict offers a surer path to peace than an indecisive conclusion. However, while a decisive end to violent struggle is more certain to yield peace, an indecisive conclusion opens the way for politics. Though it may sometimes recede into the background, the use or threat of violence never truly disappears from governance and politics. Every government routinely employs coercion against those who challenge its power, and most will respond quite forcefully to internal as well as external threats to their autonomy or territorial integrity.
Since many political issues have at least potential implications for the balance of political power within or between states, the threat of violence can lie just beneath the surface of even the most peaceful political discussion. In 2010, for example, the prosaic issue of health care reform seemed, albeit rather obliquely, to raise questions about the relative influence of competing social forces in the U.S. This soon brought intimations if not actual threats of violence by and against foes of the Obama administration's plans as well as ruminations by some politicians about the legalities of state secession from the Union. Should a mundane discussion come to have more direct implications for a nation's territorial integrity or the distribution of power in society, the latent possibility of violence can quickly become manifest. Thomas Jefferson was shocked in 1820 when what had appeared to be a routine debate over the admission of new states suddenly threatened to bring about the violent dissolution of the Union when the issue was seen to have major implications for the balance of power between Northern and Southern elites. It was a "fire bell in the night," Jefferson famously declared. Four decades later, when the fire bell rang again, the national government expended 600,000 lives to crush the South's effort to secede.
The political importance of violence derives mainly from four factors. First is the dominance usually manifested by violence over other forms of political action. Second is the agenda-setting power of violence. Third is the destructive and politically transformative power of violence. Fourth is the capacity of violence to serve as a catalyst for political mobilization. Taken together, these attributes of violent political action explain why the gun barrel is, indeed, such an important source of political power.
As to the first of these factors, dominance, political forces willing and able to employ violence to achieve their goals will generally best their less bellicose adversaries, overturning the results of elections, negating the actions of parliamentary bodies, riding roughshod over peaceful expressions of political opinion, and so forth. Indeed, the mere threat of violence is often enough to instill fear in and compel acquiescence on the part of those unwilling or unable to forcefully defend themselves. Violent groups can usually be defeated only by adversaries able to block their use of mayhem or to employ superior force against them. Those who cannot or will not make use of violence seldom achieve their goals over the opposition of those who are not similarly constrained. As Machiavelli observed, things have seldom turned out well for unarmed prophets.
Excerpted from THE VALUE OF VIOLENCE by BENJAMIN GINSBERG. Copyright © 2013 Benjamin Ginsberg. Excerpted by permission of Prometheus Books.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.
Acknowledgments.................... 9
Introduction. Violence Often Is the Answer.................... 11
Chapter 1. Violence: The Driving Force of Political Life................... 19
Chapter 2. Bureaucracy and Violence.................... 45
Chapter 3. Force and Governance.................... 77
Chapter 4. America: A Tough Nation.................... 99
Chapter 5. Morality and Violence.................... 133
Chapter 6. Violence and Change.................... 167
Notes.................... 179
Index.................... 201


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URJ: Memo to Congregations on DHS funding of Synagogue Security
Our congregations will now have to decide whether or not, and how, to use any of the funding.
Rabbi David Saperstein Comments About Homeland Security Funding for Non-profits and Synagogues
American Jews and the Current Challenges of Church-State Separation. October 19, 2004
ADL: Keeping Your Jewish Institution Safe
This security awareness manual is designed to help you begin the process of thinking about security for your institution.
None Shall Make Them Afraid: Thinking About Congregational Security
During these challenging times, many congregational leaders are concerned about how to best help congregants feel safe and secure while participating in congregational worship, programs, activities, and events.
Sign Up for ADL's Security Updates
A quarterly newsletter providing valuable information on how to keep your congregation or Jewish institution safe.
ADL: Can Jewish Institutions be Secure and Welcoming at the Same Time?
It is a simple and unfortunate fact: Jewish institutions have a special need for security.
ADL: Security for the High Holy Days & other Special Events (PDF)
The High Holy Days and other special events raise special security concerns for the Jewish community.
ADL: Guidelines for Hiring a Security Contractor (PDF)
Depending on the nature and complexity of the institution, an assessment by security professionals might be required.

subset: commoncrawl


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Support For Student Writers
One-on-One Tutoring: for student writers of all disciplines at any stage in the writing process.
Certified ESL Specialists: certified ESL tutors, supported by the Office of International Programs, available for English language learners.
Writing Groups: time, space, and a facilitator for any group of writers.
Online Tutoring: one-on-one tutoring in our virtual space. (Instructions for this are available here .)
Chat w/a Tutor: tutors online available to answer quick writing questions.
To Make An Appointment:
- Call 994-5315
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* Note: You must register before making your first appointment. You can then make, cancel, or modify appointments by logging into the scheduling system.
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Porter-Cable 78117 Replacement Exhaust Filter T22047 & T22048
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devon da poet
No Push On The Swings
How am I supposed to push myself forward all alone?
In my head it stings, no push on the swings, no hug near the stream and no kiss for a dream.
I need to be self-motivated I muse, but I'm confused by life's complicated things.
And it seems like my life is falling apart, a shipwrecked heart and a lonely soul I got.
What's non-constructive is so hard to forget, and I'm all upset all alone on the swings.
I keep thinking too hard to find a way out of the mess that I'm in but I remain discarded and saddened, thus reminiscing.
The toil I've been through don't help one bit, in fact, I'm grieved even more.
I'm enslaved by myself, by my hurt and my losses.
My past errors is like a horror, they're scars in my mind.
I wish my wounds would bleed the stale blood away.
I wish all pains would one day fade away.
But as far as I can tell, I'm stranded here.
My past is always my present, how do I let go of such devastation; a distorted imagination?
I'm like a river with no mouth, I flow to and fro but has no destination.
I try to keep calm and stay focus, thinking positively.
I'm swinging alright but it's so difficult for me,
'Cause I keep losing momentum.
At times, I feel like an orphan, sometimes like an abandoned baby.
I feel like me, 'cause nowadays I'm starting to believe that's what I really am.
One push would've changed it all.
One push would've made me swing forever.
Topic of this poem: Life
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tomato seedlings ...??
Hey there, so I did a late number with a couple tomato seedlings...one was about to be thrown out by a roadside stand and they gave it to me for free, it was pretty dry and crispy...she said she thought it was a Mt. Spring, which I looked up to be determinate, but it was staked up in their nursery and looks to be getting pretty tall...? But I thought determinates didn't need support?? But my question is, it's been 2 and a half weeks and there's tons of these little sprouts in the soil...are these more little tomato babies..?? Do I carefully uproot everyone and move to an even bigger container? Or are they grass or heaven forbid, weed seed spores from mowing that floated around and landed there..? Thanks for all help and advice!
And same question here...now i KNOW this is a heat resistant Florida 91 variety, determinate, which looks like it's getting a lil big n bushy...but again, the little sprouts in the soil...? If they're lil tomato babies that are going to grow and give me more fruit, I'm all about moving them to a bigger home...but if it's some invasive thingy sucking up my tomatoes' nutrients...I'll yank em outta there so fast...thanks to all for any help!
The 'little sprouts' are all weeds from what I can see. I'd yank them all.
A determinate tomato plant reaches a certain height and then stops growing, which doesn't necessarily mean it'll be short. It seems 'Mountain Spring' (according to DG) can grow to be 3-4' tall. Staking or the use of a cage would certainly help.
ahhh look at you guys...so helpful so quickly, thank you!! I went right out and pulled the extra long leafy sprouts...I hadn't even seen your post till just now pitimpinai, but those you circled looked different than all the others and i left them luckily, thank you...! there was another similar sprout in the yellow pot too that I left... it's so tricky, because i looked up baby tomato sprouts and they do look so similar to some of these weeds...must...train...eyeballs...!
ahhh see this pic is what freaks me out...it's on a lady's blog of her tomato seedlings and they look like what was sprouting! long and suspiciously grass-like...except for the sprouts I left which did look different than these...i guess it's just a matter of seeing what looks more like a little version of the plant that's already growing...??
tomato... smells like.. tomato ...
crush a small piece of leaf.. and smell it ... it should NOT be hard to ID a tomato PLANT by smell ... as to being simply a T
and if you have numerous seedlings.. just pull one and crush it ...
especially if you dont like them.. like me.. lol ..
there is an incredibly active tomato forum ....
good luck
ps: if you used homemade compost in your potting media ... and you are getting all these seedlings.. your compost might not be fully 'finished' ... perhaps you didnt cook out all the seed ....
Even though you have some genuine tomato seedlings there it is not a good idea to leave them in the pots since the larger plants need all the space, soil and water available. You could transplant them to their own accommodation.
The picture on the blog shows the first (seed) leaves of tomatoes which look different from the second (true) leaves, as they do in many plants.


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8 people found this helpful
"It's all about who the bosses like. Company politics at its finest "
- Comp & Benefits
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I worked at ARI full-time (more than 5 years)
You're able to network with a bunch of people because it's a large company.
Most of the managers (if not all) are male. You will rarely see a woman in a higher up position in this company. It's all about who you know and which managers like you that will pretty much dictate if you'll be promoted to a different position in another dept within the company. The raises are poop. Literally, dog poop and a disappointment to the staff who work their tails off throughout the course of the year. A lot of people feel stuck here and it's sad.
Show your diversity and place women and minorities in more of the upper management positions.
- Any Location
- Any Job Title
6 people found this helpful
"Call Center is a Sweat Shop "
- Comp & Benefits
- Work/Life Balance
- Senior Management
- Culture & Values
- Career Opportunities
I have been working at ARI full-time (more than a year)Pros
Other departments seem ok. I'd like to transfer and try a different part of the company. People there seem a lot better taken care of. HQ has a nice gym, but it is not for everyone.Cons
The Call Center is very unfriendly. We are like robots. We can't move without asking permission. People get written up for everything. I mean, if you are one minute late, you get written up.Management has no sympathy. There are two classes of workers in this company. the call center and everyone else. The pay in the call center is very low. I made a lot more at other jobs, but with the recession, this is all I could get.Advice to ManagementAdvice
Teach managers how to treat people like human beings. We keep changing managers. No one is there long enough to really care.Doesn't RecommendNeutral Outlook
4 people found this helpful
"Older Guys Can't Get Ahead "
- Comp & Benefits
- Work/Life Balance
- Senior Management
- Career Opportunities
I have been working at ARIPros
Decent pay, good benefits, good Christmas bonus, nice office.Cons
Anyone over 30 can't make supervisor. Older guys don't stsnd a chance. Management only wants people that look just like rhem.Advice to ManagementAdvice
Give someone different a try.Doesn't Recommend


text:
Here's the question ... I was told to increase my Trazadone to 100 mg., was on 75 mg, and decrease my Klonopin (clonazepam) to 2 mg or less ... I was needing about 3 mg ... I was taking my Klonopin about 10 pm and then about 10:30 pm taking my Trazadone ... but last night I reversed them ... just curious if they work better with the Klonopin being closer to bed since it seems to kick in faster?
Trazodone - Is it better to take your Trazadone first and then take Klonopin (clonazepam) closer to?
- Posted:
- 10 Dec 2013 by SandraLHoutz
- Topics:
- klonopin, restless legs syndrome, periodic limb movement disorder, clonazepam, trazodone
Responses (2)
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The Money Tree- Pachira
I dont know were to ask about this money tree, i cant seem to find any index on it. My problem is this, I bought this tree in an Home Depot. It is in a clay pot and it is being held up by glued rocks, i dont know if it has any dirt in it i cant seem to break through to see. the steems seem to be rotting, and i dont know how much to water it and when to water, i know (was told) not to water it untill the soil is compleatly dry. so i water it once a week. Any sugestions!?
Hey there,
I bought the exact same plant from Home Depot. I broke the rocks and repotted the Pachira in the pot, here's how I did it:
Outside, I sat down and held the pot in between my legs. In one hand get a flat-headed screw driver (not a philips head) and in the other a hammer. Use the screw driver as a chisel and gently tap it with the hammer. You'll find that the top layer of the rocks is only glued -- rocks underneath are loose.
Once you break through those rocks you can pick them out or dump them out. Then, I took out the soil (about an inch or so at the bottom) and found my roots were sitting in water basically. SO i added a layer of rocks to the bottom of the pot for drainage (since there is no hole in the bottom of the pot), then threw in some soil and covered the top layer with a thin layer of inorganic bonsai soil just for looks. The soil was just preference; i think all you need is to have the roots covered in soil, however.
Hopefully this helps!
Hi, are you still looking for info about your Money Tree?
We almost bought one yesterday at a nursery, but didn't because all the bulbous roots were squishy, even the ones in regular pots, not fake bonsais with rocks. Now I'm wondering if that is normal for this plant. It grows in swamps.
Came home and looked it up. Here is info on Money tree. It get's BIG in the wild and produces edible nuts:
Here is a link that might be useful: Wikipedia info on Pachira aquatica
Is the Money Tree the same as a Money Plant, which produces round green flat pods, but when dried you rub the green pods off and underneath a beautiful iridescent pod appears,usually used in dry arrangements with asian flair
I think I have some seeds I can send you.
Hi, Firewater, since the OP didn't come back, I will answer your question. No, it is not the same plant. The money tree can be an actual large tree. I also have money plant and have several arrangements with it in it. It is a biennial that never gets much bigger than 3-4 ft and is not woody.
i just bought a braided pachira insignius from ikea a couple days ago. i repotted it into a glass pot with no drainage whole but with glass pebbles below the soil and small rocks on top to make sure the tree didn't fall over (the roots are very short). it is sitting about 6' away from my S facing window. today i noticed that the leaves are starting to show a silvery film almost like small spider webs and i'm not sure why. i believe from reading other posts that i may have over-watered it to start out with, but have since drained the excess water to let it dry. the soil however is still somewhat moist. should i repot it in drier soil? should i mist the leaves?


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I read the lessons you have in the sites. They are really useful. However, I could not write codes write. I am very beginner in Java I don't know anything in it. I am using PostgreSQL database, and I want to make a query and abstraction for a table.
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help with tile identity crisis!
Hello all,
I mostly am a lurker, but have loved all the advice and good information I've found here. I'm hoping you can help me visualize whether a design for our bathroom will work. We are definitely going with large "slate look" ceramic tile for the floors--a nice, even, charcoal/gray black called 'Burma negro". My husband desperately wants a pebble tile floor, so the shower will have a charcoal (?) pebble tile floor as well. I was going to to a very subtle carrara-look subway tile in porcelain (called carrara gris) but wondering if this is a bathroom with an identity crisis: slate-ish floors, pebble shower floor, marble-ish wall tile. The colors coordinate beautifully, but I'm just wondering if it actually works in terms of aesthetics (rustic vs polished, etc). My other thoughts are:
1) to keep the bathroom and shower floors as is and do plain white subway tile instead of the carrara-y tile
2) use a very plain, tumbled light marble that looks more rustic.
3) or???
I LOVE your pebbles! I would do the pebble shower floor, the charcoal slate bathroom floor, and plain white tile for the shower walls. I would probably go with a larger format tile than a traditional subway though. Great choices!
I was going to say the same as lisadlu. The slate and pebble combo makes sense, it is the marble-like tile that doesn't fit in as well. I think a large format porcelain would be good, if you could find on in a color coordinating with one of the lighter colors in the pebbles. And I wouldn't go extremely glossy on the walls, either, but maybe that's just me!