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Dirc Potter, Philippe de Mézières and the virtue of marriage Exemplary literature within the late medieval political network Masterthesis, August 31st 2009 Cécile de Morrée Student no. 0301396 RMA Medieval Studies Utrecht University Dr. K. Lavéant Dr. D.E. van der Poel Prof.dr. P.W.M. Wackers Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 I CONTEXT AND SOURCES -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 6 1 THE DIPLOMAT-POETS ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 7 1.1 PHILIPPE DE MÉZIÈRES: BIOGRAPHY AND WORKS ------------------------------------------------- 7 1.2 DIRC POTTER: BIOGRAPHY AND WORKS ------------------------------------------------------------ 9 2 METHOD ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 12 2.1 A COMPARISON --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 12 2.2 THE STRUCTURE OF THIS THESIS -------------------------------------------------------------------- 13 3 SOURCES ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 14 3.1 PRIMARY SOURCES: THE RELEVANT WORKS ------------------------------------------------------ 14 3.1.1 Le Livre de la vertu ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 14 3.1.2 Der Minnen loep ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 19 3.2 HISTORICAL CONTEXT: MISSIONS, MEETINGS AND MANUSCRIPTS ------------------------------ 22 3.2.1 A diplomatic journey -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 22 3.2.2 Le Livre: the manuscript and its possessors ----------------------------------------------- 24 3.2.3 A play: L"Estoire de Griseldis --------------------------------------------------------------- 25 3.2.4 Griseldis and Melibée -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 27 3.3 SOME CONCLUDING REMARKS ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 30 II MARRIAGE AND THE IDEAL HUSBAND AND WIFE ------------------------------------ 32 1 THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF LE LIVRE --------------------------------------- 33 1.1 GENERAL THEORIES ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 33 1.1.1 Marriage and matrimonial laws ------------------------------------------------------------- 33 1.1.2 Complexions, illnesses and cures ------------------------------------------------------------ 35 1.2 THE IDEAL HUSBAND AND WIFE -------------------------------------------------------------------- 36 1.2.1 The ideal wife ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 36 1.2.2 The ideal husband ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 39 2 THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF DER MINNEN LOEP ------------------------- 40 2.1 GENERAL THEORIES ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 40 2.1.1 The value of marriage ------------------------------------------------------------------------- 40 2.2 THE IDEAL HUSBAND AND WIFE -------------------------------------------------------------------- 41 2.2.1 The ideal wife ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 42 2.2.2 The ideal husband ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- 43 3 THE EXEMPLA: A COMPARISON -------------------------------------------------------------- 44 3.1 THE DEFINITION OF AN EXEMPLUM----------------------------------------------------------------- 44 3.2 SOURCES OF THE EXEMPLA-------------------------------------------------------------------------- 45 3.3 SOCIAL BACKGROUND ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 46 3.4 EXEMPLARY WOMEN --------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 48 3.5 THE MORALISING TENOR ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 50 4 CONCLUSION: A COMPARISON REGARDING THE CONTENT ---------------------- 51 2 III EXEMPLARY NARRATIVES ------------------------------------------------------------------- 56 1 EXISTING TRADITIONS --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 56 2 USE AND FUNCTION OF EXEMPLA ----------------------------------------------------------- 60 3 AUTHOR AND AUDIENCE ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 63 3.1 THE NARRATOR AND THE AUTHOR ---------------------------------------------------------------- 63 3.2 THE ADDRESSED AUDIENCE ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 65 4 CONCLUSION: A COMPARISON REGARDING THE FORM --------------------------- 67 IV GRISELDIS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 69 1 A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS-------------------------------------------------------------------- 69 1.1 STORIES ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 69 1.2 NARRATIVE TECHNIQUES --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 73 1.3 GRISELDIS AS THE IDEAL WIFE --------------------------------------------------------------------- 75 2: TRACES OF INFLUENCE -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 81 V CONCLUSION ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 83 RESUMÉ EN FRANÇAIS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 88 BIBLIOGRAPHY ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 96 PRIMARY SOURCES ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 96 SECONDARY SOURCES ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 96 APPENDICES --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 101 APPENDIX I: LIST OF MANUSCRIPTS -------------------------------------------------------------------- 101 APPENDIX II: TABLES OF RELEVANT EXEMPLA OCCURRING IN LE LIVRE DE LA VERTU----------- 102 APPENDIX III: TABLES OF RELEVANT EXEMPLA OCCURRING IN DER MINNEN LOEP ------------- 104 APPENDIX IV: GRISELDIS. FULL TEXTS ---------------------------------------------------------------- 106 3 Introduction In the Middle Ages the countries as we know them nowadays, did not exist. The land was there, as were the people, but there existed no national boundaries. The only borders were linguistic ones, and even those were shady. Yet people travelled, as nowadays, regionally or through Europe, for private or professional motives. They met different cultures, habits, food, music, literature. And they took with them what they could use or liked most, sometimes crossing the linguistic borders. Someone who likewise took part in medieval cultural exchange, was Dirc Potter (ca.1385-1428). Being a diplomat, author and moralist at the same time, he shows a great interest in languages, literature, and ethics. Potter has known an exceptional career, making a huge progress in short time, and his literary works present him as a critical and self-conscious person, not afraid to state his opinions, sometimes sharp, yet personal and almost intimate when required. His works show several clear influences of foreign literature, some of which have already been subject to research. Taking into account that Potter has made diplomatic journeys across Europe more than once, it seems relevant to pose the question if it were not on these occasions that he came across the foreign literature that inspired him. From this point of view I will compare Potter"s work to another, contemporary diplomat"s. Philippe de Mézières (ca.1327-1405) was one of the most influential diplomats of the fourteenth century Mediterranean, and at the same time created a large literary oeuvre, in which he made use of literary elements that he acquired during his political journeys, as will be shown later on. Both authors show a number of similarities: they had the same profession, they travelled regularly for political reasons and on those journeys they moved around in the same social and cultural (court) circles. And, they shared a passion for literature. A focus on one of De Mézières" works – Le Livre de la vertu du sacrement de mariage – shows some interesting aspects. First there is Le Livre"s theme, marriage; second its form, a moralising text making use of short exemplary tales. Interestingly, Dirc Potter wrote a work that at first glance appears to be quite similar, entitled Der Minnen loep. It is also a moralising text on marriage, making use of exempla. In addition we find that De Mézières has composed the first French translation of the tale of the patient Griseldis. This story was originally composed in Italian by Boccaccio, and integrated in his famous Decameron. It narrates how the poor yet virtuous Griseldis was married by the Marquis Gautier, who put her through a series of trials to test her obedience and loyalty towards him. Griseldis endures all tribulations calm and patiently, and eventually gets rewarded by Gautier"s eternal love and mutual dedication. De Mézières used a Latin translation by his 4 close friend Petrarch as his source. Switching to Potter again, the tale of Griseldis is to be found in his Der Minnen loep as well, though in an adapted version. This is worth noticing, because other Middle Dutch rhymed Griseldis-versions known, are all of later date. All this provides fertile grounds for a comparison, that I aim to carry out in this thesis. I wish to thank foremost my supervisors, Dieuwke van der Poel and Katell Lavéant, who encouraged me to undertake and continue this ambitious project. Furthermore I owe them for their support of my participation at the specialists" conference on De Mézières, organised by the University of Cyprus in Nicosia, 9-14th of June 2009. For financial support in this matter I must also thank Marco Mostert. I would also like to thank all international scientists I met on this conference for their attention and enthusiasm regarding my research work, but in particular Michael Hanly (Washington State University, USA) and Anna Loba (University of Poznan, Poland), who have been most friendly and helpful. Last, I have benefit much from the flexible attitude of my colleagues at Uitgeverij Verloren, Hilversum, who enabled me to write this thesis besides a part-time employment. 5 I Context and sources As pointed out in the brief Introduction, there are fertile grounds for a comparison of Le Livre de la vertu and Der Minnen loep. This first part of this thesis will examine these grounds in detail. It will become clear that both authors show similar profiles: around 1400 they were serving their courts as travelling diplomats, and at the same time they took a great interest in literature. They wrote several moralising works of length and shared at least one subject: the importance of a stable and virtuous marriage and the duties of both husband and wife therein. Yet, Dirc Potter and Philippe de Mézières have not been subject to one single research, and no former studies have related these authors to each other. This lacuna will fortunately be fulfilled by this thesis. In the present comparative research the emphasis lies on the shared cultural circles and similar profiles of the authors. The social circles around them were closely related to one another; as will be indicated below, some of the key figures even belonged to the same family. The study of the connections between such court groups has proved a network of literary exchange at the end of the Middle Ages,1 to which I hope to contribute by examining the functioning of the diplomats and poets Potter and De Mézières as actual agents of exchange. These elements and findings will be clarified below by an overview of both author"s lives and works (chapter 1). Next, an overview of this thesis" aims and methods is presented in chapter 2. Chapter 3 will explore the historical context of the topic, and describes the relevant sources. Hence, this first part is indispensable for the continuation of the research: the comparison of Potter"s Der Minnen loep and De Mézières" Livre de la vertu, regarding both content and form. It is not the main aim to prove that Le Livre de la vertu has been a source for Der Minnen loep, although De Mézières" work may have influenced Potter"s to some extent. A comparison is useful, even if no direct influence has taken place. Potter and De Mézières did not serve the same Lord and they never met, but they moved around in the same circles. A comparison of their works could therefore reveal new information on the views of marriage in French and Dutch aristocratic circles around 1400 and, most interestingly, on the functioning of medieval diplomatic journeys as a way of cultural and artistic transmission. 1 See Hanly 1997a and chapter I, 2 of this thesis. 6 1 The diplomat-poets 1.1 Philippe de Mézières: biography and works Philippe de Mézières was born in 1327 in Picardy, in the surroundings of Amiens, in a big family of the poorer nobility.2 He left France in 1345, to serve Lucchino Visconti, Lord of Milan. He was then also presented in Naples at the Angevin court of the assassinated king Andrew. In 1346 De Mézières went on a military mission to Smyrna (nowadays known as Izmir, Turkey) and to Cyprus. There he made the acquaintance of the Lusignan-family, rulers of Cyprus and claimants to the throne of Jerusalem. It was in this period that he first thought of the idea of a crusade to reconquer the Holy Land, a theme that would become of central importance in his further political career and literary works. Later that year he returned to France, where he has probably studied at the Paris University between 1349 and 1354.3 He served at Avignon and at several minor courts until his return to Cyprus in 1359. He then became Chancellor of Cyprus under Pierre de Lusignan and spent the next years travelling through Europe with his Lord to gain support for the cause of Western crusade against the Saracens. This resulted in a battle that conquered Alexandria in 1365, but the campaign ended in looting and disorder. At this time De Mézières first wrote down the regulations for his Order of the Passion of Jesus Christ. This chivalric society was dedicated to the conquest of the pagan through a united Christendom, and many of its members belonged to the highest nobility.4 During this period De Mézières made frequent missions to Venice, promoting the crusade. It was probably during one of these visits that he made the acquaintance of Petrarch, to whom he refers as his dear friend in the prologue of his Griseldis-translation, inserted in Le Livre de la vertu.5 This connection is a strong link in the international network of literary exchange through the political routes existing in the end of the 14th century. A conserved letter from Petrarch to De Mézières confirms their friendship,6 and thus suggests an explanation for De Mézières" early acquisition of the Griseldis-material.7 After De Lusignan"s death in 1369 had ended his Cyprian career, De Mézières spent two years in Venice as well.8 In 1373 he returned to France, asking Charles V for help in mounting another crusade. Although this request was refused, Charles did appoint him to the royal council, awarded him a pension and made him tutor of his son, the later Charles VI. De Mézières became one of the 2 Jorga 1896:9-14; Williamson 1985:394-395. 3 Caudron 1983:36. 4 Hanly 1997b:274-276 ; Williamson 1985:395-396. See also De Mézières, Nova religio passionis (1367-1368). 5 "maistre Fransoys Patrarc, jadis mon especial ami" (fol. 165v, p. 358). 6 November 1369, Seniles (Epistolae rerum senilium), 13.2. See Hanly 1997a:309. 7 Hanly 1997a:309-310. 8 Hanly 1997b:277. 7 king"s most trusted personal advisors and enjoyed this patronage while serving the court of France on diplomatic missions for the next seven years.9 Charles V died in 1380 and De Mézières, then fifty-three, withdrew to the convent of the Celestine order in Paris. He did however never take the monastery vow, and remained influential at the French court as the tutor and advisor of the young Charles VI and his brother Louis, later to be the Duke of Orléans and a close friend of the author. As such De Mézières" main concern was proclaiming a peace between France and England, preceding any future crusade. This peace was realised in 1388. With the madness of Charles VI that began to show in 1392 and continued sporadically until his death in 1322, De Mézières" influence diminished and a long struggle over power between the royal dukes of Orléans, Burgundy, Berry and Bourbon started.10 However, De Mézières continued to press for peace, which resulted in the marriage of the English king Richard II to Charles VI"s seven-year-old daughter Isabelle in 1396.11 He continued to proclaim crusade as well, and in the same year a Christian army marched on Turkey. Under the inexperienced leadership of John Without Fear, son of Philip of Burgundy, the French got defeated at Nicopolis. The final crusade in 1399 dissolved into looting and disorder, like the first one undertaken by De Lusignan in 1365. With this last failure, De Mézières abandoned his hopes and retired to the convent at last. During the final years of his life the only contact with the court consisted of the frequent visits of Louis d"Orléans, who shared many of his ideas. He died in 1405 and was buried in the convent"s chapel according to a will that he wrote in 1392 and of which the original autographed document has been preserved.12 During his Cypriot political career De Mézières had written Nova religio passionis (1367-1368), in which he set out a first outline of his Order of the Passion, and a description of the life of Peter Thomas, Vita S. Petri Thomasii (1366-1367), by which miraculous biography he was aiming to get his late friend canonized as a saint. Yet most of De Mézières" writings came about after his withdrawal to the Celestine Convent. The Contemplatio horae mortis and the Soliloquium peccatoris (1386-1387) were two devotional treatises. Between 1385 and 1389 the work central to this thesis, Le Livre de la vertu du sacrement de mariage, came about. It is an allegorical treatise on marriage, aiming to comfort unhappy married ladies by narrating exemplary tales, including the story of the patient Griseldis. This Griseldis-version is the oldest French translation known. In 1389 he wrote Le songe du vieil pélérin, an elaborate allegorical voyage, describing the customs of Europe and the near East and propagating peace with England and the pursuit of the Crusade. The largely autobiographical Oratio tragedica pursued similar 9 Williamson 1985:394-395. 10 Hanly 1997a:311, Hanly 1997b:277-279. 11 See also Cropp&Hanham 2007. 12 Hanly 1997b:282-283; Jorga 1973:511. 8 aims. In 1395 De Mézières addressed to King Richard II of England an Épistre, advising in favor of a marriage with young Isabelle of France. His last work, L'Épistre lamentable et consolatoire (1397), was inspired by the disaster of Nicopolis on the 28th of September 1396, describing the principles of the Order as a remedy against future disasters. The author dedicated it to Phillip, Duke of Burgundy.13 According to his biographer Nicolas Jorga, after his death De Mézières got portrayed rather negatively by the Burgundian party, which was aroused by his intimate association with the Duke of Orléans. He was called a false monk, a sorcerer responsible for Charles VI"s madness and blamed for the death of his former Cyprian patron, Pierre de Lusignan.14 These rumours are sure to have had their influence on the French political climate at the beginning of the 15th century, around the time when Dirc Potter first arrived in France. 1.2 Dirc Potter: biography and works The earliest source on the life of Dirc Potter is the financial administration of the Court of Holland, situated in The Hague. In 1385 Potter is mentioned as a clerk at the Tresorie (financial department). He then was probably about 16 years old. In the same year the royal houses of Bavaria and Burgundy got joined by a double marriage: William – the future William VI – and Margaret of Bavaria (son and daughter of Albrecht, Lord of Holland, Zealand and Hainault) got joined in matrimony to Margaret of Burgundy and John Without Fear (daughter and son of Phillip, Duke of Burgundy). The purpose of the alliance was to avoid English influence on both families" positions and possessions.15 From November 1398 on, Potter carried out multiple missions in the Court"s service. He represented the Count of Holland and intermediated in his name between struggling parties in juridical conflicts. In this position he regularly travelled to other cities in the Low Countries, like Dordrecht, Utrecht and Maastricht. Surprisingly, a conviction of Potter himself in 1400, due to being party to manslaughter, does not seem to have had any negative influence on his career. Potter was charged with a fine and sent on pilgrimage, and he kept his position at Court.16 From January 1403 Potter was allowed to sign official letters on behalf of the Count, bearing the title of secretarius (secretary), and on the 29th of August he got promoted bailiff of The Hague. He remained in this high juridical function until the 4th of September 1416. At the same time he remained diplomat and secretary in the Court"s service, thus being involved in both 13 Jorga 1896:443-499. See also Cropp&Hanham 2007. 14 Jorga 1896:426; Hanly 1997b:282-283. 15 Corbellini 2000:55. 16 Van Buuren 1993:92-96. 9 the national and international politics around the Court of Holland. He was closely involved in the War of Arkel – a long-time struggle between the Court of Holland and the Lords of Arkel, Gelre (1401-1412) –, representing the Count and reporting on the events and negotiations. During this period he left the Low Countries at least twice; first for a diplomatic journey to France (1409), to which I"ll get back below, and later for a secret mission to Rome (1411-1412). Afterwards he accomplished two more international missions; he was in charge of a delegacy sent to England to negotiate on a conflict on the hijack of Dutch ships (1413) and in 1416 and 1418 he made two short trips to the north of France, once to meet Emperor Sigismund and the Bishop of Reims in Calais.17 Potter remained at the Court of Holland all of his life, and served several Lords (and one Lady): Albrecht Duke of Bavaria, William VI of Bavaria Count of Holland and Hainault, Jacoba of Bavaria, John of Bavaria, John III of Brabant and last Phillip of Burgundy (after 1425). As a reward for his long and exceptional service he was rewarded the loan of the mansion Ter Loo on the 25th of march 1415. From this event on until his death on the 30th of April 1428, he called himself Dirc Potter Vander Loo, which without doubt had more class.18 Three works of literature have been attributed to Potter. He has made a Dutch adaptation of the Italian treatise Fiore di virtue – entitled Bloeme der Deughden – and a very faithful Dutch translation of the French Livre de Melibée et Prudence by Renaud de Louhans – entitled Van Mellibeus ende sijnre vrouwe Prudentia. Both these texts were written between 1415 and 1428, and they are transmitted in one single manuscript (ca.1450), joined together by one acrostichon.19 His first work, Der Minnen loep (The various ways of Love), is of central importance to this thesis. It was written in the years 1411-1412 and is a long didactical poem on the different courses love may take, narrating short tales of famous couples from history and ancient literature.20 It contains a great variation of stories from different sources, some of which were commonly known at the time and place, and others seem to have been rather uncommon, like the tale of Griseldis. Only four early Middle Dutch prose versions of the tale of Griseldis have come down to us. Although very little research has been done on this matter, three of these prose-versions came about in the eastern regions, and can be dated roughly between 1400 and 1450. The only early 17 Van Buuren 1993:92-96, Corbellini 2000:53-80. 18 Van Buuren 1993:92-96. 19 When the first letters of the chapters of Bloeme der Deughden and Mellibeus are put together, they form the phrase "DIRIC POTTER VANDER LOO VTEN HAGE HEEFT MI GEMAECT GOD SI ES GHELOEFT ENDI GHEBENEDYIT VAN ALS AMEN". The caesura between the two texts lies between the chapters starting with respectively the S and the I, that together form the word "SI". Overmaat has shown that the letters I and Y in the grammatically incorrect words "ENDI GHEBENEDYIT" are the consequences of scribal mistakes. The intended words were "ENDE GHEBENEDIIT", which are correct Middle Dutch forms. Overmaat 1950:12-15; see also Corbellini 2000:81-83. 20 Corbellini 2000; Van Buuren 1979. 10 Dutch version in verse, is Potter's, dating from 1411-1412. Hence, this is one of the eldest (maybe even the eldest), the only one in verse, it was composed in the western region of Holland, and in this version the characters have different names than in the other versions.21 Potter's version as such does not seem to be connected to another version transmitted in the medieval Low Countries. However, the tradition and dispersion of Griseldis in the Middle Dutch area has not yet been researched as a whole, and the relations between those five Middle Dutch versions of the tale remain unknown.22 Although Petrarch had visited the southern Low Countries in June 1333, his Latin Griseldis-translation – written in 1377 – was probably not widely spread in these regions at the early beginning of the fifteenth century.23 Potter may have acquired the material for the story in Rome, where he wrote Der Minnen loep and where he could have read an Italian manuscript of the Decameron. But before that, he had already been to France, where he had had the opportunity to acquaint the story effortless, as will be shown below. The acquisition of a Decameron-manuscript would surely have demanded much more effort. Besides, since it is known that he did have access to a Melibée-manuscript – the example he used for his Dutch translation Van Mellibeus –, the French route was definitively the shortest to Griseldis. The Court of Holland is known to have been the centre of a rich cultural circle, including all kinds of music and literature.24 Potter probably attended Latin school for a basic education; he was able to read and write Latin and could also read Italian and French. In addition to strong self-willed opinions and a lot of creative storytelling, Potters work clearly contains influences of foreign literature. He had a remarkable career but what makes him even more interesting is that from none of his works any dedication or patronage can be derived. Potter seems to be the first independent leisure author in the Dutch linguistic area: he had his job at Court and besides that, in his spare time, he used to read and write, for no patron on whom he depended for support, but for his own pleasure, and to a probably fairly limited audience of family and friends.25 21 No explanation of the characters" different names has been found so far. See also Van Buuren 1979:243; Laserstein 1926:40. 22 See Dempster 1932:925. According to Dempster, the Latin text of Petrarch probably never reached any of these Dutch prose-translators. The earliest Dutch translation of Boccaccio's Decameron was not made until 1564, by Dirc Coornhert: Vijftigh Lustighe Historien of Nieuwicheden Johannis Boccatii. On the earliest Dutch prose-translations, see Gallé 1884, Verdam 1898, Veerdeghem 1899, Daniëls 1900. Daniëls has shown that there are not that many similarities between the Middle Dutch prose versions and the Italian and Latin versions. Verdam and Van Veerdeghem suggest that rather some French adaptations served as sources. The source of Potter's Griseldis has not been studied in detail before. 23 Tournoy 2005; Kristeller 1962; Dempster 1932. 24 Janse 2001; Van Oostrom 1986; Van Oostrom 1987, especially p.225-268. 25 Van Buuren 1993:92-93; Van Buuren 1979:13. 11 2 Method 2.1 A Comparison The relations between Potter, De Mézières, their works and networks are multiple. Both authors are interested in the themes of love and marriage, husband and wife, and carry out strong opinions on the matter. They both use exemplary tales in their narrative technique, with which they aim to persuade and educate their audiences. One of these, the tale of Griseldis, is by both authors embodied in a vernacular text in a remarkably early stage. The similarities in their biographies are striking. Here we are looking at a decisive type of (medieval) author that I would like to call the "diplomat-poet". This term is not a new invention, but borrowed from the American medievalist Michael Hanly.26 A diplomat-poet is defined as a courtier with an important diplomatic function. In the service of his court"s Lord he is sent on foreign missions and therefore travels between the main courts of the later Middle Ages, in this case western Europe around 1400. Besides this political function, the diplomat-poet is a literary author (not necessarily in the service of a mecenas), whose work can withhold a variation in styles and themes. Diplomat-poets may have played an important role in the spread of literary elements and traditions across Europe. On their journeys, often undertaken for political reasons, these authors came across new literature, new material, new influences, that they brought home with them. This may have contributed to the spread of manuscripts and must certainly have contributed to the spread of culture. Both De Mézières and Potter fit the profile of the diplomat-poet. They both moved around in social circles around western European courts. Former research has shown that around such courts often existed a lively cultural circle as well, in which in the court functioned as the centre of literary and musical production.27 By travelling from one court to the other for political reasons, these diplomat-poets inevitably travelled from one cultural environment to the other as well, meanwhile acting as actual agents of cultural exchange. A research after the historical context of Potter and De Mézières, their political missions and encounters, can shed new light on the functioning of medieval diplomatic journeys as ways of literary exchange. More precisely, it investigates the chain between Paris and The Hague (or: the court of France and the court of Holland) in the dispersion of literature in late medieval western Europe. On the other hand a comparison of their works, particularly the thematic-related Le Livre de la vertu and Der Minnen loep, can teach us how the same topic – marriage – has been viewed 26 In his article in Viator (1997) Hanly proposes an international network of diplomat-poets, within which cultural exchange has taken place. He mentions amongst others Geoffrey Chaucer, Honorat Bovet and Philippe de Mézières as actual agents of exchange in this network. I would like to add Dirc Potter to this shortlist of cultural agents, expanding the network proposed by Hanly. See Hanly 1997a. 27 Van Oostrom 1987. 12 in different places, and in different – yet related – circles, around the same time. Of special interest therein are the reflections on the ideal wife and on the domestic relations between both spouses. Last, it may be interesting to explore how these two authors, both in their own way, make use of brief exemplary tales in their moralising compositions. A comparison of Philippe de Mézières" Livre and Dirc Potter"s Der Minnen loep thus serves a bilateral goal. In this thesis I aim to carry out this comparison, to formulate a preliminary answer to the following questions: May Dirc Potter have acquired new, literary influences on his diplomatic journey to France – like the tale of Griseldis –, possibly descended from Philippe de Mézières, his works or the cultural circle around him? Could Potter in this manner, as a diplomat-poet, have contributed to the dispersion of literary elements from the Middle French into the Middle Dutch linguistic area? 2.2 The structure of this thesis To answer the questions mentioned above, I will focus on the shared features of both medieval authors. First I will examine the primary texts, Le Livre de la vertu and Der Minnen loep, by giving an overview of these text"s contents (part I, chapter 3.1). The other component of the sources exists of the historical context. I will start by investigating the backgrounds of Potter"s diplomatic journey to France in 1409, the nature of his mission and the social circles he moved around in. There may be overlap between these circles and the social circle around De Mézières. Furthermore I will examine the dispersion of De Mézières" Le Livre de la vertu, its manuscript(s) and those persons who may have had access to it. Next, I will examine two other possible ways in which Potter may be influenced by De Mézières" work, especially on this one remarkable similarity: the tale of Griseldis. These paths are the contemporary French play L'Estoire de Griseldis, composed after De Mézières" translation of the tale, and the dispersion of that other French text used by Potter: Melibée et Prudence. All this is found in chapter 3.2 of part I. I will restrict the further comparative research to those parts of the texts that are mainly concerned with the marriage between man and woman: book III of Le Livre de la vertu and book IV of Der Minnen loep. The second part of this thesis is dedicated to the contents of these texts, starting with an exploration of both author"s ideas and theories on marriage and the duties of both husband and wife therein (part II, chapters 1 and 2). Investigating the exemplary tales narrated may throw light on what is considered a good or a bad quality of the spouses, and on the moralising tenors added. Some attention will be paid to the stories" sources. Yet, I will not elaborate, since a detailed comparison of the sources and the adaptations made is not of direct importance to this thesis" main concern and could well be the topic of a separate thesis. Last, an 13 inventory of the exemplary women"s social background may reveal something about the intended audience of the text. The exemplary tales will be considered in chapter 3 of part II. The third part will focus on the works" form, since this is another aspect on which the texts appear to be similar. The authors make use of different traditions of exemplary narrations and moralising literature (part III, chapter 1). The functions of the incorporated tales will be examined (chapter 2), as well as the way the author manifests himself in the text and the way in which he addresses his audience (chapter 3). In the fourth part the interesting case of Griseldis will be examined more closely by a comparative analysis of both Potter"s and De Mézières" version. This may serve as a case study, possibly confirming, denying or shading all former findings more delicately. 3 Sources 3.1 Primary sources: the relevant works 3.1.1 Le Livre de la vertu Le Livre de la vertu du sacrement de mariage espirituel et reconfort des dames mariees et de tout bon crestien par un devot example de la Passion de Jhesucrist et du miroir des dames mariees, la noble marquis de Saluce28 is the complete title of the text of this thesis" concern. Le Livre, as I will call it from now on, has been written between July 17th 1385 and June 18th 1389.29 Its author, Philippe de Mézières, composed it for the French noble Baron Pierre de Craon (born 1345, third son of Guillaume de Craon, chamberlain of the King, and of Marguerite of Flanders) and in particular for his spouse Jehanne de Chastillon (daughter of Gaucher de Chastillon and of Marie de Coucy). Although the subject of Le Livre is marriage, and although it is dedicated to a married couple, the text was not intended as a marital gift, for Jehanne and Pierre had married long before De Mézières finished his work. Their wedding was probably already in May 1364, but the birth of their son Antoine in 1369 clearly shows that they were already married by that year. That the couple had probably been married for a while, is also indicated by several text passages.30 In the text De Mézières does not mention a particular reason for his donation. However, in a later manuscript (ca.1390-1395) we find a vow of Pierre to donate "deux cents livres de 28 Philippe de Mézières, Le Livre de la vertu. Ed. Williamson (1993), based on MS Paris BN fr. 1175. The title can be found on f.4, p.47. This is the only edition available of the whole text. I have based my research on this edition and all quotes of Le Livre de la vertu in this thesis are taken from this edition. 29 Williamson 1984:447. For more information on the manuscript source see paragraph 3.2.2 below. 30 "en gardant a lectre le sacrement de son marriage et a son seigneur et mary non pas fainte mais vraye obeissance" (f.2, p.45); "en gardant sainctement a la letter le loyen et sacrement de son marriage dont elle est vraiment honoree" (f.4v, p.49). 14 rente" to De Mézières" beloved Order of the Passion.31 It is therefore possible that Pierre had already offered financial help before such was administrated in an official list, which yields a compelling argument that De Mézières wrote a book that lauds the Baron"s virtues. In the text Pierre is praised highly for his wealth, beauty and personal qualities.32 History however shows another impression. On June 13th 1392 Pierre attempted to murder Olivier de Clisson (the first commander of the royal army), attacking the victim with a group of armed men once he left the King after supper. With this attack he tried to serve the King of Bretagne, although a personal hate was of influence as well. Afterwards Pierre fled to Bretagne himself, while Charles VI confiscated his belongings (among which the manuscript of Le Livre), attributing them to Louis, Duke of Orléans, who was also a close friend of De Mézières. By means of fleeing, Pierre left his wife Jehanne with nothing but problems and poverty, and dependant on the king for financial aid. Even before the composition of the manuscript, Pierre was not known to be virtuous. In 1379 Pierre surprised and killed Badouin de Velu in his bath. He hated his brother but killed Badouin just because of encountering the wrong person. Furthermore he was accused of stealing money from the Duke of Anjou, who sent him to gather 100.000 ducats altogether from Barnabé Visconti, Galéas and Regnault des Ursins. The money was intended to finance a battle, but never delivered by its carrier.33 Nevertheless it is not surprising that De Mézières concealed Pierre"s reputation of a murderer, a coward and a thief. Writing an impartial biography at the time was impossible, since the author depended strongly on his patron(s). Although there are no indications that Pierre mistreated his wife or that he trespassed the laws of marriage, he surely did trespass the social laws of morality. The bonding to such a badly reputed husband must have had consequences for Jehanne"s life, even before he took off to leave her in misery. Like Griseldis, whose life story forms the climax of Le Livre de la vertu, Jehanne de Chastillon must have had a great deal to suffer. Throughout the book De Mézières maintains the opinion that one should not despair because of his or her marriage. This is stressed by the examples of Griseldis, to whom I shall come back later on, and Rosamond, who was forced by her husband to drink from a cup he had made from her father"s skull.34 Even in such an extreme situation, De Mézières explicitly advises not to despair, for God commands to love one"s enemy, 31 MS. Paris Arsenal 2251, f.114. See Williamson 1984:450; Jorga 1896:491. 32 "aourné non pas petitement des biens da nature, de fortune et des biens de grace, riche des biens mondain et de la grace de Dieu, bel, sage et eloquent entre cent, doubtant et amant Dieu en son cuer et aveuc le saint Job departant soy du mal" (f.2, p.45). 33 Williamson 1984:450-453; Williamson 1985:389. 34 F.100v-102, p.238-239. 15 and He never commands the impossible. It is a tempting idea that Jehanne also needed these lessons in order to keep heart.35 The author himself however does not make any insinuations in this direction. He explains that his intended audience exists of married ladies first of all. Second, also virgins, widows and those who live in abstinence are spoken to. Last, even married men are intended to need De Mézières" advises, for no earthly marriage can exist without both a woman and a man. Finally the author stresses that his work is intended for all good Christians.36 It seems odd that such a moral treatise on marriage was written by a man who never got married himself.37 Moreover, Joan Williamson has shown that his work, although dedicated to a lady, contains several anti-feminine and uncourtly elements.38 Nevertheless, De Mézières assures his audience that he is not writing about the problems marriage may cause to defame the wives, but only to correct the great evils that afflict the bond of marriage, and as such to contribute to the couple"s happiness.39 According to him a wife will be cured of her marital maladies when sincerely looking at the example of the Passion of Christ and at the mirror for married ladies that is the tale of Griseldis.40 In the prologue to Le Livre De Mézières compares the structure of his book to a four-sided mirror. Each side is represented by a part of the book, and hence Le Livre consists of four parts. The content of each part (or the meaning of each side of the square mirror) is described in this main prologue.41 Furthermore, the manuscript makes use of rubricated titles that indicate the content of each chapter that is to follow. In the beginning of the manuscript an overview of all these titles is presented, as a table of contents. These means make the book quite well-structured. Book 1 The first book treats the marriage between the fine Ruby and the fine Diamond. These precious stones are allegorical symbols of God and the Reasonable Soul, and equally of the Son of God and Humanity, for they share the same virtues.42 This spiritual marriage is demonstrated by baptism. Next the author focuses on the love of Christ for Humanity and the loving alliance or marriage between Christ and the Church of God, the latter being represented as the mother 35 Williamson 1985:401-402. 36 F.4, p.47; f.138-138v, p.308. 37 F.90v, p.217. 38 Williamson 1985, elaborating on this argument. However, Rosalind Brown-Grant states that De Mézières "avoids drawing misogynistic conclusions": Brown 2002:53. Unfortunately, this thesis does not provide the appropriate space to examine the argument more thoroughly. 39 F.97v, p.230-231. 40 F.79, p.119. 41 F.3-3v, p.46-47. 42 Williamson 1994a:110-111. 16 church by the Virgin Mary. This alliance is demonstrated by the bitter passion of Christ, whose crucifixion is depicted as the climax of the wedding festivities. Last it treats the marvellous fruits this spiritual marriage of the Ruby and the Diamond brought to humanity and the power and beauty of the church that came thereof. Book 2 The second book describes the wedding feast of queen Mary – who is considered both mother and wife of the great king of this wedding, being Christ, the Son of God – and both the great joy and sorrow she experienced from this wedding. Joy, because the alliance assured the human redemption, and sorrow because her sweet son and spiritual husband had to die for it. The book also treats her virtuousness (which is compared to and explained by the virtues of the fine diamond), her birth and holy life and how she was chosen and prepared to be the mother and wife to God"s Son. Book 3 The third book is concerned with the spiritual marriage between man and woman, illustrated and explained by examples and symbols. Here, the author becomes a physician, treating seven diseases that may affect ladies who do not live after the sacrament of their marriage, either to Christ their immortal spouse or to their mortal husband. Each disease can be related to one of the seven sins. He also presents the cures and remedies for these illnesses.43 The book is finalised with fifteen lessons for married ladies and their husbands, and to all good Christians, on how to remain happy in marriage. Book 4 The fourth book treats the spiritual marriage between God and the Reasonable Soul, the virtues of this alliance and the causes that oblige every Christian soul to love God perfectly. This explanation is composed after Hugo of Saint Victor"s book De l'amour de Dieu et de l'arre de l'ame. Next the book offers a mirror for married ladies: the history of the noble Marquise de Saluce and her love and obedience to her husband. This history is the well-known tale of the peasant girl Griseldis, who was married to a noble Marquis who tested her virtuousness heavily by several cruel trials. The text finishes with the author"s regret concerning the grief, harshness and insufficiency of the four-sided mirror he proposed in the prologue. He closes the book with a miracle of the heavenly queen and a prayer to the Virgin Mary, filled with recommendations to all married ladies, their husbands and all good Christians. 43 Williamson 1994b:77-78. 17 In all this exalted matter, the author remains modest. At several points in the texts he humbly apologizes that he writes prolix about the Passion, and that he is not worthy to treat such a high subject as the wedding of the queen of heaven. It is clear that the author thinks along with his audience. One of the final chapters of the second book, for example, has been given the illustrative title "A question that some could pose: why would this book not better be titled De la Passion de Jhesu Christ than Du sacrement de mariage, and the answer of the author to this".44 The passion is of great importance to the author indeed. As can be derived from the model of the four-sided mirror and of the content of the book as given above, Le Livre distinguishes four kinds of sacraments of marriage, also called spiritual alliances. Those are: The alliance between God and the Reasonable soul, confirmed by creation; The alliance between Christ and Humanity, confirmed by His Incarnation; The alliance between Christ and the Holy Church/ the Virgin Mary, confirmed by His Passion; The alliance between mortal husband and wife; confirmed by the sacrament of marriage. As the author points out in book II, chapter XX, he passes the first two kinds of alliance rather quickly compared to the fourth and especially the third kind. His reason for this is that those alliances consist of difficult and exalted material, that cannot be comprised by lay people unless by faith. About the alliance between Christ and the Church on the contrary, one cannot write enough. As physicians often tell elaborately about the subject and circumstances of the bitter medicine that is necessary to regain their patient"s health, likewise laymen should be educated elaborately on the bitter medicine with which Christ has brought health to us all. In all circumstances, whether said, done or written, one must remember the Passion. No-one should be amazed by this, according to De Mézières, for presenting the virtue and the bond of the alliance of the Holy Passion, will awaken all married ladies and all good Christians. This is because if it were not for the glorious Passion, none of the parties, bound by no matter what kind of sacrament of marriage, would have been able to benefit of the Redemption of their souls.45 In his theorising, De Mézières frequently cites theological authorities, such as Hugo of Saint Victor, Saint Augustin, Saint Gregory, Saint Ambrose, Saint Jerome, Bonaventura, Anselmus and the Holy Apostles. 44 Book II, chapter XX. 45 Book II, chapters XX and XXIV. 18 Within this theoretical framework the tale of Griseldis combines all four sides of the mirror, or all four kinds of alliance. She has a Reasonable Soul, and thus is obliged to love God, her immortal spouse, in perfect faith and dedication. Next she is human, which makes her naturally related to the incarnated Christ. Clearly she is also a mortal wife, bound to a mortal husband in obedience and loyalty. Because her husband, whom she is obliged to love and obey by the sacrament of marriage, makes her undergo several trials from which she suffers heavily, Griseldis can be compared to the suffering Christ as well. These considerations are further analysed in part IV of this thesis. 3.1.2 Der Minnen loep Der Minnen loep was, if we may rely on the work"s prologue, written in Rome while Dirc Potter stayed there for about a year for a secret diplomatic mission (I, vs.80-83). His mission to Rome is known from other sources as well, like the court of Holland"s financial administration, but his precise occupations on the journey remain unknown.46 In the prologue to Der Minnen loep the author also narrates where and when he was inspired to start writing this particular work.47 During his stay in Rome every once in a while he used to take a pleasurable walk along the flowing river, to keep himself from melancholy. One day it happened that during this walk he got a vision. A pretty damsel was floating in the air, introducing herself as Lady Venus, the ancient goddess of love. She asked Potter to do her a favour: "Du moets my doen een bede cleyn" (I, vs.105). He must narrate many stories the great poets have written on love. Venus would bring them to his mind, so he could tell them to women, knights and youngsters who do not know what love is.48 Thus Venus commands him to write a poem, describing all he knows about love, how love evolves and processes, how tight she can tie the knot between two people, what her effects and results have been in the past, and about lovers" fates; all to teach those lovers the true nature of love: Bescrijft in dijn ghedichte voert Wat du van minne hebs ghehoert, Hoedanich is der minnen loep Ende hoe vaste si bindet den knoep, Wat sy voertijts heeft ghedaen Ende hoet den menighen is vergaen: Op datsi leren moghen dair by, 46 Corbellini 2000:53-80. 47 Van Buuren 1979:78-83. 48 "Nym die poeten in dijn memori / Ende besich menigherconne histori, / Die si van minnen hebben bescreven. / Ic wilse di inden sinne gheven" (I, vs.119-122). 19 Wat liefte is ende wat minne sy. (I, vs.127-134) Whether the story of the vision is true or not, Potter has followed Venus" instructions precisely. Der Minnen loep is a moralising composition of exemplary tales on famous couples from history and literature in a theoretical framework. About half of the text consists of stories; the remaining part consists of theory.49 This theoretical framework is reflected by the structure of the work. Potter distinguishes four kinds of love and thus the work is divided into four books, each corresponding to one of the types. Book 1 The first book treats the gecke minne; crazy love. This is love that evolves to hastily, and as such gets lovers into trouble. Especially young people should beware of this. They should take their time to get to know the other person, and to inquire whether or not their desired partner is actually single. Falling in love to quickly makes lovers blind, leading them to dangerous situations that even may be fatal. This kind of love should therefore be avoided. Some of the exemplary tales that are narrated in this section are the stories of Jason and Medea, Helena and Paris, Dido and Aeneas, Theseus and Ariadne. Book 2 The second book is dedicated to the goederreynre minne; good love. This is the kind of love that is praiseworthy and valuable, and recommended to all lovers. This book describes love in the early stages, from first acquaintance to engagement. The process of love knows four grades. First the lovers meet each other in the company of others, exchanging meaningful looks. Next they speak to each other in private, getting to know each other better. In this stage they may exchange a kiss. The third grade is that of cuddling and caressing, yet it is explicitly stated that the couple must stay on top of the sheets of the bed, and not go underneath them. Although they should not get undressed entirely, the breasts may be touched if the clothing allows it.50 The fourth grade, when the actual sexual intercourse takes place, may not be experienced until matrimony, which is described in the fourth book. Exemplary couples of good love are Hero and Leander, Pyramus and Thisbe, Daniel and Susanna. 49 Gerritsen 2009:52. 50 "Die borstkijns machmen wel an stoten / Sijn sy niet te vast besloten / ende byeden hem gueden dach", II, vs.1311- 1315. 20 Book 3 The third book describes the ongheoirlofde minne; love that is not permitted. Whereas the gecke minne of book 1 was only characterised as dangerous and insensible, the ongheoirlofde minne is sinful and to be avoided at all time. Five types are mentioned: bestiality, incest, rape, homosexuality and the love for Jews and pagans. However love for blood relatives (incest) may be tolerated, under the strict condition that the couple does not exceed the third grade – that is: as long as they do not practice sexual intercourse. Couples who practised any of these types of love all came to regret it, like Caumis and Biblides, Semyramis and her stepson, Tamar and Amon. Book 4 The fourth book is dedicated to the gheoerlofder minne: permitted love. This book is thus entirely dedicated to marriage. As such it is the continuation of the second book, that finishes after the third grade of good love. This good love is continued in marriage, when the lovers may always be together, are freed of bad rumours, and when sexual intercourse is permitted. Exemplary couples cited here are Hester and Ahasverus, Penelope and Ulysses, Hermione and Arestis, Orphaen and Lympiose. This last couple concerns the tale of Gautier and Griseldis, although the characters bear different names. The composition of Der Minnen loep took place during the years 1411-1412, when according to archival sources Potter stayed in Rome. This is also stated by the author in one of his later works, Bloeme der Deughden, when he refers to Der Minnen loep as a text he wrote during his younger years in Rome. It is preserved in two, later manuscripts. One dates from ca.1480 (MS The Hague KB 128E6) and comprises also a collection of poems by Willem van Hildegaersberch, one of Potter"s contemporaries who performed regularly at the court of Holland. The other manuscript dates from ca.1486 (MS Leiden UB LTK 205) but is of poorer quality.51 The only complete edition available, is published by Leendertz in 1845-1847, based on The Hague KB 128E6.52 Potter has not dedicated his work to any patron(ess) and seems to have been writing for a fairly small circle of family and friends. Although the vivid cultural life at the court of Holland could have offered him the possibility for (financial and artistic) patronage, Potter – probably of middleclass descent himself – apparently cared for his independence. There is not much known 51 Van Buuren 1979:28-33. 52 The edition by P. Leendertz (Leiden, 1845-1847) is also consultable online at dbnl.nl. All quotes in this thesis are taken from this edition. In 1983 an edition of only the third book of Der Minnen loep was realised by a group of Dutch students and scientists of the university of Utrecht: Dirc Potter, Der minnen loep. Derde boek. Wil Bisschops, Fons van Buuren a.o. (eds.). Utrecht (1983). 21 about his own love life. He had a son, Gerrit Potter vander Loo, but there are no sources indicating marriage.53 3.2 Historical context: missions, meetings and manuscripts 3.2.1 A diplomatic journey In order to know more about the possible connections between De Mézières and his works on the one hand and Dirc Potter and his works on the other, it is essential to investigate the historical situations in which acquaintance or influence could have taken place. In this, Potter"s diplomatic journey to France is of central importance, for it provides a chain in the international network of diplomat-poets that has not been researched before. Potter made his first diplomatic journey to France in 1409. De Mézières had already died in 1405, in Paris. Since the latter has never travelled to the Low Countries it is fairly certain that these two men never met each other in real life. Still, Potter could have encountered De Mézières" work during his stay abroad. The exact place and length of Potter"s stay in France in March 1409 is unknown. He has probably stayed at the Hôtel d'Osteriche in Paris (the traditional Parisian basis of the Holland court), and he has probably visited Chartres. Potter"s mission consisted of informing his Lord Count William VI about the latest developments in the conflict between Holland and the Lords of Arkel, on the one hand; on the other hand he likely had to assist Count William in the preparation and execution of the ceremonial reconciliation of Chartres in March 1409.54 Around this time, the political situation in Paris was very tense. After several struggles between the houses of Burgundy and Orléans, John Without Fear commissioned the murder of Louis d"Orléans in November 1407. This crime made the situation even worse and after John was proved responsible, King Charles VI called for a reconciliation of both parties to regain peace and to restore the political relation between the French Royal family and the House of Burgundy.55 Count William VI played an important role in resolving this conflict. His daughter Jacoba was engaged to the second son of Charles VI, John of Touraine, since 1406. His sister, Margaret of Bavaria, was married to John Without Fear whereas William himself was married to John"s sister, both alliances made in 1385. Count William VI thus was a suitable intermediate between the parties, since he was related to both. After the murder of Louis d"Orléans in 1407, William was closely involved in the negotiations between John Without Fear and the French King, that 53 Corbellini 2000:57. 54 Corbellini 2000:53-80. 55 Famiglietti 1986:63. 22 took place in Tours, over the winter of 1408-1409 and in company of the Lords Saint-George, Croy, La Vielzville, and Dolhain.56 With the ceremony on the 6th of March 1409 in Chartres, peace and forgiveness were exchanged between John Without Fear, Duke of Burgundy, and the sons of Louis d"Orléans, Charles d"Orléans and Philippe Comte de Vertus. Being the brother-in-law of John Without Fear, and the father-in-law of the second son of the King of France, William VI was charged with the peacekeeping during the reconciliation ceremony. Surely some help of one of his most loyal diplomats, Potter, would have been welcome. Monstrelet, chronicler in service of the Duke of Burgundy from 1400-1444, has described the event of the reconciliation. On the 6th of March, the king and his company were already present in Chartres to prepare the ceremony. The company of Burgundy arrived that same day. In the ceremony, during which John Without Fear humbly asked for the pardon of the king and Louis" both sons, he was supported by Jean de Nielles, Lord of Olhain, stating that John"s only purpose had been to serve and secure peace and the French royal crown. The king granted him a pardon, and on his request Louis" sons did the same. The ceremony took place in church. In a council later that day an official letter of pardon was issued. After the peace was sworn at Chartres, the Duke of Burgundy immediately left the king"s presence and was in Paris again by March 11. Charles VI did not return until March 17.57 At this reconciliation ceremony the following persons were present: King Charles VI, the Queen, the Dauphin (Lord of Guienne), Louis Duke of Anjou, the King of Navarre, Lord of Berry (the king"s uncle), Louis of Bavaria (the queen"s brother), Duke of Bourbon (the king"s uncle), Counts of Alençon, La Marche, Eu, Vendôme, and Tancarville.58 Potter"s position in this conflict shows that he moved around in a social circle that was closely related to the cultural circle of Philippe de Mézières, who had been the French king"s tutor and advisor, remained a close friend of Louis d"Orléans until the end of his life, and even dedicated one of his works to Phillip of Burgundy, at a time when the noble families were still reasonably at ease with each other.59 In a manuscript dating from 1396 a list is found of members of the French nobility who had declared their (financial) support of De Mézières" Order of the Passion. Here, several names occur that are related to the social circle around the House of Orléans, like Louis Duke of Bourbon, Duke of Berry, Duke of Orléans, Jean-Galéas Count of Vertu, Pierre Baron of Craon, Philippe d"Artois, Pierre de Navarre, Lord of Coucy. 60 56 Vaughan 2005:75-78. 57 Famiglietti 1986:75. The actual source of Monstrelet is quite inaccessible, since it has not been recently edited. 58 Vaughan 2005:77. 59 Philippe de Mézières, L'Épistre lamentable (1397). See Jorga 1896:435-499; Williamson 1994b:109. 60 This is the same Pierre de Craon as to whom De Mézières dedicated his Livre de la vertu in 1385-1389. See Jorga 1896:491; MS Paris Arsenal 2251, f.114. 23 After these details on the historical context of Potter"s diplomatic journey to France, the forthcoming paragraphs will discuss three ways in which Potter could be influenced by French literature during his stay. The first one considered is through De Mézières" Livre de la vertu, the manuscript or its possessors. This is the most general and the simplest explanation of influence (3.2.2). The second and third ways focus on the tale of Griseldis (3.2.3, 3.2.4). 3.2.2 Le Livre: the manuscript and its possessors The one manuscript of Le Livre de la vertu that has come down to us, was made in the same period as when the text came about – respectively 1385-1395 and July 17th 1385-1389. It has been written by several different hands; none of them being autographical (De Mézières" handwriting is known from his testament). The manuscript was made in the Celestine Convent of Paris, where the author was living at the time. It contains a miniature, showing a presentation scene of the author offering the book to his Lord and Lady. Later possessors have erased the original names and family weapons in this miniature.61 Although only one manuscript of the text is known, a second one may have existed. Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff, who has made a stemma of the dispersion of the tale of Griseldis through medieval France, argues that there existed at least one more manuscript of Le Livre. According to him, the preserved manuscript is a revised and corrected version of a supposed first redaction. This revised version was made to be presented to the author"s patron and is probably closer to the Latin version by Petrarch than the supposed first redaction, now lost. Furthermore, Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff argues that the first redaction would have been destined to a broader audience of all women, not only to noble ladies. According to the same historian, this supposed redaction would also have been the basis for the dispersion of the Griseldis-material in French, for it is from this version that De Mézières" translation was taken and copied and started a literary tradition of its own, independently from Le Livre.62 Since the existence of a second manuscript is only hypothetically, I will now concern only the preserved manuscript, MS Paris BN fr. 1175. It has been shown that both the text and the physical manuscript have been dedicated to Pierre Baron de Craon and his wife Jehanne de Chastillon.63 The text of Le Livre de la vertu thus may have been read or listened to by either one of these persons, their families and friends or any acquaintances of similar status at the French court of the time. The same goes true for later possessors, for Jehanne and Pierre have not owned 61 Williamson 1984:447-449. 62 Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff 1933:53. 63 This is shown by the original names in the manuscript"s presentation miniature, revealed by Joan Williamson. See Williamson 1984:447-449. 24 the manuscript that long.64 Louis d"Orléans possessed it from 1394 until his death in 1407. Since he held a much higher position at court, the work could have been spread more widely through his person. All possessors of the manuscript are listed below.65 Pierre de Craon and Jehanne de Chastillon (period of possession: 1385/1389-1394) Louis Duke of Orléans (acquisition: 1394; †1407) Louis of Bruges (1422- †1492; moment and means of acquisition remain unknown) John of Bruges (acquisition by heritage in 1492) King Louis XII (he acquired a large part of the Bruges family"s library) It appears from this list that it is uncertain who possessed the manuscript at the time of Potter"s visit to France in 1409. The possessions of Louis d"Orléans were probably inherited after his death by his wife Valentina Visconti († December 1408) or his son Charles d"Orléans, who at this event became the fourteen year old Duke. Since the distorted relation between the Houses of Orléans and Burgundy it is not likely that a Dutch diplomat (who was connected to both, being a servant of William VI, yet more closer to the latter) could have actually laid hand on this manuscript. If there existed a second manuscript, as Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff has argued, it is impossible to decide whether Potter could have accessed it, since nothing is known about this hypothetical source. However, it is quite likely that Potter has heard speaking about De Mézières or his work during his stay in France, since he moved around in the social circle that had been De Mézières" everyday environment. In particular concerning the tale of Griseldis acquaintance is probable. The French translation by De Mézières was a huge success and by the time of Potter"s visit Griseldis was all over the place. Potter could even have only overheard the story, to write it down later, when it was of good use to him. De Mézières" translation stood only at the beginning of the French Griseldis-tradition. By the beginning of the fifteenth century, it had been cut out of Le Livre and started a tradition of its own. It was adapted and incorporated in other literary works, and it served as the main source for a play, L'Estoire de Griseldis, that is to be discussed next. 3.2.3 A play: L"Estoire de Griseldis One of the witnesses of Griseldis" popularity in late medieval France, is the theatre play L'Estoire de Griseldis (1395). Theatre was a popular form of amusement and education at the same time, and it is not impossible that Potter has attended a performance while in France. 64 See paragraph 3.1.1 above. 65 Williamson 1984: 451. 25 The play that narrates the tale of Griseldis has been preserved in only one manuscript. This manuscript is one meant for reading, not to be used in the realisation of a stage performance, since it is a quite luxury one, containing the full texts of all characters and not showing any traces of use. However, the combination of the text and the simple illustrations the manuscript comprises, does offer enough indications to realise a theatrical performance. Whether such a performance has ever been realised, remains uncertain.66 The piece was probably meant for an aristocratic audience and was suitable for performance in the open air. It demanded a fairly large stage (ca. 20 meters in length), showing all locations of the story at the same time. In addition to the main characters of the traditional tale, many side characters get to speak as well (shepherds, barons, the pope, messengers, the Marquis" family). Besides all these characters the play would have demanded a large number of extra"s, who could have featured in several silent roles (shepherds, courtiers, the people, dancers). It also demanded quite a number of animals (horses, dogs, sheep and a dear). Any realisation of the play therefore must have cost a large sum of money and a lot of trouble.67 The text of L'Estoire is closely related to the text of the Griseldis-tale as preserved in Le Livre, it even seems to be a rhymed adaptation of De Mézières" prose tale, uttered by the characters. All narrative elements have been preserved and the narrative structure is equal. It has been disproved that De Mézières himself was the author of the play.68 The only additions that are made to De Mézières" text are the commentaries of the shepherds and country-girls on the transformation that is lived by Griseldis, who is in a certain sense one of them.69 Since at least one reading exemplary of the play existed, it is not impossible that Potter has read it. Yet, it is not very probable since hardly anything is known about this manuscript or its possessors. The same goes true for a performance. There are no sources indicating the actual popularity of this play and realisation would have put the director through a great and expensive effort, but a performance was a possibility and thus Potter may have acquainted the tale of Griseldis by watching the play. However, there remain other possibilities to be explored. The tale of Griseldis has known a rich tradition in France and thus there are several ways in which Potter could have come across the story. Therefore, the next paragraph will elaborate on the literary French Griseldis-tradition and its manuscript-sources, focussing on the sources that could have been accessible to Potter.70 66 Huë 1999. 67 Huë 1999. 68 De Mézières" authorship of L'Éstoire was argued by Grace Frank, yet disproved by Guy Raynaud de Lage. See Frank 1936 and Raynaud de Lage 1958. 69 Brownlee 1992:875-886. 70 All manuscripts mentioned are listed in Appendix I. 26 3.2.4 Griseldis and Melibée The tale of Griseldis, probably derived from the Cupid and Psyche-tales, was first recorded by Boccaccio in his Decameron (ca.1350-1353). In 1373 Petrarch rewrote the story in a Latin epistle addressed to Boccaccio, which the latter unfortunately never received. All preserved French and English versions of the tale derived from this Latin translation.71 Twelve to seventeen years after Petrarch"s death in 1373 De Mézières composed the first French prose translation of the story. He expanded the original by adding details, but the narrative sequence has remained the same as in Petrarch"s version.72 Around 1400 two French prose versions of the Griseldis-tale were diffused. A Latin rhyme version of the tale circulated as well in the French area, composed by Petrus de Hailles of Poitiers.73 However, this version is left out of scope in this thesis. Following Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff"s stemma I will call the two French prose versions "type A" and "type B".74 Type A concerns the French translation by De Mézières and its 16 followers (this translation was cut off Le Livre and started a tradition of its own). This is the stemma of type A: The 16 followers of type A can be divided into two groups, based on shared characteristics and omissions when compared to the translation preserved in Le Livre.75 The two groups are called 71 Griffith 1931:12-112. The epistle can be found in Seniles XVIII, 3. See Severs 1942:3-37 for a broad introduction on the versions of Boccaccio and Petrarch. 72 See Severs 1942:21, 27, 177, 179 for more details on De Mézières" translation techniques. 73 This Petrus de Hailles is believed to be the secretary of Gui II du Chastillon, who was closely related to Jehanne de Chastillon, De Mézières" patroness. See Williamson 1984:453-454. See also the recent publication of Vetter 2009. 74 Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff 1933:53. The image is taken from this publication. 75 In this stemma, μ2 = PN1 is the preserved manuscript of Le Livre. μ2 indicates the supposed but lost first redaction of Le Livre (see paragraph 3.2.2). 27 "alfa" and "bèta". The bèta-group was the most popular. To this group belong the translations incorporated in Le Mesnagier de Paris (1393), a moralising text written by a Paris householder for his young bride, and Le livre de la cité des dames by Christine de Pizan (1405).76 Type B concerns another French prose translation based on Petrarch"s Latin version. This anonymous prose translation was composed not long after Le Livre de la vertu and uses a more precise way of translating than De Mézières".77 It has been preserved in 17 manuscripts.78 Most strikingly, among the manuscripts containing a French Griseldis-version there are six also comprising a French redaction of Melibée et Prudence, the work that Potter has translated into Middle Dutch. The possibility that Potter encountered the tale of Griseldis in the same manuscript he used for his translation of Melibée is fascinating.79 Unfortunately research in the matter is difficult, if not impossible, due to the lack of an edition or stemma of the French Melibée and its tradition. The six relevant manuscripts are listed here:80 MS London British Library 19 C. VII (Griseldis type A/alfa) MS Paris BN fr. 12477 (Le Mesnagier, type A/ bèta) MS Bruxelles BR 10310 (Le Mesnagier, type A/ bèta) MS Paris BN n.a. fr. 6739 (Le Mesnagier, type A/ bèta) MS Paris BN fr. 1165 (Griseldis type B) MS Paris BN fr. 20042 (Griseldis type B) Furthermore, Severs has shown that Geoffrey Chaucer"s Tale of Melibee – which is also a direct translation of a French source text – is closest related to MS Paris BN 1165, and next to MS Paris BN 20042.81 Both of these Melibée-manuscripts also contain a French Griseldis-version of the B-type. In another publication, Severs has shown that Chaucer"s Clerk's Tale – which is the oldest English Griseldis-translation – is closest related to MS Paris BN 1165 as well.82 It is thus quite probable that Chaucer has used one and the same manuscript containing both tales as a source text for both his English translations. Now back to the Dutch traditions. Potter"s Mellibeus has been preserved in the so-called "Rekemse" manuscript, dating from the last quarter of the 15th century. This manuscript does not 76 For more information on these texts, see Loba 2008c; Loba 2003; Lorcin 1993; Quilligan 1991; Ferrier 1979. 77 Severs 1942. According to Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff 1933:83 it came about at the beginning of the 15 th century. 78 Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff 1933:87. 79 Overmaat (1950) states that the French Melibée has been preserved with some work of Christine de Pizan as well. Unfortunately he does not precise whether or not it concerns Le livre de la cité des dames, in which a Griseldis- version is incorporated. A random sample of manuscript descriptions of codices containing Melibée however has not led to any positive result. 80 All manuscripts referred to in this chapter, are listed in appendix I. 81 Severs 1932. 82 Severs 1935. 28 contain the literal text Potter has written. At least two copies have been made in between: potentially one made in Holland, and certainly one made in the Limburg region and one made in the Overijssel region. The text was composed between 1415 and 1428, supposedly after 1419 and more probably after 1425. Potter has been in France in 1409, 1416 and 1418. Therefore he has had plenty of opportunity to acquire a manuscript of the French source in its area of origin. 83 According to Overmaat, Potter"s Mellibeus is closest related to the French Melibée of MS Paris BN 2240. Overmaat also states that Potter"s translation is closer to Chaucer"s version of the tale than to the French Melibée-version that is incorporated in the manuscripts of Le Mesnagier de Paris.84 Since the latter group of manuscripts also comprises a Griseldis-translation of the A/bèta -type, and since Chaucer"s Melibée-source text was probably bound together with a Griseldis-translation of the B-type, this analogy could be taken as an indication that Potter"s Melibée-source text was related to Chaucer"s and thus it could be more likely that Potter"s Melibée-source was bound together with a Griseldis-translation of the B-type as well. Unfortunately, Overmaat does not state the relation between Potter"s Mellibeus and the French version in MS London British Library 19 C. VII – that comprises a Griseldis-translation of the A/alfa-type. Unfortunately, due to the lack of research on the Melibée-manuscript tradition it is difficult to examine the relations between all those French source texts. Except for the prologue and epilogue, there are no major differences between De Mézières" translation (type A) and the anonymous translation (type B). Potter"s version deviates from both French versions in a number of aspects, and it is not possible to state that the first is more closely related to either one of the latter. The same goes for superficial comparison with the short version of the tale that is incorporated in Le livre de la cité des dames. If Potter has had access to a manuscript that contained both Melibée and the tale of Griseldis, there remain two possibilities. The first possibility is that this hypothetic manuscript contained a version of the tale of Griseldis that was related more closely to Potter"s. This version could be lost, or it could be simply unknown to me; Potter"s version is quite short and as such this hypothetical version could be just a relatively short mention, part of a longer text, that is not in Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff"s overview. The second possibility is that Potter has consciously adapted and shortened the tale. The structure of Der Minnen loep demands for short exemplary tales. Furthermore Van Buuren examined Potter"s adaptation techniques in several tales of Der Minnen loep that were composed after Ovid"s Metamorphoses and Heroides. He has shown that Potter tends to shorten his sources 83 Overmaat 1950:20, 46. 84 Overmaat 1950:44-47. 29 every time. In addition this medieval author adapts the tales to fit them into his own theoretical framework, only preserving those elements of the tale that really contribute to his aims. In this research Potter turns out to deviate from what is known from the literary traditions in all examined cases.85 Taking this into account it would not be that striking if Potter would have drastically shortened and adapted his Griseldis-source as well, to make it fit better to Der Minnen loep. Hence, it cannot and should not be excluded that Potter did use a French manuscript-source to compose his Dutch version of the tale. 3.3 Some concluding remarks It has become clear that Potter"s diplomatic journey to France in 1409 provided numerous occasions to acquaint and acquire new literature. Like at the court of Holland, there existed at the court of Paris a lively cultural circle. De Mézieres" works and particularly the tale of Griseldis were right in the centre of this circle, and thus fairly within Potter"s reach. Various possible ways of influence have been explored, but it is not possible to point out a source of Potters work with certainty. He may have been influenced – directly or indirectly – by De Mézieres" work or by some French version of the Griseldis-tale. He could have had access to a manuscript source containing the story, he could have attended a performance of the play, or he could even have come across a Latin source. There also remains the possibility that Potter has only heard the story of Griseldis during his stay in France, to embody it in his Der Minnen loep a few years after. Yet, the most convincing possible way of acquisition is by a hypothetical manuscript source that would have contained both Griseldis and Melibée. But whatever may be the right explanation, it is evident that the Griseldis-tale belonged to the common knowledge at the French court in Paris around 1400, and as a travelling diplomat, Potter had several opportunities to acquaint the material. As Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff puts it: "le sujet passe à la cour des ducs de Bourgogne",86 and those were exactly the people Potter was sent to France for. In addition, Potter has written his Middle Dutch version of Griseldis remarkably early. His version does not appear to be connected to the other Middle Dutch versions that have been preserved, and the Latin translation by Petrarch was not spread very widely into the Low Countries in the early fifteenth century. Acquaintance during his stay in Rome is possible, yet before that time he already had been to France, where acquisition seems to have been very easy. Since the tale was generally known in aristocratic France at the time of Potters first visit, as shown above, it is fairly probable that he acquired the material during his diplomatic mission. 85 Van Buuren 1979:284-286. 86 Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff 1933:132. 30 Therefore it can be stated that Potter acquired it due to his position as a diplomat and as such has formed an artistic connection between two courtly cultures through the political network. In the remaining part of this thesis I will analyse the images of the ideal husband and wife that can be derived from Der Minnen loep and Le Livre de la vertu. I will take a close look at the examples of famous good and bad wives that are recited, and the contemporary narrative traditions and the authors" use of exemplary tales will be explored. Finally, I will focus on the example of Griseldis, that occurs in both texts. A comparison could clarify any possible influence De Mézières" work may have had on Potter"s. 31 II Marriage and the ideal husband and wife Dirc Potter"s Der Minnen loep and Philippe de Mézières" Livre have in common their main topic; marriage. Both authors value this alliance between man and woman very highly, describing the ideal husband and wife, their duties and rights, and their love. Both authors present a theoretical framework of moral views on the virtue of marriage and the rules that apply to husband and particularly to wife. These theories are amplified by short stories that offer models of behaviour that are either desirable or to be avoided. These tales may be called exempla, and are discussed in detail below. The two diplomat-poets thus were interested in the same topic, around the same time. A comparison of the contents of Le Livre and Der Minnen loep will clarify how that topic was considered by different writers at different places, and in different, yet related cultural circles. Traces of influence may show, but the main aim is to put both texts in a broader perspective, to enlarge our knowledge of late medieval ethics and to be able to consider both author"s theories more delicately than has been done before. As will appear in the next chapters, both Potter and De Mézières stress the female side of the matter. The duties and desired qualities of the wife are discussed in detail, while the ideal husband gets away with some roughly sketched characteristics or loose remarks. In the exempla as well, the women are the models that need to be pursued or rejected. Their husbands are sometimes even barely named. Therefore, this part of the thesis shall forcedly pay most attention to women as well. Furthermore, the present research is limited to those parts of Le Livre and Der Minnen loep that consider marriage exhaustively; those are respectively book III and book IV of these texts. For reasons that will be clarified in part III, and for simplicity"s sake, I will not distinguish narrator and author from the historical persons Philippe de Mézières and Dirc Potter. This part II will focus on the works" contents, starting with an overview of the theories on marriage and the ideal husband and wife, that can be found in the texts. Next, the relevant exempla on marriage will be considered, with a particular attention for the qualities of the ideal wife they reveal, and the moral behaviour they propagate in matrimony. All observations will be balanced in the conclusion of this part II. 32 1 The theoretical framework of Le Livre 1.1 General theories 1.1.1 Marriage and matrimonial laws The third book of Le Livre de la vertu is a well-structured whole of 29 chapters and two prologues. The central understanding of De Mézières" theoretical framework is that every married woman has two lawful husbands, those being first the Immortal Spouse God (to whom she is conjoined by the sacrament of baptism) and second her earthly, mortal husband (to whom she is conjoined by the sacrament of marriage). From this understanding follows that every true Christian is allied to the first Spouse – God –, even widows, virgins and men. When De Mézières states in his prologue that this book is not only meant for married ladies, but for all good Christians as well, he is actually stating that all are married to God and thus will all benefit from his teaching.87 De Mézières teaches the matrimonial alliances to both spouses simultaneously, for every woman should love and serve both her mortal and her Immortal spouse and neglecting either marriage may generate physical and mental affection. The present research however, will focus on the earthly marriage between man and woman, and leave alone the theological interpretations of the spiritual alliance between the Christian and God. According to De Mézières, in this world there are only three conditions of perfection. Those are: marriage, abstinence and virginity. All three conditions are good if one knows how to use them in the right way, but they are of a different perfection. The conditions of abstinence and virginity, which are more perfect, represent the spiritual life (through analogy with the Virgin Mary). The condition of marriage represents the temporary life.88 Marriage is a sweet, legitimate, company, with the consent of both partners, the duty of both partners to restrict oneself to the other, and with the condition that none of them should refuse the love and company of the other. Thus is the sacrament of the spiritual marriage between man and woman, according to Le Livre. Even without consummation marriage can be true, holy and whole. Some people say that marriage is not completed if not consummated, because God commanded Adam and Eve to replenish the earth and to be one flesh. But this is not so, for Eve was created from Adam"s rib and thus they are one flesh. Furthermore, man should aim to live a more perfect life after the coming of Christ than he did before. Therefore marriage shall only be carried out by two persons; one man and one woman. Consummation is 87 E.g. f.97, p.229; f.138v, p.309. 88 F.90-90v, p.216-217. See also Loba 2008b:85. 33 only legitimate as a remedy against human fragility, that is great and dangerous; for God is pleased better by spiritual generation, which is generated in the hearts of the spouses by the virtue of the sacrament of marriage. Marriage is essentially a spiritual alliance of perfect love between a male and a female spirit. Therefore true marriage can exist in chastity, as is shown by Mary and Joseph, and by several other examples in Le Livre.89 If a man and a woman cannot live together in chastity, they should respect at least two conditions to follow the sacred matrimonial law. Those are: sweet love between both partners and living together agreeably.90 Married ladies who complain they cannot love their husbands anymore, must know that God commands to love both friends and enemies, and that He never commands the impossible. In addition, there have been ladies who loved and loyally served their husbands, even though his behaviour was that bad that he could have been called an enemy because of it.91 The author explicitly underlines that if it is stated in this book that a woman has infringed the sacrament of her marriage, it does not necessarily mean that she has seen another man or has broken the office of chastity; she may simply have neglected to love her husband like she should.92 Throughout all this, the author keeps his faith in the goodness of women. According to him, a noble lady would not infringe the sacramental law of her marriage for all gold of Carthage.93 De Mézières views the human life as a pilgrimage on earth. To fulfil this pilgrimage, men and women should weapon themselves with the attributes every pilgrim needs, that is to say a doublet, a scarf and a staff. The author describes what these attributes should be made of and what they should look like, allegorising the meaning of every bit of it. Most important, they stand for the virtues of patience (doublet), faith (scarf) and hope (staff).94 To be able to follow the right road that will lead to the City of Jerusalem (signifying the Holy Paradise) the author presents a compass. This is an allegorical figure that every Christian should carry with him. One should consciously and devoted follow the direction that is pointed out by its needle, that is drawn to the force and virtue of the Fine Diamond (representing Holy Mary). The compartments 89 F.92v-93v, p.220-222. See also Loba 2008b:86-87. 90 F.93v, p.222. 91 F.94v, p.225. This passage could be interpreted as an indication that Jehanne de Chastillon, to whom Le Livre was dedicated, was one of those women married to a possible enemy. 92 F.97v, p.230. 93 F.96v, p.229. 94 Book III, chap.X, p.258. Here De Mézières draws from an exhaustive tradition, basing himself directly on Guillaume de Deguileville"s Pelerinage de vie humaine, Pelerinage de l'ame and Pelerinage de Jesu Crist. See Williamson 1994a:108. 34 of the compass represent the members of the human body. The human heart represents the needle, and should thus always be directed to the Virgin Mary in faith and contemplation.95 1.1.2 Complexions, illnesses and cures Throughout Le Livre, being unhappy in marriage is considered nothing but a continuous fever and a painful illness. Therefore in the third book the author, as he puts it, becomes a physician, teaching married couples about the dangers that may occur if one breaks the matrimonial vows, does not love the other enough or if one is unhappy in marriage for another reason. Mental and physical illnesses are considered to be caused by the same components, namely a distortion of the balance of the four humours in the body (blood, yellow bile, phlegm and black bile), or a pollution of one or more of these humours.96 These distortions or pollutions are caused by the behaviour of the man or woman at issue. For instance, a lack of love between both spouses causes a lack of heath in the body. Due to this, the person is not capable of digesting his or her food, as he or she should. This disrupted digesting troubles the body in producing the humours, that therefore get polluted.97 The four humours in the human body are thus subject to the circumstances the person is in. De Mézières defines four conditions that form a fertile ground for the distortion of their balance or quality, being: an excessive appetite, an immoderate wrath, uncontrolled personal desires, and a pertinent hypocrisy and jealousy.98 These conditions should be avoided by all married ladies, for seven dangerous illnesses and seven fevers may arise from them. The illnesses one should beware of, are: hydropsy, paralysis, apoplexy, colic, a strong cough, frenzy, and last, heart attacks, heart conditions and fainting. The fevers are named after their appearance: first come the strong or the slow fever (or both), next the erratic, the third, the fourth, the daily and the continuous fever.99 Whoever wants to know more about the workings of the four humours in these situations, is directed to medical books.100 In addition to the four conditions, De Mézières presents seven impediments that may get in the way of a happy marriage: when the alliance is forced, when both partners are close relatives, when young children are joined together in marriage, when both partners are not of 95 Book III, chap.XXV, f.141v-144, p.314-319. See also Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff 1937:33; Williamson 1994b:78. 96 Medieval healthcare was based on the principle that these four humours had to be in balance in the human body. See Williamson 1994b:62-63, 76-79. 97 Williamson 1994b:77-78. 98 "appetit desordené", "courous demesuré", "propre volonté malordené", "ypocrisie et jalousie enracinee" (f.95v-96v, p.227-228). See also Williamson 1985:404. 99 The illnesses are "ydropsie", "paralisie", "appoplesie", "passion colique", "tous enracinee", "frenesie", "maladie cardiaque, default de Coeur et paumison". The fevers are "forte fimere", "lente", "erratique", "tierçane", "quartaine", "cotidiene" and "continue". (f.95v-96v, p.227-228). 100 "es livres de medecine" (f.96, p.228, r.20). 35 equal nobility, when they are not equal in wealth, when they neglect their matrimonial duties or when either one of them shows imperfections in body or beauty.101 As a counterbalance to all these risky situations that may rend a woman (or man) unhappy in marriage, the author suggests seven treatments. Each type of treatment represents a complex system of herbal medicines and corresponding precious stones, planets, metals, virtues, sacraments, gifts of the Holy Spirits and works of charity. The seven types of medicine are: preparing, soothing, purging, comforting, preserving, nourishing, and stimulating.102 In case all those cannot heal the ailment, De Mézières highly recommends the medical example of the Passion of Jesus Christ.103 1.2 The ideal husband and wife 1.2.1 The ideal wife Although Le Livre de la vertu is written for al women, men and good Christians, women in particular are the subject of this treatise. According to the author, women are by nature more fragile than men, and thus they need more advice and help to prevent them from illness, unhappiness and sin. The ideal, happy wife is a healthy one.104 Obedience, servitude and love seem to be of crucial importance to the ideal, healthy wife; these qualities are repeated throughout the third book. She should beware of the seven deadly sins, that are strongly linked to the seven illnesses De Mézières describes. Furthermore, the four conditions in which a woman may fall ill and unhappy in marriage should be avoided. Hydropsy, generated by an excessive appetite and uncontrolled personal desires, results in pride. Paralysis, generated by an immoderate wrath, results in envy. Apoplexy, caused by uncontrolled personal desires, results in wrath. Colic, generated by a pertinent hypocrisy and jealousy, results in greed. A strong cough, frenzy and heart conditions may be caused by all conditions or either one and give way to sloth, gluttony and lust. Most dangerous by far is the last mentioned; of heart conditions and heart attacks the woman may even die a sudden death. To the related sin of lust is paid more attention than to the other sins. The author describes five causes of – female – lust. First, beautiful clothing and splendid jewellery should be avoided. The same goes for strong wines and delicious meats. Too much sleep is dangerous as well, as are too much festivities and worldly assemblies. Last, the 101 F.103-108v, p.241-251. 102 The medicines are "preparative", "linitive", "purgative", "confortative", "preservative", "nutritive", "vivicatife", f.109v, p.254. See also Williamson 1994b:77-78. 103 "example medecinal" (f.118v, p.271, vs.27). The medicines are "preparative", "linitive", "purgative", "confortative", "preservative", "nutritive", "vivicatife", f.109v, p.254. See also Williamson 1994b:77-78. 104 F.138v, p.308. 36 lady should never pay attention to liars and flatterers, and should certainly not enjoy their unreliable slander.105 Furthermore, the sin of lust has got five daughters, the first of which is fornication between two persons who have not been joined together in matrimony. The second is adultery. The third is the rape of virgins or nuns.106 The fourth is incest and the fifth, worst of all, is the sin against nature. By the mere speaking of sodomy the air gets polluted, according to De Mézières. To illustrate the gravity of lust, the author points out six dangers that may come thereof (next to, of course, the mentioned heart conditions). Lust attracts the woman to spend everything, which will lead to great poverty. Second it causes the most miserable member of the human body to control the reasonable soul. Next, it is humiliating; for lust makes the humans, who resemble God and the angles, act like animals. Fourth, they get deprived of all reason. Fifth, lust will rend the human culprit and he or she will die a sinner. Last, lust will imprison his prey and take possession of her.107 Moreover, the author states that all fornication is more earnest when committed by women, because it may result in generation, confusing the family"s lineage.108 Besides all those sins, women should beware of the seven impediments that may stand in the way of a happy marriage. In chapter XXXIII, the author offers council and solution to those ladies who are subject to one of those impediments. When the alliance between the partners has been forced, the lady is advised not to desire any grief for her husband, but to pray for him instead. Furthermore, she should remember that everything happens with the consent of God, who has approved of her marriage because of her sins or her ancestors". The same goes true when young children are joined together in marriage. They may best hope that their sufferings on earth are to replace their time in purgatory. When both partners are related, the lady should remember the Old Testament, when the fathers married their cousins for the sake of catholic faith. The closer related she is to her husband, the more she should love him. When both partners are not equal in wealth or nobility, they should love one another dearly nonetheless. Wealth and nobility do not add up to the sacrament of marriage, which exists because of true, mutual love from two united souls to God. The sixth impediment is when one of the partners restrains to give to the other what he or she should, thus infringing the sacrament of marriage. There are three things that every husband owes to his wife and that every wife owes to her husband. Those are: true love between both spouses and between the mortal spouses and the Immortal Spouse; living together agreeably and obediently, helping each other when needed; and last, the partners should not commit adultery 105 F.128, p.288. 106 F.129v-130, p.292, r.26-27. Strangely, rape of married women or widows is not mentioned in the third book. 107 F.129-130, p.291-292. 108 F.137, p.306. 37 but remain loyal to the sacrament of their marriage. At this point, underlining once more the dangers of lust, the author profits once more by stating that all intercourse should best be left out, living together in peaceful chastity instead. Last, happiness in marriage may be troubled by age, imperfections in beauty, strange habits or secret maladies of either one of the partners. In such a case, the lady should remember the pilgrimage on earth that is her life, and focus on the responsibility every reasonable soul has towards God to remain free of sins. Although He may put her through difficult situations, she must have confidence in her Immortal Spouse, practise the virtuous works of charity and humbly take care of her old and ill husband. This is the only way to the Divine Kingdom.109 The married lady should at all times mirror herself to the Fine Diamond – representing the Virgin Mary –, which has four sides that may serve as moralising mirrors. First there is the great power and glory of God and His love for humanity. Next, there is the great charity of Christ, shown by his coming to earth. Then, to complete the Holy Trinity, there is the marvellous love of the Holy Ghost. The fourth side of the mirror represents the Last Judgement. Contemplating on these four sides, a woman should recognize where she has come from (her lineage), where she currently is (in this sinful world), where she is not (the joyful Paradise) and last the hour of her death, which remains unknown to her.110 Like the colour of the diamond, a married lady should be humble and simple. The diamond represents four particular virtues. If the lady mirrors herself to Holy Mary to adopt Her virtues, she will be protected against poison and storm. These are the first two virtues. Next, she will attract the Virgin"s love and return this love, which will especially please her Immortal Spouse. Last, the lady who carries the diamond in her heart with love and seeks to live after Her example, will grow in virtue and honour.111 At the end of book three, in chapter XXVIII, the author offers fifteen special rules to educate married ladies, and next their husbands and all good Christians. Ladies should know these rules by heart, to please their Immortal Spouse and to be loved by their mortal husband. I will recite them below. I. The married lady should always remain dressed with the scarf of catholic faith, obeying its commandments. II. The married lady should always hold on to her staff of Hope. 109 F.135-138, p.302-308. 110 F.140-140v, p.311-312. 111 F.140v-141, p.312-313. 38 III. The married lady should regularly bathe in the fountain of the Virgin Mary: the fountain of Humility. IV. The married lady should always remain dressed in the pilgrim"s doublet of Patience, suffering all tribulations that God wants to subject her to. V. The married lady at all times should mirror herself to the Fine Diamond the Virgin Mary, seeking to adopt her virtuousness. VI. The married lady should restrain from sloth. VII. The married lady should make an effort to be vigilant and sober in appearance, nutrition and sexual intercourse. VIII. The married lady should remember Eve, and therefore her human fragility and her illnesses. IX. The married lady should not be talkative, but speak only when humbly and necessary. X. The married lady should make an effort not to be jealous and she should not be credulous against her husband. XI. The married lady should not practice any kind of sorcery nor superstition. XII. The married lady should not contradict her husband, unless his words are against God or the Church. XIII. The married lady should educate and nourish her children in reverence of God. If she does not have children, she should nourish the poor. XIV. The married lady should be devote and regularly go to confession, thus setting a good example for her husband. XV. The married lady should wisely manage her household, serving and honouring her husband and his friends. 1.2.2 The ideal husband As all true Christians, according to De Mézières, the married man has a number of duties to fulfil in his spiritual alliance with God. Furthermore, it has been shown above that in earthly marriage there are some duties that are equally important to fulfil for both wife and husband. At some passages in book three however, De Mézières pays attention to the husband"s specific role in earthly marriage. Married men should confine themselves to the Fine Ruby, representing Jesus Christ, and should seek to adopt His virtuousness. In accordance to the smooth round shape of the ruby, a husband should be sincere and open to his wife in their conversations and relation. In accordance to the bright red colour of the ruby, a husband should be bright and red within his heart, by the 39 memory of Christ"s Passion and His blood, and thus he shall be full of good works towards his wife. Four virtues are of particular importance to the married man. The husband, like the wife, should arm himself with faith, hope and patience. This is the first virtue. The second virtue of the ruby is authority or dominion, that will make every husband loved by his wife, who will serve him like he was half her own soul. The third virtue is the love that is attracted by the good works a man should commit towards his wife. This joins the two free wills of the partners into one, as their spirits. Last, the ruby illuminates the darkness and thus the husband will illuminate his wife and whole company with the good works and spiritual love the ruby brings him. If a married man carries a ruby with him, which is a metaphor for carrying the love for Christ in his heart, he will certainly gain all these virtues.112 2 The theoretical framework of Der Minnen loep 2.1 General theories 2.1.1 The value of marriage At the beginning of the fourth book of Der Minnen loep, Potter points out that marriage is commanded by God, who Himself has joined together man and woman.113 God created Adam and Eve and commanded Adam to leave his parents and to follow his wife.114 So, if this alliance is made by His holy commandment, what status can be held higher in esteem than marriage? 115 Furthermore, God commanded Adam and Eve to multiply; thus we earthly creatures are obliged to follow this commandment and to produce offspring, as pleases Him.116 Potter highly praises the love between a man and a woman who are joined together in matrimony.117 Contrary to the monastic vows of the clergy, he states, marriage is one of the seven sacraments and therefore of great worth.118 Once joined together, husband and wife should remain together all their life. Here, Potter once again makes a sneering comparison to the clergy to underline marriage"s value: husband and wife do not have a probation time like monks do.119 The main reason why Potter himself holds marriage in such a high esteem, is its legitimacy. The matrimonial love is the one kind of love that is permitted and safe. One does not 112 F.139-139v, p.309-310. 113 IV, vs.47. 114 IV, vs.30-36. The passage referred to is to be found in Genesis 2.24. 115 IV, vs.30-39. 116 IV, vs.13-28. 117 IV, vs.70-73. 118 IV, vs.48-51. 119 IV, vs.74-79. 40 have to fear gossip; one can love in virtue and in liberty.120 Justice belongs to those who are wed, and it is marriage"s main virtue. This virtue of justice comes with two costumes, both in the colour blue: faithfulness and stability.121 For if one of the spouses is unfaithful, the other will trespass as well, and this means the end of the peaceful stability in love.122 Once made a vow, one should keep to it. Nothing brings more peace than to remain in the place where one has chosen to live.123 The element of a free choice is repeated only once.124 Potter uses it as an argument to remain faithful: since the matrimonial vow has been made voluntarily, a wife should always be faithful to her husband. According to Potter, the virtuous cloth of faithfulness that belongs to marriage, is one of the most important components of the alliance. However, husband and wife are not regarded equal in this matter. If a woman cheats on a man"s love, both are disgraced by this. But if a man cheats on his wife, her honour remains untouched. Although he knows to have sinned before God, he is not disgraced on earth.125 Next, the author uses the argument of generation: of a man"s unfaithfulness may come bastard children, but women"s sins lead to heirs and thus to problems and fights regarding the heritage.126 Another central idea in the text is that friendship makes friendship in return, but hostility only causes wrath. One gets what he gives, and if one gives but injustice or violence, one deserves to be treated alike.127 2.2 The ideal husband and wife Men differ from women, Potter teaches us. Women are sweet and merciful, whereas men can be evil and insincere. Therefore it is worse if a woman commits evils, like treason or murder, because it is not in her nature. Men have the bad habit of committing evil, but if women are to do so, the rumours of it will spread much further…128 120 IV, vs.81-127. 121 IV, vs.167-175. 122 IV, vs.184-195. 123 IV, vs.196-210. 124 IV, vs.1569-1570. 125 IV, vs.365-402. 126 IV, vs.405-410. 127 IV, vs.481-489. 128 IV, vs.225-244. 41 2.2.1 The ideal wife Not all women are equal, Potter remarks. Some seek to be virtuous; others seek only shame and sin.129 Humility, gentleness, servitude and faithfulness are considered important qualities of a married woman.130 Not of less importance is that honour should be guarded at all time. A virtuous woman has to control herself and mix femininity with shame, to guard her honour. If her husband is evil, she should treat him with virtue, and she will gain the more for it.131 According to Potter, the Script tells us that an evil woman is worse than the devil.132 At several places in the text, Potter addresses women specifically and directly. Every time his tone of speech is one of both respect and admiration, even when he offers his advise or warns the female audience for the dangers of love and marriage.133 For instance, he summons women to be faithful to their husbands and to follow them humbly.134 If they suspect their husband to be unfaithful, they are advised to be gentle with him. He has to better his sins himself and she should not act alike and loose her honour.135 Besides this faithfulness, a woman cannot have more than one husband. It has happened a lot in old times that one man had several wives. Even in Christian time it occurs that a man has two or three women, but the author never has heard speaking, nor read in any book, about a woman who honoured two men.136 A wife who is chasing off her husband to replace him by another man, should not be tolerated anywhere either.137 A married woman in Potter"s view is inferior to her husband. Married women should seek to please their husbands, no matter what he does.138 Humility is required for a married woman, for one should never try to overrule his master.139 Likewise, God himself commanded Eve to always be in her husband"s service and to honour him, for he shall take care of her body.140 Honour is an important motivation to be a good spouse.141 According to Potter one will speak with high regards forever of those who have honoured and humbly obeyed their husbands, but those wives who make their husbands angry are never praised.142 Striking is Potters opinion 129 IV, vs.1320-1324. 130 IV, vs.2279-2286. 131 IV, vs.1891-1906. 132 IV, vs.1854-1856. 133 E.g. IV, vs.425-457, vs.876-886. 134 IV, vs.429-440. 135 IV, vs.2216-2226. 136 IV, vs.2233-2250. 137 IV, vs.609-612. 138 IV, vs.857-859. 139 IV, vs.303-306. 140 IV, vs.741-744. 141 IV, vs.1553-1560. 142 E.g. IV, vs.960-993. 42 that noble women of high birth honour their husbands better and more humbly than do the ordinary people.143 Next a woman should be honest and sincere to her husband, and not spread bad rumours about his deeds. Then he will love and honour her.144 She should also watch her speech. Women who say whatever they like and think there is nothing wrong with that, are being considered of an evil nature.145 These women act strangely, according to Potter, for they disturb all peace and stability and make their husband angry.146 Likewise, there are evil women who always seek to annoy their husband. They fight and curse him so badly that he is intimidated by it. And when he seeks some peace by joining his friends in the tavern, they will follow him because they fear he will spend all their money. Yet often such a wife gets drunk herself, and then it is her husband who has to drag her home.147 Many married couples do nothing but fighting; instead of being friends they turn into enemies. This should be avoided.148 Another bad quality of women is that they are too credulous. Potter teaches never to rely on a woman"s thought, for if someone comes to tell her that her husband has been away, she will believe the messenger at once, whether true or false, as if it was written in the Script.149 And to make it worse, she will even be thankful for these slanderous lies.150 A third bad habit of certain women is their desire to check after their husband and to follow his actions. Those are hardly worthy to be called "women".151 Married women should best stay at home, for they do not belong where men go.152 Instead, they should remain quiet and not try to chain their men, or they may get trapped themselves.153 Yet, Potter states, it has often occurred: when it is prohibited to a woman to do a certain thing, she will like to do it even more.154 2.2.2 The ideal husband Although most specific advises of the author of Der Minnen loep apply to women, Potter does show some concern with their husbands. He states that there are many honest men who love their 143 IV, vs.1291-1296. 144 IV, vs.629-644. 145 IV, vs.645-652. 146 IV, vs.727-733. 147 IV, vs.931-942. 148 IV, vs.1625-1635. 149 IV, vs.1636-1644. 150 IV, vs.1647-1650. 151 IV, vs.1839-1846. 152 IV, vs.1939-1940. 153 IV, vs.1953-1970 154 IV, vs.1314-1319. 43 wife and would not want to dishonour her.155 However, the next passages regarding men are mostly negative. A married man should take care of his wife, not the other way around. If a good wife suffers from an evil, weak husband, she is to be pitied. Even Potter cannot advise her better than to beg for God"s mercy. She should however always remain gentle, for otherwise her husband"s desire for her will certainly diminish.156 Like married women, married men must keep their vow. A man who chooses a good wife and lives with another woman in her place openly, has lost all honour by his adultery. Once promised to remain faithful, husband and wife should stay together forever.157 Mistresses however are tolerable, since this does not break matrimony, because the wife still comes first.158 Strangely enough, no specific qualities of the good husband are mentioned. According to Potter, a man has no duty towards his wife to better his sins. However, if a man does not get dishonoured for his sins on earth, his sins before God will be much greater.159 3 The exempla: a comparison The previous chapters have considered the theories on marriage and the ideal husband and wife that are to be found in Le Livre and Der Minnen loep. However, these texts also contain a number of short tales that provide useful sources on information about the author"s opinions and intentions. Therefore, this chapter will consider what the contents of these tales may reveal about the virtues and values of marriage and the main qualities of the ideal wife. For a detailed overview of all components referred to in this comparison, the reader is directed to the appendices II and III. 3.1 The definition of an exemplum The short tales that Potter and De Mézières have inserted in their texts, to persuade and moralise their audience, are called exempla. An exemplum in the sense that I will use the word for, is a brief tale with a moralising tenor, that is to be applied to mankind. It can be embedded in a longer text. The sources from which an exemplum has derived its material could deviate from ancient classical or oriental to contemporary or personal. An exemplum may vary in length from 155 IV, vs.629-644. 156 IV, vs.1878-1890. 157 IV, vs.591-608. 158 IV, vs.618-628. 159 IV, vs.860-872. 44 several lines to several folia. A single line reference to a (famous) person or event will not be considered an exemplum.160 The present research shall concentrate on those exempla, incorporated in Le Livre de la vertu and Der Minnen loep, that treat as their subject the earthly matrimony between a man and a woman, and in which the moralising tenor is put on this topic specifically. Both partners are human and have been joined together by the sacrament of the Catholic Church. These spouses may include saints, biblical characters and characters from ancient Greek and Roman myths. Although the characters from ancient Greek and Roman myths have never been joined together by the sacrament of the Catholic Church, I will adapt medieval thought (from which point of view, after all, the literature discussed has been written) and neglect this pagan aspect, assuming their marriages were confirmed with a vow and blessing, either Christian or not. The same goes for characters derived from the Old Testament. According to these definitions, Der Minnen loep contains 18 relevant exempla, Le Livre contains 16 relevant exempla. These are all listed, with text references, in appendices II and III. It is worth noting that, according to these definitions, the tale of Griseldis as De Mézières has imbedded it in his Livre is not an exemplum, as it is of considerable length. Moreover, in this text Griseldis is considered of greater importance than the other exempla referred to. Therefore, it will be left out of scope in this chapter. It will however be analysed in detail in part IV of this thesis. 3.2 Sources of the exempla Potter"s main source for the exempla he recites in the fourth book of Der Minnen loep, is the ancient Greek mythology, which has in most cases (7 out of 10 classical exempla) come to him via Ovid"s Metamorphoses, Heroides, and Ars amatoria. Another important source is the Bible (4 exempla). Two exempla are said to be based on recent events recorded in the surroundings of the author. One exemplum is derived from the literary Griseldis-tradition. Of one the source remains unknown (the tale of Paschalis and Boecia). Van Buuren has demonstrated that Potters interpretation of most exempla depends highly on the medieval tradition of commentaries on Ovid"s texts.161 Unfortunately, this tradition of commentaries has not been studied thoroughly, which makes it difficult to state any detailed observations on this matter. Furthermore, Van Buuren has shown that Potter has adapted the tales of his sources fairly freely in quite a number of cases. Each of the stories examined by Van 160 Welter 1927:1-3. See also: Les Exempla 1998; Dictionnaire des Lettres Françaises, p.437-438. 161 Van Buuren 1979:192-239. 45 Buuren has been adapted to fit exactly within Potter"s theory, and is often cut back to those elements that are essential to Potter"s purpose.162 Moreover, many tales have been medievalised; ancient elements have been removed and replaced by medieval pendants. The author, for example, speaks of knights and other courtly elements.163 Some names of ancient gods however have been preserved.164 The Biblical exempla have been shortened as well, but their content has been changed to a less extent. For instance, in Genesis it is God who commands Lot"s wife not to look back, but in Der Minnen loep it is Lot himself. Therefore in Potter"s version the wife disobeys her husband, contrary to the biblical wife, who disobeys God.165 Yet, of all exempla the exact source text remains unknown. De Mézières" corpus of sources is slightly more diverse. He describes many events based on his own memories or after his personal acquaintances (6 exempla). The Bible is used as a source for three exempla. Next he makes use of the text La vie des pères, two Saint"s Lives, Paul the Deacon"s Historica Langobardorum, Albertus Magnus" Book of Minerals and the medieval history of the French Kingdom.166 Unfortunately no research has been done on this author"s attitude towards his sources yet, nor are the precise source texts known. Since the author claims to write from his personal experiences in 6 out of 18 exempla, in these cases any research into sources is difficult, not to say useless. In the cases in which he derives his material from literature or history, it could be worthwhile to study De Mézières" attitude towards his sources, in order to gain insight in possible adaptations, deletions and additions he has made. Those could clarify the meanings he attributes to the tales and the intention he has in reciting them. 3.3 Social background According to Williamson, De Mézières" intended audience is surely noble, which is not only indicated by the noble lineage of his patrons, but is also shown by the examples and tales he cites. Those are all selected from among the nobility, or even royalty.167 This is a very interesting statement, and for this reason I will make my own observations on the social backgrounds of the exemplary women, before adopting Williamson"s conclusions. In addition, examining the social 162 Van Buuren 1979:284-286. 163 E.g. Orphaen is called a "ridder" (IV, vs.1096), Chephalus is "een machtich burgher" (IV, vs.2042) and Ypermestra is imprisoned "in enen kercker" (IV, vs.1082). 164 Van Buuren 1979:259-268. 165 Der Minnen loep, IV, vs.1307-1315. Lot"s wife was commanded not to look over her shoulder to see the town they were fleeing burning in flames. As she did, she turned into a rock: "Ende wort een steen: noch staet si daer", vs.1315. See also: Genesis 19. 166 Loba 2008b:87. 167 "O nobles dames", f.58, p.157; see also Williamson 1985:399. 46 background of the women cited by Potter could lead to an interesting comparison, that could reveal something about his intended audience as well. In Der Minnen loep the social position of the exemplary women after their marriage is mentioned in 12 out of 18 exempla. Their birth or social position before marriage is only mentioned in 6 out of 18 exempla. This does not appear to have anything to do with the length of the tale, its moral, narrative core, whether it was well-known or whether it concerns a positive or negative exemplum. The mention of the social status could have depended on the sources used by the author, but of none of the exempla the precise source text is known. In all cases (both before and after marriage) but one, the mentioned status of the women is high, ranging from low nobility to royalty. The exception is Lympiose, who is a poor peasant"s daughter (though ennobled through her marriage). Her birth is not crucial for the illustration of Potter"s matrimonial ideals, but it does make a nice contribution to his general opinion (also stated in his later work Bloeme der Deugden) that true nobility lies in one"s character, not in one"s birth. This opinion is casually stated along the tale.168 Hence, if a similar change of status over marriage would appear in any other source, one would expect Potter to have conserved it in his version of that tale. Besides Lympiose, the social positions of the women in Gent and Schyedam are probably not very high either, although nothing is mentioned about them.169 All other women described are offspring of noble families. A particular case is the biblical Hester, who was not born a princess. Yet, Hester"s extreme holiness certainly grants her a high status as well, even before her marriage. In Le Livre the social position of the exemplary women after marriage is mentioned in 15 out of 16 exempla. Their birth or social position before marriage is only mentioned in 4 out of 16 examples. In all cases in which her status is mentioned (either before or after marriage) the woman belongs to nobility or royalty. In the few cases when both statuses are given, no change over marriage occurs; royalty marries royalty, noblemen marry noblewomen. Again there does not seem to be a rational ground for not mentioning the status of any of the women. It may be just not of any interest to the author to mention the status before marriage, since in all cases but one he already mentions the status after the alliance. Obviously the last was most important, as a woman"s marriage definitively fixed her social position, which she kept even after her husband"s death. In the case of Saint Elizabeth only her status before marriage is mentioned, although she was wed to an important Lord, Louis IV of Thüringen. This omission may be related to the content of the story: Elizabeth wished to live in chastity, but her marriage 168 Der Minnen loep IV, 1131. See also Verbij 1999. Lympiose was married by a wise and powerful lord, because of her exceptional virtuousness. See also part IV of this thesis. 169 IV, vs.1919-1926 and vs.1971-2032. These women came to regret that they wanted to check on their husbands" affairs. 47 obliged her to have children and thus she prayed God to take away her husband, which He did.170 Hence Louis IV was of bad influence to this lady"s exemplarity, which may explain why De Mézières not even mentions his name, leave alone his social position. Yet again all women described in the examples seem to have been of noble lineage, all but the holy Hester. Although not of all exemplary women the status is explicitly mentioned, a quick look at both the statements made in the texts and in some of the original versions of the exemplary tales, shows that all women described, in both texts, are of noble lineage, varying from low nobility to the highest royalty, except for the women from Gent and Schyedam and of course Lympiose (all occurring in Der Minnen loep). As both texts agree on this, it may well be related to the literary tradition. Literature had been a privilege to the wealthy for ages. Since De Mézières and Potter to a large extent draw from this tradition, it is not necessarily surprising that their examples are chosen from among the nobility; this could simply have been the core of the material available. Yet, Williamson"s explanation is plausible as well. The authors may have been reaching for a noble audience. They could have chosen to present familiar characters and situations, to which the recipient would identify.171 However, it could also be a matter of authority; by reciting the virtuous behaviour of persons of high status, the recipient may have been persuaded to follow their example, as Loba has argued regarding certain exempla in Le Livre.172 3.4 Exemplary women Der Minnen loep contains 18 exempla, of which nine are positive, eight are negative and one contains both a positive and a negative example (the exemplum of the proud Vasti and the virtuous Hester). Le Livre contains 16 exempla, of which ten are positive and six are negative. In comparison it can be stated that Potter handles a balance between good and bad examples, whereas De Mézières stresses the positive side of the treated themes. There are only two women figuring in the exempla considered as relevant within this thesis" scope, that are recited by both authors.173 Furthermore, they figure in the same narrative, for it concerns Vasti and Hester, the wives of the Assyrian king Ahasverus. In Der Minnen loep they function together as one exemplum, whereas in Le Livre they are introduced separately. In accordance with the Bible both authors present Vasti as a proud and disobedient woman, 170 F.153, p.335. 171 Williamson argues that this was De Mézières" intention when composing Le Livre: Williamson 1985:400. 172 Loba argues that this is the case regarding De Mézières" examples on chaste marriages: Loba 2008b:89. 173 Queen Semyramis of Babylon for example occurs in both texts as well, but in neither of the examples the moralising tenor concerns her marriage (De Mézières mentions her great strength and Potter points out her sinful attraction towards her stepson). See Le Livre, f.164v, p.356 and Der Minnen loep, III, vs.833-909. 48 contrary to the virtuous Hester. The choice to represent them in either one or two exempla however, has influenced the exact role of the latter. In Der Minnen loep, Hester is simply presented as the direct opposite of Vasti. The narrator tells how proud and disobedient queen Vasti was. Therefore Ahasverus took the crown away from her and gave it to the obedient and loyal Hester, who was pleased whenever her husband was pleased.174 This leads to the somewhat simple moral that wives should obey their husbands. Le Livre is more complex in this matter. Vasti is suffering from hydropsy, which causes her pride and disobedience. She is a negative example of this illness, of which all married ladies should beware.175 Hester is mentioned several folio"s later, as an example of dignity, devotion and servitude. The forthcoming moral here is that she pursued internal beauty instead of external appearance.176 It appears from the comparison of the examples that both authors have their own preferences in the qualities that are important to the ideal wife. Potter"s examples solely warn us for the following bad qualities: mendacity, revengefulness, credulity, mockery, conceitedness, suspicion, wrath. He propagates the following good qualities: virtuousness (in general), sincerity, unselfishness, gentleness, patience and wisdom. The bad qualities or even sins that occur in De Mézières" examples solely are: insanity, treason, desperation, unchastity and greed. He propagates virginity, chastity, dignity and piety/devotion. Both authors share a stress on the bad qualities of unfaithfulness, disobedience and pride, and on the good qualities of servitude, beauty, humility, diligence and modesty/restraint. Last, the virtues of obedience and faithfulness occur in both texts as well, but clearly the more often in the examples of Der Minnen loep. Some remarks can be made on the qualities occurring in both texts. First, the exact definition of unfaithfulness differs slightly. With Potter, Clytemestra is unfaithful to her husband because she is having an affair with Egistus. With De Mézières, Rosamond and Vasti are unfaithful to the sacrament of marriage, because they fail to serve and obey their husbands as they should. The same goes for the positive quality of faithfulness. Second, it may be remarked that not all women who are explicitly stated to be beautiful, are positively qualified. There are the good and handsome Lympiose, Marie d"Espagne and Cretan ladies versus the foolish but handsome Boecia, Pocris and Rosamond. Last, in Der Minnen loep in all cases obedience refers to a wife obeying her husband, whereas in the one case in Le Livre (saint Elizabeth) it explicitly refers at the same time to both a daughter obeying her parents and a wife obeying the sacrament. In the examples on disobedience the same goes true: Potter"s Vasti and the wife of Lot simply 174 IV, vs.782-856. 175 F.119v-120, p.273. 176 F.128, p.289. 49 disobey their husband, but De Mézières" Vasti neglects the matrimonial law to obey her spouse. Thus it could be stated that De Mézières has a more formal perception of marriage. The ideals to which a married lady should live up, are not merely good qualities, but virtuous duties to which she is obliged by the sacramental law. Taking a closer look on the preferences of each author, it occurs that Potter values most fidelity between both partners. Its importance is stressed in no less than seven exempla (Thobyas" daughter, Atestes, Enalue, Penelope, Herimones, Boecia, Clytemestra). Next comes the balance between credulity/suspicion, represented by six exempla (Creusa (2x), Boecia, Pocris, the Schyedam woman, the Gent woman). The pair obedience/disobedience can be found in five examples (Hester/ Vasti, Ypermestre, Lympiose, Lot"s wife, Ladomya). Last, the pair mendacity/sincerity is represented by four exempla (Clytemestra, Medea, Ypermestre, Ladomya). De Mézières gives most attention to chastity and to piety/devotion. These qualities are stressed in respectively five (Delphina, Cecilia, Marie d"Espagne, Elizabeth, Queen of Hungary) and four (Cecilia, Hester, Marie d"Espagne, Elizabeth) exempla. All of these but one (the queen of Hungary) are positive exempla. 3.5 The moralising tenor A first look at the morals that can be derived from the exempla, points out that in the case of Der Minnen loep they are mostly of the type in which either a reward or a punishment is given. Those unfaithful will be punished for it (Clytemestra, Jason/Medea), but faithful wives will be rewarded (Penelope, Herimones). Disobedient wives will be punished for it (Vasti, Lot"s wife), yet obedient wives will be rewarded for it (Hester, Lympiose). Credulous wives will be punished (Creusa, Boecia) and they will come to regret it if they interfere with their husband"s business (Wife in Gent, Woman in Schyedam, Pocris). Angry wives will be punished as well (Nycol). All these women have been either punished or rewarded for their deeds, of which they are represented as a respectively negative or positive example. The only exempla in which nobody is punished or rewarded, are those propagating that a true wife values her husband"s life more than her own body (Ypermestre, Atestes, Ladomya, Enalue). These are all positive exempla in which the woman more or less sacrifices her own body out of devotion to her husband. In two cases she saves his life in doing this (Ypermestre, Atestes), but no other specific reward is given. A second observation, that has already become clear from the former paragraph, is that Potter frequently uses several exempla to illustrate one and the same moral. The exempla sharing their moral are sometimes grouped together, but not in all cases. Moreover, it is shown that the 50 morals form pairs – obedience/disobedience, credulity/suspicion, faithfulness/unfaithfulness, mendacity/sincerity –, representing both positive and negative cases of each theme. The morals that can be derived from the exempla in Le Livre de la vertu are both more diverse and more delicately refined. The overall view that a chaste marriage is to be preferred, for example, results in balanced morals like "a pious and chaste marriage will save ladies from hydropsy" (Cecilia) and "to obey the sacrament of marriage a lady should bare children but to truly serve God she must remain chaste" (Elizabeth). Only three morals are used more than once ("abstinence in marriage is virtuous": Delphina, Queen of Hungary; "a diligent wife remains in good health": Rebecca, Queen of Cyprus; "marriage should not be undertaken for greed, but out of free will only": Charles Robert I, Jeanne of Navarre), and none more than twice. Furthermore, none of the exemplary women in Le Livre is rewarded for her excellent behaviour. Living up to the sacrament of marriage and exercising all virtues that go with it, is not concerned an achievement, but is the duty of every married lady, man and all good Christians. In addition, punishment does not often occur either. There are only two exempla in which the lady gets punished for her deeds: Vasti and Rosamond. Both of them suffer from dangerous illnesses caused by an unhappy marriage and the author uses them to illustrate the great evils that may come from these illnesses. Yet Joan of Naples suffers from such an illness as well (insanity), but she remains untouched, although her husband does have to pay for it with his life. 4 Conclusion: a comparison regarding the content De Mézières and Potter both present a complex framework of theories regarding marriage. Although the third book of Le Livre is longer, more detailed and more structured than the fourth book of Der Minnen loep, at some points they seem to fully agree with each other. Both authors decisively distinguish men from women and they both clearly state that marriage is a bond between one man and one woman, no more or less. They are furthermore very dedicated to the social functioning of marriage. In both texts, peace and harmony are of the highest importance and both partners should make an effort to keep them in marriage. This mutual responsibility is by De Mézières formulated with the catholic "Love both your friends and your enemies"; Potter chooses the more profane and humane "You will receive what you give to others". The social functioning is not restricted to the bond between the partners. An illustration of the influences society may have on married women is the specific warning to women not to believe bad rumours, liars and messengers, presented by both authors. Another example is both authors" concern with women"s adultery, more than with men"s, because of the generation that may come from it – any bastard children may be a threat 51 for the family"s heritage. Free will in the alliance and the legitimacy of the living together are named important values of a good marriage. The main difference between the texts concerns the spiritual dimension of marriage, that is completely absent in Der Minnen loep but omnipresent in Le Livre. Potter is mainly occupied with the concern of profane society: he values marriage higher than monastic life, his main advise in problematic situations is to maintain honour, and unfaithfulness is regarded upon as the breaking of an inter-human domestic relation. De Mézières views the earthly marriage as a reflection of the spiritual alliance every Christian has with God. An earthly marriage cannot function well if one of the partners neglects the spiritual marriage with God, the First Spouse. Unfaithfulness therefore may consist of breaking either one of these bonds and it could just mean that one of the partners failed to love the other in peace (without any adultery committed). Here, sinning in marriage is first related to the soul"s responsibility towards God to remain clean of slate, not towards the profane society that matters to Potter. Another difference is the physical dimension. De Mézières relates bad behaviour and mental ailments directly to the functioning of the physical body. Happiness and health are closely connected: medical care will cheer up the mind and virtuousness will cure illness. This physical dimension also is absent in Potter"s work. The intertwining of the social, the spiritual and the physical makes that De Mézières seems to prevent a cure for every possible problem. Besides these three dimensions – the social, the spiritual and the physical –, of which only the first is present in Der Minnen loep, it has become clear that De Mézières is more religiously focused in general. God is omni-present in Le Livre, and all human actions are considered to influence the relation between God and humanity. Potter names God a few times, but never in his advises on the spouses" behaviour and He is certainly not the main reason for which husband and wife should live together in virtue. Furthermore, the disciplined structure of the third book of Le Livre shows that De Mézières has carefully considered his topic beforehand. All theories, causes and advises are presented in groups of seven, six, five, four or three, and all are announced in advance, often at the beginning of a new chapter in the manuscript. This book shows a structure one could expect to encounter in a medieval theological scholarly treatise. Any structure of the kind is absent in Der Minnen loep"s fourth book. This aspect makes De Mézières not only more Christian, but even theological. Also the sources used by De Mézières indicate a theological basis. As has already been mentioned in part I of this thesis, he cites Hugo of Saint Victor, Saint Augustin, Saint Gregory and the Holy Apostles to amplify his theoretical framework. Another important source is the Bible, also referred to by Potter. Although De Mézières and Potter both refer to Genesis 2, they use the source for a different aim: De Mézières finds here an argument to state that marriage can 52 be true, lawful and valuable without consummation, to Potter the story of Adam and Eve is simply an indication that marriage was commanded by God Himself and therefore is of the highest esteem. In addition, regarding the exempla cited both authors have but one common source as well: again it is the Bible – De Mézières" version of the Griseldis-tale has been left out of scope (since it is of to great length and importance to be defined as an exemplum, according to the definition fixed in paragraph 3.1). Moreover, Potter draws mainly from classical literature, such as the work of Ovid. De Mézières uses his personal memories and acquaintances, plus a diverse number of medieval texts. Former research has demonstrated that Potter"s attitude towards his sources it often that of free adaptation,177 but regarding Le Livre de la vertu no such research has been undertaken yet. It is unfortunately outside this thesis" scope to complete this lacuna. This lack of knowledge of source texts poses a problem in the further analysis of the exempla: what elements have been created by the authors, and what elements were provided by their sources? For instance, the question whether the authors have consciously chosen either to omit or mention the women"s status, could reveal information on the intended recipients of the text. De Mézières seems to have been more preoccupied in mentioning the women"s social position after marriage than Potter. Even so, he seems to be less interested in the women"s birth than his colleague. This difference may be related to his traditional Christian view on marriage, according to which this alliance permanently determines the social position of the woman. From an analysis of the exempla themselves, it appears that Potter handles a balance between positive and negative examples, whereas De Mézières stresses the positive side of the treated themes. Both authors share the appreciation of servitude, beauty, humility, diligence, modesty, obedience and faithfulness. Potter stresses most fidelity, obedience and the balance between credulity and suspicion. De Mézières prefers piety and chastity. The way in which these qualities appear in the exempla, shows that De Mézières has a more formal perception of marriage, regarding it as an official alliance. According to this author, the married lady is obliged to a certain virtuous behaviour by the sacramental law, towards her mortal as towards her Immortal Spouse. His theological background thus determines his perception of marriage as a spiritual alliance, the fringing of which leads to sin and thus to suffering in purgatory. As has been shown by the various interpretations of the concept of faithfulness, Potter is more pre- occupied with inter-human relations. Naturally, this difference is also reflected by the virtues that are stressed most in each text. Fidelity, obedience, credulity and suspicion are qualities that specifically apply to the profane society; when two people make a vow, they should be loyal and sincere to one another. 177 Van Buuren 1979:284-286. 53 The qualities of piety and chastity are clearly inspired by the Christian religion; by these virtues a woman directs herself to God, remaining pure and unspoilt for His will. Most of Potter"s morals are of the type "reward or punishment". Several exempla illustrate the same moral, often in pairs that show both the positive and the negative side of the moral. De Mézières" morals are more diverse and more refined. Only three morals are used more than once and none more than twice. Rewards or punishments are not of any importance. Both Le Livre and Der Minnen loep show a close connexion between the morals of the exempla cited and the theoretical framework those are incorporated in. The emphasis that De Mézières puts on the dangers of lust is directly reflected by the many exempla on virginity and chastity he cites, the most striking one being the tale of the pious and chaste Marie d"Espagne, who even mourns the sinful thoughts her natural beauty may have caused in others" minds. Furthermore De Mézières" intertwined complex of the social, the spiritual and the physical is present throughout the third book, also in the exempla. Saint Cecilia for instance chooses to remain a virgin for religious reasons (spiritual component), convinces her husband to live in chastity with her and to become Christian (social component) and is thus saved from hydropsy (physical component). Likewise, the morals in Potter"s exempla are very much analogue to his opinions uttered in the theoretical framework. Moreover, he succeeds in making it look like he derives his moral ideas on marriage from the events narrated in the exempla, thus hiding that he has prepared a carefully balanced composition of exemplary material that amplifies his theories. Both authors are mainly concerned with advising women, as has become clear from the great amount of attention being paid to the ideal wife, contrary to the ideal husband, who is discussed merely briefly. In describing the virtue of marriage and the qualities needed accomplish this, both authors stress the wifely duties. To Potter, female virtuousness is indispensable for a happy, stable and harmonious alliance. According to De Mézières, women simply need more counselling than men do, because of their weak and fragile nature. Either way, the intended audience appears to have consisted of females for a large part. The observation that almost all exempla cited are chosen from amongst the nobility, could possibly indicate a noble audience for both works. For Le Livre this seems plausible, regarding the noble couple the work was dedicated to. De Mézières" statement that wealth and nobility do not add up to happiness in marriage – since it is a sacrament, spiritually uniting two souls – does not necessarily interfere with the possibility of a noble audience. Der Minnen loep however, has not been dedicated to anyone particular, but since his position at the court of Holland, Potter could have reckoned with noble recipients of his work. At least he does once state that noble women honour their husbands better than do the ordinary people. 54 Next, the selection of noble women and men could be a way to attribute to the virtuous characters a certain authority. This could be a didactic and persuasive strategy to make the audience – that is not necessarily noble itself – pursue the behaviour of someone they admire and look up to. For both Der Minnen loep and Le Livre this is a plausible explanation, since they both aim to convince the audience of their ideas. Last, the observation that most of the exempla recited, narrate of the nobility, could simply be dependant on the medieval literary traditions. This explanation is the most general, but also the less convincing, just because the other two explanations provide motivations that are more particular and yet suit both authors quite well, or even better. A supposed noble audience goes well with the theological core of Le Livre. This complex work probably demanded for a more educated audience than the simpler, profane Der Minnen loep, that could well be found in the French court circle around De Mézières – about which I will come to speak again in part III of this thesis. Potter, not being a nobleman himself, is known to criticize the acquisition of the noble status by birth instead of by virtue in his later work. Der Minnen loep may therefore rather be emerged in a middleclass environment, connected to the late medieval town of The Hague. If so, this would explain both the author"s concern with the profane society and the lack of theological structures and sources or spiritual dimensions. Yet, the spiritual dimension of the theories posed in Le Livre makes this work suitable for a broader audience than just the French nobility. According to De Mézières" interpretation of the theme, all Christians may benefit from his advises, not only the married ladies he addresses in the first place. However, to come to a definitive conclusion on the matter, the formal aspects of both texts need to be examined first. I will do so in the next part of this thesis, to get back to the question of the audience in chapter 3. 55 III Exemplary narratives At first glance, Le Livre de la vertu and Der Minnen loep appear to have similar structures. Both are moralizing texts on the virtue of marriage, making us of exempla, for didactic purposes. This part III is therefore dedicated to these texts" forms. By examining the formal features more detailed, it will be revealed whether these works actually are as much alike as the first impression allows us to believe, or not. The first chapter explores the existing contemporary traditions of moralizing literature, to which Potter and De Mézières could have been leaning when writing their own works. As such, this chapter will put the authors in their own cultural circle for a moment, instead of exploring the possible connections between them. The second chapter aims to clarify the works" structures, and the functions of exempla in the main discourses. Finally, the third chapter describes what is mentioned in both texts about author and audience, and in what way. These observations will clarify the authors" intentions and the public they were reaching for, supplementing the observations formerly made in part II of this thesis. This is described in this part"s conclusion. 1 Existing traditions Both Der Minnen loep and Le Livre de la vertu do not stand alone. These works can be placed in a wider framework of existing moralising and narrative traditions of the time. Late medieval Europe developed a particular interest in the topic of the good wife and exempla have been used since Antiquity.178 The late medieval French literature shows multiple examples contemporary to De Mézières" works, the most well-known being Le Mesnagier de Paris, Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry and the works of Christine de Pizan. Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry was composed around 1371-1372 by a Poitou nobleman, for the education of his daughters. Le Mesnagier de Paris was written in 1393 by a rich and old Paris bourgeois for his 15-year old wife. Like Christine de Pizan"s Livre de la cité des dames, both works present a number of short exemplary tales, among which the story about Griseldis. They were quite popular in their time and have been preserved in several manuscripts.179 This tradition is marked by three aspects: the texts are closely connected through dedication and patronage to the highest French nobility, the tales focus on married women"s 178 Vecchio 1994; Les Exempla 1998. 179 Loba 2008c:479-480; Loba 2003:31-32; De Gendt 2003; Lorcin 1993; Quilligan 1991; Ferrier 1979. 56 behaviour rather than on single women"s virginity as an important area of female virtue, and they carry a strong socio-political dimension. This latter dimension consists of the assumption that the good wife bears a responsibility for creating domestic harmony through virtues that also contribute to the common good. This harmony is considered to have a positive influence on the relation between the spouses and on the social relations between the married couple and the people surrounding them. Likewise, female virtuousness could influence male power and politics in a positive way.180 As will be explained in part IV, chapter 3, the obedient Griseldis is an excellent example of this. The flowering of moralising texts in the vernacular in the French court circle around 1400 is closely connected to history. The political situation was unstable after the death of Charles V. Problematic were the minority and later madness of Charles VI, the continuous battles with England and the struggles between the Dukes of Burgundy and Orléans. To cope with these circumstances asked for more consciousness of society. Themes like peacefulness, reconciliation and common good were popular. This emerged in a shift of literary focus from the self and the self"s emotions to a focus on social relations. The education of married couples is one component of it, and the broader public of all good Christians to which De Mézières addresses himself, fits in with these circumstances even better.181 The work of De Mézières is in particular connected to the work of fellow-courtier Christine de Pizan. Much of the ideas expressed by Christine de Pizan, were first initiated in a more conservative form by De Mézières in Le Livre de la vertu. As Christine de Pizan"s father, Thomas, was an astrologist at the court of France at the same time De Mézières was one of the court"s most prominent figures, both writers shared an intimate social circle. Christine de Pizan certainly belonged to the first readers of Le Livre de la vertu, and even relied on it for her version of the tale of Griseldis, incorporated in her Livre de la cité des dames.182 In her Livre des trois vertus Christine shows a view on marriage inspired by De Mézières". Both authors show a concern with the true nature of marriage, while any reflection of the kind is absent in Le Mesnagier de Paris and Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry. Although preoccupied with the profane reality, Christine de Pizan and Philippe de Mézières draw the subject beyond the earthly, daily and practical, dimension, by insisting on love as the major compound of the alliance, expressed by the exemplary strong and patient Griseldis. Both authors are thus exploring the spiritual foundations of marriage. Yet, Christine de Pizan seems to draw this even 180 For these definitions see Collette 2000:152. 181 Collette 2000:151-155; Brown 2002:44-45. 182 Quilligan 1991:165-167. 57 further by explicitly inviting her female audience to be self-critical and responsible for their own behaviour.183 Beside this, the work of De Mézières is connected to contemporary theological traditions. Although addressed and applicable to a broad audience, Le Livre shows a well-considered thematic structure that reminds us of the genre of the theological Summa. In the second half of the fourteenth century, theologians focused more and more on moralising a broad audience likewise, instead of destining their works to the University"s internal atmosphere. A shift of genre appeared, away from exegesis and towards the answering of individual questions of the author"s interest. Jean Gerson (1363-1429), chancellor of the University of Paris, was one of the first and most influential schoolmen who thus became a public intellectual.184 Gersons work was very popular up to the end of the fifteenth century. It was largely copied and spread by his younger brother Jean the Celestine, who belonged to the same order as De Mézières withdrew to in his later years. Among the owners of these manuscripts were the Dukes of Burgundy and the King of France. It has been argued by Lieberman that De Mézières and Gerson knew each other personally. A letter by Gerson, addressed to a "noble et religieux seigneur", is to amplify this assumption.185 Le Livre de la vertu, being addressed to a wide audience with a moralising aim, yet clearly and explicitly based on traditional theological sources like the works of Augustine, Gregory the Great, Bonaventura, Hugh of Saint Victor and Bernard of Clairveaux, fits into the developments in intellectual Paris of the time, of which Gerson has been the face. A quick look at the topics discussed in tracts and treatises by theologians and canon lawyers of the later Middle Ages, shows that marriage was discussed very little in this tradition, and the treatises that do discuss it are all dated in the second half of the fifteenth century.186 However, Gerson"s attitude towards women, though poorly researched, reveals some similarity to De Mézières": his main aim is to secure women"s well-being, to direct them to a life of devotion, and to protect them from their husband"s non-religious attitude and bad treatments. He furthermore stresses the element of free will in the alliance of marriage, which is to his opinion often violated. Last, both spouses carry an equal responsibility in family conflicts. Nevertheless, and like De Mézières, Gerson values virginity higher than marriage. The difficulties a married life can bring to women are discussed by Gerson in an unfortunately unedited text, called Enhortant a prendre l'estat de virginité plus que de mariage.187 183 Loba 2008a:294-301; Brown 2002:43-44; De Gendt 2003:189-206; Lorcin 1993:241-242. 184 Hobbins 2003. 185 Lieberman 1967. 186 Hobbins 2003: appendix. 187 Mazour-Matusevich 2006. 58 It thus appears that De Mézières" work is related to both Christine de Pizan"s and Jean Gerson"s. To complete the triangle, the relation between the latter two can be investigated more closely. Here a short mention of what is often referred to as the debate on Le Roman de la rose will do to illustrate. Le Roman, a very popular allegory on courtly love, was written in the thirteenth century and has provoked discussion ever since, peaking around 1400 in Paris. Many scholars and intellectuals regarded the work as one of the masterpieces of French literature, yet Christine commented heavily on the views on women expressed in the text. Obscene language and defamation of women were her main objections, and in spite of many contemporary intellectuals" complaints she refused to withdraw her statements. Instead, she even took the debate into the public sphere by spreading the scholarly correspondence, even to the Queen, Isabeau of Bavaria.188 The quarrel was set forward and Christine de Pizan found a companion in her objections in the person of Jean Gerson, who agreed on her moral statements from a theological point of view. In answer to Le Roman, Gerson wrote an allegorical treatise opposing it: Chastity presenting eight articles of complaint to Justice. Obscenity, jealousy, misogyny, and the excessive call to sexual procreation that according to his opinion were present in the text, were the main topics. The objections of De Pizan and Gerson show an individual commitment to an ideal of civic, social responsibility, that equals De Mézières" (as will be further shown in part IV). There are even sources that indicate that De Pizan and Gerson consciously used the debate to consolidate their positions at the French court, like De Mézières wrote for the higher nobility to secure his.189 The observations above show that De Mézières" Livre can be placed in a contemporary French tradition of exemplary and allegorical narratives. The topic of the virtuous wife was very popular at the end of the fourteenth century, as becomes clear from the exemplary texts Le Mesnagier de Paris and Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry, that have been preserved in several manuscripts. De Mézières was in particular connected to fellow authors and intellectuals De Pizan and Gerson. He thus proves to be strongly attached to his age. The literary tradition in which Potter"s Der Minnen loep can be placed, is one of didactical poems on love, often referred to as artes amandi. The most important representatives of this genre are Ovid"s Ars amatoria and Remedia amoris and Andreas Capellanus" De amore libri tres. These works were widely spread in the later Middle Ages, often serving as reading material at schools, and by the time Potter could take notice of them an exhaustive tradition of 188 For more information see McWebb 2007; Hicks 1977. 189 Hult 1997:351-355. See also Langlois 1918. 59 commentaries existed as well. Like Der Minnen loep, Ars amatoria knows a careful composition of theories, explained by examples or short stories. Although these stories are sometimes similar and Ars amatoria and Remedia amoris in some passages seem to have had their influence on Der Minnen loep, the actual ideas expressed by Ovid in both Latin texts are quite different from Potter"s.190 Tracing this possible influence further, Ovid"s Epistulae Heroidum (or Heroides) seems much closer related to Der Minnen loep. This literary work contains fifteen elaborate letters, fictively exchanged between famous couples from antique mythology. All letters are written by the female heroine and addressed to her lover, like Penelope to Ulysses, Dido to Aeneas and Hermione to Orestes. Not only has Potter used many stories from this antique work, but in the medieval commentaries that are conserved in the margins of Heroides-manuscripts, the three kinds of love Potter distinguishes are frequently discussed. Here, we do find not only many similar ideas, but also a similar use of terminology: the same Latin words are used in the same sense and situations as the Dutch words coinciding with them. Ghecke minne (amor stultus), gheoerlofde minne (amor licitus) and ongheoerlofde minne (amor illicitus) – crazy love, permitted love and forbidden love – were thus part of a contemporary scholarly tradition of reading and interpreting an ancient literary master, and were as such taught at many medieval schools. Regarding the high range of similarities it is probable that Potter has encountered this terminology likewise.191 The remaining kind of love (goede minne, good love) he may have gathered from Ovid- commentaries as well, although it is much less present. However, the typology of four kinds of love is known from other medieval sources as well, and thus Potter may have encountered the good love elsewhere. Still, former research has not been able to connect the ideas expressed by Potter in the format he has chosen for it to any other medieval text known. As such Der Minnen loep remains a highly original work, until a closer study of medieval Ovid-commentaries may prove different.192 2 Use and function of exempla It has been demonstrated that Le Livre de la vertu and Der Minnen loep are related to different traditions of moralising literature. Connecting this to the observations made in part II and to 190 Van Buuren 1979:192-239; Gerritsen 2009:51-54. 191 Van Buuren 1979:198-211; Gerritsen 2009:43. 192 Van Buuren 1979:237-238. Unfortunately, Van Buuren does not specify the "other sources" in which the typology of four kinds of love can be found. 60 recent studies on the medieval exemplum, it occurs that both authors" specific use of exempla gives reason to place them in different traditions as well. The research in this field usually distinguishes two kinds of exempla: the sermon exemplum and the classical or public exemplum.193 The two exempla are distinguished on three grounds. The sermon exemplum evolved out of the earlier monastic tradition, initiated by Gregory"s Dialogues. It drew most of its material from folkloric and hagiographic traditions. The classical or public exemplum has flourished in the ninth century"s Mirrors of Princes, but also occurred in other political and historiographical contexts. It drew its material mainly, yet not only, from classical antiquity, which explains its first name. This material was next adapted to coincide with medieval public matters, which explains the exemplum"s second name. Next, the classical or public exemplum addresses issues of lay authority, thus being often more political than the sermon exemplum, which is foremost hagiographical or ecclesiological. Last, the classical or public exemplum had a preference for the evil exemplarity; for narratives that demonstrate the truthfulness of their morals by narrating violations of these morals and the punishments received upon these violations. This preference is related to the disorder that is inherent to the historical world this type of exemplum addresses. The sermon exemplum tends in the other direction, seeking the miraculous and showing a benevolent model of virtuousness.194 When applying these characteristics to the exempla used by De Mézières and Potter, the first author seems to prefer sermon exempla whereas the latter uses mainly classical exempla. De Mézières" exempla are drawn from personal experience and hagiographical traditions, tend to seek a miraculous or at least spiritual dimension and are mostly positive illustrations of virtuous behaviour. The connection the author makes to the sermon tradition is in line with his rather theological approach. Potter"s exempla are mainly drawn from antique sources, adapted to his medieval view on contemporary issues, address profane matters and show a moralising base of reward and punishment. This coincides with the Ovidian tradition in which Der Minnen loep can be placed. Thus, also the actual corpus of exempla gathered by De Mézières and Potter shows how they are relying on different, existing traditions.195 According to the Dictionnaire des Lettres Françaises, an exemplum may have three different functions in a moral discourse. The first is an exemplum in the most general sense: an example, a model of virtue or behaviour that should be pursued. The second is the rhetorical exemplum: an event or quote from the past, committed or uttered by a person of a certain authority. The rhetorical exemplum is often used as a persuasive strategy in juridical or moralising texts or 193 Scanlon 1994:57-58, 81-83. 194 Scanlon 1994:57-58, 81-83. 195 For the observations on the exempla the authors use, see part II, chapter 3. 61 sermons. The third function of the exemplum is that of an illustrative story, inserted in a longer text, and used to teach the audience a moral lesson as well.196 Observing the structures of Le Livre and Der Minnen loep, it has become clear that Potter offers a sequence of short stories, connected by ideological commentaries. Every story is closed by a moralising reflection, resulting in a short discussion of the topic related. The author continues this discussion until the following tale, meanwhile twisting his discourse in such a way that the next story makes another thematic connection. The stories themselves are adapted in such a way that they nicely fit in with Potter"s main argument. De Mézières works the other way around. He presents a well-structured sequence of inter-related theories, occasionally and irregularly illustrating these by an exemplum. His tales are much shorter and often presume some pre-knowledge of the audience. These observations point out that both authors do not use exempla in the same way. To use the terminology mentioned above: De Mézières uses the exempla mostly as illustrative stories. They are inserted in the actual discourse, amplifying its main argument. Theoretically, Le Livre could be read without the exempla; the text would still be understandable if one took them out. Reversed, not all exempla would be equally easy to understand when read independently. They have been highly adapted to their position in the main discourse, meaning that the events are narrated very briefly and thus the exempla are leaning on the main argument to a large extent. One would need the whole text to fully understand the exempla"s tenors. Besides this illustrative function, De Mézières also makes use of the rhetorical function. The exempla are often taken from his personal memories, or from contemporary history. In these cases, the author himself is the authority, and the exemplum is not more than a brief recall of either his own experiences or well-known recent historical events. Although they in the first place serve as illustrations, they are also part of the author"s persuasive strategies. This use of strategy shows another connection between Le Livre and the sermon-tradition, that frequently uses rhetorical exempla as well. In comparison, Potter uses the exempla merely in the general sense. The stories he presents are models of either virtuous or rejected behaviour, which should be respectively pursued or avoided. All stories could excellently be read independent of the theoretical framework. Contrarily, taking out the exempla would render the text strangely illogical, and difficult to understand. Potter"s moralising strategy is not the traditional rhetorical one; he first narrates the tales, and next he succeeds in making it look like his moral discourse arouses naturally from the material presented. His commentaries thus more or less explain the exempla, which is exactly the opposite of the strategy used by De Mézières. 196 Dictionnaire des Lettres Françaises, p.437-438. 62 3 Author and audience The intended audience of a text may be addressed directly, indirectly or not at all. Likewise, an author can manifest himself in a text in several ways, or not at all. In the field of literary studies, the author is usually formally separated from the text"s narrator, for they can be two separate entities. If the narrator speaks in the first person singular, this does not mean that it is the author of the book we are listening to. Yet, in historical literature it is not always necessary to make this distinction. When combining the information that is known about the historical author from archival sources with the way in which the narrator introduces himself, it often appears that they are one and the same person. Furthermore, the information a text contains on the author and audience can be very valuable to research, because it may help in defining the social circles in which the text has been written and read or listened to. Because social circles are important to this thesis" topic, this chapter is dedicated to the authors and audiences of the exemplary narratives Le Livre and Der Minnen loep. 3.1 The narrator and the author In the prologue of Le Livre de la vertu the narrator introduces himself as: …un viel solitaire, jadis indigne serviteur et privé de pluseurs roys crestiens, usurpant lors la place d"un preudhomme en presence des roys et a present le dit solitaire par la vocation de Dieu, (…), lequel faisant son pelerinage lors parmi les cours des papes et de roys, trouva pluseurs qui disoient estre ses vrays amis. (f.1v, p.44, r.3-7) This "viel solitaire" has been connected to the historical person of Philippe de Mézières by analogy with Le songe du vieil pélérin, L'Épistre au Roy Richard II and the autographed testament, in which texts he calls himself likewise. The narrator and the author are thus coinciding and may be called the name of De Mézières.197 De Mézières refers to himself either in the first person singular or in the third person singular. In the third book of Le Livre he names himself "je" 21 times;198 he personifies himself as the old lonely writer 23 times. In this he is remarkably modest. He calls himself for instance "cestui viel escripvain", "cestui rude plastrier escripvain", "le povre solitaire" and even "ce povre 197 Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff 1933:47. 198 See pages 223, 241, 243, 244, 246, 258, 266, 267, 277, 278, 279, 293, 294, 295, 306 of the edition. 63 escripvain simple et ydiote".199 In this part of the work he refers to himself in the first person plural ("nous") only three times.200 Although De Mézières makes his narratorship somewhat intimate by the use of the personal pronouns "je" and "nous", he still keeps a certain distance between his own person – the author – and the audience by calling himself diminishing names. Although De Mézières historicizes himself as the author and narrator of Le Livre de la vertu, he distinguishes himself not very clearly. He stays at the background, which fits in with the mystical aspects of his work. Although human, this author would rather not be an author at all, would rather not even be bound to a human body at all. By keeping himself at the background, De Mézières expresses the desire to become one with the allegory he teaches his audience. The restrictions of the human body only block the spirit – the reasonable soul, married to God – that plays such an important role in the book. This reserved attitude towards the physical is reflected in his view upon marriage: virginity and abstinence are valued very high, and if marriage has to be, then preferably in chastity. 201 Potter"s narrator also introduces himself, namely at the beginning of the first book of Der Minnen loep, referring to himself in the first person singular: Ic, man ende scriver vanden bloede, Die wile ic hadde die yseren roede Ende rechter was in svorsten lant, Wart ic int hoghe rijck ghesant, Om eenre ghewerff in stilre list, Daer dackerman niet off en wist. Ic bleef daer langher dan een jaer. (I, vs.77-83) These descriptions correspond to what we know about Potter from archival sources. The author and narrator are therefore usually seen as one and can be historicized as the natural person of Dirc Potter.202 Potter refers to himself mostly in the first person singular, by using the personal pronouns "ic" and "my". In the fourth book of Der Minnen loep this occurs 65 times, which is rather frequent. Only once Potter refers to himself in the first person plural, when he talks about his work as "our book" ("onsen gescrifte", IV, vs.158). All this makes Der Minnen loep quite 199 "cestui viel escripvain" (f.90v, p.217, r.12), "cestui rude plastrier escripvain" (f.90v, p.217, r.14), "le povre solitaire" (f.111, p.257, r.5) and even "ce povre escripvain simple et ydiote" (f.111v, p.258, r.1). 200 See p.221 and 228 of the edition. 201 Based on: Andrea Tarnowski, Dartmouth College, USA. Paper given at the conference on De Mézières, Nicosia, June 2009. 202 Corbellini 2000:53-58. 64 personal, and gives a subjective touch to the morals presented. Potter is a human teacher, trying to teach his audience for the best he knows. 3.2 The addressed audience In the prologue to Le Livre, De Mézières clearly states his intended audience to exist of all married ladies, their husbands and all good Christians. This is repeated throughout the text, and also the third book of Le Livre shows explicit addressings to this rather large group.203 Married ladies are named 11 times, married ladies and their husbands together are named 23 times, and all good Christians are named 11 times. This audience is addressed mostly indirectly, by phrases like the following. "Or entrons (…) en la pratique du reconfort des dames mariees…" (f.111v, p.258, r.12); "Il fault donques que tout bon Crestien sain et malade et par especial au propos les dames malcontentes de leur mariage soyent tres bien armees pour le peril" (f.113, p.261, r.23-24); "Et pour ce desoremais en avant nulle dame mariee malcontente ne les maris aussy ne creature crestienne malade ou passionne d"aucune maladie ne se doit laissier cheoir en la fosse de desperation" (f.134, p.301, r.23-25); "Encores est il expedient a la dame mariee et a tout bon Crestien que…"(f.134V, p.302, r.18). In three passages the author adresses his audience directly: "femme ou homme feru d"yre", "femme malcontente", "ma doulce suer".204 As becomes clear from these quotations, he turns himself to women and men together one time, and to women solely, twice. In the passages following these citations, the author gives his advices directly to the person(s) addressed, using some commandments and some conditional phrases, of the type "if you do this, you will get happy". He furthermore addresses his audience with the rather informal second person singular"s pronouns "tu" and "toy". A remarkable passage is chapter XXV.205 Here, the author lets his intended audience speak to him: "Biaus amis, tu as empris un grant labour pour nous reconforter…".206 The author seems to start a dialogue with the married lady, whom he lets address him informally. Yet, he introduces her speech as a question posed "a cestui viel escripvain solitaire" and keeps this distance in answering: "A laquelle dame se puet respondre…".207 203 Collette 2000:156. 204 "femme ou homme feru d"yre" (f.122, p.277-278), "femme malcontente" (f.123v, p.280-281), "ma doulce suer" (f.131, p.295). 205 Entitled "En respondant a une question que aucunes dames malcontents porroyent faire au solitaire", f.141, p.314. 206 F.141v, p.314. 207 F.141v, p.314; f.141v, p.315. 65 By addressing his audience mostly indirect, like she were a neutral, third party, De Mézières creates once more a distance between author and audience. Doing so, he presents himself as a narrator, but with the authority of a teacher, physician or even a theologian. Married ladies, men and all Christians are not merely his audience; they are his topic. The audience of Der Minnen loep is at the very beginning of the text described as "Ladies, knights and youngsters who do not know what love is".208 Potter addresses his audience directly, making use of the second person singular or plural ("ghi", or in object-position "u"). In the fourth book this occurs 78 times, which is quite frequent. Besides this, the author urges his audience many times to act in a certain way, using direct commandments like "doet", "gaet" and "levet". 209 This confirms the personal tone of the author and the close relation that exists between him and his audience. They are on the same social level. Interestingly, in the fourth book the author addresses himself mainly explicitly to women. Although former research generally argues that Der Minnen loep"s audience consisted of the author"s friends – the ladies, knights and youngsters mentioned in the prologue –, Potter speaks about them but once in the fourth book.210 Yet, every time that he addresses himself directly to the audience, it explicitly concerns women solely. There are seven passages that give detailed advises to women, either married or not. Each of these passages opens with a definition of the intended recipient: "Ach lieve vrouwen", (IV, vs.425-448); "Ghi, eerbaer vrouwen", (IV, vs.949-962); "O waerde vrouwen", (IV, vs.1562-1570); "goede wijff", (IV, vs.1819-1820); "Goede, eerbair, salighe vrouwen", (IV, vs.1891-1902); "Ghi, goede wive", (IV, vs.2211-2232); "Ghy, eerbair wiven", "u, salighe wiven", (IV, vs.2261-2324). The last passage mentioned is also the closing of the whole manuscript, which is thus even a stronger indication to an intended female audience of this part of Der Minnen loep. 208 "Vrouwen, ridderen ende knechten, / Die niet weten wat minne sy" (I, vs.124-125). See also Van Buuren 1979:79. 209 IV, vs.2295-2298. 210 "Ende ghedoechsame te sijn / Radic alle die vrienden mijn", IV, vs.1875-1876. See also Van Buuren 1979:79. 66 4 Conclusion: a comparison regarding the form Le Livre de la vertu and Der Minnen loep can each be placed within different existing traditions of moralising literature. The exempla used by both authors indicate the influence of different traditions as well. De Mézières" work is related to the work of contemporary Parisian intellectuals like Christine de Pizan and Jean Gerson, who share with the first a number of views and ideas. Besides this, Le Livre can be placed in a particular contemporary tendency of moralizing exemplary literature on the topic of the ideal wife. Furthermore, it occurs that Le Livre is connected to a theological tradition of sermons. In comparison, Der Minnen loep is leaning towards a medieval artes amandi-tradition, based on antique sources, in the center of which we find Ovid. This difference goes both for the broader perspective of exemplary literature as a genre and for the actual exempla occurring in the texts and the functions they fulfill in the main discourses. Next, De Mézières and Potter differ in the way they manifest themselves as narrator and author, and in the way they address their audience. Potter equals himself to his audience: he maintains a personal, informal tone and addresses his audience like he were one of them. De Mézières keeps a distance. He sometimes may get personal with his recipients, but he keeps his position of a teacher, treating his audience like it were his topic and giving himself the authority over the other. At the same time, De Mézières repeatedly stresses that his work is dedicated to a fairly large audience of all married ladies, men and all good Christians. By this he transgresses all geographical and social borders, for even lower-class people from other regions could benefit from his teachings, as long as they are pious Christians. However, one may wonder if all those pious Christians would get to read the work; it emerged in a circle of noble courtiers and due to the theological approach it would not have been easy to understand to the lower educated. It may well be that the perspective of all Christians is an ideological one, rather than a practical one. In part II it has been observed that a noble audience is more probable for Le Livre instead, and in this part no indications have been found to deny this impression. In addition, it has occurred in part II that the author offers his advises to women in particularly and that he has attributed most attention to the ideal wife, contrary to the ideal husband. In the present part III it has been observed that the author regularly addresses himself to married women explicitly, yet most of the time he addresses himself to both married women and married men together. Of the three passages in which he addresses himself directly to his recipients, two are addressing women, and one is addressing women and men together. Hence, the intended audience of Le Livre probably consisted of – noble – married couples (who are addressed most of the time), but 67 with a particular benefit to women, who according to the author need more counseling because of their fragile nature. This profile corresponds to the noble married couple Pierre de Craon and Jehanne de Chastillon, to whom Le Livre was dedicated. In comparison, Potter first addresses Der Minnen loep to ladies, knights and youngsters who do not know what love is, but in the fourth book he addresses himself explicitly to only women. In part II it had already been stated that the author directs his advises mainly to women and that he is more occupied with the ideal wife than with the ideal husband. This could indicate that the author intended a specifically female audience for the fourth book only. However, the fourth book can hardly be separated from the other three books of Der Minnen loep, and thus it is more probable that the case is similar to Le Livre"s. The work was composed for ladies, knights and youngsters, but apparently the topic of marriage was considered to be in the first place a female affair, and so in the fourth book only women were addressed to take the author"s advises. However, no social distinction is made in the fourth book. Yet, the personal tone of the author towards his audience, the informal attitude and the way in which he equals himself to his recipients, may be an indication that Potter is not aiming for an audience with a high social status. That is to say: not higher than his own. Since Potter himself was probably born in a middleclass family, it would be plausible that he intended his audience to be alike. As stated in part II, this goes well with the content of Der Minnen loep. The observation that most exempla he recites are chosen from among the nobility, could be a matter of authority, meant to persuade his audience to either adapt or reject their behaviour. By presenting noble models of both positive and negative qualities, he furthermore shows that nobility and virtuousness are not necessarily connected. And this is exactly what Potter argues in his version of Griseldis and later in his work Bloeme der Deughden. The observations above clarify that Le Livre and Der Minnen loep are not that similar after all. The authors lean on different traditions, which is clearly reflected by their own works. These are differing likewise, even though the authors both use exemplary tales in their moralizing discourse. They aim for a different audience and do so by using different strategies. Potter stays personal and informal, reaching for a smaller audience than De Mézières, who is presenting himself as an intellectual teacher from whose wisdom many may benefit. 68 IV Griseldis Le Livre de la vertu and Der Minnen loep have one remarkable element in common: the tale of Griseldis. This tale has become very popular throughout western literature, yet De Mézières and Potter have embodied the material in their vernacular texts in a remarkably early stage in the tradition.211 As has been clarified in part I, Potter has had several opportunities to acquire the tale during his diplomatic mission to France in 1409. This tale could therefore well be a literary connection between both authors, dispersed through the political network. Hence, this part IV aims to carry out a comparative analysis of Potter"s and De Mézières" versions of Griseldis. I will consider the stories, the techniques by which they are narrated, and their meanings, in particularly regarding marriage and Griseldis" exemplarity as the ideal wife. Finally, traces of influence may be discovered. For the reader"s convenience, copies of the texts of both Griseldis-versions are inserted in appendix IV. 1 A comparative analysis 1.1 Stories A comparison of the stories is indispensable for an analysis of the Griseldis-versions made by De Mézières and Potter. The actual story, its sequences, situations and characters, differs from one version to another, as do the location(s) where it takes place and the time that passes. I will start with a summary of De Mézières" plot, followed by a summary of Potter"s plot. De Mézières narrates: The Marquis of Saluce, a strong, handsome and noble man called Gautier, wealthy and good- mannered, was yet unmarried. He liked his loneliness and did not think of the future, neither did he want to hear speaking of marriage. He neglected his land. His barons however urged him to marry, but before doing so, Gautier asked them to promise to love and honour his future wife under all circumstances, whoever she might be. After this, he set a date for the wedding day (which is not explicitly named). Whenever Gautier would go hunting, he passed a small village that was home to the poor old Janicola and his pretty daughter Griseldis who took care of him. Gautier had already heard of her reputation of great virtue and one day, as he looked upon her when on his way to the woods, he decided that she would be his wife. On the pre-decided date Gautier and some courtiers came to the village. Gautier spoke to Janicola and asked Griseldis" 211 Femme exemplaire 2000; Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff 1933; Laserstein 1926. 69 hand in marriage, which the obedient old man could not refuse to his master. Next, in her father"s presence, Gautier asked Griseldis to vow that she would never disobey him, no matter what it was he would ask for. She consented and they got joined in matrimony. Griseldis gave birth to a daughter. However, Gautier wanted to test her obedience and patience. He pretended that the child would have to die because his barons were unhappy with the heir and he asked for Griseldis" patience. She kept herself to her vow and, without showing any grief, she let a sergeant take away her child – that was actually sent to Gautier"s sister to be educated over there. Four years later a son was born. He too was taken from her, so to say because Gautier would fear that his people would prefer his son to him as a lord. Once again Griseldis did not shed a tear, although she believed her son would die too. In reality, he was united with his sister in their aunt"s care. After twelve years of marriage, Gautier secretly sent for a false charter, pretended to be signed by the Roman Pope, of which the rumour was told that it gave him the right to dissolve his marriage and to take another wife. He told Griseldis that he was planning to marry another woman and sent her back to Janicola, dressed in nothing but a chemise. Nonetheless he asked her to prepare the new bride"s welcoming, since no-one could fulfil this task better than she. Griseldis humbly obeyed and showed all courtesy to this new bride, who was in fact her own daughter, accompanied by her son and their aunt and uncle, who had been previously informed by Gautier. At the look of the girl, Griseldis begged Gautier not to make this new wife suffer like he made her, for this one was younger and more delicately educated and would not be able to bare similar sufferings. Then Gautier could not restrain himself any longer and fulfilled of compassion he embraced and kissed Griseldis. He revealed their children"s identity and convinced her that she alone was and would remain his wife. Griseldis was delighted with joy and embraced her children while crying. They would live in peace for another twenty years. Potter narrates: In Achayen lived a powerful knight, a noble lord with a good sense, called Orphaen, who praised virtue higher than noble birth. His barons urged him to marry a sensible woman to help him rule his land. Whenever he rode into the fields to hunt, he would cross the cottage of Arlamoen, whose daughter was both pretty and virtuous. Arlamoen, poor and humble yet honest and beloved, had lost his wife. His daughter Lympiose took care of him now. She was humble and mild-tempered, and the whole town spoke nothing but good words off her virtuousness. It seemed Orphaen desirable to marry such a woman who, although of low birth, would be a wise and kind lady to his people and possessions. He therefore sent for Arlamoen, to ask his 70 daughter"s hand in marriage. The old man first thought his master was joking, proposing to a poor peasant"s daughter, but then gave his humble consent. Orphaen and Lympiose got beautiful children, but he sent them away – it is not said whereto or why. After this he told Lympiose that she was not worthy a luxury life and that she should dress humbly and help in the housekeeping, to which she obeyed. Then he even stated that she no longer could be his wife, but that she could stay as a servant to his new bride, what offer Lympiose gratefully accepted. The day this new bride arrived, Lympiose put all her efforts in preparing an appropriate welcoming. But then the young damsel revealed that she was in fact Lympiose"s daughter, and that it was she, her mother, who was to be honoured. Orphaen confirmed this and admitted to have tested Lympiose"s virtuousness by his cruel behaviour. He then vowed never to marry another spouse but her. A quick look on these summaries may illustrate the main difference between both versions: Potter"s is much shorter. In his version, the number of characters is limited to four, and their names have changed.212 Whereas the French version also contains speaking barons (the council), a speaking sergeant (who is to take away the children), and attributes large passive roles to the children, aunt and uncle and to the court staff as a whole, the Dutch version sticks to Orphaen, Lympiose, Arlamoen and the daughter. The actual number and sex of Lympiose"s children is not even mentioned. Several narrative elements that play a role in the French version, are absent in the Dutch one, like the pre-set wedding date, the secret education of the children by Gautier"s sister, and the papal charter. In the French translation, Janicola obeys his master immediately when Gautier asks for the hand of his daughter. In the Dutch version, Arlamoen initially accuses his master of mockery, for he could not be seriously intending to marry a poor peasant"s daughter! Furthermore, the Dutch Lord Orphaen does not make his wife believe that their children will be killed; he simply takes them far away from her, unknown whereto. Another difference is that in the French version the climax of the story lies with Gautier, who at a certain moment cannot longer restrain himself to tell his wife the happy truth about their children and the test he put her through. In the Dutch version the climax lies in the moment when Lord Orphaen"s new bride herself reveals her true identity, being the lost daughter. This climax is followed up by an explaining speech of Orphaen, but the outcome of the story has already been given away. Moreover, both tales show a different structure as regards the process of trials the heroine is put through. In De Mézières" version, five stages of trial can be distinguished, whereas Potter"s version shows but three: 212 No explanation of the different names has been found so far. See also Van Buuren 1979:243; Laserstein 1926:40. 71 De Mézières: 1. Griseldis must take an oath of obedience 2. The daughter is (believed to be) killed 3. The son is (believed to be) killed 4. Griseldis may not be Gautier"s wife anymore and is taken back to her father 5. Griseldis is called back to the palace to prepare the new bride"s welcoming Potter: 1. The children are taken away 2. Lympiose must dress humbly and assist in the housekeeping 3. Lympiose may not be Orphaen"s wife anymore, but may stay as a servant. In this position of servant she assists in preparing the new bride"s welcoming A comparison of these schemes points out that in Potter"s version, De Mézières" stage no. 1 is left out, and that De Mézières" stages no. 2 and 3, and no. 4 and 5, have been combined into respectively Potter"s stages no. 1 and 3. Surprisingly, a new stage (no. 2) is inserted, in which Lympiose is still Orphaen"s wife and living in the palace, yet dressing humbly and assisting in the housekeeping. Maybe even more notable than these differences is the omission of some important emotional turning points in the narrative. Griseldis takes an oath to obey her husband Gautier, no matter what he is asking for.213 Next, when he makes her believe that she no longer may be his wife and must leave his court, she submits entirely to his will. In a moving speech she humbly asks for nothing but a chemise to cover her body, for in Gautier"s palace she has left her virginity, that she brought with her as her only dowry.214 Finally, at the arrival of the girl that is presented as Gautier"s new bride, she begs him not to make this new wife suffer as he has made her suffer.215 These three moments are crucial in the version by De Mézières, yet absent in the version by Potter. Next, the story by De Mézières is set in Pieumont, Lombardy. This corresponds with the modern region of Piémont, situated in North-West Italy, close to the Alps and the French border. The town of Gautier, Saluce, should be understood as the Italian town Saluzzo.216 Spaces that are important settings for the story include foremost the palace and the little village with Janicola"s 213 F.168, p.363. 214 F.172v-173, p.371-372. 215 F.174v-175, p.375. 216 F.166, p.359. 72 cottage, and to a less extant the mansion of Gautier"s sister, where his children are sent. These spaces show a paradox that is important to the story"s interpretation. The antagonism between the poor cottage, exchanged by Griseldis for the wealthy palace, is not only a change of place, but a change of social position, the importance of which is underlined by Gautier"s decision to take his whole court staff with him as he comes to take his bride. This social dimension of the spatial change is confirmed as Griseldis is brought back to the village by the entire court staff, when Gautier has decided to take another wife. This paradox is preserved in the Dutch version, although less strong because of the lack of any court staff and because Lympiose does not return to the countryside. Potter does explicitly comment on Orphaen"s high valuation of virtue, rather than wealth.217 All scenes but the proposal can be located in the mansion of Orphaen. Other spaces are not used, it is not even clear where the children are taken too. The story as a whole is situated in a land called Achayen, which corresponds to the Greek region of Achaia, located on the western side of the Peloponnesos.218 The time structure of the French tale is not described in detail, but there are some indications given. Four years after her daughter has been taken away from her, Griseldis gives birth to a son, who is taken from her at the age of two.219 Gautier pretends to marry another woman after they have been married for twelve years.220 When the children are called to the palace, they are aged twelve and seven.221 After the happy reconciliation they live together for another twenty years.222 From these indications can be derived that the total amount of time that passes after the wedding day is about 32 years. The time structure of the Dutch tale is even more vague. The only indication of the course of time is the age of the daughter, who by the end of the story apparently has reached a suitable age for marriage, which is still very unclear. About the events passing before the children"s birth there are no time indications whatsoever. 1.2 Narrative techniques As for the narrative techniques De Mézières and Potter do not differ that much. Both stories are written in the past tense, by an omni-present narrator. Potter once presents a flash forward to his audience: "Had si niet guet gheweest van zeden / Si en haddet nymmermeer gheleden / Dat sij 217 IV, vs.1131. 218 IV, vs.1095. 219 F.170v, p.367. 220 F.172, p.370. 221 F.175, p.376. 222 F.175v, p.377. 73 leet, als ghi sult horen".223 This narrator is thus all-knowing. At one moment, he shows some slight subjectivity as he values Orphaen"s behaviour as strange.224 De Mézières does not use flash backs or flash forwards, but demonstrates his omni-knowledge by introducing the story with a prologue. In the actual narrative he expresses some comments, mostly complaints on the great suffering the heroine is put through. Like Potter, De Mézières marks Gautier"s behaviour as strange, as he takes away the children.225 Potter marks the most important events in the narration by use of direct speech, as opposed to indirect speech and narrator"s text. This concerns four passages. The first is the moment when Orphaen asks Arlamoen for Lympiose"s hand in marriage. Arlamoen thinks Orphaen is joking but then affirms him that he is their Lord and as such can command them whatever he wishes to.226 Second, there is the moment when Orphaen tells Lympiose that she is not worthy a luxury life and that she should help in the housekeeping. Lympiose does not answer him, but simply obeys, for she was so humble and virtuous that everything her Lord would command her, would please her to do.227 Third, we find Lympiose"s reaction once Orphaen has told her his intention to take a new wife. It is worth noting here that the stress is not upon Orphaen"s decision, but on Lympiose"s gentle reaction to it. She hopes to have been a good mistress to Orphaen"s people and understands that she is not worthy to be his spouse. Her husband then commands her to prepare the arrival of the new bride and to be her loyal servant, which Lympiose gratefully accepts.228 Next, the daughter speaks when revealing her identity.229 Last, Orphaen praises Lympiose"s virtuousness, obedience and modesty in the speech that closes the story.230 De Mézières as well reserves direct speech for the most important scenes. But whereas in Potter"s version it is mostly just one character speaking once – the previously uttered question or the answer being summarised by the narrator –, De Mézières presents whole dialogues.231 The relevant scenes are: the barons" request for Gautier to marry, Gautier"s visit to the village and his proposal, Gautier"s commandment to take away the daughter (and the sergeant obeying), Gautier"s commandment to take away the son (and the sergeant obeying), Gautier expelling Griseldis in her chemise, and the climax of the story, when it all comes together. The remaining events are described by narrator"s text and indirect speech. 223 IV, vs.1123-1125. 224 "Dit was die eerste vremdicheit", IV, vs.1167. 225 "sa merveilleuse, perilleuse et strange curiosité", f.170v, p.367. See also Brownlee 1992:872-874. 226 IV, vs.1136-1152. 227 IV, vs.1176-1179. 228 IV, vs.1194-1224. 229 IV, vs.1239-1240. 230 IV, vs.1244-1254. 231 These dialogues enabled De Mézières translation to serve as the main source for the later composed play L'Estoire de Griseldis (1395). See Loba 1997, Frank 1936 and Roques 1950. 74 1.3 Griseldis as the ideal wife The function of the tale of Griseldis can be explained in four ways, which form the traditional basis of medieval exegesis of the Holy Scripture. According to the Lexikon des Mittelalters, these are the historical, tropological, allegorical and anagogical senses. The historical sense is the literal meaning of the story; it regards the events narrated. Next, the tropological sense concerns the meaning on behalf of inter-human relationships; the moral of the story. The anagogical sense is a mythic dimension, concerning the relation between the human and God, and referring to (the path to) the Divine Kingdom. Last, the allegorical sense is a hidden, symbolic meaning, essentially the linguistic expression of something abstract. Two types of allegory can be distinguished. These are hermeneutic allegory, in relation to other, formerly written texts, and illustrative allegory, the interpretation of the image that is hidden behind the text it is expressed by. Typical for medieval allegories are the connections between the earthly and the divine, the temporary and eternal.232 The historical senses of both versions of the Griseldis-tale have already been considered above, so I will now turn to the tropological, allegorical and anagogical meanings, starting with the version by De Mézières. The story of Griseldis can be viewed as the climax of Le Livre de la vertu. It is meant as a mirror for all married ladies, to learn how to love their husbands and to reflect upon themselves and their behaviour: do they live up to the rules of the matrimonial sacrament? This is, in short, what the tropological sense of the tale is about. Next, it is meant as an example to all pious and reasonable souls, who should all love their Immortal Spouse God, to whom they are conjoint by baptism and who will receive them in the Divine Paradise if they serve Him well. This is, in short, the anagogical sense of the tale. Last, the process of trials Griseldis is put through can be interpreted as symbolising the Passion of Christ. This is, in short, the allegorical sense of the tale. Starting by exploring the tropological sense, De Mézières" main argument is that married ladies should make an effort to pursue the example of the Marquise Griseldis and to please first their Immortal Spouse and second their mortal one.233 The example will teach them to recognise their own virtues and shortcomings and as such the condition of their marriages. All this is written in the prologue to the story, in which the author also points out his source: the tale as it 232 Lexikon des Mittelalters, lemmae "Allegorie" and "Anagoge". 233 "ensuir la marquise de Saluce et de plaire premierement a leur Espous immortel et apres a leur mari mortel", f.358, p.357, r.20-22. See also Brown 2002:45. 75 was written by Petrarch in Latin.234 This prologue also functions as an introduction to the story and its main themes. There is no epilogue. Griseldis distinguishes herself by her obedience, patience and courage, all due to an entire and humble submission to her husband the Marquis. Striking in her behaviour are not only her courage and patience, but also that she suffers without shedding any tear or showing any trace of anger, as is stressed repeatedly by the narrator of the tale.235 De Mézières on more occasions shows his appreciation of wifely obedience, for example when citing the bad faith of Vasti as she broke her bond of obedience to her lord and husband Ahasverus, and when commenting King Richard II"s wedding plans in his Épistre to this same king. The exempla of good and bad women in Le Livre"s full text are all selected from among the nobility, except two: Griseldis and Holy Mary. Although of low birth, Griseldis is referred to as a noble marquise (f.4) and Mary is called a queen (f.46). By these means they are ennobled by the author, and they are so on the account of their exceptional virtue.236 In his Épistre au Roy Richard II De Mézières gives more examples of poor, low-born women being espoused by nobles or kings because of their great virtue. Clearly, the author views virtue, although not a demand for nobility, as an ennobling capacity. A difference in birth or background as such does not necessarily interfere with marriage.237 To De Mézières, all sorts of evils result from women having disordered appetites and an excessive, uncontrolled self-will. These maladies cause sins for themselves and problems for their husbands.238 It is all the more striking that the same author strongly advises only to marry on free will.239 However, his predominant concern in this matter seems to be the functioning of society, not the comfort and happiness of the women involved. Envisaging a society structured by alliances of duty and obligation, the author urges husbands and wives to seek harmony in marriage. Although his main concern in the exempla is to advise good behaviour in domestic relations, tales like those about Rosamond and Joan of Naples240 undeniably carry a political dimension: they show the influence bad female behaviour can have on their male partners, thus having a disastrous political impact on the society in which the latter have the key to power. Clearly, De Mézières does not want his audience to underestimate this female influence.241 234 F.164-165v, p.356-358. "maistre Fransoys Patrarc, jadis son especial ami", f.165v, p.358. 235 E.g. on p.365, 367-368 of the edition. 236 Williamson 1985:400. 237 Williamson 1985:400-403. See also Cropp&Hanham 2007. 238 E.g. f.119, p.272. See part II, chapter 1. See also Williamson 1985:404. 239 F.104v, 105, 105v, 106v-107v, p.244-250. See also Williamson 1985:404. 240 Queen Rosamond persuaded her lover into killing her husband and later poisoned this lover as well. She paid for it with her life, for in his last breath her dying lover forced her to drink from the poisoned cup as well (f.100v-102, p.238-239). Joan of Naples was troubled by insanity and believed her husband to be a donkey. She called the royal counsellors and persuaded them to kill this "donkey", who was her husband, and their King (f.100v-101, p.236-237). 241 Williamson 1985:404; Collette 2000:155-168; Brown 2002:44-45. 76 In the same way, female virtue could sustain and strengthen the social relations, thus having a positive influence on male power and politics. Griseldis is the ultimate example thereof, exalting above all other exemplary wives. She is even more admirable because she is believed to have been a historical person, not a saint or biblical character.242 The social value of her virtuousness relies on her self-control, that is the basis for her patience, obedience and humility. Her virtuousness as a peasant"s daughter was generally known and as the Marquise she is loved by all, "seigneurs et dames".243 But there is more to it: when Gautier is absent, she manages affairs of state as well as the household, and she agrees on losing her children for political sake. This capacity to subordinate her own will and to submit entirely to her Lord makes her both the perfect wife and the perfect political subject.244 Although the story of Griseldis is a mirror showing how to love one"s husband perfectly, it could well teach the reader something on how to love one"s wife perfectly. The tale reflects the social importance of a good wife and a good marriage, and it may teach married men to encourage their wives to be obedient and patient, and to respect them for these qualities. Virtue is considered of higher importance to a Christian marriage than nobility. Apparently King Richard II needed to be educated on this matter, so why would not all other men planning to wed, have benefit from it? However, it is worth noticing that De Mézières" approval of Griseldis" complete obedience and submission to her husband does not necessarily imply acceptance of her husband"s cruel behaviour.245 The narrator remains mostly neutral on this topic, putting the strongest emphasis on Griseldis" qualities; not on her pain and sufferings, and not on Gautier"s actions. The motives of the latter are even barely explained – although he is called a very cruel husband once.246 This is not a misogynistic strategy, for the author explicitly lauds the heroine"s virtuousness. The story of Griseldis is a mirror showing how to love one"s husband perfectly. Therefore it also functions as an anagogical model for the relation of the soul to God,247 and more in particular as a model of how the female soul should serve her spiritual Lord. The commandment to love God above all things and one"s neighbour as oneself is reflected in terms of marriage as a commandment to women to love their spiritual husband (God) above all things, and next her neighbours, especially her earthly husband to whom she is joined by the sacrament of marriage. Even so, loving our enemies is even possible in marriage when the husband acts so 242 "Et est la dicte histoire publique et notoire en Lombardie et par especial en Pieumont et ou marquisie de Saluce et reputee pour vraye." (f.165v, p.358). See also Williamson 1985:400; Brownlee 1992:869-870. 243 F.168v, p.364. 244 F.169, p.364. See also Collette 2000:155-168. 245 Medieval mind is being supposed to be capable of making this distinction. Williamson 1985:401. 246 "crueulx et tres rigoureux mari", f.171v, p.369, r.18-19. See also Brownlee 1992:873. 247 F.164v, p.356. See also Brownlee 1992:867. 77 cruel that he could easily be called an enemy, since God never commands the impossible. Therefore it is never necessary to despair in marriage.248 This is shown by Griseldis" perseverance.249 The same perseverance must be kept in the love of the human soul towards God, for only by serving Him the right way, entrance to Paradise may be obtained. Griseldis is such a human figure on a spiritual journey on earth, pursuing perfect virtuousness. Her life therefore is a pilgrimage with the Divine Kingdom as its destination.250 This applies to the lives of all good Christians, to whom De Mézières addresses his work, and thus all may benefit from the story. Moreover, if Griseldis is interpreted as the human soul, then her husband Gautier may be interpreted as a reflection of the soul"s husband: God. As such the marriage between the earthly Marquis and Marquise symbolises the spiritual alliance between God and human kind.251 That would make the trials and sufferings Griseldis is put through, commanded by divine powers, for inscrutable reasons but by the highest authority. The heroine"s submission to His will, even grants her the status of martyrdom. Like De Mézières puts it: if nowadays a lady would suffer like the Marquise has suffered, one could say she was a real martyr.252 This also gives Griseldis the capacities for saintliness, in addition to her virtues that are already exceptional. The allegorical interpretation of the story is just one step further. Besides all that has already been mentioned, the earthly marriage between man and woman is presented as a reflection of the spiritual marriage of Christ to the Church. As this spiritual marriage was accomplished by Christ"s Passion, Griseldis" suffering for her earthly marriage is an imitation of the divine Passion.253 Before the marriage takes place, Griseldis vows her complete submission to her Lord (Gautier), which can be compared to the initial sacraments of the Catholic Church. Next, by order of her Lord she is willing to sacrifice her children, like Abraham was willing to sacrifice Isaac by the order of God. Griseldis even agrees to sacrifice herself, making room for a new bride, like Christ sacrificed himself for all humanity. Finally, Griseldis gains rehabilitation and restitution of conjugal rights. This is a social resurrection, analogue to Christ"s. All this confirms Griseldis" capacities of saintliness once more. Proceeding to Potter"s version of the tale, it is clear that this author only uses the historical and tropological senses. As the spiritual or theological dimensions are absent throughout Der Minnen loep, it is not surprising that Potter has left them out in the brief exemplum of Lympiose as well. 248 F. 94v-95, p.224-226; f.101v, p.238. 249 Williamson 1985:401-402. 250 See Femme exemplaire 2000:19. 251 See Femme exemplaire 2000:143. 252 F.164v, p.356. 253 Williamson 1985:401-402. 78 In Der Minnen loep the tale of Lympiose is one in a series of positive and negative examples of matrimonial love and life. Naturally, this tale functions as a positive example. It can be found in the verses 1095-1266, and is of limited length – 71 rhymed paired verses. It has no introduction. It is inserted after the tale of Ypermestra, who was a true and loyal wife to her husband Hynus, in spite of her father"s commandment. After having briefly stated this moral, a line-break is inserted in the manuscript, before the story of Lympiose is begun. Already directly after the introduction of the character Lympiose, Potter stresses her suffering that is still to come: were she not as virtuous as she truly was, she would not have suffered like she did.254 After the story has ended, Potter utters a moral reflection on its theme. This passage at the same time functions as an introduction to the next exemplum narrated, which is about the wife of Lot who was transformed into a rock.255 Potter thus finalises the exemplum of Lympiose with an explicit moral that directly expresses the tale"s tropological meaning: one may obtain more by virtue than by evil words. 256 The author praises Lympiose"s behaviour. Had she not humbly obeyed but angrily resisted her husband"s commandments, he would have expelled her. After this comment a line break is inserted in the manuscript, which suggests that the following passage, although connecting thematically, must be regarded part of the next exemplum.257 Because of the close connection however, it cannot be let out of scope here. According to the narrator, sweet words are easy to find and yet make peace all around. In contrary, evil words can be spoken too hastily, while they bare great consequences to the listener, who will get angry and will commit deeds he would not have done otherwise. Thus, one shall be humble when required. Next, the narrator tells something striking: women of high birth are most virtuous to their husbands, contrary to the ordinary people.258 This comment seems to be contradicting with the comment elsewhere in the story, when Orphaen is said to value virtue higher than nobility. It is also contradicting the story itself: Lympiose is of low birth and yet perfectly virtuous to her husband. The author continues by comparing a repulsive wife to a pigeon not willing to step aside for a falcon; it will loose its feathers. It is alike with humans: he/she who desires to rule upon his/her master, will regret it.259 Lympiose is presented as an ideal of virtuousness, off which the whole town spoke well. The qualities that she is said to posses are the following: beauty, servitude, good manners, 254 IV, vs. 1112-1124. 255 "Ende wort een steen: noch staet si daer", vs.1315. Potter here uses the word "steen" (IV, vs.1315), meaning "rock", instead of the "pilar of salt" that is mentioned in Genesis 19. 256 "Mit duechden machmen bet verwinnen, / Dan mit quade woerden te spinnen", IV, vs.1265-1266. 257 IV, vs.1267-1306. 258 IV, vs.1289-1295. 259 IV, vs.1299-1306. 79 simplicity, gentleness, humility, obedience, wisdom, and righteousness. Orphaen therefore concludes that she is worthy of all honours. Most stressed and repeated are her simplicity, gentleness and humility. As stated above, the author stresses that it is because of this virtuousness that she has to suffer, which makes her position even more pitiful and cruel. However, there is not much attention paid to this aspect. The cruel deeds of Orphaen are described in a neutral way and quite simply and short, as goes for most of the tale. Neither does Lympiose show any emotions. As Orphaen commands her to prepare his new bride"s welcoming, she leaves calm and quietly.260 The one situation in which she does show to be moved is on the reveal of her daughter"s identity: her cheeks go red of shame.261 Unfortunately it is not specified what it is that she feels ashamed of. Is it because she failed to recognise her daughter, or because everybody knew the truth but her? She may also be ashamed of her old clothes in front of her pretty daughter or because of the great honour the girl is willing to pay her: "Moeder, ghi sult sitten hier / Ende ic sal u dienen schier".262 The last option seems to correspond most to Lympiose"s humble character, for she is not at all used to being served, certainly not by her own daughter, who is of more noble birth than she is. The tale of Lympiose contains several indications of a certain view on love and marriage. Orphaen is said to praise virtue above nobility and gentleness above pride, to which virtues Lympiose"s character is said to correspond. It is marked that he often reflected on such a virtuous wife, who would do good for his country.263 But above all Orphaen is a Lord, and as such he has more to please than his own will. He desires a wife "die him sijn dinghen halp besorghen", and also his counsellors urge him to take "een wijff die nutte waer voer sheren lijff".264 Obviously, this marriage is not about love. The desired spouse should make herself useful in helping him rule his life and land. Later on in the story, as Orphaen tells Lympiose that she no longer can be his wife, he motivates this with the advise of his counsellors; they would want him to marry a noble lady, in order to gain honour for his country. Since none of the characters objects to this, it seems to have been a plausible reasoning. Therefore it can be assumed that the wife"s tasks were not only organizational, but also concerned the representation and reputation of her husband"s land and power.265 Another small indication can be perceived as Orphaen sends away his children to a far, unknown location, to make sure that Lympiose, as the narrator states, "cannot play nor sing with 260 "Si ghinc sonder groot gheschal", IV, vs.1227. 261 "Doe wort die guede Limpyose / Root van schaemten als een rose", IV, vs.1241-1242. 262 IV, vs.1239-1240. 263 IV, vs.1126-1132. 264 IV, vs.1101 and 1106. 265 As also stated in Collette 2000:155-168. 80 them".266 At this moment the author comments: "dit was die eerste vremdicheit",267 indicating that this should not be concerned normal matrimonial behaviour. This may also provoke the question why Orphaen felt the need to test his wife. He could have simply trusted in the common opinion and on the fact that she had never misbehaved towards him, but he asked for much more. Surely, Potter would not want every husband to test his wife in such a cruel way. And surely there would not have been a lot of women to accept the sufferings like Lympiose did. Yet, the narrator does not explain Orphaen"s motives, like De Mézières does not explain Gautier"s, because the emphasis is on the wife"s nature. Likewise, men could have learned something out of the tale as well: virtue is more important than birth and one may obtain more by gentleness than by evil. In this way, Potter"s most important moral messages apply to both man and woman. 2: Traces of influence From the analysis above becomes clear that there are many similarities between both versions of the Griseldis-tale. The main themes are matrimonial dedication, obedience and patience. Both authors make use of the same narrative techniques. They put a stress on the ennobling capacity of virtuousness and a political dimension of marriage and the wifely duties is present. As has become clear from part II and part III, the care for marriage and matrimonial duties were foremost considered female affaires. This can be explained by the social influence female behaviour was believed to have on male affairs of power and politics. Griseldis, as the perfect wife, makes the marriage between the Marquis and herself a stable and harmonious union, by being nothing but gentle, obedient and humble towards her husband. Not less important, she also manages his affairs when he is absent, and agrees to lose her children for political purposes. Likewise, Lympiose"s virtuousness ascertains her of a strong matrimonial bond, she manages state affairs as well as the housekeeping, and she plays a role in keeping up her husband"s reputation, to which tasks she entirely submits. The social and political importance of a good wife is pre-eminently demonstrated by these tales, and hence is it clear why Potter and De Mézières offer their specific advises on marriage to women in the first place. Next, there are also many differences between both tales, for instance regarding the story itself. Potter"s version is much shorter, set in a different place, the characters have different names, and the story"s structure deviates from De Mézières" version. The latter contains some strong emotional climaxes that are absent in the first, and its structure is more complex. Potter"s structure of three stages of trial is simpler, yet more gradually processing: Orphaen does not 266 IV, vs.1162-1163. 267 IV, vs.1167. 81 "divorce" Lympiose at once, she may first remain Orphaens wife in a more humble position and she is not sent back to her father"s but may remain in the palace as a servant. Moreover, Orphaen does not pretend to have the children killed, they are only sent away. It could be stated that the trials Lympiose is put through are less harsh than those Griseldis has to endure. These observations could be interpreted as indications that De Mézières" Griseldis has had hardly any influence on Potter"s Lympiose. However, the differences in narrative sequence are not that striking, given the stress that De Mézières has put on the theme of suffering throughout the story. He has given the story besides an extensive tropological meaning also a more abstract and spiritual anagogical sense. His Griseldis is indirectly compared to a martyr in the service of God. Furthermore, the story must be interpreted as an allegory of the passion of Christ. This Griseldis has the capacity of saintliness. Both the anagogical and allegorical sense are absent in Potter"s version, that concentrates on the tropological – moral and inter-human – meaning of the tale. Lympiose must prove to be a patient and obedient wife, but there is no need for her to be a martyr within Der Minnen loep"s theoretical framework. Potter could have changed the process of trials consciously, adapting it to his own aims. The existence of significant differences between both versions does not necessarily mean that Potter is responsible for them. He could have used a text-source of the tale in which some of these particular elements were already present. Yet, a closer look at Potter"s attitude towards the sources he uses for other exempla, points out that he generally adapts his source-material to a large extent. Potter shortens his sources, adapting their contents to his own moral. And in doing so, he deviates from the literary traditions as we know them, in all cases previously examined. 268 Regarding these observations, it would not be surprising, had he done the same to Griseldis. Clearly, the tale of Griseldis occupies a different position in both texts. In Le Livre de la vertu it is presented in both form and anagogical and allegorical meaning as the exalting climax of the whole work"s theme. In Der Minnen loep it is one of many exempla presented, all of equal importance and all serving the same didactic goal. Potter did not need an elaborate, allegorical and emotional narrative on suffering, social cohesion and political influence. He was gathering exemplary couples, mostly from literary sources, to prove his moral theories on love and marriage and to convince his audience to follow his advises. And he was not too shy or too modest to take only from his sources what was useful to him, or to add up details when needed. These are good reasons not to exclude the possibility that Potter has known De Mézières" French translation, all the more when taking into account the relatively early date of this version of the tale in the Low Countries. Yet, strong indications of influence cannot be traced. For this, Potter has put his personal mark on the tale too decisively. 268 Van Buuren 1979:284-286. 82 V Conclusion The political network around 1400 was closely tied together by cultural exchanges that took place between the separate court circles. Culture was transmitted through Europe by travellers, some of which undertook these journeys for political motives, yet benefited from the occasions by acquiring new literature, music and so on. Of special interest is a small group of diplomat- poets, like Dirc Potter and Philippe de Mézières, who are known to have embodied in their works foreign literary influences that they might have acquired during diplomatic missions. In this thesis I have examined the relations between De Mézières and his Livre de la vertu on the one hand and Potter and his Der Minnen loep on the other hand. These relations concern first the historical background of the authors, their diplomatic functioning and the relevant literary manuscripts that were produced in the cultural circle around them (part I), second they concern their works" content (part II) and third their works" form (part III). The works" contents have been examined on behalf of the moral ideas on marriage, the ideal wife and the ideal husband that are expressed, and on the exempla cited. To examine the works" form and structure, the use of exempla and the contemporary traditions of the genre have been treated, and next the textual indications of author and audience. This analysis cumulated in the comparison of both De Mézières" and Potter"s version of the tale of Griseldis (part IV). In a way, this thesis" structure thus resembles the structure of Le Livre: three books of theory and exempla, coming to a climax with the story of Griseldis in the fourth book. The main question is, however, whether Potters work resembles Le Livre, or, to literally repeat it: may Dirc Potter have acquired new, literary influences on his diplomatic journey to France – like the tale of Griseldis –, possibly descended from Philippe de Mézières, his works or the cultural circle around him? Without any precaution, the answer to this question is yes. Yes, for Potter indeed may have acquired new, literary elements on his diplomatic journey to France, these elements could possibly be descended from Philippe de Mézières, his works or the cultural circle around him, and they may have influenced him to a certain extent. This may appear weak and uncertain, but although nothing can be stated for sure, some components of the answer mentioned above are actually fairly probably. Potter and De Mézières never met, but it has become clear in part I that they did share a number of acquaintances. During his stay in France, Potter found himself in the social and cultural circle that had both determined De Mézières" life for its last decades and had been influenced by his person"s politics, morals and literature. It would be highly unnatural to assume that such an environment would not have impressed a Dutch diplomat, educated in Latin, French and Italian and with a 83 great interest in literature, history and ethics – as is shown by his works. Potter"s career at the court of Holland more or less shows the profile of a self-made-man, developing from a simple clerk to a bailiff and a diplomat, by his own merits. Der Minnen loep shows a great social concern with the profane world. He was independent, both as a travelling diplomat and as an author, and he seems to have been the kind of person that knows what he wants and how to get it. Potter would not have left any opportunity to make new acquaintances – maybe among the French nobility –, to taste the latest intellectual discussions and to gain narrative material. And his diplomatic mission to France in 1409 must have offered him a number of those opportunities. The research carried out forms only a small part of all there is to be done: Potter could have acquainted heaps of cultural and literary elements on his journey. It is unsure whether Potter has known Le Livre de la vertu. The odds are that he has heard speaking about it, as the manuscript was dedicated to and circulated in French noble circles. The topic of the ideal wife was quite popular as well, regarding the number of instructional domestic texts for women that were composed, read and spread in France around 1400. A comparison of Le Livre and Der Minnen loep however, does not provide solid grounds to suppose familiarity. Both authors" views on marriage coincide on some points, yet differ on others. The multidimensionality of Le Live, treating the social, spiritual and the physical at the same time, makes the solely profane Der Minnen loep look simple. Both authors have their preferences of virtues and likewise their preference of which famous women are most exemplary, a preference of source. De Mézières uses mainly positive exempla, whereas Potters handles a balance between the good and the evil. Both works can be placed in different contemporary traditions, and the functions of the exempla differ. De Mézières shows to draw from theological traditions and sermon-material, whereas Potter is depending on antique literature, particularly on Ovid and the tradition of medieval commentaries on Ovid"s works. In correspondence the way in which both authors incorporated the Griseldis-material is different. To Le Livre it is a climax, educating all Christians by the tale"s historical, tropological, anagogical and allegorical meanings. To Der Minnen loep it is just one of many exempla, from which all lovers, male and female, may benefit if they take notice of it and adapt its moral. The way in which the authors address their audience is not the same, and the audience itself is not quite the same either. De Mézières is a wise teacher, approaching his audience with care, but at a distance. He reaches for a very large group of all good Christians, but addresses himself to married ladies and their husbands in particular. Potter is a personal, informal advisor who stands on an equal level with his audience. He dedicates the text to all those who do not know what love is, and addresses himself to women explicitly in the fourth book. For both authors, matrimonial duties are essentially a female"s affair. They believe that a virtuous wife 84 has a strong social influence on his husband and his politics and therefore women need to be educated on the behaviour that is desired from them. Yet, De Mézières" theological approach demands for an educated audience, that he would have found among the noble intellectuals at the court of France, where also his benefactors were to be found. In addition, all exemplary couples presented in Le Livre are chosen from among nobility or even royalty, which indicates a noble audience as well. Potter, not a nobleman himself, addressed his work to his equals, who seem to belong to the middleclass rather than to nobility. Although the court of Holland would have enabled Potter to acquire many possible patrons of noble lineage, he chose to remain an independent writer, who in his later work even criticised the nobility"s behaviour. These differences easily provide a counterweight for the similarities mentioned in part II and III of this thesis. A possible trace of influence therefore cannot be drawn any further than that Le Livre may have brought some inspiration to Potter. He may have encountered the work, or he may have overheard discussions on Le Livre or its main themes, and if so, the topics probably did interest him. He may have used some of the elements in his own work, either copying or adapting them, but unfortunately such an influence is hardly traceable. The story of Griseldis yet, merits a particular attention. At the time of Potter"s visit, the story was part of the common knowledge among the French nobility, and, regarding the broad tradition of translations and adaptations we encountered throughout this thesis, it was quite a fashionable topic as well, at the time. In other words: Potter just hardly could have missed it. This is all the more worth noticing when considering the literary climate of the Low Countries, where at the beginning of the fifteenth century the story was not widely spread at all. Although it is difficult to ascertain that Potter did not know the story beforehand, in March 1409 he found the perfect circumstances to acquire it; even before his journey to Rome in 1411. Moreover, the existence of several manuscripts containing both a French Griseldis- translation and a full version of Melibée et Prudence strengthens this hypothesis. Former research by Overmaat has pointed out that Potter certainly used a French manuscript source for his Mellibeus. It is an attractive idea that he had access to one source containing both texts, like Chaucer – another northern diplomat-poet – seems to have had. In this way, all pieces of the puzzle would nicely fit together, we would only have to find this manuscript in order to point out his exact source. However, the immense popularity of Griseldis combined with Potter"s slightly peculiar version of the tale makes that we still have to consider the most simple solution: Potter could have merely overheard the story in France, to write it down later. Likewise, it is unsure whether Potter has known De Mézières" translation. His practise to freely adapt his sources makes it almost impossibly to either exclude any Griseldis-version, or to 85 point out any of them to be closest related. As is shown by the Griseldis-comparison in part IV, Potter has used the material for his own particular aims, integrating it in the theoretical framework of Der Minnen loep. Even though we cannot be sure that all deviating aspects were actions of Potter"s hand, the adaptations made were required for artistic and didactic reasons. Furthermore, Le Livre did not stand on its own. As has been shown in part III, a wide and colourful cultural circle existed at the French court by the end of the 14th century. De Mézières" works were read by and related to those of contemporary intellectuals like Jean Gerson and Christine de Pizan. Furthermore the popularity of the topic of the ideal wife had emerged into several didactic exemplary texts written for females, that were read in French noble and bourgeois circles as well. It is therefore not impossible that Potter has acquainted any of those texts, some of which also contain a Griseldis-version. Examination of this whole tradition however was not possible within this thesis" scope. This thesis has brought to light lots of new information, by considering familiar literary works with a different view, and by connecting two authors that had not been connected before, on the basis of their similar profiles – both diplomat-poets. Like any research however, it has opened new lacunae as well, both at the French and at the Dutch side. To ascertain the probability of Potter"s acquisition of the Griseldis-material during his mission to France, a more refined research should be undertaken on other possible ways of acquisition. As has already been pointed out in part I, the Griseldis-tradition in the Low Countries has never been subject to an exhaustive study, taking into account all versions and translations dispersed until ca.1500, either Dutch, Latin, French or other. Petrarch"s journey through the southern Low Countries (June 1333) could be a trace taken into account by such a study, that may lead to a new connection in the network of travelling diplomat-poets. Furthermore, as Van Buuren already pointed out in 1979, further research on Potter"s sources and his adaptation techniques is required, especially concerning the medieval tradition of mostly Latin Ovid-commentaries that was dispersed throughout the Low Countries and that seems to have influenced Potter to a large extent. Equally, the sources and adaptation techniques of De Mézières need to be examined in order to make a decent interpretation of Le Livre and its position in the tradition(s) and to make a useful comparison to other exemplary narratives. These could concern Der Minnen loep, but it would also make a very nice contribution to compare Le Livre in detail to contemporary sources that came about in the same environment, like Le Mesnagier de Paris and Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry. Besides, all this attention paid to the ideal wife may make one wonder if any exemplary or didactical literature existed on 86 behalf of married men. An examination of the topic of the ideal husband could make an interesting perspective in this tradition. Last, the present research is lacking any knowledge on the French tradition of Melibée and its manuscript sources in particular. More knowledge is indispensable in the continuation of the research on the connections of Potter to French literature, and on the possible ways in which acquisition could have take place. Especially the verification of the hypothesis of a possible acquisition of both Melibée and Griseldis through one source could not do without a stemma. Coming to this thesis" end, it is time to return to the second component of its main question (as posed in Part I, 2.1): could Potter, as a diplomat-poet, have contributed to the dispersion of literary elements from the Middle French into the Middle Dutch linguistic area? Once again it must be answered positively: yes, as a diplomat-poet Potter could have played a role in western European literary exchange processes. Moreover, this is quite probable. The rich cultural life at the courts of Holland and France, where Potter resided as a diplomat, must have had their impact on someone interested in languages, literature and ethics. His mission to France must have influenced Potter in one way or the other. In this thesis numerous traces of possible influence have been considered, and it would be fairly surprising if Potter would not have been responsible for the diffusion of at least some literary elements from the Middle French into the Middle Dutch linguistic area, for he has had so many opportunities to do so. For the time being, I have put Dirc Potter and Philippe de Mézières in a broader, international European perspective, by showing their position in the late medieval political network. I have considered their views on the virtue of marriage as they existed in two inter- connected European courtly circles around 1400. This has resulted in an elaborate reflection on the theme, on its values and on the relations between husband and wife. It has also resulted in an exploration of exemplary literature, the existing traditions, and the different functions of exempla. Finally, a comparative analysis of the tales about Griseldis at the same time confirmed and deepened the former observations. Dirc Potter and Philippe de Mézières were influential men of international meaning, and with intellectual capacities. They were involved in all great political events of their time, and I argue they were involved in numerous important literary events as well. Like De Mézières brought Griseldis from Venice to Paris, Potter has probably taken the tale with him from Paris to The Hague. By this thesis, I hope to have shown the international relevance of Dirc Potter and his works, by attributing him a place in the late medieval European network of diplomat-poets. 87 Resumé en Français Dirc Potter, Philippe de Mézières et la vertu du mariage De la littérature exemplaire au résau politique de la fin de Moyen Age Dirc Potter et Philippe de Mézières n"ont jamais été le sujet d"une seule étude. Néanmoins ils montrent quelques similarités remarquables, qui nous permettent de les placer dans une nouvelle perspective. Philippe de Mézières (1327-1405), un des diplomates le plus influents du 14e siècle, était le chancelier de Chypre et le conseiller personnel du Roi de France, Charles V, et ses fils Charles VI et Louis d"Orléans. Grâce à ces fonctions, il a fait de nombreux voyages dans les pays méditerranéens. Dirc Potter (ca.1385-1428), secrétaire et juge de la cour de Hollande, a voyagé aussi, en représentant le comte Guillaume VI de Hollande et de Hainaut. De plus, ces deux hommes sont les auteurs de plusieurs ouvrages littéraires. Cette thèse a pour sujet le Livre de la vertu de sacrement du mariage de De Mézières et le Der Minnen loep de Potter. Dans ces œuvres, les auteurs s"intéressent au mariage, cherchant à persuader le public de leurs idées par le récit de brèves histoires morales. De Mézières et Potter correspondent au profil du "diplomate-poète". Le diplomate-poète médiéval, au service de son seigneur, fait des voyages politiques à l"étranger. A cette occasion, il rencontre des nouvelles cultures dont la littérature, qu"il ramène chez lui pour l"utiliser plus tard dans son œuvre personnel. Le terme "diplomate-poète" est emprunté du chercheur Américain Michael Hanly, qui a proposé un réseau international des écrivains voyageant pour des raisons politiques, en même temps échangeant de la littérature et alors formant des connections culturelles entre les principales cours de l"Europe de l"Ouest à la fin du Moyen Âge. Il désigne Philippe de Mézières, Geoffrey Chaucer et quelques autres comme exemples. Grâce à cette thèse, le nom de Dirc Potter peut être ajouté à cette liste. Ce diplomate Hollandais a fait des voyages en France (1409, 1416, 1418), en Italie (1411) et en Angleterre (1413). C"est à Rome (1411-1412) qu"il a composé Der Minnen loep (Le cours de l'Amour), un poème didactique assez long sur les différents stades de l"amour. Il enseigne quatre types d"amour, décrits dans les quatre livres de l"ouvrage. D"abord "l"amour fou", qui se déroule trop rapidement et qui est très dangereux. Ensuite "l"amour juste", qui est sincère et désirable et qui se déroule jusqu"aux fiançailles. Puis il y a "l"amour interdit" – c"est l"inceste, le viol, l"homosexualité et l"amour pour les animaux, les Juifs et les païens –, et "l"amour permis" – le 88 mariage –, qui est la continuation de l"amour juste. Potter raconte des histoires des couples fameux de la littérature ancienne comme preuve du sens moral de ses théories. Après Der Minnen loep il a composé une traduction fidèle du Livre de Melibée et Prudence de Renaud de Louhans, intitulé Van Mellibeus ende sijnre vrouwe Prudentia (ca.1415- 1428) et une adaption du texte italien Fiore di Virtú, intitulé Bloeme der Deugden (ca.1415- 1428). Ceci montre que Potter avait une bonne connaissance de l"italien et du francais et qu"il avait un interêt pour la littérature étrangère. Bien qu"il fut lié à la cour de Hollande, il n"avait pas de bienfaiteur : ses ouvrages ne sont dédiés à personne. Il paraît être le premier auteur indépendant connu, écrivant de sa propre volonté, pour un public limité : des amis et la famille. Philippe de Mézières est l"auteur du Livre de la vertu du sacrement du mariage, un ouvrage qui cherche à enseigner à tous les Chrétiens d"aimer Dieu, leur Époux Immortel, et particulièrement toutes les dames d"aimer leur mari mortel, avec qui elles se sont mariées par le sacrement de l"Église. Le Livre est également composé de quatre parties, qui chacune représente une des alliances spirituelles du mariage, distingué par l"auteur. D"abord, il y a l"alliance ou le mariage entre Jésus Christ et l"humanité, qui a été confirmée par Son Incarnation. Ensuite, il y a l"alliance ou le mariage entre Jésus Christ et l"Église – qui est représentée par la Vierge Marie. Cette alliance a été confirmée par Sa Passion. L"auteur termine par l"alliance entre les époux mortels, confirmée par le sacrement du mariage, et l"alliance entre Dieu et l"âme raisonnable, confirmée par la création. De Mézières a connu une carrière longue et variée. Il était très influent à la cour de Paris et avait une amitié très forte avec Louis duc d"Orléans, et ce, jusqu"à la fin de sa vie. Il est surtout très connu pour sa propagande pour les croisades et pour ses efforts dans la recherche de la paix entre la France et l"Angleterre – dans le but de reconquérir Jérusalem avec les troupes d"une Europe unie. Le Livre a été dédié entre 1385 et 1389 a Pierre Baron de Craon et sa femme Jehanne de Chastillon, une couple noble, bien connu à la cour de France. La troisième partie concerne le mariage entre l"homme et la femme mortels et contient plusieurs brèves histoires morales sur des couples fameux qui illustrent ses théories. La quatrième partie du Livre contient la première traduction française de l"histoire de Griseldis. Sur un de ses voyages à Venise, De Mézières a fait la connaissance de Francesco Pétrarc, qui lui a donné sa traduction latine de l"histoire de Griseldis, à l"origine composée par Giovanni Boccaccio au Decameron. Ainsi, un voyage diplomatique a pu contribuer à la dispersion de la littérature, transgressant les frontières linguistiques. 89 Potter aussi a inclus une version vernaculaire de l"histoire de Griseldis dans son Der Minnen loep (1411-1412). Cette version est la plus ancienne Griseldis en rime qui a été conservée en Moyen Néerlandais et ne paraît pas être liée aux quatre Griseldis en prose conservées, qui remonteraient aux environs de 1400-1450. Ni la traduction latine de Pétrarc, ni la version originale de Boccaccio n"étaient bien diffusées aux Pays-Bas au début du 15e siècle. Potter aurait pu obtenir la l"histoire de Griseldis durant son séjour à Rome, mais avant, durant son séjour en France, il avait déjà eu plusieurs possibilités de la connaître. La première mission française de Potter consistait à assister son seigneur comte Guillaume VI dans la préparation et la réalisation de la réconciliation de Chartres (mars 1409). Par cette cérémonie, Jean Sans Peur, le duc de Bourgogne, se réconcilie avec les deux fils de Louis duc d"Orléans. Avant, Jean était reconnu coupable d"avoir assassiné le duc d"Orléans en novembre 1407. De Mézières, mort en 1405, était un ami proche de Louis d"Orléans jusqu"à la fin de sa vie, et il avait dedié un de ses ouvrage à Philippe duc de Bourgogne en 1396. Ainsi, il était lié aux deux parties. Le comte Guillaume VI aussi était lié aux deux parties, par des liens de famille, tout comme son diplomate, Potter aussi était bien connu dans cet environnement social. Bien que les deux auteurs n"aient pas pu se rencontrer, ils ont certainement eu les mêmes connaissances, ils ont rencontré le même monde, et Potter pendant sa mission diplomatique s"est trouvé parmi les premiers lecteurs du Livre de la vertu. Il est possible que ce diplomate-poète néerlandais ait entendu parler de De Mézières, de son Livre, ou de l"histoire de Griseldis. Peut- être a-t-il même pu lire le manuscrit (il n"y en a qu"un seul conservé), qui à la fois était en possession des héritiers de Louis d"Orléans. L"histoire de Griseldis a connu une tradition longue en France, qui a commencé par la traduction de Philippe de Mézières en 1385-1389. Quelques dizaines d"années plus tard, une autre traduction en prose a été composée par un auteur anonyme. L"histoire est aussi inclus dans trois autres ouvrages didactiques exemplaires : Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry (1371- 1372), écrit par un noble du Poitou, Le Mesnagier de Paris (1393), écrit par un bourgeois Parisien, et Le Livre de la Cité des Dames de la courtisane intellectuelle Christine de Pizan (1405). La traduction de De Mézières a sûrement été la source pour la version de Griseldis dans Le Mesnagier, Le Livre de la Cité des Dames, et pour une pièce de théâtre, L'Estoire de Griseldis (1395). De plus, une version latine en rime a été conservée, écrite par Pierre de Hailles de Poitiers, le sécretaire d"un membre de la famille de Jehanne de Chastillon, la même a qui De Mézières a dedié son Livre de la vertu. Ceci montre que le sujet était très populaire à la cour de France autour de 1400. Potter a pu lire un de ces textes, il a pu voir la pièce de théâtre, ou il a pu 90 entendre parler du sujet de Griseldis. Au tous cas, il a eu beaucoup de possibilités d"obtenir le sujet de cette histoire. Ce qui est encore plus intéressant, c"est qu"il existe plusiers manuscrits qui contiennent au même temps une version de l"histoire de Griseldis (soit une des celles basées sur la traduction de De Mézières, soit une de celles basées sur la traduction anonyme), et une rédaction complète du Livre de Melibée et Prudence. Une recherche antérieure réalisée par Overmaat a démontré que Potter a certainement utilisé une source manuscrite française pour sa traduction fidèle de Mélibée en Moyen Néerlandais. De plus, des recherches de Severs ont montré que le diplomate- poète Chaucer aurait utilisé un seul manuscrit pour ses traductions anglaises de Melibee et de Griseldis. C"est une possibilité fascinante que Potter ait ainsi obtenu la matière. Malheuresement, il est impossible de vérifier cette hypothèse, car peu de choses sont connues sur la transmission du manuscrit du Livre de Melibée et Prudence. Toutes ces donnés permettent une comparaison entre Le Livre de la vertu et Der Minnen loep, et particulièrement entre les deux versions de l"histoire de Griseldis qui sont inclues dans ces ouvrages didactiques. Dans cette thèse, la comparaison a été faite et les résultats les plus importants seront présentés dans ce résumé. Bien que Le Livre et Der Minnen loep paraissent être similaires à première vue, il existe plusieurs différences entre les deux textes. Ces différences se trouvent dans la structure comme dans le contenu des textes. La comparaison s"est concentrée sur les parties qui concernent le mariage entre l"homme et la femme ; ce thème est repris dans le troisième livre du Livre de la vertu et le quatrième livre de Der Minnen loep. Les ouvrages sont relatés par différentes traditions contemporaines de littérature exemplaire. Le sujet de l"épouse idéale était populaire dans toute l"Europe et les "exempla" (des courtes histoires morales) sont utilisés comme stratégie didactique depuis l"Antiquité. Le Livre de De Mézières est surtout lié aux textes didactiques pour des femmes nobles qui ont déjà été nommés. Ces textes ont un intérêt commun pour les conséquences socio- politiques du comportement féminin. Par ses vertus, l"épouse est considérée comme une personne qui influence les affaires politiques et sociales de son époux. Au contraire, un comportement négatif a une influence négative sur son époux et ses affaires. Cet intérêt pour le bien-être commun semble lié à la situation politique de l"époque, qui était plutot instable et tendue. Il est clair que Le Livre de De Mézières en est un excellent exemple. 91 Les ouvrages de Christine de Pizan, qui était une des premières lectrices du Livre, montrent un aspect du mariage qui a été inspiré par les idées de De Mézières. De plus, Le Livre montre des influences des traditions théologiques et surtout du travail de Jean Gerson. En outre, les exemples qui sont cités par De Mézières montrent un lien avec les traditions des sermons. Il utilise comme sources pour ses théories, par exemple, les travaux de saint Gregoire, Hugo de Saint-Victor, Bernard de Clairvaux et les Apôtres. Pour les exempla, il cite beaucoup les Vies des Saints, l"histoire récente, et ses propres expériences. Der Minnen loep par contre, est lié à une tradition des artes amandi, des poèmes didactiques sur l"amour, dont Ovide est considéré comme le maître. Il existait une tradition élaborée de commentaires médiévaux sur les ouvrages de cet auteur antique. Ce sont surtout ces commentaires qui ont eu une influence sur Der Minnen loep. Aussi la division en quatre types d"amour est-elle dérivée de cette tradition pour une grande partie. Potter a aussi beaucoup utilisé les histoires de Ars amatoria et Heroides d"Ovide comme exempla. Il s"inspire alors largement des exemples antiques, bien qu"il les utilise pour indiquer des affaires de sa propre époque. Non seulement les traditions utilisées sont différentes, mais aussi les fonctions qui sont attribuées aux exempla par les deux auteurs. Potter raconte les histoires, en terminant avec une réflexion morale inspirée, semble-t-il, du dernier exemple. Après il continue son discours théorique de telle façon qu"il puisse servir comme introduction thématique de l"histoire suivante. Potter donne l"impression que ses théories sur le mariage découlent logiquement des exemples qu"il cite, bien qu"en fait Der Minnen loep est une collection d"histoires connues dont les récits sont quasiment tous adaptés aux morales désirées par l"auteur. De Mézières utilise une autre stratégie. Il présente un réseau de théories bien structuré, de temps en temps et irrégulièrement illustrant ces théories par un exemplum ou bien deux. Le Livre pourrait bien être lu sans ces exempla, alors que Der Minnen loep serait très difficile à suivre si les histoires étaient ôtées. Au sujet du mariage les auteurs sont d"accord sur certains aspects. Le mariage est une alliance qui ne peut être réalisée qu"entre un seul homme et une seule femme. L"alliance doit être faite volontairement et les deux époux doivent faire un effort pour vivre ensemble agréablement et en paix. Ils doivent garder une relation stable, loyale et sincère, sans faire attention aux ragots et bavardages. Ce côté social du mariage est souligné par les deux auteurs. Puis, Le Livre contient aussi une dimension spirituelle et une dimension physique, qui sont absentes dans Der Minnen loep. Pour De Mézières le mariage entre l"homme et la femme est une réflexion sur mariage spirituel entre chaque Chrétien et Dieu, son Époux Immortel. La négligence de n"importe laquelle de ces deux alliances est une sorte d"infidelité. De plus, on crée une infidélité à la loi du sacrement qui commande de vivre ensemble en s"aimant. Alors 92 l"infidélité pourrait simplement indiquer qu"une femme n"a pas assez aimé son époux – soit le mortel, soit l"Immortel. Pour De Mézières le bien-être de l"esprit est intimement lié au bien-être physique. Le soin médical peut rendre heureuse la personne mécontente de son mariage, et un comportement vertueux garde le corps en bonne santé. Par le lien entre les maladies physiques et le conseil de comportement désiré pour les époux, s"ensuit la relation spirituelle avec Dieu, De Mézières donne une solution pour chaque problème qui pourrait se poser durant la vie en couple marié. Potter s"occupe surtout du monde profane, dans lequel l"infidélité est semblable à l"adultère. Son conseil principal est de toujours garder l"honneur, quoi qu"il arrive, il faut garder les problèmes dans l"intimité du ménage et ne pas laisser pourrir sa réputation. En conclusion, il peut être compris des exempla cités dans les deux ouvrages que Potter apprécie surtout les vertus des relations entre humains : fidelité, obéissance et ne pas être méfiant sont importants à son avis. De Mézières a un intérêt particulier pour les vertus chrétiennes de piété et de chasteté. De plus, les morales des exempla cités par De Mézières sont presque toutes positives. Les exempla cités par Potter montrent le côté négatif comme le côté positif de chaque sujet traité. Quant à l"histoire de Griseldis, il apparaît que la version de Potter est beaucoup plus courte que la version de De Mézières. Malgré tout, le récit principal n"a pas changé. Griseldis, une pauvre fille vertueuse, épouse un noble seigneur, qui décide de prouver la loyauté et obéissance de sa femme. Il l"a enlevée à ses enfants et fait même comme s"il allait se marier avec une autre femme à sa place. Griseldis supporte toutes ses épreuves de façon calme et patiente. Finalement, son mari lui promet sa loyauté éternelle, car il n"a jamais existé d"épouse plus vertueuse et digne d"honneur que Griseldis. Dans la version de Potter, plusieurs éléments narratifs ont été modifiés. Les personnages sont limités aux principaux, et leur noms ont été changés : Griseldis s"appelle Lympiose, Gautier s"appelle Orphaen, et Janicola – le père de Griseldis – s"appelle Arlamoen. De plus, il manque quelques tournants importants et émotionels, qui sont présents dans la traduction française. Le récit des épreuves que l"héroïne doit supporter est aussi quelque peu différent. Par contre, ces différences ne sont pas si remarquables quand on regarde l"attitude que Potter a vers certaines autres de ses sources. Il a l"habitude d"adapter les histoires pour les faire concorder avec les théories présentées dans Der Minnen loep. Il change le contenu de ses sources et, en faisant cela, il dévie des traditions connues dans tous les cas antérieurs étudiés. Pour cela, il est possible qu"il ait adapté sa source de Griseldis ainsi. 93 De Mézières nous présente une Griseldis, encore, multidimensionnelle. De sa version de l"histoire peuvent être dérivé un sens tropologique, un sens anagogique et un sens allégorique. Cette Griseldis n"est pas seulement une épouse exemplaire envers son mari. Elle est aussi une âme exemplaire, qui a une relation parfaite avec son Époux Immortel. Par les souffrances qu"elle supporte pour son Époux, elle représente aussi une allégorie de la Passion de Jésus Christ. Elle est prête à sacrifier ses enfants, comme Jésus s"est sacrifié pour l"humanité. Quand elle est finalement rétablie au palais comme la vraie épouse de Gautier, c"est une résurrection sociale qui forme un parallèle avec la résurrection de Jésus. Dans l"histoire de Lympiose, Potter insiste moins sur les souffrances de l"héroïne. Il se limite au sens tropologique, ayant simplifié le cours de l"histoire. Ces différences sont liées à la structure des textes. Dans Der Minnen loep, cette histoire est une parmi beaucoup d"autres, qui sont toutes assez importantes. Dans Le Livre, l"histoire de Griseldis est présentée comme le sommet de tout l"ouvrage. L"histoire est citée séparément des autres exemples, à la fin du quatrième livre, et elle est beaucoup plus longue aussi. La fonction alors n"est pas du tout la même, et cela est reflété par les contenus différents. Il faut remarquer que les deux auteurs ont beaucoup plus d"attention pour les qualités de l"épouse idéale que pour celles de l"époux idéal. Selon De Mézières, les femmes ont plus besoin de conseils, à cause de leur nature fragile. Mais aussi pour Potter le mariage est surtout une affaire féminine. Cette attention pour le rôle de la femme dans le mariage est liée à l"idée qu"elle a une influence importante sur son mari et ses affaires socio-politiques, et ses vertus contribueront au bien-être. Griseldis est un excellent exemple d"une telle femme, qui sert son époux avec une grande obéissance, qui s"occupe de ses affaires pendant son absence, et qui est d"accord de perdre ses enfants pour des motivations politiques. De Mézières explicitement destine son Livre aux couples mariés, aux femmes de particulier, et à tous les Chrétiens. Il se pose vers son public comme un enseignant à distance. Les couples mariés ne sont pas simplement son public ; ils sont aussi son sujet et il les traite ainsi. Potter, au contraire, est un conseiller informel, qui s"adresse à son public comme à ses égaux. Il destine son ouvrage aux femmes, chevaliers et jeunes, mais dans le quatrième livre, quand il s"agit de mariage, il s"adresse explicitement aux femmes seules. Un public largement féminin alors paraît probable pour les deux textes. Puis, l"approche plutôt théologique de De Mézières demande probablement un public cultivé, ce qu"il trouvait à la cour royale de France. Ses lectrices étaient de la noblesse et également toutes les femmes exemplaires citées dans Le Livre sont de noble lignage. Il pourrait les avoir choisies ainsi 94 consciemment, pour présenter à son public des scènes et des personnages reconnaissables, ou pour les attribuer une certaine autorité. Potter, qui probablement n"était pas noble lui-même, est connu pour ses critiques de la noblesse dans ses ouvrages plus tardifs. Vu qu"il s"adresse à son public comme à ses égaux, même ses amis, un public bourgeois est possible. Lui aussi cite surtout des exemples de couples nobles. Ceci peut être une stratégie didactique, pour leur attribuer une certaine autorité. Mais, vu qu"il ne montre pas seulement les côtés positifs mais aussi des examples négatifs, ça pourrait également être une façon de montrer que la vertu n"est pas toujours liée au lignage. Pour terminer il faut conclure que Der Minnen loep et Le Livre ne sont pas aussi semblables que ce que l"on pourrait penser au premier abord. Bien qu"il y ait des similarités élémentaires entre les deux textes, il y a aussi beaucoup de différences. Ce n"est alors pas possible de décider si Le Livre a eu de l"influence sur Der Minnen loep ou pas. Potter aurait pu être inspiré par un ou plusieurs aspects du Livre d"une façon ou d"une autre, mais c"est difficile de prouver une telle influence. Par contre, pour l"histoire de Griseldis, une influence ne doit pas être exclue. Pendant son séjour en France, Potter a eu plusieurs possibilités d"obtenir cette histoire. Bien que sa version soit très différente de la version de De Mézières, ceci n"indique pas nécessairement qu"il ne l"a pas utilisée. Surtout la possibilité qu"il avait un seul manuscrit comme source pour Griseldis comme pour sa traduction de Melibée est une argument fort pour son acquisition de l"histoire durant son voyage en France. Ainsi, Potter a contribué à la diffusion de la littérature en Europe. Comme De Mézières a ammené Griseldis de Venise, Potter l"a ammené aux Pays-Bas. Alors, ces diplomates-poètes ont formés des connections culturelles, entre les principales cours de l"Europe, et par les voies du réseau politique vers 1400. 95 Bibliography Primary sources Bloeme der Deughden Potter, D., Bloeme der Deughden. S. Schoutens (ed.). Hoogstraten (1904), through the Cd-rom Middelnederlands. 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Analecta Husserliana: Yearbook of Phenomenological Research, 42 (1994), p.61-82. 100 Appendices Appendix I: List of manuscripts MS Bruxelles BR 10310 (15th c.): Le Mesnagier de Paris (Griseldis, type A/beta) MS Leiden UB LTK 205 (1486): Der Minnen loep / Dirc Potter MS London BL 19 C. VII (15th c.): Le livre que fist le chevalier de la tour Le livre de Mellibee et de dame Prudence Griseldis (type A/alfa) Le codicille maistre Jehan de Meun MS Paris BN 1165 (15th c.): Moralités du gieu des esches / Jacque de Cessoles, traduction de Frère Jehan de Vignay Mellibée et Prudence / Albertanus Histoire de Grisillidis (type B) Cy apres commence Chaton en français / traduction Jean le Fevre MS Paris BN fr. 1175 (ca.1385-1395): Le Livre de la vertu du sacrement de mariage / Philippe de Mézières MS Paris BN 2240 (15th c.): Le livre de prudence à l'ensengnement de bien vivre / Christine de Pizan Le livre de Mellimbée et Prudence / Arnaud de Brescia (traduction) Le traicté de l'espere / traduction par Nychole Oresme Dessignes de zodiaque Traité d'astrologie MS Paris BN n.a. fr. 6739 (15th c.): Le Mesnagier de Paris (Griseldis, type A/beta) MS Paris BN fr. 12477 (15th c.): Le Mesnagier de Paris (Griseldis, type A/beta) MS Paris BN 20042 (15th c.; ca.1436): Roman de Melibée de Prudence L'istoire de Appolonius Le rommant de Grisillidis (type B) La vie de saincte Marguerite, emprosse / par Theophimus MS The Hague KB 128 E 6 (ca.1480): Gedichten van Willem van Hildegaersberch Der leken spiegel / Jan van Boendale Der Minnen loep / Dirc Potter 101 Appendix II: Tables of relevant exempla occurring in Le Livre de la vertu Exemplum Text reference Source Birth of the Social position woman after marriage Delphina of Arian III/ I, fol. 93v-94 Personal Born in the county Countess, married (223.6-224.14) acquaintances of the of Provence to Elzéar count of author Arian in Puille Joan of Naples III/ IV, fol. 100v- Personal Not mentioned Queen of Naples 101 (236.32-237.8) acquaintances of the author Rosamond III/ IV, fol. 100v- Paul the Deacon, Daughter of a king Queen, married to 102 (238.27- Historica Albinus king of 239.27) Langobardorum Lombardia Cyprian daughters III/ VI, fol. 104- Personal Nobility of the Nobility of the 104v (243.28- acquaintances of the kingdom of Cyprus; kingdom of Cyprus; 244.17) author no royalty no royalty The marriage of III/ VI, fol. 104v- History of France Not mentioned Queen and king of Charles Robert I of 105 (244.27-245.1) Hungary Anjou Jeanne of Navarre III/ VI, fol. 105 History of France Not mentioned; Queen, married to (245.1-245.4) Daughter of Henry I Philip IV king of king of Navarre France Florence of Rome III/ prol., fol. 110v La vie des pères Not mentioned; Empress, married to (256.1-256.12) daughter of king the emperor of Oton of Rome Rome Vasti III/ XV, fol. 119v- Bible, Esther 1 Not mentioned Queen, first wife of 120 (273.21- king Ahasverus 273.30) Saint Cecilia III/ XV, fol. 120- Life of Saints Not mentioned; Princess, married to 120v (274.1- noble family Valerien prince of 274.30) according to Rome tradition Rebecca, wife of III/ XVIII, fol. 123 Bible, Genesis 24 Not mentioned Noble lady Isaac (279.32-279.37) A noble queen of III/ XVIII, fol. 123v Personal Not mentioned Queen, married to Cyprus (279.38-280.11) acquaintances of the Hugue king of author Cyprus and Jerusalem Hester III/ XXI, fol. 128 Bible, Esther Not mentioned Queen, second wife (289.8-289.18) of king Ahasverus The ladies of the III/ XXI, fol. 128v Personal Nobility Nobility island of Candie or (290.7-290.17) acquaintances of the Crec author Marie d"Espagne III/ XXII, fol. 130v- Personal Not mentioned; Countess, widow of 131 (293.32- acquaintances of the Daughter of Charles d"Evreux 295.11) author Ferdinand II of count of Estampes Spain and of Philippe de Valoys count of Alençon A queen, wife of III/ XXVII, fol. 150 Albertus Magnus" Not mentioned Queen, married to Bela of Hungary (330.3-330.19) Book of Minerals Bela king of Hungary The saint Elizabeth III/ XXVIII, fol. Life of Saints Daughter of the Not mentioned; 153 (335.11- king of Hungary married to Louis IV 335.25) of Thüringen 102 Exemplum Text reference Positive / Qualities Moral negative Delphina of III/ I, fol. 93v-94 Positive +Virginity; Abstinence in marriage is Arian (223.6-224.14) +Chastity virtuous and beautiful Joan of Naples III/ IV, fol. 100v-101 Negative -Insanity Beware of the risk of insanity, (236.32-237.8) for great evil will come thereof Rosamond III/ IV, fol. 100v-102 Negative +Beauty; Beware of the risk of cordial (238.27-239.27) -Desperation; passion, for great evil will -Unfaithfulness; come thereof -Treason Cyprian III/ VI, fol. 104-104v Negative -An inhuman and Both partners should have a daughters (243.28-244.17) dangerous habit free choice in marriage The marriage of III/ VI, fol. 104v-105 Negative -Greed Marriage should be Charles Robert (244.27-245.1) undertaken out of free will, I of Anjou not to gain land or power Jeanne of III/ VI, fol. 105 Negative -Greed Marriage should be Navarre (245.1-245.4) undertaken out of free will, not to gain land or power Florence of III/ prol., fol. 110v Positive +Humility; The holy sacrament of Rome (256.1-256.12) +Loyalty marriage should never be violated Vasti III/ XV, fol. 119v- Negative -Pride; Beware of the risk of 120 (273.21-273.30) -Disobedience; hydropsy, for great evil will -Disloyalty come thereof Saint Cecilia III/ XV, fol. 120- Positive +Virginity/chastity; A pious and spiritual marriage 120v (274.1-274.30) +Piety; will save ladies from hydropsy +Devotion Rebecca, wife III/ XVIII, fol. 123 Positive +Diligence A diligent wife remains in of Isaac (279.32-279.37) good health A noble queen III/ XVIII, fol. 123v Positive +Diligence A diligent wife remains in of Cyprus (279.38-280.11) good health Hester III/ XXI, fol. 128 Positive +Dignity; Ladies should pursue internal (289.8-289.18) +Devotion; beauty and no external +Servitude The ladies of III/ XXI, fol. 128v Positive +Beauty; Married ladies should the island of (290.7-290.17) +Modesty withhold from wine Candie or Crec Marie III/ XXII, fol. 130v- Positive +Beauty; Ladies should be conscious of d"Espagne 131 (293.32-295.11) +Piety; both their own sins and the +Devotion; sins they cause in others +Chastity A queen, wife III/ XXVII, fol. 150 Positive -Unchastity A chaste marriage is to be of Bela of (330.3-330.19) (implicit) preferred Hungary The saint III/ XXVIII, fol. 153 Positive +Obedience; To obey the sacrament of Elizabeth (335.11-335.25) +Chastity; marriage a lady should bare +Piety; children but to truly serve God +Devotion she should remain chaste 103 Appendix III: Tables of relevant exempla occurring in Der Minnen loep Exemplum Text Source Birth of woman Social position after reference marriage Clytemestra, IV, vs. 249- Mythology, Dares Not mentioned Queen, married to Agamenoen and 361 + 452- Phrygius" De Agamemnon Egistus 478 excidio Troiae historia Medea, Jason and IV, vs. 495- Ovid"s Heroides, Creusa was the Medea: Princess, Creusa 590 Metamorfoses daughter of king Creon married to prince Jason, Creusa: Queen, married to king Jason David and Nycol IV, vs. 661- Bible, 2 Samuel 6 Daughter of king Saul Not mentioned 727 Asswerus and Vasti, IV, vs. 782- Bible (explicitly Vasti: High birth Queens, married to king Hester 856 stated), Esther (vs.812) Ahasverus Thobyas and his IV, vs. 893- Bible, Tobit Not mentioned Not mentioned daughter 906 Ypermestre and IV, vs. 999- Heroides Not mentioned Not mentioned Hynus 1094 Orphaen and IV, vs. 1095- Griseldis -tradition Daughter of a poor and High, married to Lord Lympiose 1266 simple man Orphaen Lot and his wife IV, vs. 1307- Bible, Genesis 9 Not mentioned Not mentioned 1315 Ametus and Atestes IV, vs. 1349- Mythology: Not mentioned Queen, married to king 1362 Admetus & Ametus Alcestis Protheselaus of IV, vs. 1363- Ovid (explicitly Not mentioned High, married to lord Philasse and 1386 stated), Heroides, Protheselaus Ladomya Dares Phrygius Capaneus and IV, vs. 1387- Mythology Not mentioned Queen, married to king Enalue 1418 Capaneus Penelope and IV, vs. 1419- Dares Phrygius Not mentioned High, married to Lord Ulixes 1560 (explicitly stated), Ulixes (vs.1477) Heroides Herimones and IV, vs. 1571- Heroides, Dares Daughter of king Allied to Arestis, son of Arestis 1624 Phrygius Menelaus king Agamemnon; allied to Pyrrus, son of Achilles Tholomanes, IV, vs. 1687- ?, also occurring in Not mentioned High, married to Lord Paschalis, Boecia 1808 Bloeme der Paschalis and Porijs Deughden (p.104) Medea, Jason and IV, vs. 1809- Heroides, - - Creusa 1818 Metamorfoses A wife in Gent IV, vs. 1919- ? Not mentioned Not mentioned 1926 A man and woman IV, vs. 1971- Recent history, Not mentioned Not mentioned in Schyedam 2032 according to the author Pocris and IV, vs. 2036- Metamorfoses, Ars Daughter of king High, Chephalus of Chephalus 2192 amatoria Ericheus noble lineage Exemplum Text Positive/ Qualities Moral reference Negative Clytemestra, IV, vs. 149- Negative -Unfaithfulness; Those unfaithful in marriage will Agamenoen and 361 + 452- -Mendacity be punished for it Egistus 478 Medea, Jason and IV, vs. 495- Negative Medea: Jason (=unfaithful) and Medea Creusa 590 -Mendacity; were punished for their deeds -Anger; but Creusa could have prevented -Revengefulness; her death by investigating 104 Creusa: Jason"s civil estate more -Credulity thoroughly David and Nycol IV, vs. 661- Negative -Mockery; Those women speaking angrily 727 -Anger to their men, are punished for it Asswerus and Vasti, IV, vs. 782- Negative Vasti: Wives should always obey their Hester 856 and Positive -Pride; husbands; disobedient wives are -Disobedience punished for it Hester: +Obedience Thobyas and his IV, vs. 893- Positive +Loyalty; Honour your brothers-in-law, daughter 906 +Servitude; love your husband, serve him +Virtuousness humbly, care for your house and family, and be virtuous Ypermestre and IV, vs. 999- Positive +Virtuousness; A true wife values her husband"s Hynus 1094 +Sincerity; life more than her own body +Unselfishness; +Faithfulness; +Obedience Orphaen and IV, vs. 1095- Positive +Beauty; One obtains more by humble Lympiose 1266 +Servitude; obedience and gentleness than +Modesty; by anger and refusal +Humility; +Gentleness; +Wisdom; +Obedience; +Diligence; +Patience Lot and his wife IV, vs. 1307- Negative -Disobedience Disobedient wives will be 1315 punished for it Ametus and Atestes IV, vs. 1349- Positive +Faithfulness; A true wife values her husband"s 1362 +Unselfishness life more than her own body Protheselaus of IV, vs. 1363- Positive +Faithfulness; A true wife values her husband"s Philasse and 1386 +Virtuousness; life more than her own body Ladomya +Sincerity; +Obedience Capaneus and IV, vs. 1387- Positive +Faithfulness; A true wife values her husband"s Enalue 1418 +Virtuousness life more than her own body Penelope and IV, vs. 1419- Positive +Faithfulness; Wives should remain faithful Ulixes 1560 +Virtuousness; always +Patience Herimones and IV, vs. 1571- Positive +Faithfulness Once a woman and a man have Arestis 1624 vowed faithfulness, they should never be separated Tholomanes, IV, vs. 1687- Negative +Beauty; Credulity may make many Paschalis, Boecia 1808 +Faithfulness; victims, beware of this and Porijs -Credulity Medea, Jason and IV, vs. 1809- Negative Creusa: Credulity may make many Creusa 1818 -Credulity victims, beware of this A wife in Gent IV, vs. 1919- Negative -Suspicion Women should not go out at 1926 night to seek for their husbands, for they will be robbed of their honour and only have themselves to blame A man and woman IV, vs. 1971- Negative -Conceitedness; Married women should know in Schyedam 2032 -Suspicion their place and stay there Pocris and IV, vs. 2036- Negative +Beauty; Wives should trust on their Chephalus 2192 -Credulity; husband"s loyalty and not -Suspicion interfere with his business 105 Appendix IV: Griseldis. Full texts This appendix contains the texts of both versions of the Griseldis-tale that are of central importance to this thesis. The reader may find it adequate to use these texts. Next follows the tale of Griseldis as Dirc Potter has inserted it in book IV of Der Minnen loep. The text is copied from the edition by Leendertz (1845-1847), that is consultable online via www.dbnl.nl. 1095 In Achayen was wijlneer Het es my eernst ende gheen schimp." Een ridder machtich, een edel heer, Die vader sprack in goeder ghelimp: Die sinnich was ende wel ghedaen "Heer, wat ghi wilt dat sy. Ende was gheheten Orphaen. 1150 Tghenuecht mijn dochter ende my. Sijn lant was wijt ende groot Wy sijn onder u gheseten: 1100 Ende hi en hadde gheen beddenoot, Ghi moecht ghebieden ende heten." Die him sijn dinghen halp besorghen. Die heer deedse bij him comen Sijn rade quamen alle morghen Ende heeftse tenen wive ghenomen. Ende rieden him tallen tijden, 1155 Hi besliepse naden zede Dat hi uut soude doen rijden Mit hogher bruloft inder stede. 1105 Al omme soecken om een wijff, Schone cleder ende dier ghelijck Die nutte waer voer sheren lijff. Dede hij hoer maken costelijck. Nu plach die vorste tallen daghen, Hi creech daer schone kinder by; Als hi inden velde reet jaghen, 1160 Mar rechte voert soe dede hi Te riden voer eens mannes duer. Die kinder vander moeder bringhen, 1110 Daer sach hi altoes sitten vuer Om dat si niet soude singhen Een schone maghet van goeder zede, Noch vreuchde mitten kinder driven. Die alle hoirs vaders dinghen dede. Si mosten oick al van hoir bliven Hij was van sinen wive verloost 1165 So verre, dat si niet en konde Ende die dochter was alle sijn troost. Hoer kinder sien in enighen stonde. 1115 Arlamoen was svaders name. Dit was die eerste vremdicheit. Die dochter was hem zeer bequame, Daer na heeft hij tot haer gheseit: Si was simpel ende saftmoedich, "Lympiose, lieve wijff, So rechte dueghent ende oetmoedich, 1170 Ghi weet wel dat u selves lijff Dat alle die stat van horen zaken En is niet weerdich dese eer: 1120 Goede woerden plach te maken. Laet die costelicheit voert meer: Sy was gheheten Lympiose. Ghi moet u simpeliken cleden Sy bloeyde in doechden als een rose. Ende helpen alle dinck bereden Had si niet guet gheweest van zeden, 1175 So wes hier inden hove valt." Si en haddet nymmermeer gheleden, Die goede vrou was soe ghestalt 1125 Dat sij leet, als ghi sult horen. Ende so oetmoedich end[e] soe vol Dese vorste hoech gheboren doechde, Dochte dick in sinen moet, Dattet hoir wail ghenuechde Dat sulken wijff him waer goet, Wes hair hoir heer ghebieden woude. Die wijs waer ende goederhande, 1180 Si quam altoes alst wesen soude, 1130 Want dat ghinghe voer sinen lande. Wast int brouwen oft in tbacken, Hij prijsde duecht voer die gheboerte Si maectet deech, sy nayde sacken, Ende soeticheit voer hoghe woerde. Inder koken sorchde sy mede Hi leyde horen vader an, Datmen alle dinck wael dede. Die was een schamel eerbair man, 1185 Dair na sprack hoir die heer toe 1135 Van cleynen guede ende wail ghemint. Ende seyde hoer selve, hoe Hi sprac: "Vrient, du hebste een kint, Dat sy niet langher en mochte sijn Lympiose, die guede maecht, Vrouwe in alsulken schijn. Die minen sinnen soe behaecht, Sijn rade haddent also bewaert, Dat icse wil by minen live 1190 Dat hij een wijff van hogher aert 1140 Hebben tot enen echten wive." Tot sinen hove halen soude, Arlamoen sprac: "Lieve heer, Die sijn beddenoot wesen soude, Nu misdoedi alte zeer, Des sijn lant mocht hebben eer. Dat ghi schimpens dus bestaet Lympiose seyde: "Wel lieve heer, Mit uwen armen ondersaet." 1195 Ic hope dat ic so hebbe ghedaen, 1145 Orphaen sprack: "Zwijch, Arlamoen! Dat ic danck hebbe begaen Dat ic segghe dat wil ic doen, Aen allen uwen onderzaten, 106 Sijn si groot off cleyn ghehaeten; Die chierlic binnen wart ghebracht. Mer dat weet ic wail daer by, Die heer sloecher op groten acht 1200 Dat ics waerdich niet en sy 1235 Ende ruynde een luttel mit haer. Te wesen u gheechte wijff: Doe Lympiose quam aldair Want u vorstelike lijff Ende woude der vrouwen eeren, Is waerdich veel hogher zaken, Sprack die vrouwe voer alden heren: Ende hoe dat ghijt wilt mit mi maken, "Moeder, ghi sult sitten hier 1205 Dat ghenuecht my lude ende stille." 1240 Ende ic sal u dienen schier." Die heer sprac: "Tis mijn wille, Doe wort die guede Limpyose Dat ghi die cameren op reydet Root van schaemten als een rose Ende alle dinghen wael beleydet Ende die heer sprac hoer toe: Teghen dat mijn wijff sal comen "Limpyose, nu weet ic hoe 1210 Ende sy heeft u aenghenomen, 1245 Ghi sijt ghesint ende bin des vroet, Dat ghi bij hoir sult moghen sijn Dat ghi sijt schamel, wijs ende goet. Een dienster in joncfrouwen schijn. Ic hebbe gheproeft u wijflic schijn. Diendi wael ende sydi tru, Dit is u dochter ende die mijn. So sal si wael lonen u." Doe weder u cleder ane: 1215 Si sprac: "Heer," in soeter tael, 1250 Alle dit lant sal u sijn onderdane. "Trouwen, dat ghenoecht my wael. Ghi sijt doeghendich ende rechtveerdich, Wyen ghi wilt dat ic dien, Ghi sijt alre eren waerdich. Tis recht dat ic my daer toe lien. En gheer nymmermeer gheen ander Ic wil dat sonder twifel, heer, Wijff, waer dat ic hene wander." 1220 Gaerne doen mit goeder gheer. 1255 Dit wan Lympiose, die goede, Op dat ic bij u bliven mach, Mit verdrach ende mit simpelen moede Willic hoer doen, nacht ende dach, Ende mit onderdanigher doecht, Alle dat mijn vrou begaert, Dat si hoechlijc bleeff verhoecht. Want si is seker des wel waert." Had si ghetoicht onwaerdicheit, 1225 Limpiose ghinc van dan 1260 Boesheit ende onwillicheit Ende dede groeve cleder an. Ende hadde willen wederstaen Si ghinc sonder groot gheschal Die bode die hi hadde ghedaen, Ende bereyde die cameren al So had hise te mael begheven Teghen die coomste vander bruyt. Ende hadse slechs te mael verdreven. 1230 Van vroechden was daer groot gheluyt. 1265 Mit duechden machmen bet verwinnen, Men reyde disch, laken ende dwalen. Dan mit quade woerden te spinnen. Si reden om die bruut te halen, On the next pages the reader may find a copy of the tale of Griseldis as Philippe de Mézières has inserted it in Le Livre de la vertu. The text is copied from the edition by Williamson (1992). 107