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The leftists organizing in Vermont since the 1970s prepared the ground for James Jeffords's jump, and he never would have done it without them. In the 1970s and 1980s Democrats howled with fury when Vermont's Progressive Party said that no matter what the short-term consequences, the important political task was to build a radical, third-force movement in the state.
In 1988 this progressive coalition backed Bernard Sanders, then the mayor of Burlington, in a run for Vermont's single Congressional seat. Democratic liberals raised the "wrecker" charge, saying the Sanders intervention would cost the Democrats votes and put in a Republican. It did. Then, two years later, Sanders ran again against the incumbent Republican and won. Creative destruction worked.
Without decades of work by radicals, nourishing the propriety of independent politics in Vermont, would Jeffords ever have jumped the Republican ship and handed control of the Senate back to the Democrats? I don't think so.
A couple of weeks ago someone sent me an article by Todd Gitlin and Sean Wilentz, published in an obscure journal called Dissent. Since Gitlin's prime political function for years has been to fortify respectable opinion about the impropriety of independent thinking, I knew what to expect, particularly since he was in harness with Wilentz, a truly hysterical proprietarian.
Sure enough, it was an attack on those who voted for Ralph Nader, tumid with a full-inventory parade of every cliché from the past forty years about the folly of radical hopes. Want a taste?
Numbers aside, there is a deeper force at work, behind the delusion that the masses hanker for radical change that Gore would not give them--a purist approach to politics. This all-or-nothing approach, allergic to democratic contest and compromise, is rooted equally in American self-righteousness and traditional left-wing utopianism. It is as if by venting one's anger, one were free to remake the world by willing it so...
Yup, this pompous cant translates into the single, finger-wagging admonition, "You should have voted for Al Gore," the latest variant on Gitlin's one-note career sermon about voting for Hubert Humphrey in 1968. (What is it about these Humphrey lovers? Vermonter Marty Jezer, another sermonizer about main-chance political propriety, recently lashed out at CBS in his column in the Brattleboro Reformer for what he denounced as excessively hostile and prejudicial interviewing of baby-killer Bob Kerrey! The lust to be respectably "fair," whether to HHH or Kerrey, leads to some astonishingly ridiculous postures.)
In Vermont the Republican Party is pretty much dead. Jeffords should sign up right now as a member of the Progressive Party, with whose political positions he has some things in common. Of course Jeffords, at least in his latest incarnation, is truly an independent, whereas Sanders is effectively a Democrat.
Now let's see how much fortitude the Democrats on the Hill have in contesting Bush and Cheney. They no longer have the alibi of the Republicans' controlling the White House and both chambers. Footnote: The Nation's editor, Katrina vanden Heuvel, wishes it to be on record that she takes exception to the description of Dissent as "obscure." I suggest a poll of the American people.
More on the Gandoo Man
In a recent column I described how the Chicago police have declined the request of a gay Pakistani poet to hit his supposed assailant, Salman Aftab, with a hate-crimes charge. Ifti Nasim claims Aftab called him a faggot bottom and lunged at him with a knife. For some of Chicago's gays it's become a very big issue. The Chicago Anti-Bashing Network prompted the ACLU's Pamela Sumner to write a three-page letter to State's Attorney Dick Devine detailing why she felt he should pursue hate-crimes charges in Nasim's case. Devine has refused to do so.
The cops and Devine are quite right. It turns out that the initial quarrel between Nasim and Aftab wasn't about the former's sexual orientation but about an article he'd written. Aftab never attacked Nasim with a knife (though Nasim insists he'd gone to the kitchen to get one). And Nasim put up Aftab's bail money, though he still wants him hit with a hate-crimes charge for calling him an insulting sexual term. The Chicago Anti-Bashing Network supports this position, which only goes to show how dementedly wrongheaded progressives are on the hate-crimes issue.
The Bush Menu
Poor Jenna Bush's travails with the absurd liquor laws of Texas take me back to my gilded youth at Oxford, when even the appearance of sobriety, at least at Keble, was an object of scandal and reproof from the better element. As it admits elsewhere in this issue, The Nation was a tad unfair relaying the claim that the Bush White House has ordered its chef to prepare genetically modified foods on some state occasions. The source of this claim was a piece by Jennifer Berkshire posted on Alternet. The Nation earnestly commented that "the demonstration smells like a paid political announcement for the agribusiness lobby."
I remember reading Berkshire's Alternet piece as an excellent little satire, and Jennifer confirms that this was indeed the case. Satire is always an uncertain weapon. My father once wrote an update of Swift's "A Modest Proposal," this time about inoculating people with the same sort of lethal strain that wiped out rabbits with myxomatosis. When it appeared in Punch furious letters poured in, denouncing him as an advocate of mass murder. Back in my days at the Village Voice I wrote a parody of conspiracy mongering and awoke to hear it being read out as serious news on WBAI by the late Samori Marksman. Since then I've stayed with the unvarnished truth, which is usually far more incredible than anything a satirist could dream up. For evidence see Marty Jezer's onslaught on CBS, noted above.
The urban rebellion in Cincinnati's Over-the-Rhine neighborhood that followed the April 7 death of yet another black man, Timothy Thomas, at the hands of police shocked city residents. Mayor Charlie Luken lamented the "violence" as "unthinkable" and at a press conference pleaded for it to stop. At times like these it is vital to think clearly about how social problems, especially violence, are defined. In Cincinnati the media identify the core problem as "police-community" relations. But reducing the myriad and interrelated forms of violence in the inner city to a problem of police-community relations misses an opportunity to understand such issues in a deeper and more systemic sense. We need to understand how violence has been waged against people of color for a very long time.
Since the late 1940s a series of moves on the part of government and the private sector have reinforced an American form of apartheid. Ushering in the explosion of the suburbs for the white middle class, the Federal Housing Authority's liberalization of the mortgage market, its regulations favoring new construction of single-family detached houses and its appraisal process helped insure that neighborhoods continued to house the same social and racial classes. Under "urban renewal," many black neighborhoods were razed to make way for freeways, sports arenas and corporate redevelopment. Global restructuring of the economy then gutted the black working class's job base in the manufacturing sector.
Add to these the rise to power of neoconservatives, who divest the state of responsibility for meeting social needs, evidenced by rollbacks of affirmative action, the elimination of welfare and cutbacks in housing, combined with more punitive measures like increases in police forces and prison-building and a continued militarized economy.
The "hypersegregation" of blacks in the inner cities is now a structural reality. As sociologists Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton note in American Apartheid, "One-third of all African Americans in the United States live under conditions of intense racial segregation.... No other group in the contemporary United States comes close to this level of isolation within urban society."
Recent census data show that Cincinnati is the ninth most segregated city in the United States, with Over-the-Rhine, about 77 percent black, being its poorest neighborhood. This extreme social and spatial isolation exacerbates the effects of poverty, making it difficult to sustain neighborhood institutions and social organizations. These trends take a particular form in Cincinnati. Consider that in 1996, at the request of an alliance of corporate, business and city power, the Urban Land Institute came to Over-the-Rhine bearing gifts of a homeownership agenda for a community where approximately 75 percent of the population have incomes well below the reach of the rental market, let alone homeownership. Consider Cincinnati Pops director Erich Kunzel's "dream" to build the Greater Cincinnati Fine Arts and Education Center near Music Hall, which, after originally promising no displacement, called for the removal of the Drop Inn Center, the area's largest homeless shelter and lead institution in the Over-the-Rhine People's Movement.
And consider the motion passed by the City Planning Commission last July not to fund additional low-income housing units on Vine Street in Over-the-Rhine, a motion that discriminates against a particular race and class and ignores the city's own Consolidated Plan, which identifies the need for 30,000 affordable housing units. Further, city records show that between January 1995 and the first quarter of 2000, 60 percent of the $8 million invested by the Department of Neighborhood Services in housing programs in Over-the-Rhine supported market-rate rather than affordable housing development.
Last, consider the mayor's about-face decision last summer not to support the $4.5 million tax-credit package of ReSTOC, a community-based, nonprofit housing cooperative, intended to finance construction of economically mixed housing in Over-the-Rhine, a project that qualified for state funding. The mayor then forced ReSTOC to sell one of the buildings in its package to a private owner to develop dotcom enterprises.
These examples of institutional violence have one thing in common: the way they market Over-the-Rhine as an idealized version of itself, effectively erasing it as a place for poor people of color. Revitalization efforts are selling an image that has no place for the poor who actually live there. "Development" means attracting people of higher incomes to live and play and work.
I am not suggesting that the neighborhood keep out newcomers, including people of higher means. The point is that the city fights to deny resources to community-based organizations while promoting renovation that caters to white, wealthier residents. And in this process, the buildings and urban ambience are sold like a stage set to folks who want to consume an urban night out. Over-the-Rhine is being Disneyfied, and this requires pushing people who don't fit the postcard image out of the way. No wonder Over-the-Rhine residents feel resentful.
Gentrification is often advocated as an antisegregation measure. This may be true in the short run, before poor residents are displaced. But community development today is rarely conceived outside the ideology of corporatism, with its lingo of public-private partnerships, enterprise and empowerment zones, tax incentives, and abatements and deregulatory legislation, all of which are ploys to advance privatization and subordinate social movements to the interests of business and the profit system. Community development has been reduced to a kind of plea bargaining with the powers that be, and thus what gets constructed as hope within the community is the desire to have a little more money funneled in its direction. That community institutions persist at all in these circumstances is an amazing testament to their perseverance in meeting desperate need.
Urban disruptions like the rebellion in Cincinnati are indictments of entrenched patterns of police-community relations and community development. Gentrification that produces displacement is an act of violence. Economic development that neglects to provide jobs for Over-the-Rhine residents is an act of violence. Building stadiums and supporting corporations at public expense while closing inner-city schools are acts of violence. We should not be surprised when communities erupt in righteous anger against the bonds of their oppression.
When a renowned abortion doctor opened a clinic in Ocala, Florida, he was seen as a public pest. So local authorities used the courts to get rid of him.
Thefts from other countries pale in relation to the looting of Russia, with
the indispensable assistance of the "Offshornaya Zona." The 1995 "loans for
shares" scheme transferred state ownership of privatized industries worth
billions of dollars to companies whose offshore registrations hid true owners.
More billions were stolen around the time of the August 1998 crash.
Insider banks knew about the coming devaluation and shipped billions in
assets as "loans" to offshore companies. The banks' statements show that their
loan portfolios grew after the date when they got loans from the Russian
Central Bank, which were supposed to stave off default. After the crash, it was
revealed that the top borrowers in all the big bankrupt banks were offshore.
For example, the five largest creditors of Rossiisky Credit were shell
companies registered in Nauru and in the Caribbean. As the debtors' ownerships
were secret, they could easily "disappear." Stuck with "uncollectable" loans
and "no assets," the banks announced their own bankruptcies. Swiss officials
are investigating leads that some of the $4.8 billion International Monetary
Fund tranche to Russia was moved by banks to accounts offshore before the 1998
The biggest current scam is being effected by a secretly owned Russian
company called Itera, which is using offshore shells in Curaçao and
elsewhere to gobble up the assets of Gazprom, the national gas company, which
is 38 percent owned by the government. Itera's owners are widely believed to be
Gazprom managers, their relatives and Viktor Chernomyrdin, former chairman of
Gazprom's board of directors and prime minister during much of the
privatization. Gazprom, which projected nearly $16 billion in revenues for
2000, uses Itera as its marketing agent and has been selling it gas fields at
cut-rate prices. Its 1999 annual report did not account for sales of 13 percent
of production. As its taxes supply a quarter of government revenues, this is a
devastating loss. Itera has a Florida office, which has been used to register
other Florida companies, making it a vehicle for investment in the US economy.
An activist think tank is fighting the right at the ballot box--and winning.
On April 26, French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin announced the creation of a memorial for the soldiers who died during France's bloody war against the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN), which ended in humiliating defeat and the loss of the empire's most prized possession. It was among the most savage of colonial wars: Of the 1.7 million French soldiers who served in Algeria from 1954 to 1962, 30,000 never returned; between 300,000 and a million Algerians were killed, and hundreds of thousands were placed in concentration camps, where torture was routine. Until two years ago, when it finally acknowledged having fought a war in Algeria, the French government referred to the conflict as les événements--the events.
In case there were any doubts as to what these young men died defending, there was Paul Aussaresses, an 83-year-old general wearing an eye patch and the cross of the Legion of Honor. In an interview with Le Monde last November, Aussaresses confessed, without a note of remorse, to torturing and executing Algerian militants. Even so, no one, certainly not Jospin, was prepared for the incendiary memoir that Aussaresses was to publish ten days later.
The book, Special Services, Algeria 1955-1957, has riveted the French, stirring long-suppressed memories of the "war without a name" and generating calls for an official declaration of repentance and judicial action against its author. It is a remarkable document, both for what it reveals of France's crimes in Algeria and for what it reveals of the miscarriage of justice that took place after the war.
When Aussaresses arrived in Algeria in 1955, he was a hero, having carried out a series of daring intelligence missions across enemy lines for de Gaulle's Free French forces. In Algeria, he quickly acquired a mastery of the very tactics that he had feared would be applied to him had he been caught by the Gestapo. Electrodes to the eyes and testicles, half-drownings, beatings--he stopped at nothing in his efforts to get his suspects to crack. After torturing and killing his first Arab, he writes with a disturbing detachment that calls to mind Camus's Mersault: "I thought of nothing. I had no regrets over his death--if I had any regrets, it was because he did not talk."
Aussaresses's book sheds light on some of the most important unresolved mysteries of the war, notably the deaths of Larbi Ben M'Hidi, an FLN leader, and of Ali Boumendjel, a prominent Algerian attorney. The French have always maintained that both men committed suicide. In fact, Aussaresses meticulously arranged their deaths--and, one suspects, many others--to look as if they were suicides. Boumendjel, he reports, was thrown from a rooftop after having been tortured for forty-three days. Aussaresses drove Ben M'Hidi to a farm outside Algiers, where the prisoner was strangled to death.
The historian Pierre Vidal-Naquet, an early opponent of the war, told Le Monde, "One must take this book for what it is, the memoirs of an assassin." True enough. But Aussaresses was not alone. He was no more a rogue agent than the Vichy collaborators Maurice Papon and René Bousquet were--or than Bob Kerrey and his men were in the jungle of Vietnam. Aussaresses is well aware of this fact. In torturing and executing suspects, he says he was simply employing the "special powers" that he had been granted in 1956 by the government of Socialist Prime Minister Guy Mollet, with the support of the Communist Party. According to Aussaresses, François Mitterrand, Mollet's justice minister, had "an emissary...in the person of the judge Jean Berard, who covered for us.... I had the best possible relationship with him and I never hid anything from him."
Aussaresses's book has inspired widespread revulsion; 56 percent of the French have expressed support for an official apology and legal action against officers who ordered torture. Prime Minister Jospin, who insists that torture was "an aberration," has firmly rejected the idea of a parliamentary inquiry, proposing further "scientific research" by historians. President Jacques Chirac, who served in Algeria and says he is "horrified" by the book, has initiated proceedings to strip the general of his uniform.
Unfortunately, nothing more is likely to come of the indignation roused by Aussaresses's book. There is a ten-year statute of limitations on war crimes in France, and the broader definition of "crimes against humanity" applies only to abuses committed since 1994. The generals of Algeria also enjoy the protection of amnesties granted in 1962 and 1968. In mid-May, a French court threw out a suit against Aussaresses for "crimes against humanity" by the International Federation for Human Rights. The general's actions, the court opined, are "in all likelihood covered by the amnesty of July 31, 1968." It will require extraordinary audacity for any French politician to challenge these legal obstacles. Meanwhile, Paul Aussaresses can talk about his crimes, which are also France's crimes, without fear of punishment. His freedom is a grim reminder that when nations fail to settle their accounts with torture, it is torturers who have the last laugh.
Here we go, starting on what promises to be a pleasantly engrossing tour of the landmarks of three centuries of Anglo-American intellectual feminism, guided by a seriously impressive scholar, Elaine Showalter of Princeton University.
When Philip Roth compiles lists of the writers he most admires, Tolstoy never seems to make it. There's Flaubert, Kafka, Bellow--the touchstones. Gogol, Dostoyevsky, Céline--the madmen. Henry Miller, of course; even Chekhov and Thomas Mann. But Tolstoy, when he appears in Roth's fiction at all, is usually something of a joke. In The Ghost Writer, young Nathan Zuckerman travels to meet his hero, the reclusive novelist E.I. Lonoff ("Married to Tolstoy" is how the novel describes the plight of Lonoff's wife); lying the first night in the sanctum where Lonoff composes his masterpieces, and knowing that a fetching student of Lonoff's is also staying at the house, Zuckerman is, shamefully, seized by erotic yearnings. He yields to them. "Virtuous reader," he reports, "if you think that after intercourse all animals are sad, try masturbating on the daybed in E.I. Lonoff's study and see how you feel when it's over."
As if this wasn't bad enough, four years later Roth began The Anatomy Lesson with a sexual rewriting of Anna Karenina's famous opening. "Happy families are all alike," Tolstoy wrote. "Every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. Everything at the Oblonskys' was in confusion." Roth's version: "When he is sick, every man wants his mother; if she's not around, other women must do. Zuckerman was making do with four other women."
So perhaps it is as punishment for this needling that in his old age Roth has become Tolstoy. His last five novels have been Tolstoyan in scope, and, like Tolstoy, he has been celebrated for them. Like Tolstoy he is loathed by the official organs of religion--an archbishop of the Russian Orthodox Church suggested that Tolstoy be executed for the antimarital rantings of "The Kreutzer Sonata," while here in America an influential rabbi demanded to know, "What is being done to silence this man?" after Roth's attacks on Jewish suburbia in Goodbye, Columbus. And if it so happens that the Jews are wrong, and Hell exists, there can be no question that the author of Sabbath's Theater will spend eternity there.
But the chief reason that Roth is Tolstoy is that he, almost alone of our contemporary novelists, so insistently has Something to Say, and is prepared, at times, to forsake all his literary instincts in order to say it. Tolstoy's digressions in War and Peace on the mechanisms of history infuriated such early readers as Flaubert ("he repeats himself and he philosophises!"), as well as everyone since. After completing his masterpiece, Anna Karenina, Tolstoy for some time wrote only philosophical and religious tracts. As for Roth, who came dangerously close to turning his last, very powerful novel, The Human Stain, into a political rant against the Clinton impeachment, he too has for the moment dropped most pretenses to fiction and produced, with The Dying Animal, something far closer to an essay.
It is an essay, naturally, about sex. Lenin claimed that Tolstoy was the mirror of the Russian Revolution; for the past forty years, Roth has been the mirror of the sexual one. In his work, the contradictions of that libidinal revolt have found their fullest expression. During the 1960s, Roth hailed its arrival--indeed, three years after the 1969 publication of Portnoy's Complaint, Irving Howe could damningly suggest that Roth was "a man at ease with our moment." But Portnoy, Zuckerman and the rest have also testified eloquently to the costs of such freedom. You may shatter convention, Roth showed, but be warned that society (with its thuggish enforcer, the superego) has the resources to defend itself, with extreme prejudice.
The same paradigm fits the slim plot of The Dying Animal. The narrator, 70-year-old David Kepesh, is a cultural arbiter and professor who has systematically been sleeping with everyone, including and especially his students, since leaving his wife and child in the 1960s. You will perhaps object that Kepesh doesn't have any kids, and you'll be right. Roth has never been scrupulous with his characters' biographies--Zuckerman's childhood, for example, what with the boxing lessons and ping-pong in Swede Levov's basement and the Communism, is beginning to look awfully crowded--and in this case he outfits Kepesh, who appeared in two previous, rather mediocre outings as a hesitant philanderer in The Professor of Desire and as a giant breast in The Breast, with a more virile résumé and an abandoned son from a different first marriage. Nor does he bother to explain how the mammillary Kepesh turned himself back into a man.
But it's still the same Kepesh, of all Roth's narrators the dullest and most methodical. Even when he ceased to be a man, Kepesh was a most reasonable breast. He is reasonable still, as he catalogues his sexual habits, rules and arrangements; of an affair with a middle-aged former student, he explains: "It was a joint venture, our sexual partnership, that profited us both and that was strongly colored by Carolyn's crisp executive manner. Here pleasure and equilibrium combined." Given this regimented administration of his own happiness, it is naturally satisfying to see Kepesh--"the propagandist of fucking"--caught up in all the old emotions after an affair with a particularly stunning student. "This need," he moans, referring not to lust but to attachment. "This derangement. Will it never stop?"
But before everyone runs out to buy this paean to the triumph of the bourgeois spirit, they should be warned that Roth takes Kepesh far more seriously than this plot summary indicates--takes him at his word. It should even be noted--if I may be allowed a quick critical crudity--that Kepesh's style is the closest among his narrators to the style of Roth's own essays and memoirs. His concerns are Roth's, and he shares many of the master's ideas about the world. For Kepesh is not merely a reflection of the sexual revolution, but also its historian.
And here I must stop myself--it is so easy to make fun of Roth. Sixty-eight years old and again with the sex. When Tolstoy published his attack on physical love in "The Kreutzer Sonata," young wits suggested that the Count's own kreutzer might be out of order. It is easy, in other words, to make fun of old men. I myself have done so. I thought--it seems to be the general consensus--that sex for Roth was a device with which to propel his fictions; that he could have used cars, or whales, or sports, and chose sex merely because it was historically ripe, as a subject, and for the simpler reason that it was the quickest way to épater ye olde bourgeoisie. Diaphragm! Cunt! "The Raskolnikov of jerking off"!
I no longer think so. It seems obvious that at this point Roth can do little with sex that he hasn't done already (though he tries in The Dying Animal, he tries). This continued fixation is fictionally fallow--as Roth writes, baldly, in The Dying Animal, "You know you want it and you know you're going to do it and nothing is going to stop you. Nothing is going to be said here that's going to change anything." Since sex is, in this view, overdetermined, it's like writing about gravity. (In fact, not having sex is far more promising--one of the things it promises being future sex.)
Yet Roth persists, and after forty years it can only be because he believes sex the most important topic he could possibly tackle, and now more than ever. So this book demands that we approach it with a straight face, even when a straight face seems the least natural response. Kepesh, of course, is professorial, telling of the Merry Mount trading post in colonial Massachusetts, raided by the Puritans because it was a bad influence on the young. "Jollity and gloom," he quotes Hawthorne, "were contending for an empire." He is also empirical, a one-man research institute, reporting the number of times (one) that he was the beneficiary of oral sex in college in the 1950s, and clinically tracing the progress made in the interim: "The decades since the sixties have done a remarkable job of completing the sexual revolution. This is a generation of astonishing fellators. There's been nothing like them ever before among their class of young women."
If this seems deliberately offensive, it is part of the general urgency, even desperation, that pulses through this book. Roth is running out of time; he must tell you as quickly as possible, he must convince you to change your life. Now, Roth has always considered the sexual revolution in quasi-world-historical terms. "The massive late-sixties assault upon sexual customs," he told an interviewer in 1974,
came nearly twenty years after I myself hit the beach fighting for a foothold on the erotic homeland held in subjugation by the enemy. I sometimes think of my generation of men as the first wave of determined D-day invaders, over whose bloody, wounded carcasses the flower children subsequently stepped ashore to advance triumphantly toward that libidinous Paris we had dreamed of liberating as we inched inland on our bellies, firing into the dark.
This is sweet and funny and light--and wholly innocent, it seems, of the damage done.
There is no such lightness in The Dying Animal. When the same idea (Roth as sexual revolutionary vanguard) resurfaces, it has an embattled quality to it, as if Roth is no longer certain what has happened, or who won. "Look," says Kepesh, in his demotic, direct address:
I'm not of this age. You can see that. You can hear that. I achieved my goal with a blunt instrument. I took a hammer to domestic life and those who stand watch over it. And to [my son]'s life. That I'm still a hammerer should be no surprise. Nor is it a surprise that my insistence makes me a comic figure on the order of the village atheist to you who are of the current age and who haven't had to insist on any of this.
The shift in tone from the interview is remarkable. The confidence is gone; the winds of history are shifting. Not only have the young forgotten their benefactors, they've started to cede the freedoms won for them--"now even gays want to get married," says Kepesh. "I expected more from those guys." And the deflowered order has been replaced by a new form of surveillance, which Kepesh scrupulously documents during a student conference: "we sat side by side at my desk, as directed, with the door wide open to the public corridor, all eight of our limbs, our two contrasting torsos visible to every Big Brother of a passerby." The revolution for which Kepesh fought so ruthlessly has been betrayed.
Which is a well-known habit of revolutions. Roth might have predicted, in fact, that women could not merely come alive as autonomous sexual beings without also developing ways of defending themselves against groping professors. He might even have predicted that this defense would at times grow absurd, that it would seek regimentation not only for physical but for verbal relations, that it would create a vocabulary of misunderstanding so dense it may take the passing of an entire generation before men and women can speak to one another again.
That all this might have been predicted in no way suggests that Roth is wrong to raise his voice in protest. It is striking, indeed, that a writer forever accused of it has now turned himself so vehemently against vulgarity--against the very leveling and coarsening of our conversation. Toward the end of The Dying Animal, Roth's former lover is beset by tragedy: "She began telling me about how foolish all her little anxieties of a few months back now seemed, the worries about work and friends and clothes, and how this had put everything in perspective," says Kepesh, "and I thought, No, nothing puts anything in perspective."
No, because there is no privileged view, no heights from which to look. This is the endpoint of the nihilist's wisdom. And Roth, after a circle of great radius, comes again to look like Tolstoy, like a writer who turns the light of his reason upon all the expressions and conventions by which we thoughtlessly live. How out of place he seems at a time when most fiction, competent as it is, has taken to being demure about its own necessity; when most writers are such professionals. Updike, DeLillo, Pynchon, of his generation, are all at least as talented as Roth; DeLillo is as timely, as ready to philosophize and to use the word "America." But no one is as urgent, as committed to the communication of his particular human truth.
The Dying Animal is not a great work in the way that The Human Stain, American Pastoral, Operation Shylock and, especially, Sabbath's Theater were great works. But it completes the picture--the picture of what a writer can be. Where DeLillo's recent novella, The Body Artist, was remarkable for its departure from his customary mode, The Dying Animal is remarkable for its fealty to the ground Roth has always worked. It cedes nothing, apologizes for nothing; it deepens, thereby, the seriousness of all his previous books.
"Because [sex] is based in your physical being, in the flesh that is born and the flesh that dies," says Kepesh.
Only [during sex] are you most cleanly alive and most cleanly yourself. It's not the sex that's the corruption--it's the rest. Sex isn't just friction and shallow fun. Sex is also the revenge on death. Don't forget death. Don't ever forget it. Yes, sex too is limited in its power. I know very well how limited. But tell me, what power is greater?
You could answer (virtuous reader), as you have answered Roth so many times before, that art, and its promise of eternity, is greater; or politics, and its promise of justice, is greater; or religion, and its promise of spiritual peace, is more powerful. You could answer Roth thus, but one of you would have to be lying.
Over the past two years, it has become commonplace to read that the casualties among Kosovo Albanians were not sufficiently high to warrant the NATO intervention that put an end--at some remove--to the rule of Slobodan Milosevic. Without saying so explicitly, many liberal and "left" types, and many conservatives and isolationists, have implied that the Kosovars did not suffer quite enough to deserve their deliverance. The dispute revolves around two things; the alleged massacre at Racak (which may or may not have been a firefight provoked by the Kosovo Liberation Army) and the relative emptiness of certain identifiable "mass grave" sites.
As to Racak, it might be argued that Western policy-makers seized too fast on the evidence of a Bosnian-style bloodbath, but--in view of what had been overlooked or tolerated for so long in Bosnia--it would be tough to argue that a "wait and see" policy would have been morally or politically superior. Wait for what? Wait to see what? And, since most of those who cast doubt on Racak were opposed on principle in any case to any intervention, as they had been in Bosnia, the force of their objection does not really depend on the body count, or on the issue of who shot first. For those of us who supported the intervention, with whatever misgivings, it was plain enough that Milosevic wanted the territory of Kosovo without the native population, and that a plan of mass expulsion, preceded by some exemplary killings, was in train. The level of casualties would depend on the extent of resistance that the execution of the plan would encounter.
The bulk of the European and American right had announced in advance that the cleansing of Kosovo by Milosevic was not a big enough deal to justify military action; this seems to remain their view. It was also, according to former NATO commander Gen. Wesley Clark in his new memoir, the institutional view of the Pentagon. It would therefore have been the right's view, whatever happened or did not happen at Racak. It would presumably also have been their view even if the United Nations had passed a resolution authorizing the operation, over the entrenched objections of Boris Yeltsin and Jiang Zemin. (The Genocide Convention, which mandates action by signatory powers whenever the destruction of a people in whole or in part is being committed, takes precedence in the view of some.)
So we'll never know if another Rwanda was prevented or not, since another Rwanda did not in fact take place. However, on the issue of the mass graves there is now, as a result of the implosion of the Milosevic regime, more forensic evidence to go on.
At the time of the war itself I received a letter from a Serbian student of mine, a political foe of Milosevic but by no means a NATO fan. He told me that his family in Serbia had a friend, a long-distance truck driver whom they trusted. This man had told them of entering Kosovo with his refrigerated vehicle, picking up Albanian corpses under military orders and driving them across the "Yugoslav" border as far as the formerly autonomous province of Voivodina, where they were hastily unloaded. He'd made several such runs. At the time, I decided not to publish this letter because although it appeared to be offered in good faith it also seemed somewhat weird and fanciful, and because rumors of exactly this sort do tend to circulate in times of war and censorship.
In early May of this year, the Belgrade daily newspaper Blic, now freed from the constraints of censorship, published a report about a freezer truck, loaded with Albanian cadavers and bearing Kosovo license plates, that had been pulled from the river Danube in April 1999. The location was the town of Kladovo, about 150 miles east of Belgrade. Local gravediggers told of being hastily mobilized to load the bodies onto another truck, and to keep their mouths shut. The man who found the truck, Zivojin Djordjevic, was interviewed on Belgrade Radio B92. "It was a Mercedes lorry--the name of the meat-processing company from Pec was written in Albanian on the cabin. The license plates were from Pec.... When the lorry was pulled out and the doors of the freezer opened, corpses started sliding out. There were many bodies of women, children and old people. Some women had Turkish trousers, some children and old people were naked."
To this macabre tale, identifiable people have put their names. The director of the Humanitarian Law Center in Belgrade, Natasha Kandic, has been collecting information about comparable incidents in the period between late March and mid-June 1999, with piles of corpses removed from cemeteries or graves in Kosovo and either reburied secretly or incinerated. This is not improvised wartime atrocity propaganda; it is the careful finding of patient human rights investigators after the fact.
One cannot yet say the same about another story, which concerns the mass burning of bodies in the blast furnaces of the Trepca steel plant. The eyewitnesses here are, so far, only a driver named "Branko" and a Serbian "special forces" officer named "Dusko." They suggest that, in that terrible spring, as many as 1,500 murdered Albanian civilians were fed into the mills and furnaces of the steel complex. It would be premature to credit such unconfirmed and lurid reports, even though investigators from the Hague tribunal have already spoken about evidence being destroyed at the nearby Trepca mines. And at first, I didn't quite believe the freezer-truck tale either.
In the relatively new atmosphere of post-Milosevic Serbia, the armed forces have charged some 183 soldiers for crimes committed in Kosovo. This might be part of an "isolated incident" strategy, or it might be the beginning of a real investigation. If the reports now in circulation prove to be true, it would mean (given the complicity of border guards, steelworks managers, traffic cops and cemetery authorities) there was a state design both to the original murders and the secret interments. Such a discovery would help constitute the emancipation of Serbia as well as of Kosovo. But it would owe very little to those who described the belated Western intervention as an exercise in imperialism based upon false reporting. We shall see.
They were kidnapped on the street, or summoned to the village square, or lured from home with false promises of work, to be forced into the Japanese military's far-flung, highly organized system of sexual slavery throughout its occupied territories in the 1930s and 1940s. Of some 200,000 so-called comfort women only a quarter survived their ordeal; many of those died soon after of injuries, disease, madness, suicide. For years the ones who remained were silent, living marginal lives. But beginning in 1991, first one, then a trickle, then hundreds of middle-aged and elderly women from Korea, China, Taiwan, the Philippines and other former Japanese possessions came forward demanding that the Japanese government acknowledge its responsibility, apologize and make reparations. Despite a vigorous campaign of international protest, with mass demonstrations in Korea and Taiwan, Japan has hung tough: In 1995 Prime Minister Tomiichi Muayama offered "profound"--but unofficial--apologies and set up a small fund to help the women, to be financed on a voluntary basis by business; this past March, the Hiroshima high court overturned a modest award to three Korean women. As if official foot-dragging weren't demeaning enough, a popular comic-book history of Japan alleges that the comfort women were volunteers, and ultraright-wing nationalists have produced middle-school textbooks, approved for use in classrooms, that omit any mention of the government's role in the comfort-woman program.
Frustrated in Japan, the comfort women have now turned to the US Court of Appeals for the Washington, DC, Circuit. Under the 212-year-old Alien Tort Claims Act, foreigners may sue one another in US courts for human rights violations; the women are also relying on a law against sexual trafficking passed last year by Congress. In mid-May, however, the State Department asked the Justice Department to file a brief expressing its sympathies with the women's sufferings but urging that the case be dismissed as lacking jurisdiction: Japan has sovereign immunity, under which nations agree to overlook each other's wrongdoings, and moreover, treaties between it and the United States put finis to claims arising from the war.
In other words, it's all right to seize girls and women and put them in rape camps--aka "comfort stations"--for the amusement of soldiers far from home, as long as it's part of official military policy. War is hell, as the trustees of the New School noted in their letter absolving their president, Bob Kerrey, of the killing of as many as twenty-one Vietnamese women and children. If it's OK to murder civilians, how wrong can it be to rape and enslave them?
"The Administration's position is particularly terrible and irresponsible when you consider the evolution of attitudes toward wartime rape over the last ten years," says Elizabeth Cronise, who with Michael Hausfeld is arguing the comfort women's case. Indeed, sexual violence in war has typically been regarded as the inevitable concomitant of battle, part of the spoils of war, maybe even, for the evolutionary-psychology minded, the point of it: Think of the rape of the Sabine women or the plot of the Iliad, which is precipitated by a fight between Achilles and Agamemnon over possession of the captured Trojan girls Chryseis and Briseis, although my wonderful old Greek professor Howard Porter didn't quite put it like that. It was only this past February that an international tribunal brought charges solely for war crimes of sexual violence, when three Bosnian Serbs were convicted in The Hague of organizing and participating in the rape, torture and sexual enslavement of Muslim women.
But even by these ghastly standards, the case of the comfort women stands out for the degree of planning and organization the Japanese military employed. Noting, for example, that subject populations tended to resent the rape of local women, authorities typically shipped the women far from home; although the women saw little or no money, "comfort stations" were set up as brothels with ethnically graduated fees, from Japanese women at the top to Chinese women at the bottom. The system was not, strictly speaking, a wartime phenomenon: It began in 1932, with the Japanese occupation of Manchuria, and continued after the war's end. In fact, according to Yoshimi Yoshiaki, whose Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military During World War II (Columbia) is crucial reading, the Japanese military authorities set up comfort stations for the conquering American troops. As Cronise points out, even if the United States has closed the books on Japan's wartime atrocities, it could still side with the comfort women on the grounds that many of them were enslaved during peacetime.
"The government's position is technically defensible," says Widney Brown, advocacy director for women's rights at Human Rights Watch. "What's not defensible is the Department of Justice's giving as a reason that it doesn't want to jeopardize relations with Japan." Incredibly, the Justice Department is arguing just that, along with the further self-interested point that a ruling in favor of the comfort women would open the United States to human rights lawsuits in other countries. (Remember that the United States has sabotaged the International Criminal Court.) Says Brown, "It shows a failure to understand the significance of the comfort women case as a major step in the development of human rights for women. After all, their case could have been brought up in the Far East tribunal right after World War II, but it wasn't. This is a major chance to move beyond that. You could even argue that the view of women as property--if not of one man, then another--was what prevented sexual slavery from being seen as a war crime until now."
The US lawsuit may well be the comfort women's last chance. Now in their 70s and 80s, most will soon be dead, and since few married or had children, there won't be many descendants to continue the fight for reparations. By stonewalling, the Japanese government will have won. And the Bush Administration will have helped it. All that's missing is the call for healing and mutual forgiveness.


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Contact Us 10915 Hardin Valley Road P.O. Box 22990 Knoxville, TN 37933-0990 Office: 865/694-6400
In order to be successful in college-level courses, students must have adequate foundational knowledge and skills. Pellissippi State provides refresher courses in reading, English, math and study skills to assist students in developing college-level skills in each of these areas. Students are placed into these courses based on the results of a placement tests.
New students must submit valid ACT/SAT scores. If students do not have ACT/SAT scores, students will take a COMPASS test. **Valid test scores have been earned within 3 years prior to the first day of class of the student's entering term.
ACT Minimum College Level Scores English 18 Reading 19 Mathematics 19
SAT Minimum College Level Scores (English & Reading taken from critical reading score.) English 450 Reading 460 Mathematics 460
COMPASS Minimum College Level Scores Writing 77 Reading 83 Mathematics 38
Students with scores below the minimum score in either the ACT/SAT or COMPASS must take the Placement Test in the area(s) that are below college level. Placement test scores determine course placement in Learning Support reading, English, or math courses or college-level English or math courses. Students with college-level transfer credit in English and math do not have to take the placement test.
Pellissippi State provides preparation sessions in Math, Reading and Writing to assist students in taking the Placement Tests. Students are placed into courses based on the results of a placement test.
Entrance Test Preparation
The Magnolia Avenue Placement Prep Session focuses on improving basic academic skills. The first day consists of a pre-test to determine what students need to study. The following days will include preparatory work in mathematics and reading/writing (students can choose which areas to study) The official placement test (post-test) to determine a student�s placement into courses at Pellissippi State is scheduled on the last day.
Fill out this form to sign up for one of the above sessions. The preparation sessions and the placement tests are FREE.
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subset: commoncrawl


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NEW YORK: The vision of some of the Caribbean's most prolific filmmakers join in a New York City celebration of the illustrious career of legendary Jamaican actress, Leonie Forbes. Caribbean Classics – Leonie Forbes Film Fest features work from Lennie Little-White (Jamaica), Andrew Millington (Barbados), and Frances-Anne Solomon (Trinidad & Tobago), and takes place at Medgar Evers College on Saturday, May 5.
An officially endorsed Jamaica 50th Independence Anniversary program, the day-long festival is presented by a tripartite collation of Caribbean diaspora cultural organizations, the Caribbean Cultural Theatre, Caribbean Research Center, and CaribbeanTales Worldwide Distribution.
The series of four films and discussions culminates with the iconic actress of Caribbean stage and screen in conversation with Jamaican born journalist, reggae impresario, and program director of Sirius XM Radio, Pat McKay.
Hosted in the heart of the teeming Caribbean-American community of Central Brooklyn, NY at the campus of Medgar Evers College, 1650 Bedford Avenue, the diverse program will not only afford an occasion to celebrate the talent of one of the region's most acclaimed thespians, but will also examine the challenges and opportunities of an emerging Caribbean cinema.
The schedule for the Saturday, May 5, 2012 program is:
2:00 'What My Mother Told Me'. A journey towards self-discovery forces a young woman to meet her mother, whom she thought had abandoned her as a child. Frances-Anne Solomon, director (Trinidad & Tobago) View Film Clip Here.
3:00 'Children of Babylon' Love, lust, race, and class collide on a hedonistic pleasure dome as life on an old plantation is confronted by a changing society. Lennie Little-White, director. (Jamaica). Featuring Bob Andy
5:15 'Guttaperc' A storied past and the yearning for development creates conflicts for the feature of a village and family. Andrew Millington, director (Barbados).
7:00 Tellin We Own Story – In Conversation with Leonie Forbes Journalist Pat McKay interviews the iconic actress on life, art, and life imitating art.
8:45 'A Winter Tale' Families struggle to reconcile their immigrant dreams after a bullet meant for a drug dealer kills a ten-year-old boy. Frances-Anne Solomon, director (Canada).Featuring Dennis "Spragalang" Hall. View Film Clip here.
Tickets for the Caribbean Classics – Leonie Forbes Film Fest range from $10 for general admission per screening to $5 for students and seniors at the early afternoon screenings. A special $25 'Festival Passport' provides access to all screenings and the tribute session to Ms. Forbes.
Leonie Forbes has garnered an impressive list of international theatre, television and film credits in Australia, Britain, Canada, Germany, India and the United States, and has consistently enthralled audiences in her native Jamaica and the wider Caribbean. Her film and television credits include 'A Winter Tale', 'Shattered Image', 'Milk and Honey', 'The Orchid House', 'Passion and Paradise', 'Club Paradise', 'Children of Babylon' 'Going to Extremes' which aired on ABC, 'Lord Have Mercy' on Toronto One, and 'Small Island' on PBS. Trained at the Royal Academy of Dramatic Arts in London, her accolades include a Gemini Award® nomination in Canada, a life time achievement medal from El Centro Mexicano de Teatro, the Institute of Jamaica Gold Musgrave Medal and the Order of Distinction (Officer) from the Government of Jamaica.
The program presenters are the Caribbean Cultural Theatre, Caribbean Research Center, and CaribbeanTales Worldwide Distribution.
For additional information: 718-783-8345 / 718-270-6218 / 917-202-0696 or via firstname.lastname@example.com
About Caribbean Cultural Theatre
Caribbean Cultural Theatre is a theatrical immersion experience presenting the work of Caribbean based and/or influenced writers, performers and other practitioners that both entertains and enlightens and honours a balanced rendering of Caribbean culture and the Caribbean-American experience. A project of the Brooklyn, NY based Caribbean Cultural Theatre, the Caribbean Classics Stage & Screen Series highlights the work some of the region's most illustrious pioneering practitioners of stage and screen and celebrates their role as social commentators, their struggles with cultural identity and in fashioning a Caribbean voice. The series has previously featured the work of Jamaican dramatist and filmmaker, Trevor Rhone, 'The Harder They Come', 'Smile Orange'. 'One Love'; Guyanese novelist E. R. Braithwaite, To Sir With Love, and Jamaican novelist and screenwriter, Anthony Winkler, The Annihilation of Fish and The Lunatic.
About the Caribbean Research Center
Caribbean Research Center, an academic component of Medgar Evers College, provides a multidisciplinary understanding of the New York social environment, the diverse social, cultural and economic characteristics of the Caribbean-American community.
About CaribbeanTales Worldwide Distribution.
CaribbeanTales Worldwide Distribution (CTWD) is the first full-service film distribution company in the English-speaking Caribbean, and a reference for buyers of Caribbean-themed content.
CaribbeanTales is a group of companies that produces, markets and exhibits Caribbean-themed films for regional and international distribution, including: CTWD; the CaribbeanTales Film Festival Group that produces annual events in Toronto, Barbados and New York; the Caribbean Incubator Program for Audio Visual Entrepreneurs that delivers training for filmmakers, and CaribbeanTales.ca, a non profit that promotes citizen participation through the medium of film.


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Holiday Gifts for the Home
Show your love for someone's abode with these thoughtful presents
By Laura Eckstein
Think Fast
Described by the company as "Scrabble on speed," this fast-paced word game challenges your ability to think on your feet. Each player has a turn to create a word of three or more letters, but the opponent can snatch that word away if she can add letters to form a new word. $14.99; MarblestheBrainStore.com


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USDA Awards $2.4 Million for Rural Development Research
Contact: Ed Loyd, (202) 720-4623 Jennifer Martin, (202) 720-8188
Printable Version
WASHINGTON , Dec.2, 2005 – Agriculture Secretary Mike Johanns announced today eight grants totaling $2.4 million for research on rural development.
"These grants support innovative research to help communities create and sustain rural community vitality and prosperity," Johanns said. "The Bush Administration is committed to helping improve the economy and quality of life in all of rural America."
The funded rural development projects examine the social, economic, technological and demographic factors that affect quality of life for rural Americans. Topics covered include land use at the rural/urban fringe; investments of financial, social and human capital for rural economic development; and intergenerational assistance among rural and farm families.
Although the eight Rural Development awards are given to project directors at specific universities, these awards fund a number of multi-disciplinary and multi-institutional research teams. The research encompasses much of rural America in scope, and the results will have regional or national implications.
The average award size was $299,000. Descriptions of funded awards are available at the CSREES Web site.
The USDA's Cooperative State Research, Education and Extension Service (CSREES) administers the Rural Development program through the National Research Initiative (NRI). The NRI is the largest peer reviewed, competitive grants program in CSREES. Its purpose is to support research, education and extension grants that address key problems of national, regional and multi-state importance in sustaining all components of agriculture.
CSREES advances knowledge for agriculture, the environment, human health and well-being, and communities by supporting research, education and extension programs in the Land-Grant University System and other partner organizations. For more information, visit http://www.csrees.usda.gov.
The fiscal year 2005 grants were awarded to the following:


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Most of our Kauai vacation rentals have full sized kitchens so you'll want to stock up on your favorite foods and beverages while you're here. Maybe try some new Hawaii foods too like poke. These bite sized pieces of raw, fresh fish are also known as "Hawaii's soul food."
Some of our Kauai grocery stores have familiar names like Safeway. Others will look new to you like Sueoka which has been owned by the same family for 90 years. Wherever you decide to shop you'll see unique foods not available on the mainland. Also different are the store locations near beautiful Kauai beaches with spectacular mountain backdrops.
The first thing to decide when you arrive is how much shopping you want to do the first day. For a quick stop try Times Market at Kukui Grove. If you're ready to grocery shop for your entire Kauai vacation, you may want to consider other stores like Costco.
- See our shopping guide to Hawaiian foods. It covers everything from fish to produce.
- Hot or Cold thermal bags are an easy way of transporting any temperature sensitive foods to your Kauai vacation rental.
- Weekly Kauai grocery sales begin Wednesday. Some of our store links below list weekly sale items.
- Plastic bags are no longer available. You may want to purchase a reusable grocery bag for your purchases.
- Safeway and Foodland offer complimentary savings cards.
- Hawaii Pineapples pass agriculture inspection and can be taken home to the mainland. Make sure they are free of soft spots and insects.
Click store links for up to date hours, directions and store coupons.
Lihue Stores Are Close to Airport
Coming Soon! The first Safeway in Lihue at the corner of Kaumualii Highway and Nuhou Street. This 122,400-square-foot Safeway-anchored Hokulei Village shopping center in Lihue will open later in 2015.
Costco | 4300 Nuhou Street | Lihue | 808-241-4000
Best gas price on the island. Shop for local items like Anahola Granola, Koloa Rum, reef slippers, sporting goods and Aloha wear.
K-Mart | 4303 Nawiliwili Road (Kukui Grove) | Lihue | 808-245-7742
Popular malasada stand at entry. Best buy on Hawaii jewelry. Alcohol and food items. Look for sale items in center aisle. Large souvenir department too.
Wal-Mart | 3-3300 Kuhio Hwy | Lihue | 808-246-1599
Reasonably priced beer and wine. Expanded food selection including frozen items.
Times Market | 3-2600 Kaumualii Hwy (Kukui Grove) | Lihue | 808-245-7777
Formerly Star Market and now better than ever with some organic foods.
Kapaa Stores (East Shore)
Cost-U-Less | 4525 Akia Rd. | Kapaa | 808-823-6803
Like a smaller Costco but without membership fees. All credit cards accepted.
Foodland | 4-771 Kuhio Hwy (Waipouli Town Center) | Kapaa | 808-822-7271
Recently remodeled with new pharmacy, you'll find good deals on fish here.
Safeway | 4-831 Kuhio Hwy (Kauai Village | Kapaa | 808-822-2464
The only 24 hour grocery store on the island. Large produce selection and familiar surroundings.
North Shore
Foodland | 5-4280 Kuhio Hwy | Princeville | 808-826-9880
Largest Kauai grocery store on the North Shore with Pharmacy. Located at Princeville Center.
Harvest Market Hanalei | 5-5156 Kuhio Hwy | Hanalei | 808-826-0089
Shop for organic and natural foods in the heart of Hanalei. Check for sale items at the end of aisles.
Healthy Hut Market | 4480 Ho`okui Road | Kilauea | 808-828-6626
Featuring locally grown produce and organic and gluten free products. Located off the highway near Kilauea.
South Shore
Big Save | 5516 Koloa Rd | Koloa | 808-742-1614
Now owned by Times Market.
Kukuiula Market | 2827 Poipu Rd | Koloa | 808-742-1601
Locally owned with organic products, local produce, good meat selection and new juice bar.
Living Foods | Shops at Kukuiula | 2829 Ala Kalanikaumaka | Koloa | 808-742-2323
Extensive wine selection, gourmet goods, deli, organic foods and cafe with European style menu.
Sueoka | 5392 Koloa Rd | Koloa | 808-742-1611
Family owned for 90 years, shop for Asian grocery products, cut flowers/lei, liquor. Snack Shop offers burgers and plate lunches.
West Shore
Ishihara Market | 9890 Kahakai Rd | Waimea | 808-338-9915
Nice deli, bentos are popular here, a good place to stop on the way to Waimea Canyon and Polihale.
Specialty Stores
Fish Express | 3343 Kuhio Hwy | Lihue | 808-245-9918
Reasonable prices, excellent poke, also local lobster tail. Grill features plate lunches. Located across from Wal-Mart.
Hoku Food Natural Market | 4585 Lehua St. | Kapaa | 808-821-1500
Large bulk container area and assortment of organic foods. Located on a side street at the Dragon Center.
Koloa Fish Market | 5482 Koloa Rd. | Koloa | 808-742-6199
Great plate lunches and a must for fresh fish.
Papaya's Natural Foods | 4-831 Kuhio Hwy (Kauai Village) | Kapaa | 808-823-0190
In addition to organic foods, check out their cafe and salad bar. Located near Safeway.
The Wine Shop | 5470 Koloa Rd. | Koloa | 808-742-7305
Best selection and variety of wine. Located across from the Koloa Post Office.
To book a stay at our Kauai vacation rentals, we invite you to call us at 800-325-5701. You can also visit our website to see our latest Kauai deals and live Kauai webcam with the best view of the Poipu Beach coastline.


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North Cascades Chapter Website
Welcome to the Accounting & Financial Women's Alliance
North Cascades chapter website!
Celebrating Over 35 Years of Service
The North Cascades Chapter No. 115, located in Bellingham, Washington, is an affiliate of the national Accounting & Financial Women's Alliance (AFWA) organization. AFWA is a professional organization dedicated to the advancement of opportunities for women in all fields of accounting. The national ASWA was founded in 1938 and has over 4,000 members throughout the United States.
Chartered in 1978, the North Cascades Chapter attracts women in all aspects of accounting, both certified and non-certified. All accounting professionals in Whatcom and Skagit Counties and their guests are welcome to attend our meetings and to join our organization.
The mission of the American Society of Women Accountants is to enable women in all fields of accounting to achieve their personal, professional, and economic potential, and to contribute to the future development of the profession.
Empowering Women in the Accounting and Financial Professions since 1938


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Documentation |
Convert string to double-precision value
X = str2double('str')
X = str2double(C)
X = str2double('str') converts the string str, which should be an ASCII character representation of a real or complex scalar value, to the MATLAB® double-precision representation. The string can contain digits, a comma (thousands separator), a decimal point, a leading + or - sign, an e preceding a power of 10 scale factor, and an i for a complex unit.
If str does not represent a valid scalar value, str2double returns NaN.
X = str2double(C) converts the strings in the cell array of strings C to double precision. The matrix X returned will be the same size as C.


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MONDAY, March 31, 2014 (HealthDay News) -- Giving aspirin to patients around the time of surgery may do them more harm than good, a large new study finds.
Surgery of any kind -- not just heart surgery -- may raise a person's risk for having a heart attack, research has shown. Doctors often start patients on a low dose of aspirin shortly before and after their procedures to help prevent those events.
But the new study, which pitted aspirin against a dummy pill ("placebo") in over 10,000 patients who were having major surgeries that didn't involve their hearts, found that not only did aspirin fail to prevent heart attacks, it also significantly increased the risk of major bleeding.
The authors pointed out that many patients were already taking other drugs meant to prevent blood clots.
The most common surgeries in the study were orthopedic procedures like joint replacements.
The study was presented Monday at the annual meeting of the American College of Cardiology in Washington, D.C., and jointly published online in the New England Journal of Medicine.
The finding stunned several experts.
"This is something that has been hotly debated for years," said Dr. Kurt Pfeifer, an associate professor at the Medical College of Wisconsin, in Milwaukee. Pfeifer practices perioperative medicine, a specialty that focuses on getting patients safely through surgery.
"The paradigm had shifted a number of years ago to fairly routinely operating through aspirin with the idea that we were reducing the risk of cardiovascular events," said Pfeifer, who wasn't involved in the research. "That's what's troubling about this study," he added.
"This is unexpected," agreed Dr. Steve Cohn, medical director of the Uhealth Preoperative Assessment Center at the University of Miami Hospital. "We were thinking aspirin was potentially protective," said Cohn, who was not involved in the research.
For the study, researchers recruited patients from 135 hospitals in 23 countries. Half were randomly assigned to take 200 milligrams of aspirin just before surgery and then to continue on 100 milligrams for up to a month after surgery. The other half took a placebo pill.
Half of the patients were already taking a low-dose aspirin every day when they entered the study. Those patients were told to stop their daily aspirin at least three days before surgery and pick it up again seven days after.
The average age of patients who participated in the study was 68, almost evenly divided between women and men. About a third of patients in both groups had a history of blood clots that had caused heart attacks, strokes, or peripheral vascular disease. And nearly two-thirds also got some kind of additional blood thinner, typically Lovenox or Xarelto, to prevent clots.
Nearly the same number of patients, about 7 percent, died or had a heart attack within 30 days of their surgeries, whether they took aspirin or the placebo -- 351 of 4,998 patients in the aspirin group compared with 355 of 5,012 patients who took the placebo. That was true even for patients who were already on a daily aspirin regimen before their operations.
But significantly more patients in the aspirin group experienced major bleeding than those who took the placebo -- 230 patients versus 188 in the placebo group.
The findings contradict previous studies that found that aspirin could help prevent heart attacks after surgery. But those studies were smaller, the researchers noted, or looked at surgical outcomes after treatments had already been assigned, making their results less definitive.
Researchers say it could be that aspirin does prevent heart attacks caused by blood clots, but when it's given to patients in addition to other blood thinners, as is often the case, the bleeding risk cancels any benefit.
Bleeding can also cause heart attacks, explained study author Dr. P.J. Devereaux, an associate professor of epidemiology and biostatistics at McMaster University in Ontario, Canada. A sharp drop in blood pressure can seriously stress the heart, sending it into cardiac arrest.
"The perioperative period is a tricky period in terms of balancing these competing physical effects that are going on," Devereaux said.
"We should stop aspirin during the perioperative period, because we're only putting patients at risk without an apparent benefit," he added.
"Perioperative period" refers to the time shortly before, during and shortly after surgery.
For patients who take a low dose of aspirin each day to prevent either first or second heart attacks, Devereaux said the study found that it's safest to resume that regimen eight to 10 days after surgery, since that's when bleeding risk subsides.
More information
For more tips on getting ready for surgery, visit the U.S. National Institute on Aging.
Please be aware that this information is provided to supplement the care provided by your physician. It is neither intended nor implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice. CALL YOUR HEALTHCARE PROVIDER IMMEDIATELY IF YOU THINK YOU MAY HAVE A MEDICAL EMERGENCY. Always seek the advice of your physician or other qualified health provider prior to starting any new treatment or with any questions you may have regarding a medical condition.
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As a family we love picnics and just because the weather is cooler in Autumn and Winter it doesn't mean that picnicking has to stop. No indeed for us it just means that we move to more warming food and sometimes we have them inside on a rug and sometimes we have them sat in more »
Did you see that we went to Blackpool as a family over the summer holidays? We had THE BEST time. Blackpool has really changed since I went there last 20 years ago. Blackpool is certainly back! Blackpool certainly is a wonderful place for families to visit and they have just brought out their 'The Kids Resort more »
Family days out can be expensive, but they are also fun too and one thing I have learned is that experiences bring much more fun and many more memories than things. So I try and make sure that our family days out are as well planned as possible and to make them as inexpensive as more »
My boys march on their stomach. They are at that age where they are bottomless and food is an important part of their day. They get ratty when they are hungry (we call it hangry) and also have adverse reactions to certain foods. So when we are on holidays and days out we often take picnic more »
It is nearly 20 years since I have been to Blackpool and wow things have certainly changed for the better. We recently spent a weekend in the wonderful seaside resort and it blew our minds and the boys had THE BEST time. What to do in Blackpool when you are nine Madame Tussauds Having visited more »
We love living where we do in the NE of England and York is only an hour away from us and Leeds an hour and a half. However, if you live further afield take a look at Hotel Direct York York is a beautiful city and is one of those places perfect for strolling more »
e also did Merlin's Tower, which was short, but AMAZING and the boys were smiling about it for the rest of the day and still keep telling everyone about it.
The adventure playground is great and perfect for larger children, not just the littlest one.
We had a great day, the only down sides for us where that we couldn't fit it all in and that the food and service at the Coach House Family Restaurant was really poor. Our meals were not brought out together and everyone had finished before mine was delivered to the table, inspite of us asking where it was three times (it was only soup and a roll, so I do not understand why it was so hard). It was even more infuriating, as there was only three tables in use and all the rest were left with the detritus of precious visitors.
Our Top Tips
Get their early and book your tickets (free but timed entry) for any thing like the Princess Tower
Do the same for any paid activities, including Merlin Tower and the Dungeons.
Buy a refillable hot drink voucher. It was £7, but my boys love hot chocolate and it cost £2.25, so soon paid for itself with that and our teas and coffees.
See the free shows, they really make the castle come to life.
You can not do it all in one day if you see the shows. We didn't get to do the dungeons or the Kingmaker exhibition, but are looking forward to returning
Book in advance online, that way you get a discount.
Keep an eye out for the special events online – We are really looking forward to the Horrible Histories Stormin Summer event, which runs from 20th July to 1st September.
We love LEGO and we are also huge fans o0f LEGOLAND. We go to the LEGOLAND Windsor once a year and Maxi and I were lucky enough to visit Legoland Florida earlier in the year too. On Fathers Day The Mad Blog Awards hosted their first #MadDayOut at LEGOLAND Windsor and we were lucky enough to be asked to come along and help at the event.
My boys are 132cm and 127 cm, so can go on every ride. Maxi, who is the taller child can go on them all independently. Mini can go on most independently, but needs to be accompanied by an adult on some of the others. We were also gifted a gold VIP wrist band, which I believe is the equivalent of a Q-BOT Ultimate. This meant that we skipped the queue on every ride. We managed to go on every ride in the p-ark in one day and there were no queues! Was it worth it? Well once both the boys are over 130cm we will buy then a Q-BOT Ultimate each, as it made the day so much more special and as a trip to LEGOLAND is a once a year thing for us I would rather save up and do it in style.
So What are our top tips for making the most out of your visit to LEGOLAND?
Get there early – The park opens for general visitors at 10am. Get there early for the park opening. It is quietest first thing on a morning.
Pick up a lost parent wrist band at the beginning of the park (Guest Services). These are invaluable. There are a lo0t of children and it is easy to lose one as Penny will tell you.
Head for the rear of the park first. The most popular rides are driving school and boating school, so it pays to get the queuing out of the way first and we found the queues much less on a morning. We start at the back and work our way forward.
If you stay in the LEGOLAND Hotel you get access to Atlantis 30 minutes early.
Be prepared to get wet. Splash rides include Pirate Falls Dynamite Drench, SQUID Surfer and Vikings River Splash. We use poncho's to ensure that we have dryish clothes!
Take swim wear or UV wear for children. The new DUPLO Splash Valley and Drench Towers is a superb water area with slides, fountains, water guns and much more. There is a toddler area and an older child area. It is great fun and perfect for when your children are flagging. We managed to both grab a cup of tea whilst the boys made the most of the water.
There can be a lot of walking and waiting, so if you have a buggy take it. Even if your child doesn't normally use it.
Make use of all your time. We stayed till closing time, a lot of people leave earlier so the queues get shorter.
Turn up for the Pirate of skeleton bay show early (20 mins approx before the start) and put down a picnic blanket a little to the right of the control booth on the corner. The show is brilliant and will be enjoyed by all. The harbour coffee shop does starbucks quality lattes. Even better this is the perfect place and time to have your lunch in front of the show, its fab! And bring a picnic as food is ridiculously expensive.
Ways to keep costs down
Take a packed lunch. There are areas for eating your packed lunch or snacks. You can also go back to the car to get it. There are also lockers at the beginning if you want to store your bags, but they do not refund your coins.
Kids eat free after 3pm in certain restaurants
Get a refillable drink for £7, especially if it is warm. You can use the drinks bottle once you get home too.
Get the shopping over with at the beginning. Set a budget and make sure you stick to it! You can also leave your purchases their to collect on your way home.
Keep an eye out for 2 for 1 deals by search on line.
If you are travelling the park have an affiliation with a number of hotels and you can get your second day free. It is worth checking out booking both hotel and park entrance with these hotels.
We had THE best time, in fact Mini called it Epic. To see more pictures why not take a look at our LEGOLAND 2013 Google+ picture album
We are booked to spend the weekend at Thorpe Park this weekend and Cass at Frugal Family visited with her family a couple of weeks ago, so I asked her to let me know what I needed and her tips. She was also kind enough to pop them in a blog post to share with you too!
The frugals at Thorpe Park
When I heard that Jen and the boys were off to Thorpe park this weekend, I was so pleased for them as we had a lovely weekend there a few weeks ago.
We planned our trip carefully as we wanted to get the most out of the weekend and I had loads to tell Jen about what she needed to do when she got there. Being a typical blogger, Jen told me to write her a post about what she should be planning for so here you go….
Before you go, make sure you're getting the best deal possible as there's lots of offers out there at the minute – Friij, Coke and using your Tesco vouchers are the main ones that I know of at the minute.
Getting there is really easy which is always a bonus when travelling with children! I know that Jen is driving down from the North East but we went by train which meant we arrived at Staines train station. There's a bus that runs about regularly between the train station and Thorpe Park which costs £3.50 per adult return or £2.50 per child return. If you'd prefer though, you can get a taxi which is £2.50 each way (minimum of four passengers).
When you get to the park and you're through the gates there's a brilliant locker room downstairs in the dome where you can store your belongings in a large locker for £1.00. I had an empty carrier in my handbag so I literally took out everything that wasn't essential for the day, popped it in the carrier and left it in the locker. There's nothing worse than wandering around with a heavy bag!
If you've bought the fast track passes (which are excellent) make sure you know the time slots that you need to be at each of the rides and plan your visit around that because some of them are quite far away from each other.
One thing to be aware of are the height restrictions in place at Thorpe park as the minimum height restriction for the larger rides is 1.4m – very sensible decision to me looking at the scare factor of the rides but very unfair in the eyes of an eight year old who is just under the height and had to watch as his dad and sister went on some of the rides without him. I think the height restriction is higher here than in some parks we've been to but the rides are in a different class to the ones we've seen before. There's plenty for all ages to go on though so don't worry if your children are under that height – it really is just the larger rides they won't be able to go on.
We saved a fortune buying two refillable drinks for £6 which we shared between us and carried round all day getting them filled from time to time. We also took a picnic to eat which would have been great as there were lots of places we could have sat except we ate it on the train on the way!
Oh, another thing. You get very, very wet on the water rides so it's worth having a few pound coins so you can use the dryer things that they have near each ride. I would usually say that things like this are a waste of money but they were great and stopped any whinges about being wet.
If you're staying at the Crash Pad, make sure you book a table for tea – we forgot to and the only bookings left when we arrived at 7pm to eat were for 9pm. Luckily the coffee shop sold some rather delicious carrot cake so we weren't that gutted that we had to wait
Also, make sure you take advantage of the early entry into the park if you are staying at the Crash Pad – the staff are great and literally start the ride as soon as you get strapped in so you can take full advantage of the 20 minutes or so before the park officially opens.
The App is great too – it tells you what the current queuing times for each ride are so don't forget to download that before you go.
I can't think of anything else but I'm sure Jen will have lots more to tell you when she gets back.
Have fun x x
I have to say we only told the MiniMads of our trip last night and they were jumping around with excitement If you have been I would love to know your top tips and be prepared to see lots of pictures and tweets marked #ThorpeParkMums over this weekend!
This weekend we went to visit Eureka. It's the National Children's Museum in Halifax, West Yorkshire. We were given the tickets by Money Supermarket Vouchers in conjunction with the Tots100 before Christmas and had intended to visit over the festive period, but flu and colds put paid to that and then the snow cam and today was the first day we could venture further than our village school!


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All Wesley students are REQUIRED to turn in the forms below. The forms MUST be returned to the Health Center by August 1 for students admitted for the fall term and December 15 for students admitted for the spring. If your forms are not received by this date, a fine will be added to your bill. You may either mail in your forms to:
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Sheffield Steelers have sacked coach Doug Christiansen - less than halfway through his two-year contract.
The 35-year-old American took over in the summer after leaving Elite League rivals Belfast Giants, who he guided to the title in 2011-12.
Steelers announced Christiansen's departure on their official website.
Christiansen, having earlier this week seen his assistant Marc LeFebvre take over as Coventry Blaze coach, suffered a 5-3 defeat to Nottingham Panthers in the Challenge Cup semi-final first leg at Sheffield Arena on Wednesday night in what proved his final game in charge.
Steelers have endured an inconsistent season and sit third in the Elite League, 21 points behind runaway leaders Belfast.
Captain Steven Goertzen has taken over as temporary player-coach.


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Home >Report: Reclaiming Our Democracy
Outside Spending, Outsized Influence
The 2012 elections were by far the most expensive in history thanks primarily to the tidal wave of outside, special interest money triggered by the Supreme Court's Citizens United decision. The federal Senate and House races in New Jersey, where outside groups spent over $3 million, were no exception.
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Read Billion-Dollar Democracy, our report on federal spending in the 2012 elections, here.
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20 Apr 2013
United Nations and P&G take UN global survey to school for disabled Thai children
Siriporn dreams of being a singer. Atikom wants to grow up and become a soldier.
But for these two Thai children and many more around the world, obstacles have been put in their way. Some have come from poor families, while others have been abandoned by their parents. Some are removed from homes by local authorities and placed in special homes and schools.
The 130 children at the Ratchaburi Home for Intellectually Disabled Children in Ratchaburi have faced plenty of tough circumstances, but the school as an advocate in their director, Prasert Pavintada.
"We want to hear what help these children need from us, the government and society. Then we can improve and get more support from communities," said Pavintada.
MY World, the United Nations Global Survey offered him and the children he cares for that opportunity. In partnership with Procter and Gamble (P&G), the United Nations in Thailand brought a specialized ballot to Ratchaburi that enabled these children to have their voices heard—not only by local communities, but by global leaders around the world.
MY World is a simple survey that aims to capture people's voices, priorities and views so that global leaders can be informed as they begin defining a new development agenda for the world. Through creative online and offline methods, MY World asks individuals which six of sixteen possible issues they think would make the most difference to their lives.
At Procter and Gamble's "Gift of Learning" event on Saturday, 20 April, over 20 extra-large MY World ballots were collected. With the aid of hundreds of crayons and huge, color coded paper ballots, teachers like Nusara Sribaleerat explained the 16 choices to the children using simple terms.
Some choices were condensed to a single word or color, while others were explained using simple, practical language. Some of the children had the ability to read, and simply checked the color code for each of the MY World choices.
"We had a chance to give people with intellectual disabilities an opportunity to exercise their rights. We gave some very special kids told Thailand and global leaders their needs and priorities through MY World," said Kannika Jarusuraisin, External Relations Director, Procter and Gamble Thailand.
"They made us all very proud."
P&G has made the MY World campaign an integral part of its corporate social responsibility (CSR) programme. The company has already collected the voices of its employees in Thailand, and has begun spreading MY World into local communities.
"The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities helps to protect the fundamental human rights of people with disabilities—such as long term mental, intellectual impairments that may block access to participation in society," said Luc Stevens, the United Nations Resident Coordinator in Thailand.
"MY World gives these children a voice, and with that power enabled they stand a better chance of having some of these obstacles placed before them removed.
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