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text:
Fall 2010 Spring 2011
A Government Divided: The War Powers Resolution in Purpose and Practice
Dennis Johnson Ohio State University email@example.com Fall 2001
The history surrounding the pursuits of war and peace for the United States spans from the Revolutionary War over 200 years ago to the U.S. soldiers stationed halfway around the world in commitment to international peace in the new millennium. It was not until more recently in this history, that the War Powers of the executive and legislative came into question, with Congress seeking to restore its role in war making decisions. The War Powers Resolution, adopted in 1973, is the manifestation of this inquiry. To better understand the War Powers Resolution and the history behind it, one must examine the history of the War Powers, including constitutional guarantees, and how they have been carried out through history, the War Powers Resolution itself, and the implementation of the Resolution by the president since its adoption. From the first battles fought after the ratification of the Constitution, to modern wars fought halfway around the world, the war powers granted to legislative and executive branches by the Constitution have been a topic of debate. Over the last two centuries, presidents, lawmakers, and judges have all weighed in with their opinions and views of these powers. Each definition of the war powers by these statesmen differs to some degree with the one common goal of protecting American sovereignty. In order to examine those powers granted by the constitution, I will break this discussion into three parts: the role of the president as Commander-in-Chief, the debate of inherent vs. granted war powers, and finally, the declaration of war throughout American history to the Vietnam War.
Clause 1 of Article 1, Section 2 of the Constitution grants the president power as Commander-in-Chief over the armed forces of the United States, upon their entrance into service. This solitary sentence, like the rest of the U.S. Constitution, allows for broad interpretation in a number of situations. It does not clearly define the duties of the commander-in-chief with respect to the limits of his power during wartime or peacetime. Despite its vagueness, it appears that this clause was not hotly debated but rather strongly favored by the Continental Congress and subsequent state legislatures during ratification. It seemed favorable to grant this power to a single person who was politically dependent on the nation, who would be more expedient and efficient in decision-making than a group of statesmen. However, as smooth as the naming of the president as commander-in-chief was, much debate later focused on the actual duties of the man in this position (FindLaw Annotations, U. S. Constitution, Article II, Section 2, Clause 1, President as Commander-in-Chief ). These debates ranged from the chief executive simply issuing orders, to actually leading troops into battle. The responsibilities given the president as Commander-in-Chief have been tested time and time again throughout history. As we will see later in our analysis, presidents have used their title to commit troops into hostile action, initiate missions of national defense, and even dictate domestic economic policy.
For over 150 years, the war powers were continuously examined and redefined according to the opinions and views of a variety of political actors. Hamilton argued that the war powers were a collective of responsibilities and duties stemming from Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution. Conversely, some argued that the War Powers were granted to the U.S. as a sovereign nation, and depended on that sovereignty, not the constitution. Justice Marshall, however, stated, "the power to wage war is implied from the power to declare it" (FindLaw Annotations, U. S. Constitution, Article I, Section 8, Clause 11, The War Power). These three differing views boil down to a debate on whether the war power is inherent, due to national sovereignty, or granted by the Constitution. The case for the war power as an inherent concept found its greatest defense in the 1936 case of the United States v. the Curtiss-Wright Corporation. Judge Sutherland concluded this case by comparing the post-revolutionary assemblage of colonies as a single agent. He stated that this agent adopted the powers of external sovereignty from the crown as a unified actor, not as each separate colony. He cites the actions of this assemblage of colonies, in such matters as foreign affairs, as an example of the unity of the colonies as one state. As a unified force, they are responsible for acting in the common defense of the nation, and therefore accept the right to wage war as an inherent power. In contrast, in Lichter v. the United States, the approach of the court seems to be that the war powers are granted by the Constitution. In addition to the obvious power granted Congress "to raise and support an army," the court also cited the legislative power, "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing powers."
American history has seen a common pattern when presidents act in defense of the nation. Presidents have many times throughout history committed troops to war or hostility without consultation or proper declaration of war from Congress. In a way, the actions of the president are a double standard. On the one hand, the framers did not want declaration of war to fall solely on one branch of government, and hence a concurrence of both Congress and the president to pass such a declaration. However, many presidents feel that a quick response is in the best interest of the nation. Hence, we see up until the Vietnam War, presidents acted according to their administration's position and hoped for congressional approval later. One of the first cases regarding this type of presidential prerogative was that of Lincoln's blockade of the south after the attack on Fort Sumter. In 1861, after the Confederacy's attack, Lincoln immediately ordered a naval blockade, without a formal declaration of war from Congress. The legislature later ratified his action and the court held, in a five to four decision, that the act was lawful under the president's prescribed powers. The majority opinion was that the attack on Fort Sumter automatically threw the U.S. into a state of war, and to wait for Congress to declare it was unnecessary. During World War II, President Roosevelt used his duties as Commander-in-Chief to steer not only troops abroad, but the economy at home. In 1942, he addressed Congress with the intention of repealing the Emergency Price Control Act. He claimed that as president, he had a duty to destroy any barriers that would hinder American victory in the war. By repealing the price controls, he hoped to stimulate the economy, which would in turn benefit the war effort. In the most poignant statement of the speech, Roosevelt warned Congress, "In the event that the Congress should fail to act, and act adequately, I shall accept the responsibility, and I will act" (FindLaw Annotations, U. S. Constitution, Article II, Section 2, Clause 1, President as Commander-in-Chief). Perhaps no other armed conflict turned the spotlight on the War Powers more than the Vietnam War. President Eisenhower was the first to send troops to Vietnam in support of the anti-communist regime of South Vietnam. President Kennedy furthered American participation by sending 4000 more troops to Saigon in the early 1960's. By 1964, 17,000 troops were stationed in South Vietnam to advise and train the Vietnamese army. It was not until well into Lyndon Johnson's first elected term as president, that Congress was asked for its support of the mission in Southeast Asia. President Johnson asked the Congress for a resolution pledging American support of the anti-communist government. The legislature responded with the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution which allowed the president to take "all necessary measures" to stop further aggression and attacks on U.S. troops. The number of American troops grew through the 1960's until it peaked at 543,000 troops in 1969 (Federation of American Scientists, <http://www.fas.org/man/dod-101/ops/vietnam.htm>). The Vietnam War was a failure for the United States and their fight against communism. The U.S. troops were under many restrictions when fighting the Vietcong, including not being able to invade parts of North Vietnam, and Vietcong shelters like Laos and Cambodia. Furthermore, the US troops were unaccustomed to jungle warfare and lacked an intimate knowledge of the landscape. It was for these reasons, and many more, that serviceman after serviceman were either killed or captured. The outrage of the war began to escalate in the US, and soon mothers were begging their member of Congress to bring their boys home. It is at this point in time that many legislators started to review the powers granted to the executive, and their own branch, to try and bring an end to the deaths of Americans abroad. Unlike the Civil War or either of the World Wars, Vietnam became the blemish on the record of the American military, and so too, on the powers of the government. In response to the Vietnam War, both Houses of Congress proposed legislation designed to incorporate a congressional role in war making. Eventually, Congress proposed the War Powers Resolution that more clearly defined both the roles of the legislative and executive branches. After a struggle between the branches, this resolution did become law, and has been in practice since 1973. In this section, I will give a brief history of the creation of the War Powers Resolution, discuss each of its sections, and summarize what the Resolution entails for each of the branches.
As mentioned above, as the war in Vietnam escalated, so did the anti-war sentiment in the U.S. Year after year more troops were sent home in body bags, with no end or victory in sight. The number of troops sent to Southeast Asia had increased dramatically each year since the Eisenhower administration, and back in the states, young high school seniors dreaded their graduation into an armed conflict halfway around the world. The pleas of these young men, their mothers, and the families of those already waging war did not go unheard by the government. In response to the staggering statistics from the frontlines, many in Congress began to formulate a plan to put an end to this hopeless cause. This plan, after several drafts, failed bills, and a presidential veto, eventually manifested itself as the War Powers Resolution. The War Powers Resolution was a bill that was designed to restore the powers of war powers of Congress as granted by the Constitution. The hope was that Congress would become an active player in the war-making process, whether it was a full-fledged war, or even a routine military operation to rescue Americans abroad. Representatives and Senators alike saw too much power wielded in the hands of one man, and had seen four presidents continually escalate the Vietnam conflict with little legislative interaction. The steps taken towards the creation of the War Powers Resolution played out as a contest between the House, the Senate, and of course, the president. Each institution was adamant on maintaining its vision of the War Powers, the House and Senate through new legislation, and the president through veto of such legislation. The first move in the direction of a war powers resolution took place in 1969, with the War Powers Resolution itself not taking effect until 1973. For four years, each house tossed bill after bill into committee, with a presidential veto looming overhead. However, after much deliberation and a final compromise, Congress was able to pass legislation that overturned the president's veto. The first push in this direction was in 1969 when the Senate adopted a resolution stating, "that a national commitment could result only from affirmative action taken by the executive and legislative branches of the United States government by means of a treaty, statute or concurrent resolution of both Houses of Congress specifically providing for such commitment'" (Franck, 611). This resolution did not pass the House and therefore did not carry the weight of law, but it did spark debates for future action. Not to be outdone, the House of Representatives began to devise their own resolution in the early 1970's. Their legislation, H.J.Res 1355 in 1970 and H.J.Res.1 in 1971, was much less restrictive than the Senate's. The House resolutions would have required the president to report to Congress after troops were committed into combat. Furthermore, the resolutions did not require congressional authority to initiate or terminate a commitment. The Senate did not pass either bill, instead creating a stricter legislation, S. 2956 in 1972. This bill set limits on the role of the president as Commander-in-Chief and enumerated situations in which he was able to introduce armed forces into hostilities. These were: 1) repelling an attack against the United States, 2) responding to an attack against the United States, 3) protecting U.S. citizens while evacuating them from abroad, and 4) acting pursuant to specific statutory authorization. Furthermore, the Senate put a 30-day limit on any action taken, and reserved the right to bring troops back ahead of schedule by an act or resolution of Congress. Like the House bills, this Senate attempt died in conference in 1972. In 1973, each House introduced new bills and seemed to be drawing closer to a compromise. The Senate passed S.440, which was virtually the same as S.2956, while the House passed H.J.Res.542, which although considerably different than the Senate's, was much stronger than the House's first attempt. It did not enumerate circumstances, as the Senate's did, but this resolution did set up two important time limits. It said that 48 hours after committing troops, the president must make a report to Congress and it also put a 120-day time limit on the commitment of troops. The most controversial part of the resolution was the "congressional veto," which allowed the Congress, by concurrent resolution, to terminate any operation abroad, before the end of the 120-day period. In July of 1973, with a presidential veto promised, both resolutions passed their respective houses and were sent to conference. In October, a final compromise was reached, and a new resolution was created that was similar to the House resolution. The Senate's enumeration of circumstances was gone as was their 30-day cutoff. The House's 120-day time limit was reduced to 60 days in which the president could commit troops without a declaration of war. It also allowed for a 30-day extension to be granted by Congress. The congressional veto by concurrent resolution remained as well. This resolution passed both Houses, but not with the 2/3 majority in the House of Representatives that would be needed to override the president's veto. The veto came on October 24, 1973, and sent many congressmen lobbying for votes to overturn it. On November 7, after what seemed like a hopeless cause, both Houses found the 2/3 they needed, and successfully passed the War Powers Resolution into law (Franck, 614).
The War Powers Resolution contains 10 sections, only 8 of which I will cover, as the 1st and 10th simply add a name and date to the Resolution.
Section 2, Purpose and Policy, acts as Congress's justification for creating the Resolution. This section states that the creation of the document was to fulfill the desires of the Framers of the Constitution to "insure that the collective judgment of both the Congress and the president will apply to the introduction of United States Armed forces into hostilities…" (Public Law 93-148, 372). In subsections (a), Article 1, Sec. 8 of the Constitution is used to legitimate congressional authority, as it gives Congress the ability to make laws that govern all offices and departments of the U.S. government. Subsection (b) qualifies the –role of the president as Commander-in-Chief, as it specifies that the commitment of troops must be pursuant to "1) a declaration of war, 2) specific statutory authority, or 3) a national emergency created by an attack upon the United States…" (Public Law 93-148, 372). This last section, instead of enumerating circumstances like previous Senate bills, allows for the commitment of troops under any circumstance, as long as it is "pursuant to" one of the above specifications.
Section 3 on Consultation is one of the most vague and therefore most controversial issues of the War Powers Resolution. It requires that the president "in every possible instance" (Public Law 93-148, 372) to consult Congress before troops are introduced into hostilities, and continually consult until the operation is complete. This may be one of the most ignored sections of the Resolution for a variety of reasons. The first is defining consultation. Some argue that this requires and actual exchange of opinions and ideas between the two branches, which is most likely what Congress had in mind. However, some presidents have simply "informed" congressional leaders of their intentions to employ the Armed forces, and considered themselves as cooperating with the legislation. Moreover, there are many operations that are on a "need-to-know" basis, which for safety and security purposes should probably remain secretive until troops are introduced. This issue of consultation remains an interesting factor when reviewing the actions of former presidents.
Section 4 on Reporting establishes a general outline for presidential responsibilities during conflict. It declares that in absence of a declaration of war, the president must report to Congress within 48 hours, if he has committed troops abroad. The report is to include the reason for commitment of troops, the authority by which the president committed the troops, and the duration of time the commitment is expected to last. Also under this section, the president is required to report any additional information to that Congress requests, and he must report periodically to the Congress until the termination of the operation.
Section 5 on congressional action outlines the procedures taken by Congress and the president after a report under section 4 is submitted. The report is to be transmitted to the Speaker of the House and president pro tempore of Senate. They may then decide, if the Congress is adjourned for any more than three calendar days, to jointly request the president to reconvene Congress so that they may take appropriate action in regards to the report. Subsection (b) requires the president to terminate any operation after 60 days after the report has been submitted, or after the introduction of troops, whichever is earlier. This may only be extended if Congress declares war, extends the 60-day period, or is physically unable to meet. The last subsection of congressional action is the introduction of the congressional veto, which states that the Congress may terminate any operation and call for the return of forces abroad by concurrent resolution.
Sections 6 and 7, Congressional Priority Procedures for Joint Resolution or Bill, and for Concurrent Resolution respectively, simply outline the process for creation and adoption of such resolutions. Section 6 concerns a joint resolution or bill in response to a report from the president[1] whereas Section 7 deals with a concurrent resolution under Section 5c, or the congressional veto.
Section 8, on the Interpretation of the Joint Resolution, is a section that makes the War Powers Resolution the final word on the introduction of Armed Forces into hostilities. Subsection (a) states that the use of Armed forces of the United States cannot be inferred from any law that has been enacted before or after the resolution, or any treaty ratified before or after the resolution, unless such a law or treaty specifically authorizes such a use. Subsection (b) declares that members of the United States Armed Forces are permitted to participate with the militaries of foreign nations in their "high-level military commands" (Public Law 93-148, U. S. War Powers Resolution, 68 AJIL 2 372 (1974) at 376) that were established before the enactment of the War Powers Resolution (i.e. NATO). Subsection (c) simply, or rather not so simply defines the "introduction of United States Armed Forces." This definition will be interesting later on when we examine the Resolution in practice, as the introduction should trigger the start of the clock in terms of reporting, consultation, etc. Subsection (d) claims that the Resolution does not change the constitutional authority of the legislative or executive branches, and reiterates that no further powers have been granted to the president than those he had before the enactment of the Resolution.
Section 9, or the Separability Clause, states that if any provision granted in the Resolution should be deemed invalid, it does not affect the remaining provisions. My best guess concerning this clause is that Congress was worried that the "congressional veto" may not survive in practice, and they did not want to lose the entire package because of it.
What Does the War Powers Resolution Really Do? The War Powers Resolution was designed to give the legislative branch a voice in the commitment of troops into hostilities. Congress felt that the Framers had guaranteed them a role in the war-making process, and the War Powers Resolution works to specify that role. Furthermore, as Franck describes, the Resolution permits the president to "engage in short wars." (Franck, After the Fall: The New Procedural Framework for Congressional Control over the War Power, 71 AJIL 4 605, at 613). In this respect, the president is granted autonomy with the military for a 60-day period in which he may conduct his operations. With the exception of the congressional veto, which during the 60-day period is unlikely, there is little that Congress may do during this period. With Vietnam bringing the issue of war making to a head, the Congress responded with the creation of the War Powers Resolution. This Resolution established guidelines for the behavior of the legislative and executive branches upon introducing the Armed Forces into hostile situations. On paper, the act seems competent and insightful in its provisions. However, the true test of the Resolution is in its practice, (and it has been in practice on many occasion).
The War Powers Resolution in Practice President Gerald Ford was the first to be tested by the War Powers Resolution. During his short time in office, there were many instances in which the president found himself bound by the resolution. Each time, his actions came under criticism by Congress for not fulfilling his responsibilities under the resolution. The first three incidences in which Ford committed troops abroad occurred between late March and early May in 1975. Each of these missions was an evacuation of government personnel or U.S. nationals from Southeast Asia. Because the forces were not introduced into hostilities, Section 3 on prior consultation did not apply, although Ford stated that congressional leaders had been informed ahead of time. However, the second of these evacuations did involve some fighting during the operation, on which Ford briefed the congressional leaders the next day. In describing the situations, Franck says, "If the test of the War Powers Resolution is its effectiveness in adding congressional voices to the councils in which war/peace decisions are made, none of these three cases, marginal as they may seem, give cause for great satisfaction." The biggest test of the Resolution during Ford's term came not long after, on May 12, 1975. On this day, the merchant vessel Mayaguez was seized only 6.5 miles from the Cambodian and Vietnam Wai Islands. This situation certainly came under Section 3 of prior consultation and Section 4(a)(1) under reporting. Ford immediately received calls from congressmen urging action and speeches to justify such action. The first act of aggression was taken on the morning if May 13th, when warning shots were fired off the bow of the Mayaguez to prevent it from being moved to the mainland. Then, early on the morning of the 14th, U.S. planes sank three Cambodian ships, which were moving the crew to the mainland. At 7:20 p.m., the occupation of Kho Tang Island, where the marines were being held, had begun. However, as Franck points out, it was not until 6:40 p.m. that Ford held his first meeting with the congressional leadership. This failed the requirement of the consultation and once again fell under a simple "informing" session. There was no shared decision-making in the entire process, as was required "in every possible instance." Furthermore, under the reporting clause, Ford only succeeds if the 48 hours began upon the commencement of force, and not the dispatch of troops. According to Franck, this operation, although operationally successful, "Legally, it was a failure." (Franck, After the Fall: The New Procedural Framework for Congressional Control Over the War Power, 71 AJIL 4 605, at 618). If the War Powers Resolution had failed under Ford because of lack of implementation, then it failed under Reagan because of its lack of clarity. Reagan was instrumental in exposing the fundamental flaws of the Resolution. These flaws were disastrous for Congress, as they were forced to rethink the roles that had been established by the Resolution. Michael Glennon demonstrates the problems that occurred in the early 1980's in his article, "The War Powers Resolution Ten Years Later: More Politics than Law." Glennon begins by pointing out that Section 4(a) requires that the president make a report to Congress no more than 48 hours after committing troops to hostilities. Furthermore, pursuant to Section 5(b), the commitment must end 60 days after submission of the report under Section 4(a)(1). This is one of the fundamental flaws of the War Powers Resolution. The 60-day clock only starts after the "hostilities" report of Section 4(a)(1) has been submitted or was required to have been submitted. However, Section 4 allows for two other types of reports to be submitted instead. They are Section 4(a)(2), when forces have been introduced "into the territory, airspace, or waters of a foreign nation, while equipped for combat" (Public Law 93-148, U.S. War Powers Resolution, 68 AJIL 2 372 (1974) at 373) and Section 4(a)(3), when forces are introduced "in numbers which substantially enlarge Unites States Armed Forces equipped for combat already located in foreign nation" (Public Law 93-148, U.S. War Powers Resolution, 68 AJIL 2 372 (1974) at 373). Hence, when Reagan submitted two reports on the escalation of troops in Lebanon, and one on the invasion of Grenada, he did not specify under which subsection the report applied. Because he had not technically filed a "hostilities" report under Section 4(a)(1), the 60-day clock did not immediately trigger. This caused what Glennon refers to as role-reversal on the part of the two branches. Congress designed the War Powers to be a document that was self-activating. It did not need further congressional legislation to initiate many of the provisions in it. In the most limited view, Congress saw the provisions of the War Powers Resolution to be initiated by the actions of the executive. In other words, once the president began consultation, committed troops, or filed reports, other areas of the Resolution would activate. However, after the Reagan debacle, Congress found itself on the outside, looking in. They had to decide when or if the 60-day time limit had began, a problem they had not anticipated. One congressman suggested implementing legislation that would enact the War Powers Resolution, or it would become a dead letter document. However, as Glennon expertly points out, "precisely the opposite is true: if Congress needs to 'implement' the resolution, then it becomes a dead letter, for the whole point was to be that the resolution was self-activating" (Glennon, 574). Reagan's successor, George Bush ignored the War Powers altogether when he committed troops to the Persian Gulf in 1990. Instead, the Bush Administration lobbied heavily for United Nations support of their actions. That support was codified on November 29, 1990 in Security Council Resolution 678, which in its second paragraph, "Authorizes Member States co-operating with the Government of Kuwait, unless Iraq on or before January 15th, 1991 fully implements, as sets forth in paragraph 1 above, the foregoing resolutions, to use all necessary means to uphold, and implement Resolution 660 (1990) and all subsequent relevant Resolutions, and to restore international peace and security in the area" (Franck, 74-75). For our purposes, there are elements of this case that we will overlook and instead focus simply on the fact that American action was taken after the January 15th deadline as authorized by the Security Council Resolution. Glennon, in his work, "The Constitution and Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter" points out many flaws on the part of the United States in adhering to Resolution 678, or rather not adhering to the War Powers Resolution. In the Charter of the United Nations, Articles 42 and 43 provide for the authorization of the use of armed forces by the Security Council. The important article remains 43, which allows for the authorization of armed forces only after those countries providing troops have made special agreements. Glennon points out that this issue of special agreements is one of the issues that led the Congress to approve U.S. membership to the United Nations. It basically allows for congressional approval of the agreement before U.S. troops are committed. In other words, the war-making power of Congress stays in tact and is not overruled by a war-making power by the Security Council. The Bush Administration, however, took Resolution 678 as authorization to intervene militarily, although that was not specified as the type of action authorized in the resolution but certainly does fall under all necessary means, without congressional approval. This type of authorization does not exist under section 8 of the War Powers Resolution. This section states that no act or resolution in place before or after the War Powers Resolution may infer the commitment of U.S. troops to hostilities. In other words, as I stated before, the War Powers Resolution remains the final word on the commitment of troops. Even if the United Nations, NATO, or another multilateral organization one day required, however unlikely, that U.S. troops engage in hostilities, Congress must first approve. The president, in acting on a resolution, which authorized, not required, military action violated domestic law. Glennon masterfully summarizes the Bush Administration's handling of the situation by stating, "What the president constitutionally needs from the United States Congress, he cannot get from the United Nations Security Council" (Glennon, The Constitution and Chapter VII of the U. N. Charter, 88). Since the Gulf War, through the end of one Bush administration, the eight years of Bill Clinton, and now the beginning of a second Bush administration, Iraq has consistently been a problem of international concern. The array of problems with Iraq consist of breaking the cease-fire agreement by wandering out of no-fly zones, refusing U.N. weapons inspections, and a variety of other actions. Both Clinton and now Bush have treated these breakages as re-activations of Resolution 678, authorizing the use of force. The inherent problem with this interpretation is now two-fold. The first is that the international community overwhelmingly disagrees that such a re-activation exists, and secondly, the president is once again running into, or rather through section eight of the War Powers Resolution. The re-activation of 678 is a moot point if Congress does not first approve military action. I believe that Clinton and Bush would both be working within the Resolution if they would simply consult the congressional leadership and then order the strikes. Furthermore, they would have a 60-day leeway in which to take action.
The War Powers Resolution was designed to increase congressional participation in war making decisions. Throughout history, presidents, as Commander-in-Chief, have been willing to wage war and commit troops to hostilities before receiving congressional consent, and sometimes without receiving it at all. During the Vietnam War, the ignorance by the executive of the constitutional right for Congress to declare war became a hotly debated issue in both the House and Senate. After reaching a compromise between themselves, and overriding a presidential veto, the Congress successfully gave birth to the War Powers Resolution. This new law would allow the president a 60-day executive war, and gave Congress the privileges of consultation and reporting, and reinstated the right to declare war. Unfortunately, as successful as it was on paper, the Resolution has thus far been a failure in combating the problems of war making. Every president has either found a loophole with which to circumvent his duties stated in the Resolution, or has simply ignored them altogether. Moreover, little congressional action has been taken to rectify these situations in order to set precedent for further mishaps. The War Powers Resolution remains a key document in the instance of war making, and if followed, it is a useful guide for our government to follow. However, without serious retooling or adjustment, the Resolution will continue to be worth less than the paper on which it is printed.

subset: commoncrawl


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The issue
A unionized job once meant a secure path to a middle-class life. Labor unions are still big political players, but they have seen a steady decline in membership and clout since their heyday in the 1950s.
Where they stand
President Barack Obama has signed a series of executive orders that encourage the use of union labor in federal construction projects, ease union financial reporting requirements and more. He has also appointed labor-friendly members to the National Labor Relations Board, which has approved new rules to help union organizers and has more strictly enforced laws against anti-union misconduct.
Republican Mitt Romney says he will reverse all of Obama's executive orders that help unions, seek to prohibit unions from using automatic dues deductions for politics and strive for national right-to-work legislation that prohibits unions from collecting dues from nonmembers.
Why it matters
Unions long have been viewed as a way for workers to gain job protections, boost wages and achieve benefits. Many business leaders see unions as limiting employer flexibility and sapping profits.
About 14.8 million Americans are members of labor unions. The number has been declining for decades as domestic manufacturing jobs go overseas and businesses take a tougher approach in opposing union organizers.
Organized labor now makes up just 11.8 percent of the work force — down from about a third of all workers in the 1950s. Union leaders have looked to the White House and Congress for help in organizing new members and increasing their influence in the workplace.
But favorable union organizing rules approved by Obama's appointees at the National Labor Relations Board have been tied up in the courts. And an effort to get Congress to pass card-check legislation, which would let unions organize new members simply by signing cards instead of holding elections, went nowhere during Obama's first term.
Obama didn't do much to push the card-check law, which faced vigorous business opposition, but he did please unions with his federal bailout of the auto industry and passage of a huge stimulus package — both credited with saving thousands of union jobs. Romney opposed both moves.
Last year, the labor board's general counsel outraged business groups when he filed a lawsuit against Boeing Co., saying the company was punishing union members in Washington state by opening a new plant in right-to-work South Carolina. While both sides ultimately settled the dispute, Romney says he wants to amend labor laws to prevent the board from interfering with business investment decisions.
In the public sector, where unions had seen some of their steadiest growth in recent years, Republican governors in states such as Wisconsin and Ohio have pushed laws seeking to curb collective bargaining rights for state workers. They argue that such limits are necessary to roll back generous pension and benefit packages that cash-strapped governments no longer can afford.
Romney has praised efforts to limit collective bargaining rights for public workers, while Obama has denounced them. In fact, the Obama administration for the first time granted limited union rights to more than 40,000 federal workers who screen passengers at the nation's airports.
Despite massive public protests against measures limiting union rights and some court successes by organized labor, polls find unions less popular than in past decades. They were viewed favorably by 52 percent of Gallup respondents in August.
Even Democratic leaders in New York, California and other states have sought to limit pensions for state employees and make union members contribute a greater share of health benefits.
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10 Rules For Cuffing Season
Rule #3: Be Available
Not returning text messages are unacceptable during cuffing season. 'Tis the season to be attentive. At least one Drake-inspired text message per week or weekends to just chill in together are essential if you wanna keep your cuffing partner till March. Now is not the time to be detached.
Photo Credit: 84444.com


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Ear candy for your Sunday morning...!
Dr. King Special | Halloween Special | Christmas music | Poetry Month | 9/11 Tribute |
All kinds of music featuring the beauty and power of the human voice.
The Lotsa A Cappella radio show:Since 1994, we've been playing all kinds of a cappella Lotsa A Cappella on the radio at Click on the KDHX link above to listen to the live stream of Lotsa A Cappella on Sundays 7 - 8 AM Central Time. Or tune in any time to hear KDHX programs or archives. You can listen through the web player or iTunes. Listen to Lotsa A Cappella archivesTo listen to the most recent Lotsa A Cappella, or to view playlists, click here. Marjie Kennedy features vocal music from all over the world for one hour each Sunday morning from 7 until 8 AM Central Time. Mostly unaccompanied by instruments of any kind, Lotsa A Cappella ranges from funk to jazz to rock and roll, bawdy madrigals and saintly motets, the ringing chords of traditional barbershop quartets, authentic tribal chants, Southern-style shape note singing, the twang of bluegrass, the fervor of gospel, the croon of doo-wop, and more. It may be beautiful, it may be sort of... strange. Give Lotsa A Cappella a try. You never know what you might hear! Lotsa A Cappella's Facebook Page
Join KDHXYou can become a member of KDHX anytime online at KDHX.org. Your contributions help KDHX going strong. More than half of our operating budget comes from listeners!
There's always something a little different on Lotsa A Cappella's What's New Page. See the quote of the day or the latest a cappella happenings.
KDHX is now broadcasting from The Larry J. Weir Center for Independent Media at 3524 Washington Avenue in Grand Center!
Listen to Lotsa A Cappella online: KDHX has a live stream 24 hours a day. Click where it says "Tune In"
If you missed a recent Lotsa A Cappella show, click here to see playlists and listen to an archived stream online.


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Sidney BoychoirAll Your SecretsPainting PoolPorch StoriesMass-E-BahtSee It Differently Shorts ProgramSips 'N' CinemaALMOST SOLD OUT:
2015 Cesar Award for Best Film nominee: Clouds of Sils Maria2015 Academy Award nominee: Wild Tales Opening Gala Film and Party
Opening Gala Film and Party
2015 Victoria Film Festival Spotlight
Here are just a few of our special events planned for this year's Festival:
Partners for Peace documents a delegation of 13 women, under the leadership of Nobel Peace Laureates Jody Williams and Mairead Maguire, who travel to Israel in order to learn from and support the Palestinian women in the region who work towards the cause of peace.
Moderator: Lincoln Z. Shlensky (Associate Professor, Dept. of English, University of Victoria) Nazım Açar (Instructor, Mathematics and Theory of Knowledge, Pearson College UWC) Dahlia Beck (Instructor, Adult ESL, Israel and Canada) Martin Bunton (Associate Professor, Dept. of History, University of Victoria)
Celebrate Family Day with this Saturday morning tradition at The Vic. Wear your pyjamas to the show, eat a bowl of cereal, and enjoy great animated movies and games: fun for young children and the young at heart.
This year, we're screening the 2015 Academy Award nominated Song of the Sea. In Song of the Sea, young Ben and his sister Saoirse live alone in a lighthouse by the sea with their widow father. One fateful day though, they discover their mother's special shell-flute that sets them on an adventure.
Creative BC is offering the chance to win 2 Gold Passes to the 2015 Victoria Film Festival and a 2-night stay at The Fairmont Empress Hotel for the Opening Weekend, Feb. 7th and 8th!
Visit their Facebook or Twitter for more.
2015 VFF Program Guide
Click the projector for our 2015 program guide or click here to purchase tickets.
Travel light. Go far.
Soar with us to new cinematic heights. Travel the world's best films.This year, we're proud to present three special programs, focusing on:French Canadian, Indigenous, and South Asian films.That's in addition to our yearly program of great narrative and award-winning documentaries.
Stay at the Empress
Join us February 6 -15 2015 for the next Victoria Film Festival
Donate to the Victoria Film FestivalIf you'd like to make a donation to keep our year-round progamming running, click the link below. We couldn't do it without you!


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Mar 2014 | doublechar0517 | Solid box of West Coast goodies from TJ. Packaging was extremely secure and shipping was crazy fast priority. Even threw in some solid swag! Looking forward to the next one! | |
Nov 2013 | doublechar0517 | Great trade with TJ to finish off October and bring in November. I sent him some 3 Floyds and he returned with some Pliny and other goodies. Great Communication, solid extras, incredible packaging - would trade again with this beer pimp anytime! | |
Oct 2013 | Perrin515 | Awesome trade with TJ. Super fast shipping and great west coast gems. Amazing communication, definitely would trade again! | |
Sep 2013 | chouffe | First trade for TJ and he killed it. He did not just hit it out of the park... he sent it into the next zipcode! Sent VT goodies for West Coast gems in return. Package was more secure than Ft Knox. Sent 2-day Priority, so it arrived lightning quick. Then to top it off, he sent a LA Cuvee de Tomme as an extra! He might be the new kid, but he trades like a veteran. Thanks TJ! |
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Category:User daEdit This Page
From FamilySearch Wiki
This category lists the wiki users who have identified themselves as native speakers of the Danish language.
Pages in category "User da"
The following 4 pages are in this category, out of 4 total.
- This page was last modified on 23 July 2013, at 21:13.
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In the FamilySearch Research Wiki, you can learn how to do genealogical research or share your knowledge with others.
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Hobie Alter dies at 80: LA Times obituary
Bora Bora owners charged with tax evasion
Skateboardermag.com: Norb Garrett's video obit for Skateboarder in print and online
YoungEntrepreneur.com: Aaron Levant
Ad Age: Bonnier sells Ski, Skiing and Skiing Business magazines, Warren Miller Entertainment
Sports Goggles Provide Data and Distraction
Inc. Magazine: "The Way I Work: Yvon Choinard"
OC Weekly: Profile of Pelle Klein, founder of skate startup Costa Misery
There is no better publication that I am aware of that is so accurate and on top of any news and developments in our industry. I personally recommend it to many people that want to know and understand more about our industry. For the most part, shop-eat-surf.com gets the stories first. As a matter of fact, I require all the executives in our company to read it.
- By Hezy Shaked, President & CEO, Tilly'sBeing an Executive Edition member allows me to not miss a beat when it comes to the Industry business news. Definitely keeps me in the loop plus goes great with my morning joe.
- By Tony Perez, Surfer and Surfing magazines
SIMA: Tickets on sale for 12th Image Awards show on Feb. 12.
PROCOPIO: Seminar 1/31 at Snow Show on IP strategies.
Details on Industry Insight.
Vipe Desai has left Monster Energy Drink to become TransWorld Media's senior director of marketing.
Vipe is well known in the action sports industry after founding youth culture consultancy Propaganda Headquarters, Inc., and for his humanitarian work with SIMA, the Surfrider Foundation and the Rob Dyrdek Foundation. Vipe is also the visionary behind Project Blue, which creates co-branded products that give a portion of proceeds to humanitarian causes.
Most recently, he worked as the director of marketing at Monster Energy for a little over a year.
At TransWorld, Vipe will lead the marketing and sales development teams. He will also be responsible for marketing strategies for TransWorld Skateboarding, TransWorld Snowboarding, TransWorld Surf, TransWorld Business, TransWorld Motocross, and Ride BMX.
In addition, he will oversee TransWorld events. He will report to TransWorld Media Group Publisher Liam Ferguson.
Go to Page 2 for the whole release.


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You may have noticed that it takes a longer time for the Blackberry to recharge connected to your USB than the power outlet. The reason is not that the USB port doesn't have enough juice, the problem is that it's limited to a certain power output. The device requires 500 milliamperes to charge within the expected time. This amount can only be reached if the USB drivers are installed with the BlackBerry Desktop Software and present on the personal computer. If these drivers are not installed, only 100mA is provided, resulting in slower charge times.
Quick Links
BlackBerry Cool on Facebook


text:
Manufacturing boosts demand for safety sensors, switches (2015-01-28)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Safety sensors and switches have a range of applications in manufacturing processes such as material handling, packaging, assembly, robot cells, conveyor systems, and transport systems and so on.
Rising flash array uptake hits $11.3B in 2014 (2015-01-27)
[ Memory/Storage ]
IDC credits the growth to a wider variety of offerings from vendors that handle different, increasingly complex workloads.
TSMC gets negative outlook from analysts (2015-01-20)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Lower unit demand from Qualcomm will lead to lower fab loading during the second and third quarters of this year. TSMC will also face stiff competition to its 16nm chips from Samsung's 14nm offerings.
Mobile DRAM market to gain from rising tablet sales (2015-01-20)
[ Memory/Storage ]
Market size for tablet mobile DRAM by revenue was $1.51 billion in 2014, and is predicted to reach $2.5 billion by 2018, a growth rate of 9.3 per cent, according to TechNavio.
Smart tech to boost growth in MCU market (2015-01-15)
[ Controls/MCUs ]
The use of MCUs in smart technologies such as smart cities, smart homes and smart health will climb to 40 per cent in 2020 from just 10 per cent in 2014, according to The Information Network.
Cloud, 3D printing, IoE to bring extensive transformation (2015-01-14)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
IHS Technology indicated how the three technologies will shape and revolutionise certain aspects of semiconductor manufacturing, industrial operations and consumer behaviour in the next five years.
Aerospace, defence sector to give EMS market a push (2015-01-12)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Frost & Sullivan predicted that Asia Pacific and Latin America will become market hotspots for aerospace and defence market, which will bring revenues of $25.23 billion by 2019.
Air quality sensors to make it big in 2015 (2015-01-06)
[ Sensors/MEMS ]
IHS predicted that Chinese smartphone makers will be the early adopters of air quality sensors, which is of great concern to people in Asian countries where regulation has been lax on air quality.
IoT survey says privacy is top concern for US consumers (2015-01-06)
[ RF/Microwave ]
IDC, commissioned by IoTC, revealed that two-thirds of the respondents are concerned about privacy, highlighting the need for industry participants to mitigate privacy and security concerns.
Q3 smartphone market made huge gains with iPhone 6 release (2014-12-12)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
According to Infonetics Research, in line with seasonal expectations, global smartphone revenue rose two per cent sequentially in 3Q14, to $88 billion.
HVDC capacitor market to reach $3.9B by 2020 (2014-12-12)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
HVDC capacitors ensure safety, reliability and cost-effectiveness by detecting flaws and defects in products without disrupting operations or delaying processes.
3D IC adoption crucial to the entire TSV roadmap (2014-12-12)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Yole Developpement forecasted that the adoption of 3D IC technology, due to its many advantages, as well as its ability to enable heterogeneous integration, is being considered for many applications.
Cutthroat pricing to drag down smartphone sales (2014-12-03)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
IDC predicted that smartphone sales will hit 1.5 billion units in 2015, a rise of 12.2 per cent from the current year's estimate, which drops by more than half from the 26 per cent pace of 2014.
IoT spending in APAC to hit $59 billion by 2020 (2014-12-02)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Frost & Sullivan forecasted that energy (smart grids), media (content streaming) and manufacturing (3D printing) are some of the industries expected to undergo IT driven transformations in 2015.
Tablet market slowdown linked to longer device lifecycles (2014-11-26)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
The worldwide tablet market growth will decelerate to 7.2 per cent this year, down from 52.5 per cent in 2013. But the slowdown is seen to be a good thing as device lifecycles for tablets have continued to improve.
China, US propel growth in industrial semiconductor market (2014-11-20)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Global market revenue for industrial semiconductors is expected to rise by 12.9 per cent in 2014, reaching $38.5 billion, up from $34 billion in 2013.
Zigbee 3.0 goes for 'one size fits all' (2014-11-19)
[ RF/Microwave ]
The ZigBee Alliance is consolidating all forms of its low-power wireless technology under one standard, the ZigBee 3.0, in a move that will provide interoperability among the widest range of smart devices.
Mobile device space lifts memory market in China (2014-11-18)
[ Memory/Storage ]
China consumed about 4.789 billion DRAM and 3.518 billion NAND Flash chips, accounting for a respective 19.2 per cent and 20.6 per cent of the world's total DRAM and NAND Flash output, noted TrendForce.
Samsung tops printed, flexible and organic electronics space (2014-11-17)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Samsung has an estimated PFOE R&D spending of $1.2 billion, as well as high open innovation scores due to its extensive outside partnerships and investments, stated Lux Research.
Samsung now India's second-largest products company (2014-11-11)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Samsung has surpassed multi-business conglomerate ITC to become India's second-largest consumer-facing products company. About half of Samsung India's revenues came from 'made in India' products, according to the latest filings with the Registrar of Companies.
Public-private sector team-up key to smart city success (2014-11-11)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
By 2025, Frost & Sullivan forecasted that there will be more than 26 smart cities featuring at least five of the eight elements, which include smart building, smart infrastructure and smart energy.
More trouble ahead for Qualcomm? (2014-11-10)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Qualcomm reported earnings and revenues slightly below Wall Street expectations for its fourth quarter this week, and it gave cheery guidance for its next quarter and next fiscal year. So why did the chip maker's share price fall by 6 per cent immediately after the announcement?
Drastic changes are expected in 2014 top 20 IC supplier rank (2014-11-10)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
The top 20 global semiconductor sales ranking for 2014 includes eight suppliers headquartered in the U.S., three in Japan, three in Europe, three in Taiwan, two in South Korea and one in Singapore.
Asia Pacific semiconductor sales up 2.5% from September (2014-11-05)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Asia Pacific continues to deliver upbeat month-on-month semiconductor sales, with a 2.5 per cent increase from $16.57 billion in September. Meanwhile, total global revenues reached $87 billion during the third quarter of 2014, an increase of 5.7 per cent over the previous quarter.
Adding 'smart' to Asia's power grid (2014-11-03)
[ Sensors/MEMS ]
The installation of modern electronics to assist in better generation, delivery and consumption of electrical energy is picking up within the region, promising to prevent power outages, conserve energy and support green undertakings.
UMC grabs large piece of 28nm business (2014-10-30)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
United Microelectronics Corp. said that it has grabbed a larger piece of the 28nm business that is dominated by TSMC. UMC reiterated its capital expenditure for this year is at about $1.3 billion.
Wearables to drive twofold growth in sensors market by 2015 (2014-10-30)
[ Sensors/MEMS ]
IHS regarded Apple's Watch as a major impetus that will stimulate and set a standard for fitness and health monitoring features on wearable electronics devices.
Smartphone mania in ASEAN drives strong sales (2014-10-24)
[ Manufacturing/Packaging ]
Smartphone ownership uptrend continues across Southeast Asia—with Vietnam ranking ninth among the top largest markets—driving worldwide sales to grow by 18 per cent in 2015.
Sensor overload: Wearables boost shipments (2014-10-17)
[ Sensors/MEMS ]
The worldwide market for sensors in wearables will expand to 466 million units in 2019—with 4.1 sensor elements in every device, up from 1.4 in 2013—driven by rising demand for fitness and health monitoring features, as well as by improved user interfaces.
Wearables chip market to hit $9B in 2019 (2014-10-15)
[ Embedded ]
The Information Network predicted that high-end connectivity devices for WiFi, Bluetooth and NFC will lead the growth to make up more than 50 per cent of the market.
1510 Records, Total 51 Page, The 51 Page
Bloggers Say
See what engineers like you are posting on our pages.


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For today's consumer who likes to entertain, Deni introduces the Double Burner.
Two extra burners with 2 separate temperature dials allows a lot of versatility for the cook.
Great for keeping items warm. Simmer, boil, fry, saute - whatever you need.
Easy to use. No propane tank. Just plug in - that's all!
This appliance is also great for camping, boating, and college dorms. With its easy to use control dials, this appliance will be great addition to any kitchen.


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was probably inevitable. Sooner or later Tracys Song was either going to be claimed or be moved out of town. Not wanting to lose her, trainer Bob Lounsbury conferred with owner Nancy Fugere and together they decided that the latter was a better option. "I know we've been taking our chances by continuing with her (Tracys song) in the $7500 claiming ranks here at Monticello but recently a storm seems to be brewing about claiming her," Lounsbury said.
When driver Jimmy Marohn, Jr. met trainer Danny Gill last year the sparks began to fly. Marohn was a proven talent in the sulky, and Gill, a newcomer at the Mighty M, was an unknown entity. But when driver and trainer hooked- up the two proved to be dynamite together. Marohn won the driving title while Gill prevailed in the training ranks.
Bob Lounsbury's horses are hard to beat at Monticello Raceway attested by the fact that the outstanding trainer has harnessed 75 winners in 214 starts, led by the incredible Tracy's Song who has run her consecutive win streak to 18. And before DVC Gifted Indeed got claimed from his barn the venerable pacer scored nine victories.
Now the Lounsbury-trained trotter, Civil Cause, just scored his 10th season triumph today (June 12) in a 2:00 clocking for Bruce Aldrich Jr., Lounsbury's driver of choice.
The fourth race at Monticello Raceway on Tuesday, June 11 was declared a "no contest" by the judges of the New York State Gaming Commission due to loss of communications at off time caused by a lightning strike at the tracks hub facility.
Being that the race was declared a no contest and all wagers have been refunded.
However, the Pick 3 of numbers 2,3,& all was paid.
Communications were restored and racing was resumed.
Haroun Hanover is a gritty pacer who has gone some tough trips this year en route to his current victory total. On Tuesday afternoon, with rain falling steadily, the 7-year-old Bettor's Delight gelding scored his 14th seasonal triumph for driver Jimmy Marohn, Jr.
The second edition of Monticello Raceway's Junior Free For All is slated for Monday, June 17th one day after Father's Day Holiday. The race for drivers, all juniors, is meant as a tribute to their fathers, all of whom are or have been, involved in the standardbred sport. "With the addition of Peter Lutman, Jr. we now have eight drivers for our race," noted Eric Warner the tracks director of racing. "And should something unforeseen happen we have a couple of 'juniors' waiting in the wings."
Carole Macedonio, of Kiamesha Lake, NY has been named Employee of the Month of June at Monticello Casino & Raceway.
Macedonio is a valued member of the tracks Mutuels and Simulcasting Department and has been working for Monticello Casino & Raceway in her current capacity since 2003.
She began her pari-mutuel career here at the Mighty M in 1981 as a mutuel clerk and had worked at other racetracks before her return.
Haroun Hanover, the horse that does pull-up after the race, scored his 13th seasonal victory yesterday (June 4) at Monticello Raceway and is now second on the North American leaderboard in races won this year to leader Tracys Song, who won for the 18th time yesterday (June 4).
Another Mighty M pacer, Worthy's Magic won for the 12th time this season and is currently fourth on the N.A. leaderboard.


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Total Time:
Prep Time:
Cook Time:
1 hr 15 mins
30 mins
45 mins
blucoat's Note:
This is an extremely moist and light coffee cake. The apples and brown sugar give it a wonderful melt-in-your-mouth flavour and the crumble topping is amazing! It's also very easy to prepare. It is modified from an Emeril Lagasse recipe. If you like nuts, you can also add some chopped walnuts, almonds, or pecans to the topping. This is great served warm or at room temperature.
My Private Note
Units: US | Metric
- 1/2 cup unsalted butter
- 2 teaspoons unsalted butter
- 1 cup packed light brown sugar (can use dark brown sugar, the cake will just be darker)
- 2 large eggs
- 2 cups all-purpose flour
- 1 teaspoon baking soda
- 1 teaspoon ground cinnamon
- 1/2 teaspoon salt
- 1 cup yogurt (plain or flavoured) or 1 cup light sour cream or 1 cup sour cream
- 1 teaspoon pure vanilla extract
- 3 cups peeled cored and chopped apples (use Granny Smith or another tart apple)
Crumble Topping
- 1/2 cup packed light brown sugar
- 1/2 cup all-purpose flour
- 1/2 teaspoon ground cinnamon
- 4 tablespoons unsalted butter, softened
- 1Preheat the oven to 350 degrees F. Lightly grease a 13 by 9-inch glass baking dish with 2 teaspoons of the butter.
- 2In a large bowl, cream together the remaining stick of butter and sugar until light and fluffy. Add the eggs 1 at a time, beating after the addition of each. In a separate bowl or on a piece of parchment, sift together the flour, baking soda, cinnamon, and salt. Add to the wet ingredients, alternating with the sour cream and vanilla. Fold in the apples. Pour into the prepared baking dish, spreading out to the edges.
- 3To make the topping, in a bowl, combine the sugar, flour, cinnamon, and butter, and mix until it resembles coarse crumbs. Sprinkle the topping over the cake and bake until golden brown and set, 35 to 40 minutes. Remove from the oven and let cool on a wire rack for at least 10 minutes.
Browse Our Top Breads Recipes
Nutritional Facts for Apple Coffee Cake With Crumble Topping
Serving Size: 1 (97 g)
Servings Per Recipe: 16
- Amount Per Serving
- % Daily Value
- Calories 261.4
- Calories from Fat 94
- 36%
- Total Fat 10.4 g
- 16%
- Saturated Fat 6.3 g
- 31%
- Cholesterol 52.5 mg
- 17%
- Sodium 177.1 mg
- 7%
- Total Carbohydrate 39.1 g
- 13%
- Dietary Fiber 1.2 g
- 4%
- Sugars 23.1 g
- 92%
- Protein 3.5 g
- 7%
Ideas from Food.com


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Dr. Leonard Feingold, MD
Nephrology, Jewish Guild Healthcare
- 15 W 65th St Ste C
New York, NY 10023 - 1 Office Location
- (212) 769-6313
Dr. Leonard Feingold graduated from the SUNY Downstate Medical Center College of Medicine in 1968. He works in New York, NY and specializes in Nephrology and Internal Medicine. Dr. Feingold speaks English and Spanish.
Gender: Male
Years in Practice: 47 Years
Languages Spoken: English, Spanish
Medical School: SUNY Downstate Medical Center College of Medicine
Graduation Date: 1968
Hospital Affiliations: Not Available
Specialties: Nephrology, Internal Medicine


text:
"Full Tilt Boogie with Janis out front of them really is one shit of a good band. Like perfect gentlemen with impeccable courtesy they always allow Janis to lead them." - Hugh Nolan, Janis Joplin: Pearl, International Times, 1971
more >>"You're only as much as you settle for. If they settle for being somebody's dishwasher that's their own f***ing problem. If you don't settle for that and you keep fighting it, you know, you'll end up anything you want to be." - Janis on not settling. Village Voice, 1970.
more >>Now available, John Byrne Cooke's memoir of his years as Janis Joplin's road manager. Learn more here, or get it here.
more >>


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William Ivens of Grandborough Warwick married Elizbeth i of the 8 childrend Edmund married Matilda Coleman who issue 8 children one of witch was Edmund masters does this sound like it might fit? firstname.lastname@example.com Notify Administrator about this message?
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Total Talent USA is a site where film makers come when searching for actors. Our black book lists over 10,000 extras, actors and actors.
Join today and list your resume, headshot, interests and showreel. Once part of our black book you'll be able to browse and apply for gigs listed on the job offers including up-to-date casting and audience requirements from some of the leading organizations.
Recent extras Opportunities & Jobs in New York, ARDSLEY ON HUDSON |
JOB > Medical Photo Shoot, Male and Female models Ages 38-52 Caucasian Professional, D... |
JOB > Affinity Talent Agency has Model Jobs, Location : 26 states Pay : varies see Breakdown 1. NEW! NORT... |


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Single-Page Article Viewing
Nouveau's Gallium3D Driver Gets Some Love Too
Published on 21 August 2010 04:38 PM EDT
Written by
Michael Larabel
7 Comments
Yesterday was an exciting day for those Linux users interested in AMD's open-source ATI driver work with the release of the
Radeon HD 5000 series 2D/3D driver
Radeon HD 6000 series support getting underway
, and many
ATI R600 Gallium3D driver improvements
over the past few days. If though you are a NVIDIA customer interested in open-source support, there's great news for you today with the
Nouveau driver
that greatly improves the Gallium3D support.
Over the past few hours there's been quite a number (nearly 50 at the moment) commits to the mainline Mesa code-base by Luca Barbieri, a Nouveau community developer, that brings many changes with thousands of lines of code touched for the NVFX Gallium3D hardware driver. Below are some of the highlights of new code that was committed to Mesa's Git repository this afternoon and will be present in the next
Mesa 7.9
- A new Gallium3D-independent 2D engine with complete support for all operations involving swizzles and 3D-swizzled surfaces. Since this code is independent of the Gallium3D API, it can be reused within the classic Mesa DRI Nouveau driver that supports the vintage fixed-function and pre-shader-happy NVIDIA hardware. It could also be used within the xf86-video-nouveau DDX driver too, if so desired. This new module has also been hooked-up to use the NVIDIA GPU's 3D engine by reusing the blitter module originally created for the ATI R300 Gallium3D driver.
- Rewritten mip-tree layout code and support for compressed texture transfers.
- The draw and buffer code for NVFX has been completely rewritten. With this rewrite, a copy of buffers is now kept in the system memory in order to improve performance. The drawing code is also smarter in the sense it tries to figure out the most performance-efficient way to draw a given path. There's also now support for all vertex formats that are supported by the hardware, support for the base vertex, support for instancing, and other improvements.
- The NVFX driver now exposes GLSL (GL Shading Language) as being supported. At the time of this commit there still was GLSL control flow support lacking. A few minutes later, however, support for fragment program and vertex program control flows was added.
- Support for new TGSI op-codes: NOP, TRUNC, DP2, SSG, TXL, CMP. There's tweaks and enhancements to others too.
- Re-factored sampling code with added support for sRGB textures and more code unification between different generations of NVIDIA GPUs.
- The shader assembler has been re-factored.
- For debugging purposes there is now the ability to dump shaders in TGSI representation as well as native code.
- GPU hard lock-up fixes, optimized fragment texture format look-up, support for the OpenGL GL_ARB_texture_rectangle extension, and many other changes.
The Mesa Git log can be found on
this page
. It's too bad there's no magical support for the
GeForce GTX 400 series
or major improvements to the NV50 Gallium3D driver for other newer NVIDIA GeForce hardware, but the Nouveau developers certainly are doing a nice job with the added challenge they have of reverse-engineering NVIDIA's blob.
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