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I would like to plant a few Limelights in a difficult spot in my garden. What makes it difficult is the fact that I can't dig a huge hole for planting. In my area, my garden centers only offer Limelight in five gallon size! What are your favorite online resources for Hydrangeas that would offer really healthy plants at one gallon or smaller? Also, how long will it take for a plant this small to grow to full size? Thanks. |
Follow-Up Postings:
OK, without asking you to reveal something personal, I'm not clear if it's the difficulty of the site or something with you physically being unable to dig. If the former and the area won't respond to a shovel, I'm not sure how you could expect the hydrangeas to establish in what may also be a trying climate - for what I know of Sacramento. Surely you would want the best possible, extensive root system for dealing with heat and dryness. Still, Forest Farm and Joycreek (both in Oregon) would have been my first choices for nurseries and I see one is out, other doesn't list it. You wouldn't be disappointed with Digging Dog, I've never rec'd anything but well grown plants from them, you could call and ask pot size for shipping. California nursery, and they recommend loose moist soil for best results with these. But, first, what about the site is difficult, I'm wondering if you need a tougher plant completely... |
Here is a link that might be useful: Digging Dog Limelight
:) It's nothing personal, my street's water main is buried in the site. When I dug around too deep in another area around this water main, I caused it to leak. So, this time, I just want to plant small and allow the plants to grow in naturally. The soil is good and they will have plenty of room to grow. |
Try shopping at around the time when hydrangeas get delivered so you get to pick the smaller sizes delivered to the nursery. Obviously, you could try asking the nursery personnel what size they expect to receive around May for example although I find it difficult to get answers sometimes because I am asking nursery employees who do not know what a computer is or have no idea how to check in the store's records. But it is aworth a try. The smaller sizes (3g) for example sell out faster. Also, mail order companies want to reduce the expense of mailing a 5g pot (sometimes mostly soil) as much as possible so your order is usually given by how old the plant is (1-Yr old, 2-Yr old, etc). You get a little soil but not enough to fill a 5g pot. Hydrangeas Plus is also a good one. HP is very responsive to email inquiries during work days. |
Andrea, don't plant over or near a water main. If the city needs to dig up the main for any reason, your plant will be dug as well. Believe me, those folks don't care that it's a prized plant. Find another spot for your shrub. |
Thank you Kay, this is a very good point. I will plant other varieties of hydrangeas in my shady front yard instead. I love big round white hydrangeas too. Is there a favorite among the forum? |
- Posted by nolefan_2006 FL 9a-ish formerly 8 (My Page) on Fri, Feb 8, 13 at 19:01
Wilkerson Mill Nurseries (hydrangea dot com) Nearly Natives Nurseries Caroliniana nursery I've had good luck with all. I do not recommend White Flower Farms |
I was wondering about how long should it tsake for a quart size hydrangea take to grow large big enough to flower good. I have seen low cost hydrangeas that say ther in 4inch pot they must take 5 years to flower right. Thank you very much |
I planted small Pinky Winkys and quick fire and limelight hydrangeaslast spring and they never grew more than a coupl inches should i prune them back this spring or just let them alone.I have 2 vanilla strawberry and the just are 21/2 foot but all they do is flop i think these must need pruned am i correct thank you. |
Excellent choices, tulips101. I wish I had space to plant them all here. Your PW, QF and Limelight may be concentrating on developing a good root system so maintain the basics: keep the soil pH acidic, feed them once a year (1/2 cup to 1 cup of cottonseed meal, compost, composted manure or a general purpose slow-release NPK 10-10-10 chemical fertilizer), keep the soil always moist as best as you can and keep them well mulched 3-4". You can also use liquid seaweed, liquid fish or coffee grounds. Since you are in Z5, apply these fertilizers about 2 weeks after your average date of last frost and stop at the end of June. I have had some that do nothing for 1-2 years before starting to grow faster. Some flopping may be normal in the case of large blooms but in case that the VS blooms really really need some form of support, consider stakes or chicken wire while the stems are young and not strong enough. The older the stems, the stronger they get. You could use, for example, some of those metal support stakes used for gladiolus or you could surround the individual shrubs with chicken wire. As a safety check though, I would also make sure that the soil has enough of the NPK nutrients using a soil analysis kit sold in many nurseries. Nitrogen is useful for growth of stems and leaves. Phosphorus is useful for roots and blooms. Potassium is useful for general health and hardiness to heat/cold/drought. Feel free to prune stems that have not leafed out by May or mid-May. |
I bought 3 from Joycreek and was very pleased with the plants received. Al |
Does anyone know a good websitefor landscaping foundation planting with hydrangeas thank you. |
- Posted by jill_wingett none (My Page) on Wed, Jun 26, 13 at 20:00
I got my incrediballs from white flower farms last year. They were 1 gallon pots & looked pretty scraggly when they arrived, & seemed to struggle all summer. I watered them through the drought, & just mounded some leaves around the base as winter protection. This year they've doubled in size & are full of blooms that just keep getting bigger! |
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Benjamin Waurms
Adjunct Professor in Business
M.B.A. University of St. Thomas Opus College of Business
I am married to Tiffany Junker, a licensed teacher and graduate of Crown College. We have a two-year old son, Emerson, who is an absolute delight and constant reminder that youth will always triumph when energy is required! We are expecting our second child in June 2011.

subset: commoncrawl


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Contact our knowledgeable and courteous staff using our toll free number. We ship BMW 328 Transmission Filter parts out of warehouses located across the country. Browse our online BMW 328 Transmission Filter parts catalog any time of day or night. Feel confident that our secure ordering process will protect you from online fraud. AutohausAZ is one of the largest auto parts suppliers online. Skip the cookie cutter BMW 328 Transmission Filter parts websites out there and use us to buy your BMW 328 Transmission Filter auto parts. We accept credit card or paypal for all BMW 328 Transmission Filter parts orders online.
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Alexander M. - Chula Vista, CA: Thanks I got the parts just in time for the week end!


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Blog | Comments |
WoW | 16 Comments |
Recent Comments:
Countdown to Wrath giveaway: Day 2 - Razer DeathAdder mouse {WoW}
Nov 11th 2008 7:02PM /roll 3500
Countdown to Wrath Giveaway: Day 5 - Papa Hummel's Pet Biscuit loot card {WoW}
Nov 9th 2008 3:44PM /roll 4000
Countdown to Wrath Giveaway: Day 4 - 60-day game time card {WoW}
Nov 9th 2008 3:40PM /roll 2000
Countdown to Wrath Giveaway: Day 4 - WoW TCG Heroes of Azeroth starter packs {WoW}
Nov 9th 2008 3:38PM /roll 2000
Return of the Revenge of the Community Policing and Naming Policy Argument: The Addon {WoW}
Apr 10th 2008 2:10AM Those who expressed thanks for the addon -- you're most welcome. I've seen an influx of clear violations on my server recently and finally decided to do something about it.
@Syme: The default report message specifically mentions the RP policy if playing on an RP realm, indirectly mentioning that it is indeed an RP server.
Regarding the diacritics removal -- I'm very sad about that. Although diacritic-heavy names might still violate other categories.
@Cakeordeath: The addon includes several features to discourage "report griefing" or what have you. For example, it includes categories of violation that make the user consider how exactly the name violates policy (e.g., Leet speak, sexual, drug reference, etc.). It does not allow reporting 50 names en-masse.
@Cynra: Yes, reporting several names at once is convenient for players and GMs alike, but 15 seems like a lot. Recently a player asked GM Syndri about the ideal size, and he replied 5 or so: http://forums.worldofwarcraft.com/thread.html?topicId=5784380534&sid=1
@Juliah: Couldn't agree with you more. Thanks Daniel for continuing to bring these issues up and showing Blizzard that we do indeed care.
He Said, She Said: Tauren Females {WoW}
Apr 10th 2008 1:53AM I rolled a tauren female and made it to 60 back in the day, but the poor-fitting armour etc. got to me and I eventually more-or-less abandoned her.


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Hardware news tagged mSATA
Monday, January 28, 2013
Intel Unveils mSATA Solid-State Drives for Ultrabooks, Low-Power Applications.
[12:32 pm]
Intel Reveals Extreme-Performance mSATA SSDs for Ultrabooks
Tuesday, January 8, 2013
Asus Readies Ultra High-End PCI Express Solid-State Drive.
[12:03 am]
Asus Preps ROG RAID R Express SSD
Wednesday, December 5, 2012
Mushkin Announces World's First 480GB mSATA Solid-State Drive.
[8:32 pm]
Mushkin Drives Capacity of mSATA SSD to 480GB
Friday, November 9, 2012
Mushkin Unleashes World's Highest-Performance mSATA Solid-State Drive.
[10:58 am]
Mushkin Debuts Ultra High-End Atlas Deluxe 30GB mSATA SSD
Thursday, July 19, 2012
Crucial Starts to Sell m4 Solid-State Drives for Ultra-Thin Laptops.
[10:40 am]
Crucial Releases m4 SSD mSATA for Ultra-Thin Notebooks
Thursday, May 10, 2012
Transcend Debuts Ultra High-Performance mSATA SSDs for Ultrabooks.
[9:44 pm]
Transcend MSA720 mSATA SSDs Deliver Extreme 560MB/s Read Performance in Tiny Form-Factor
Wednesday, January 12, 2011
JEDEC to Standardize "Sub-Standard" Solid-State Drives.
[10:13 am]
JEDEC to Expand SSD Standards Beyond Conventional HDD Form-Factors


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As a part of Masonicare's continuum, Masonicare Home Health & Hospice and Masonicare Partners Home Health & Hospice are Connecticut's premier hospice agencies, offering services to individuals with a limited life expectancy. At Masonicare, hospice isn't a place. It's a philosophy that accepts dying as a natural part of living. And, it's an expert, compassionate way of caring that brings peace and comfort to patients and their families. Quality care is provided at home and support is also provided to family members who face the challenge of providing care for their loved one. To contact us, please call 800-528-6664. For Intake and Referrals call, 888-482-8862.
Masonicare Partners Home Health & Hospice is the only hospice program in the state to be recognized as a level four partner.


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The new 2012 PUMA is looking to grab a youthful generation. Discount Golf World is currently in the process of adding the new collection and it looks to be a promising year in fashion.
eline; border: 1px solid black;" title="Wheat Group & PUMA" src="http://business.transworld.net/files/2011/06/screen-shot-2011-06-06-at-102833-am.png" alt="Wheat Group & PUMA" width="386″ height="98″ />
PUMA has been working with The Wheat Group, a premier accessories design and development company based in San Diego, that is responsible for design development for PUMA bags, headwear, belts, and other accessories. The companies are working creatively together to generate several new styles, colors, and new technology. (Hint: The Women's collections are more so divided into a warm and cool color story but also gets some splashes of beautiful purple violet tops!)
This is just a glimpse of how the "SportLifestyle" company will be positioning itself in a BIG way next year, especially with the 2012 Olympic games, like sponsoring Jamaica's favorite athlete – and well the world's fastest runner – Usain Bolt.
PUMA is also stepping up its game with golf shoes and will continue to produce its own. Check out the new Cell Fusion 3 PRO with plenty of forefoot and heel flex grooves for stability and comfort wear on the course.
Posted in Apparel, Equipment, Industry News, Product Announcements


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From the bustle n hustle of Istanbul followed two weeks of cycling through the green north of Turkey. The Black Sea coast was really surprisingly unexploited – maybe thanks to a somewhat less clear and less warm water than the of the Mediterranean Sea.
From Izmit, I soon detoured one of the roads to the coast, and each day gave wonderful meetings. First one night in village Limandere with one of its three muhtari (mayors). An evening spent at one of the central chai saloons (tea saloon) together with more elder men – cigarettes and tea by turns – and soon an invitation to harvest hazel nuts one day's cycling east. In Acmabasi, same-aged Erdem – also fluent in English – welcomes me. After tea, nuts, fruits and his mothers homemade "Turkish delights" (sweets) on a carpet at the front yard, followed packaging of his neighbors hazel nuts in 80-kilo sacks. A pleasant calm and an instant feeling of being one with the family. Beautiful hillsides covered by the green hazelnut trees.
Two days later, I meet Ahmet along a minor coast road. 70 years old and active cyclist – this day from his summer house in Eregli – he guides me the whole day along even smaller, even more coast-near roads, that wind through small villages and beautiful green. We part at five pm – another near tearful goodbye – as Ahmet bikes back to Eregli and I continue east.
The two sites that I wanted to visit along this rote – famous island-town Amasra and well-kept old town Safranbolu – both end up being disappointing though. Hotels and restaurants with tourist prices meet the visitor, and Safranbolu is still the only town so far in which I've seen street children. I think that says a lot.
Instead, it was the meetings along the road that gave the most and made the effort worth. Camping with the gendarmerie in Ovacuma and three nights with a wonderful family in Karabük.


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Demonstrating the historical reliability of the Bible through archaeological research and related apologetic investigation.
Excerpt Eilat Mazar, a prominent Israeli archeologist, recently said that she has revised her reading of an inscription on an ancient seal uncovered in an archeological excavation in Jerusalem's City of David after various scholars around the world critiqued her original interpretation of the name on the seal... Continue reading
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Sydney Newbie Bike polo is weekly Co-Ed bike polo at Alexandria Park basketball court. We hope to get enough new players out to play a few fun and slower games of 3 vs 3 while you work on skills and meet new people. The night will be a regular weekly fixture and encourage new players to start their first games in an easy pace with others also trying it for the first time.
For more info, check out our dedicated FB group.
We will kick things off on Wednesday night the 7th of May and continue play every Wednesday night from 6:30pm as well as supply mallets and balls.
- A bike (We will have a few loner bikes if you do not want to use yours)
- A helmet
- A pair of gloves (optional)


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When using a sulfuric acid-oxalic acid electrolyte for Type III hardcoat, is it possible to raise the temperature in order to do Type II anodizing in the same tank? M.J.
Yes, but it's not quite that simple. There are come caveats. Here are some other things to think about in this regard:
I hope this is not too confusing, but you can see that the possibilities and variations are many. Feel free to contact me if you need more information.


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Lowest Price Guarantee
The Reebok 3K hockey shin guard is great for the player looking for lighter protection. The lighweight 3k design comes with the same shell and knee cap technology as the higher end Reebok models. With the easy fastening "y" strap design, the 3k has definitely got you covered.
The 3K shin pad uses the famous JDP® knee cap and JOFA® shin shell. This shell designs result in excellent impact dispersion resulting in stronger more protection pads. The Reebok shin shell has a less tapered design moving down into the ankle area than some of the other manufacturers. This results in a slightly wider fit in the lower leg portion. The 3k features an elastic "Y" stap design that has fastens with velcro over the calf wrap.
- Model Year: 2012
- Model Number: SG3K
- Heritage: Reebok 2K
- Level of Play: Ideal for entry to intermediate level of play
- Reebok sizing guidelines:
Pad size / Player height
14" / 5'4"-5'7"
15" / 5'7"-5'10"
16" / 5'10"-6'2"
- Protection:
- JDP® knee cap
- Joint Discharge Principle (JDP) - Disperses the force of impact away from the knee joint
- JOFA® designed NHL shin cap - Uses a series of arches to give the pad maximum strength as well as preventing a direct impact and dispersing the energy from an impact
- Extended ankle protection
- Foam calf wrap
- JDP® knee cap
- Liner:
- Nylon liner
- Fit:
- Elastic "y" strap design wraps around the calf securing the lower portion of the pad to the leg
- Kinetic fit system (KFS)
- Segmented protection that moves "intelligently" with the player
Comments: I wanted less bulky shin pads. I previously had the Reebok 10k shin guards which were too heavy and I didn't like the calf wrap. These increased my mobility and I am able to play a lot better. As a side note, this shin guards require you to tape your shins well or use a shinguard sleeve or they will move around a lot. Great buy!
From: Joseph, Pasadena, CA
Comments: I have had these for over two years and see no need to buy new one's anytime soon. I contemplated buying the 7K's but I'm glad I didn't. I see no need for anything better then these. Cheap, durable, lightweight, protective. What more could you want?
From: Walt, PA
Other Items to Consider
Reebok Hockey Shin Guards Senior
The Reebok 20K Pro KFS Hockey Shin Guards are inspired by Pro Equipment Managers and are terrific for advanced to pro level players. The shin cap's construction is able to endure high impacts with its enhanced bridge support with proprietary hockey cell reinforcement. Therefore, the knee sits comfortably in the pocket, which heightens its supportive strength to provide pro level protection.
Sizes Available: 14", 15", 16", 17" -
The Reebok 18K KFS Hockey Shin Guards are ideal for intermediate to advanced level play due to the calf, which contains a high-density segmented foam to provide a highly protective anatomical wrap. The thigh has a removable molded plastic insert shot guard, and the knee features a plastic insert for extended protection against game time impacts!
Sizes Available: 17"
The Reebok 16K KFS Hockey Shin Guards are ideal for intermediate level play because these shin guards are designed to deflect high impact shots due to the shin cap design, which is structurally engineered with bridge support; therefore, amplifying its strength and support without minimizing comfort.
Sizes Available: 15", 16" -
The Reebok 14K KFS Hockey Shin Guards are perfect for recreational to intermediate level players who seek shin guards that are engineered to deflect any type of oncoming shot because the calf, thigh, and knee features adequately place extended foam for complete protection against those high-risk impacts!
Sizes Available: 14", 15", 16"


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What are the advantages/disadvantages of cable versus satellite. We have Time Warner now and will be moving into new house in about a month. I've never been crazy about TW. I'm leaning toward DirectTV, but don't particularly want set top boxes. I don't think there are any "cable" cards yet for satellite.
Also, I've got two TVs in the main house and 3 in the guest house. I want everyone to be able to control their own TV. |
Follow-Up Postings:
I had DirecTV for several years. I enjoyed it with the exception of losing the signal during heavy rain. Partly due to the weather itself, partly due to that I live in a heavily treed area and had a narrow sight line to the satellite. I'd probably still have it were it not for their satellite internet being VPN. I can't use VPN for work, so I switched over the Comcast for broadband as well as cable. The cable signal is more reliable than satellite, but again, that's due to my location. If HD is important to you, compare the two. The HD channels are stunning when compared to non-HD, although again, I have a projector with a 133" screen, so the effect will be less on a smaller screen. As far as service, they both seemed fine. Picture quality is fine. Channels available to watch is fine, but for some reason I think DirecTV has better sports coverage. With DT, look at the ability to get your local networks. That used to be difficult years ago, I think they ironed out the problems over the past few years. |
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379 Churchill to Curtin
Cablegram 357 [1] LONDON, 19 December 1944, 12.42 a.m.
Following from the Prime Minister for Mr. Curtin.
In Dominions Office telegram No- 311 of 8th November [2] to the Australian Government, I informed you of the projected arrangements for the command and deployment of the British Pacific Fleet. I mentioned our intention that the fleet should arrive in Australian waters towards the end of December.
Although one battleship, two cruisers and a flotilla of destroyers will arrive in Sydney at the end of the year, it has now been approved, at the special request of Admiral Nimitz that the main carrier force should attack the Sumatran Oil Refineries before proceeding to Australia.
Also, General MacArthur has asked that the fleet should carry out diversionary operations during two periods in December.
These happenings will delay the arrival of the main body of the fleet in Australia by two or three weeks. Although we are reluctant to accept any such delay, these operations, requested by the two American Supreme Commanders, have been approved in the interests of furthering the close co-operation which is so essential to the later employment of the fleet.


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If it's just too hot or hectic to compose a bouquet, take it easy by picking just one flower and plunking it in a cup, glass or little jar. Such simple arrangements showcase the perfection of a single summer flower.
A tuberous begonia blossom in a ceramic souffle cup contrasts richly colored layers with smooth blue of the cup. I was surprised the flower stayed fresh for 4-5 days. Picture a row of begonia blossoms in various colored cups parading down the center of your dining room table.
Or mix it up with a variety of containers and flowers interspersed with candles. A long tray gathers the disparate colors and textures together, the candles light the table, and the whole look is festive yet low enough to work running down the center of your dining room table. Refresh the water in these small vases frequently, change out flowers as they wilt, and you can keep this centerpiece going for weeks:
Left to right is a lily blossom, hydrangea bloom, clematis and begonia, and a lacecap hydrangea
Or if you have a spot where you need a taller arrangement, few flowers are as elegant massed in a vase as 'Annabelle' hydrangeas - here in a raku vase made by Whidbey artist Al Tennant. Picked early in the morning and conditioned by plunging their stems directly into cool water, these white and chartreuse flowers will hold up for at least ten days....


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Prodigy Advanced Sustainability is Scotsman's most intelligent and sustainable line of ice machines, designed to save more water, energy and operating costs than ever before.
Energy Efficiency
Save up to an estimated $318 annually as calculated via Foodservice Technology Center (www.fishnick.com).
24 hr production: 905 lb @ 70/50, 724 lb @ 90/70
Dimensions: 30" W x 24" D x 29" H
Shipping Carton: 33.5" W x 27.5" D x 34" H
Shipping Weight: 220 lb
Available Condenser Options: Air
Base Electrical, Volts/Hz/Phase: 208-230/60/1
BTU Per Hour: 13,700
Max Fuse Size: 15 amps
Circuit Wire: 2
Min. Circuit Ampacity: 10.2 amps
Energy: 5.3 kWh/100 lb
Water: 21.6 gallons/100 lb
Technical specs are based on air-cooled model.
CB1030 Prodigy® Advanced Sustainability™
CB0630 Prodigy® Advanced Sustainability™


text:
Reviewed Mango Cheesecake with Basil Lemon Syrup
Jan 21, 2012 in Food Network Community Toolbox on FoodNetwork.com
"I have made this recipe twice and it came out great both times. I have played around with the crust recipe using the flavored biscotti (I think it was lemon). The one downfall of this recipe is the cheesecake itself doesn't have a lot of flavor on it's own but a friend of mine who is a chef suggested adding some finely chopped basil, not a lot, t..."


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Trips to Amsterdam
1 - 5 of 5 Results
Amsterdam's Golden Age of Design
- 4 Hotels
- 6 Restaurants
- 7 Activities
Greetings from Amsterdam, where the locals' innate talent for taking the everyday and making it supercool has ushered in a new golden age of design—and landed the city squarely in the global spotli... More
Eco-Friendly Guide to Dutch Design
- 9 Activities
In the past 15 years, the Netherlands has given Italy a run for its money as one of the world's most prominent design centers. This is also a country that knows a fair bit about recycling (a good p... More
Great Design from Paris to Berlin
- 11 Activities
A six-day jaunt that takes in the design masterworks in Paris, Luxembourg, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, and Berlin. More
Road Trip Through Holland and Belgium
- 3 Hotels
- 4 Restaurants
- 6 Activities
Holland and Belgium's northern provinces make for the perfect quick drive. More
Where to Stay in Dublin
- 4 Hotels
There are over 300 hotels in the Celtic capital, so where should you stay? More
1 - 5 of 5 Results


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What does DOW mean in ASX Symbols?
This page is about the meanings of the acronym/abbreviation/shorthand DOW in the Business field in general and in the ASX Symbols terminology in particular.
Downer EDI Ltd
Find a translation for DOW in other languages:
Select another language:
What does DOW mean?
- Dow(ProperNoun)
- Dow Jones Average
Discuss this DOW abbreviation with the community:
Use the citation below to add this abbreviation to your bibliography:
"DOW." Abbreviations.com. STANDS4 LLC, 2015. Web. 1 Feb. 2015. <http://www.abbreviations.com/term/1390145>.
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text:
Parisienne L'eau Perfume
By Yves Saint Laurent for Women
Parisienne L'eau Perfume by Yves Saint Laurent, The summer edition of the fantastic parisienne fragrance, was launched in 2012 . The top notes are violet leaf, rose, vinal accord intertwined with vinyl accord. The middle notes consist of cranberries, black currant and red fruit. The base is blended with patchouli, white musk and cedar. One of the best sellers from ysl, parisienne is a bouquet to the woman whose heart belongs in france. All products are original, authentic name brands. We do not sell knockoffs or imitations.
- Waffle Cone
- Wall Street
- Warner Bros
- Washed Cotton 784
- Washington Square
- Water Blossom Ivy
- Watercolors
- Waterford
- Waterford Lismore
- Watt Pink
- Watt Purple
- Watt Red
- Watt Yellow
- Wave
- Weekend
- Weil
- Weil De Weil
- Weruska & Joel
- West Broadway
- West Side
- White Amber 541
- White Camellia
- White Chantilly
- White Diamonds
- White Diamonds Brilliant
- White Diamonds Lustre
- White Jasmine
- White Jeans
- White Linen
- White Linen Breeze
- White Patchouli
- White Pearl
- White Petal
- White Petal Parfums
- White Point
- White Shoulders
- White Soul
- White Tea And Ginger
- Wicked Berry
- Wild Bloom
- Wild Fig & Grape
- Wild Honeysuckle
- Wild Musk
- Wild Orchid Musk
- Wild Pearl
- Wild Rose
- Wind Song
- Wings
- Winnie The Pooh
- Wise Essence
- Wish
- Wish Pink Diamond
- Wish Turquoise Diamond
- With Love
- With Love Estelle Vendome
- Woman In Rose
- Womanity
- Women's Law
- Women's Story
- Wonderful
- Wonderstruck
- Wonderstruck Enchanted
- Woods of Windsor
- Worth
- Wrapped With Love
- Www2000+1
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Hey guys... We're in the process of renovating our basement. The home is over 100 years old, and damned if most of the plumbing isn't about the same. We currently have a laundry tub, which has an old school utility pump under it. The exact order is laundry tub --> p-trap and a tee to an ancient float switch --> utility pump --> vertical pipe --> 45 degree bend --> vertical pipe --> 180 degree bend --> 90 degree bend --> y-pipe which also drains the kitchen --> drain pipe. As you can see in the mess on the pic, the drain pipe is gigantic, old cast iron. The ABS piping currently leaks from 2-3 places (on top of not being done right in the first place, we had a sewer backup that built pressure up a year or so ago)... So, I'm planning on literally yanking everything and starting over. Got a new tub, a fancy new utility pump with self-contained float, and will be getting all the necessary ABS. I have three questions: 1) Is the current piping used from the tub to the drain needlessly complicated? Can I not just go tub --> p-trap --> pump --> vertical pipe --> 90 degree --> drain? Or is that 180 degree there for a reason? 2) What would be the easiest way to tie back into that cast iron? It's hard to see, but I'm assuming there's some sort of sealing sleeve from the ABS to the cast iron. Should I leave that and cut 2" out from the cast iron, and try to put another Y-connector there? Or try to pull the whole thing out of the drain and start over? 3) The cast iron drain goes along the ceiling to the other side of the room, then does an immediate 90 degree down, and then another bend out of the house. Should I expect to get wet when I pull the ABS out of the cast iron? I would assume since it's well above the actual outlet out of the house, there shouldn't be all that much in there... Should I have a bucket ready? Thanks for the help. |
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Topic Page
Nation Topics - George W. Bush
News and Features
Many of George Bush's supporters say that his recent nominations of Colin Powell as Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice as National Security Adviser and Rod Paige as Secretary of Education prove that he is serious about racial diversity. Moreover, his nomination of a Latino and two white women to his Cabinet suggests that compassionate conservatism boasts enough room for all sorts of minorities. But before we count the votes for Bush's celebrated--or is it calculated?--display of racial leadership, let's at least acknowledge that we may have run into some dimpled chads.
Powell's nomination is a no-brainer, which, as it turns out, may perfectly suit Bush's presidential profile. To take credit for nominating a national hero to extend his stellar record of public service is only a little better than taking credit for inventing the Internet. Powell's halo effect may redound to Bush, but his choice of Powell owes nothing to Bush's fundamental bearing as a racial statesman. Powell and Bush are at significant odds on crucial issues. Powell's vigorous support of affirmative action, his belief in a woman's right to choose and his advocacy for besieged urban children put him to the left of the Bush dogma. To be sure, Powell is no radical. His moderate racial principles are largely acceptable to many blacks because they're not bad for a guy who buys the Republican line, some of its hooks and not many of its sinkers. Unlike Congressman J.C. Watts, the black Republican from Oklahoma who'd just as soon fish all day with his conservative colleagues than cut the race bait. Indeed, Powell's beliefs run the same blush of racial centrism that coursed through the Clinton Administration over the past eight years. The difference is that such moderates, and a sprinkling of liberals, had plenty of company in the Clinton Administration. In a Bush Administration, Powell is, well, a hanging chad.
Of course, Powell's beliefs will have little substantive impact on his future boss's domestic policies, because he has been dispatched to foreign fields where Bush surely needs the help. So what looks like a plum for black folk may be a pit. True, no black person has ever served as Secretary of State. But once we get past the obligatory gratitude black folk are called on to display when conservative whites finally do something halfway decent, the fact is that Powell will have little influence on the public policies that may hamper black progress under a Bush Administration. Powell has not been nominated as Secretary of Health and Human Services, so his input on welfare, for instance, is lost. Instead, if confirmed, Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson will practice his widely praised variety of welfare reform, a policy that on both the local and national level has had a horrendous effect on millions of poor blacks. Neither is Powell slated to be the Attorney General, where he may choose the civil rights czar, who carves the policy groove on race in the Justice Department. Instead, that honor may fall to John Ashcroft, an ultraconservative whose opposition to black interests is destructive. An omen of things to come was glimpsed starkly in Ashcroft's contemptuous scuttling of the nomination of black Missouri Supreme Court Justice Ronnie White for the federal bench. Not only is Powell's value to Bush on race largely symbolic, that symbolism will more than likely be used to cover policies that harm the overwhelming majority of black Americans who were never persuaded by Powell to join the party of Lincoln (Continentals).
Rice and Paige may be lesser-known political quantities, but they are nonetheless instructive of Bush's racial politics. Rice, the former Stanford provost and assistant national security adviser for President George H.W. Bush, is not as vocal a supporter of affirmative action, preferring a lukewarm version of the policy that may comport well with Bush's nebulous "affirmative access." At Stanford, Rice was not nearly as aggressive as she might reasonably have been in recruiting black faculty, failing to match the efforts of equally conservative universities like Duke. And her record of advising the senior Bush on national security matters indicates that she was a blue-blood conservative in black face.
As for Paige, his my-way-or-the-highway methods have yielded mixed results for the predominantly black and Latino students in Houston, where he has served six years as superintendent of schools. A proponent of annual standardized tests, a measure heartily supported by Bush, Paige has overseen rising test scores while all but abandoning students who couldn't pass muster. Moreover, Paige supports the use of tax money to fund private education, a policy favored by Bush and many blacks but that could have deleterious effects on poor families. The lure of vouchers is seductive, but it fails to address the fact that there is hardly enough money available to make a real difference to those students whose parents are financially beleaguered.
With Rice's nomination, the point may be that a black can be just as staunch in spouting conservative foreign policy as the next wonk. With Paige, the point is that a black can promote the sort of educational policies that help some black folk while potentially harming a larger segment of the community. It is clear that such a state of affairs does not constitute racial progress. The irony is that Powell, Paige and Rice were chosen in part to prove an inclusiveness that is meaningless if their very presence comes at the expense of representing the interests of the majority of black folk, especially those poor and working-class folk who are vulnerable and largely invisible. The lesson the Republicans would have us learn is that not all blacks think alike, that we are no ideological monolith in liberal captivity. The real lesson may be that a black face does not translate into a progressive political presence that aids the bulk of black folk. Especially when that face must put a smile on repressive policies that hurt not just most blacks but those Americans committed to radical democracy. If that counts as racial progress, we need an immediate recount.
Something doesn't add up about the new Treasury Secretary nominated by George W. Bush. The supply-side conservatives who live for more big tax cuts on capital and upper-bracket incomes are actively leery about Alcoa chairman Paul O'Neill. Some grumble that he may be a talented corporate manager but that he's ill equipped for the top economic post in the Bush Administration. Meanwhile, George Becker, president of the Steelworkers union, loves the O'Neill selection. "I'm not an economist, I just go on gut beliefs," Becker said. "But Paul is a person working people and labor people can talk to. He is an industrialist who believes in the United States and has maintained a strong industrial base in the United States. I think this is far better than having another bond trader in that job."
Bush's choice has startled many quarters, including Wall Street, because O'Neill comes to the job from old-line manufacturing and with a reputation for independent thinking, albeit in the moderate Republican manner. Above all, he is not a banker or financier--the first Treasury Secretary since the Carter Administration to originate from the business realm that actually makes things (aluminum, in O'Neill's case). Yet, oddly enough, O'Neill is also a government pro. He spent sixteen years as a systems analyst and budget economist in the federal government, rising to deputy director of the Office of Management and Budget under Gerald Ford, before a brilliant business career at International Paper and Alcoa (both multinational companies are reviled by environmentalists--he's not Ben & Jerry's). But unlike the laissez-faire crowd, O'Neill understands the power of activist government to intervene in the private economy and has demonstrated a taste for doing so. At a minimum, he represents a refreshing shift from the free-market mantra that has ruled at Treasury for the past two decades.
"I negotiated with Paul for years--he's very tough but fair--and we've always been able to get a fair, decent contract," said Becker, whose union represents 22,000 Alcoa workers. "I had people I could talk to in the Clinton Administration too. They would listen and tell me how much they understand our pain. Then they went out and deep-sixed us. I like [former Treasury Secretary] Bob Rubin, but Rubin killed us in steel. He would say, Let the marketplace decide. Except, when financial firms got in trouble, they went to the rescue."
In contrast, as a business executive, Paul O'Neill artfully engineered a worldwide rescue for the aluminum industry and persuaded President Clinton to make it happen. Prices were collapsing in 1993 because the former Soviet republics were flooding the world market with cheap aluminum--devastating US producers like Alcoa. The temporary agreement amounted to a government-negotiated cartel--every producing nation reduced its output to prop up world prices--and it worked. Yet the political deal was done so skillfully that few in the media even noticed. And nobody complained about the scheme's contradicting Clinton's free-trade rhetoric. O'Neill knows where the levers are located and how to pull them.
While it would be nice to imagine that the Bush/Cheney team is sending a message about new ideological priorities with this appointment, their motivation is probably more pedestrian--personal trust, not policy. O'Neill comes from the same "old boy" circle of policy advisers that includes Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and, yes, Alan Greenspan during the Nixon/Ford years. He is a familiar old friend to all of them, experienced and capable, above all loyal. During George Bush Senior's ill-fated presidency, O'Neill took Alcoa out of the US Chamber of Commerce in order to endorse Bush's deficit-reducing tax increase--the one that got the President into permanent trouble with the party's right-wingers. Around the same time O'Neill proposed a $10-a-barrel tax on oil to force greater energy conservation. He supported Bill Clinton's more modest energy-tax proposal, which failed in 1993. He is quite willing, in other words, to break eggs over the GOP's antitax doctrine.
In another season, these qualities would have made for intriguing possibilities, but O'Neill's strongest asset--he's not from Wall Street--might also become a handicap in present circumstances, because the Bush Administration is assuming power amid a breaking storm--the collapsing stock-market bubble and deteriorating economic growth worldwide. Whether this event turns out to be good luck for Dubya or the ruination of his presidency will depend crucially on the smarts of O'Neill and a team of White House economic advisers that includes former Federal Reserve governor Lawrence Lindsey as principal counselor and, presumably, Stanford economist John Taylor at the Council of Economic Advisers. The old boys from business and finance gathered at the governor's mansion in Texas to throw in their advice, a private conversation that did not include the press and public.
The problem is that none of Bush's lead advisers have displayed any special feel for financial markets--especially markets that are scared and imploding. The conservative financial experts I talked with all delivered the same warning. "O'Neill needs to have a serious banker at his side, someone who has done a lot of financial restructurings and bankruptcies," one of them said. "Because that's what is coming."
O'Neill has been relieved of an obvious first challenge--coaxing the Fed chairman into cutting interest rates--because that job was done for him by the frightened financial markets. Falling stock prices and market interest rates, along with plummeting sales and production, delivered a message of terror--the markets' fear that Greenspan was dangerously behind events. He was thus compelled to start cutting rates. Many market players figure it's already too late, however, and Greenspan's wizard status is swiftly evaporating, at least among those who understand what's happening. So Bush's team will begin by blaming Clinton/Gore for the rising unemployment and corporate bankruptcies, while privately nudging Greenspan to keep on easing credit terms. A deep distrust toward Greenspan lingers in the Bush family--a sense that he broke promises and allowed high unemployment to linger much too long after the 1991 recession, effectively dooming George père's re-election campaign in 1992. This time, they will not wait passively on the chairman's wisdom, and Bush Jr. has real leverage he can apply. The seven-member Federal Reserve Board has two vacancies and a third one expected. The White House can surround Greenspan at the boardroom table by appointing friendly critics and even a possible successor.
A recession that comes early in a new President's term--and is over well before he's up for re-election--can wind up as smart political timing, but Bush may lose his Congressional majority in the process. While Ronald Reagan enacted a radical conservative agenda during his first year in office, his popularity sank as the ugly recession worsened; Democrats picked up twenty-seven House seats in the off-year election of 1982. By 1984, however, it was "morning again in America," and the Gipper won in a landslide. If Bush's advisers are as shrewd as they appear, they will push hard for their big ideas up front and, meanwhile, do whatever they must to reverse the economic bloodletting.
The more ominous possibility facing the Bush presidency is that given neglected realities inherited from the Clinton years, this downturn could renew globalized financial crisis in Asia, Latin America or elsewhere. Only this one could not be blamed on "crony capitalism" or other establishment canards. The $360-billion-a-year trade deficit in the United States has kept Japan and many developing countries afloat in recent years, though a long way from genuine recovery. If the United States becomes mired in recession, Americans will buy far fewer imports, and that will reignite financial failures in the exporting nations. Their panic can flow right back into the US financial system, with banks and brokerages demanding another round of IMF bailouts. O'Neill and company may find themselves standing in a circle of bonfires.
The specter of bad times coming does, of course, add momentum for major tax-cutting legislation--a centerpiece in Dubya's campaign--but it's not obvious how Bush's retrograde measure would actually help the economy (40 percent goes to the very wealthy, as that fellow Gore kept reminding us). Some elements, like abolishing the inheritance tax, may even generate drag on economic activity. The Bush team talks like conservative Keynesians, but in the real world, economic stimulus requires steeply progressive tax cuts--putting money in the hands of people who will promptly spend it. That means quick rate cuts or temporary tax credits that skip over the upper brackets for a change and deliver the money to the bottom half of the income ladder. Democrats are wrong-footed by events too. After several years of indulging in Coolidge-Hoover pieties about paying down the national debt, Democrats must scurry now to come up with a progressive--don't say liberal--tax-cutting proposal of their own. Clintonism is over, and they had better shake out the cobwebs quickly, because their choices on who needs tax relief and who doesn't will define them for the 2002 election and beyond.
The essential handicap in using fiscal policy to restart the economy (one that has always burdened Keynesian economics) is the problem of timing. In the best circumstances, it can take six or eight months to enact a major stimulus package, and even if the tax cuts are postdated to January 1, the money arrives too late to stanch the contraction. If Democrats are alert and public-spirited, they will propose a quick, emergency reduction in paycheck deductions with a commitment to support a second, broader tax measure later in the year. They should also call for stand-still protection for those working people drowning in debts who lose their jobs--a temporary safety net that keeps them out of bankruptcy until the economy revives. These and other measures are, of course, way beyond the present imagination of either party. More likely, the tax bill will turn into a special-interest bidding war in which both parties compete to pay back their accumulated obligations to lobbyists and contributors.
The new Republican majority, already frail and dubious, has been taken hostage by these economic portents even before it assumes power. A "normal" recession of brief duration might be manageable. A longer, more profound unwinding will shake the foundations of Republicans and Democrats alike.
The establishment verdict is in: President-elect Bush made an astute choice by tapping Rod Paige, Houston's School Superintendent, to head his Education Department. The New York Times blessed the nomination as "wise," and both major teachers' unions have chimed in with support.
On most of the hot-button questions, Paige is a relatively uncontroversial pick. About vouchers, he has written, "We believe that public funds should go to students, not institutions, and there may be a time when vouchers will be part of the mix." (A limited voucher program in Houston was so modest and so narrowly designed that virtually no one took advantage of it.) Paige is a supporter of "performance pay" for teachers and a fairly strong proponent of a skills-based curriculum, especially phonics, but not to the point where he has openly horrified anyone in the teachers' unions or on the educational left. (Privatization, however, is Paige's one potential skeleton. He contracted with the for-profit Community Education Partners to renovate an old Wal-Mart and take in students expelled from other schools in the district. The Houston Press has reported that CEP falsified academic records to stay in good standing in the district. Paige defends the school, and the local teachers' union loves it because it exiles troublemakers. But when Paige touts the decline in violence in his district, it's important to keep this warehousing policy in mind.)
The basis for Paige's seeming pragmatism, and the core of his relationship with Bush, is "accountability." Both men believe strongly in a descending order of public liability, beginning with the governor, on down to district administrators, principals, teachers and ultimately arriving at pupils themselves: All get measured, and publicly lauded or shamed, by the outcome of the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills, the state-designed standardized test administered annually to public schoolchildren in third through eighth grades. (Passing a tenth-grade TAAS is required before a student can graduate from high school.) Both Paige and Bush staked their reputations on rising TAAS scores, and clearly both would like to see the Texas system--blending autocratic, centralized accountability standards with flexibility on how to satisfy them--bumped up to the federal level. But were the numbers truly what they said they were? And was placing both students and schools on a single-indicator model of performance good for Texas public education?
To begin with, almost none of the independent measures of student performance have confirmed the gains Paige and Bush trumpet on the TAAS. ACT and SAT scores have stagnated, and on the single achievement Bush takes most seriously--early reading ability--the National Goals Panel, by Bush Senior in 1989 to monitor each state's progress on education, found that "between 1992 and 1998 there was no significant change in the percentage of [Texas] public school fourth graders who met the Goals Panel's performance standard in reading." A recent RAND study has come to, at best, mixed conclusions on the Texas "miracle." The most recent compared TAAS scores with the performance of Texas schoolchildren on a national exam. By this benchmark, only the math scores of white fourth graders showed meaningful improvement. The common explanation for these discrepancies has been that emphasis on TAAS, having developed into an institutional mania, forces teachers to teach test-preparation materials in lieu of a full subject curriculum. In other words, instead of receiving an education, students are drilled on how to pass a single multiple-choice exam. Worse, schools now shunt more kids into special ed (where they are exempted from TAAS), hold them back in the ninth grade (to avoid the critical tenth-grade assessment) or even quietly encourage the worst test-takers to stay home on TAAS day (there is no makeup date).
The Bush-Paige system of accountability put such enormous pressure on educators to produce rising scores that inflating special-ed exemptions--and eventually out-and-out cheating by teachers and principals--became scandals. When Paige cracked down on both in 1999, scores went, in Paige's own words, "violently" down. Furthermore, with graduation rates part of the accountability mix, not to mention Paige's own compensation package, a kind of, well, fuzzy math now governs the calculation of who actually completes school. Both a conservative and a liberal gadfly group have protested, independently of each other, for years that Houston's graduation rates are wildly exaggerated, and recently Walter Haney, a Boston College education professor, has noted that "there was a sharp upturn in numbers of young people taking the GED tests in Texas in the mid-1990s." The GED, a high-school-equivalency test, allows students to evade TAAS, and it removes them from the official graduation scorecard.
The simple question to Paige should be: Before we confirm you, and before we move to a Texas-style system of accountability nationally, can you assure us that Houston's educational gains weren't a mirage? That the culture of testing is good for schools? There have been widespread reports of test-prep rallies, school-sanctioned all-night crams, schools forgoing basic educational services to buy expensive commercial study guides.
And testing gets to a deeper commonality between Bush and Paige. As Paige has written, "Nearly three-quarters of Houston's students are disadvantaged, but the factors that make them disadvantaged have nothing to do with ability to learn," a sentiment Bush echoed neatly when at Paige's appointment he said, "He understands that we don't give up on any child, regardless of their background." This sounds caring enough, but it has an edge: Poverty will not be an excuse. This in turn dovetails all too nicely with the culture of testing, which is often Procrustean in ignoring the vastly different social legacies children bring with them to their first day at school.
The tendency to paper over a young pupil's background, as well as the comfort both Paige and Bush draw from purely quantitative, rather than qualitative, measures of a child's well-being, will make a critical difference at the level of policy: Bush has promised to move Head Start from the Health and Human Services Department to Paige in Education, converting it from an antipoverty program for preschoolers into, essentially, a phonics program for early reading. One Head Start founder has already publicly fretted that its broader mission--attending to the health and welfare needs of at-risk children--might be in jeopardy. Notwithstanding the friendly public reception thus far, there should be no shortage of questions for Paige before the reins of federal education policy get handed over.
In the end, Linda Chavez undid her own nomination through her disingenuousness. Bush's first nominee as Labor Secretary withdrew after a storm of publicity about her relationship with a Guatemalan woman who was illegally in the United States and doing chores at Chavez's home while living with Chavez and being given money by her.
Chavez apparently broke federal laws in her actions, but if providing a room and money to Marta Mercado had really been a humanitarian act and not a way of getting housework done on the cheap, Chavez might have survived a tough fight. But she was not upfront about her past with members of the Bush transition team, and they essentially abandoned her.
Chavez was right to decry the "politics of personal destruction," which focuses on finding personal shortcomings and minor legal violations to undermine political figures, but she was a hypocrite in the extreme in her invocation of that charge. Few people have engaged in such political blood sport with as much energy as Chavez, who blasted Clinton's 1993 nominee Zoë Baird for having employed an immigrant; who engaged in barely concealed race-baiting and gay-baiting against her 1986 Maryland Senate race opponent, Barbara Mikulski; and who regularly attacked even the most modest and established regulations of the economy, like the minimum wage, as "Marxist."
The real reason that Linda Chavez should have been defeated--or withdrawn, or never nominated--is that she was unfit for the job by virtue of her steadfast and ardent opposition to the laws that she would have been charged with enforcing.
She held various Democratic policy jobs in the early 1970s before taking a job as an assistant to American Federation of Teachers president Albert Shanker in 1977. As part of a small but influential labor network of hawkish Social Democrats, she shared Shanker's opposition to most affirmative action, and she recruited conservatives such as William Bennett, Jeane Kirkpatrick and Robert Bork to write for the teachers' magazine. In the years since, she has continued to fight against affirmative action. But the Labor Secretary is responsible for monitoring affirmative action compliance by federal contractors, who employ about 22 percent of the civilian labor force.
Chavez opposed increasing the minimum wage even when it was at a postwar record low, opposed family and medical leave, derided the issue of sexual harassment in the workplace, opposed measures to eliminate inequitable pay distinctions and endorsed employer discrimination against workers who refuse overtime. And she has attacked efforts of workers, such as doctors, to organize unions.
Chavez tried to cloak herself in humanitarian robes as she withdrew, pulling together personal testimonials of individuals, especially poor immigrants, whom she had helped, but as Labor Secretary, with the policies she advocated, she would have done immense damage to millions of workers, especially poor immigrants, minorities and women. This appears to be the essence of "compassionate conservatism"--handouts for a few individuals, the boot for the vast majority.
Unfortunately, Chavez's departure, however welcome, is only a minor victory. By appointing her, Bush made it clear that his administration will be vigorously antilabor. As unions have strengthened their political operations in the past three election cycles, Republican and conservative efforts to undermine unions have escalated.
Despite the dramatic 1998 failure in California of the "paycheck protection" initiative, which would have required prior written approval of union political expenditures by each member, Vice President-elect Dick Cheney has already signaled that the Bush administration will push for similar federal legislation. There are fears that Bush may either temporarily suspend or even try to overturn new ergonomics regulations for better-designed workplaces, just implemented after a ten-year battle, and that his administration may try to revive the 1996 political fundraising scandal involving former Teamsters leaders as a tool to attack the Democrats and the AFL-CIO, especially secretary-treasurer Richard Trumka. (The presence of two current Teamsters officials on the Bush labor transition team--the only unionists on a list of corporations, trade groups and antilabor law firms--gives weight to these worries.)
Republicans in Congress have also made it clear that they want to overturn current federal regulations requiring overtime pay for more than forty hours of work in a week, to open the door to now-outlawed company-controlled "unions" (through the TEAM Act), to weaken enforcement of workplace health and safety regulations, and to give employers greater latitude in classifying workers as independent contractors, making it easier for employers to abuse and underpay workers, who are in turn denied the right to organize. The latter two initiatives were pet projects of former Missouri Representative James Talent, who was widely mentioned as a possible replacement for Chavez.
It seems, from the names mentioned, that the next Bush choice as Labor Secretary might be easier to get approved by the Senate but will be no more sympathetic to the needs of workers or the legitimate role of unions in American society. The fight over Chavez, which the AFL-CIO was preparing to launch just as she pulled out, is only the beginning of what promises to be intense combat in the years to come.
It was one of those odd little paragraphs that leap out at you, so filled with unexpected images it was. "What would Al Sharpton do if Bush calls him?" inquired Peter Noel in a recent issue of the Village Voice. Sharpton's reply was pure deadpan: "I would not meet with Bush alone.... There has to be an agenda that the black collective agrees with. Clearly, I'm not looking to be part of the Bush administration."
It was inspiring to know that Al Sharpton had seriously thought about what to do if Bush should call him. It was inspiring because I figure there's at least as much chance of Bush calling me as Sharpton. So if the press is interviewing him about such prospects, then I should be prepared.
First of all, the Bush team needs me. I don't know how to say this gently, because I know how hard they tried, but most of us in the black community agree that Sister Condoleezza and Brother Colin do not a rainbow coalition make. And since John Ashcroft is backed by the Christian Coalition and Bob Jones University, I know that Bush knows that the fair and unifying thing to do now would be to make a radical lefty critical race theorist like me the head of the civil rights division. Yes, me--the frizzy-haired feminist alternative to Al Sharpton. I offer myself up as Bush's own personal Lani Guinier.
Since we're looking ahead here, I must confess that, like Sharpton, I wouldn't meet with Bush alone. Not that I worry about becoming the next Monica Lewinsky or anything, but all in all, I'd want witnesses. The kind of witnesses I'll bet Donald Rumsfeld wishes he had to explain those tapes in the National Archives. The ones in which he agrees with Nixon that African blacks are "just out of the trees." Rumsfeld, who's heard saying, "That's right," "I know" and "That's for sure," now has no better excuse to fall back upon except that he was "acknowledging," not agreeing with, Nixon.
But with me, a Bush White House would never have to worry about such embarrassing moments, because on each and every tape for posterity you'd hear me, loud and clear, exclaiming, "Say what?" and "You've got to be kidding!" You'd hear me reciting the Emancipation Proclamation, telling people about the Reconstruction Amendments, chanting passages from international conventions against the death penalty and pointing out Greece on the map.
What of my broader political agenda, you may well ask. Unlike Al Sharpton, I'm not ambitious enough to come up with something with which a presumed "black collective" might entirely agree. Nevertheless, since I was among the 92 percent of blacks who collectively voted Democratic, I'm confident that I'll be a lot closer to that goal than Republican "civil rights activists" like Abigail Thernstrom.
Like Laura Bush, I'm also a great believer in literacy. So when Lynne Cheney rises up to decry the decadent state of the arts in America, I'll help out by making sure the National Archives has plenty of copies of that lusty lesbian love story she published before Dick gave her what must have been a really, really good spanking. When librarians ban Harry Potter for promoting witchcraft, I'll be sure to suggest that they try replacing it with the 1853 edition of The Very Hungry Caterpillar--that children's book Bush says he so enjoyed reading as a child, but that some bitter liberals insist wasn't published until the year he graduated from college.
When John Ashcroft waxes nostalgic about the good old days of the Confederacy when "the races" lived together in honeyed harmony, I'll help set up the Sally Hemings Memorial Genealogical Resource Center so that all of us black folk who were so much happier then can find our way back to our beloved masters. I sincerely look forward to homesteading my own little cabin-in-the-garage, listening to the chilluns tell the neighbors how like family we all are. If the Missus wants to give me a little pocket money, and if I freely choose to do a few small chores like plowing the back forty, then isn't that precisely the utopian arrangement that former Labor Secretary-designate Linda Chavez, referring to the hospitality she bestowed upon a former slave of her own, described as "an act of charity and compassion"? Indeed, I foresee a mass migration of freedom-weary blacks streaming back to Tara to live with our good white cousins who have been waiting all these years for us to see that home is where the DNA says it is.
Moreover, when failed nominee Chavez continues to attack labor unions for interfering with such good intentions from her post at the Center for Equal Opportunity, I will see to it that she becomes a global role model of free enterprise, and on prime time. I'm pretty sure I could interest Fox in a program called Survivor Too. I see Ms. Chavez and the entire cast of characters of her think tank being transported to a remote tenement building in South Central Los Angeles. There they would have to learn to catch and broil rats, thatch their own roofs, find an open gas station when the toilets overflow and commute to their jobs in Washington, DC, by public transportation. To make it interesting, I suppose we could jack up the stakes with a Wolof-only language requirement. Each week, we the American public would be allowed to call in our votes and kick one resident out onto the street, where, dressed only in skimpy rat-skin jerkins, they would be consigned to begging for food on the mean streets of the financial district. If Chavez gets to Washington within one year of Inauguration Day, she gets that Cabinet post after all.
Finally, when Tommy Thompson succeeds in getting a federal ban on abortion and does away with welfare as we know it, I pledge to resurrect Jonathan Swift's modest proposal that the nation's Truly Deserving Rich round out their diets by dining on the plump babies of the Truly Undeserving Poor.
A baby in every pot, a contented ex-slave in every garage. I sit by the phone, waiting to serve.
Following Vice President Al Gore's concession, President-elect Bush announced: "I was not elected to serve one party, but to serve one nation. The President of the United States is the President of every single American, of every race and every background." It was an appropriate speech delivered from the Democratic-controlled Texas House chambers. Referring to the Texas House as "a home to bipartisan cooperation," Bush added, "Republicans and Democrats have worked together to do what is right for the people we represent."
But who are George Bush's bipartisan Democrats?
Texas State Representative Paul Sadler, a Democrat, told the New York Times that Bush "didn't invent bipartisanship in Texas." It "kind of developed over the years because of the nature of the system." Nature of the system? What system? Essentially it is the same "system" around which the rest of the Southern Democratic Party developed.
The Southern Democratic Party was the party of slavery. Conservative Democrats were the Confederates during the Civil War. Democrats either were, or cooperated with, the KKK in resisting Reconstruction. Following Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), conservative Democrats practiced Jim Crow--separate and unequal. And after Brown v. Board of Education (1954), conservative Southern Democrats were the prime resisters of desegregation.
After Brown and the civil rights evolution of the 1960s, and the application of Goldwater's 1964 and Nixon's 1968 "Southern strategy," Southern white males especially began to leave the national Democratic Party in significant numbers. Republicans began to appeal to them with a series of racial themes and code words: "conservatism" during the civil rights struggles in 1964, "law and order" after the riots of 1967-68, "antibusing" in 1972, "welfare queen" in 1980, "Willie Horton" in 1988 and "compassionate conservatism" in 2000. Democrats also played this game: Carter's "ethnic purity" misstep in 1976 almost got him into serious trouble with the party's base; Bill Clinton used "Sister Souljah," and Al Gore emphasized crime ("blanket America in blue")--Democratic Southerners all. And all, Republicans and Democrats alike, are from the same system. Clinton redefined the Democratic Party away from the "special interests" of blacks--symbolized by Jesse L. Jackson Sr.--by politically manipulating a rapper. Because of Jackson's tireless pursuit of racial justice, and because he's a strong and highly visible Democrat, Republicans are now attempting to define and identify him as the symbol of the Democratic Party.
Taking a page from ultraconservative Ronald Reagan--who often referred favorably to the liberal FDR--Bush quoted the ideological founder of the Democratic Party, Thomas Jefferson. But Jefferson, a Virginian, was also the author of a Kentucky resolution and conservative theory of Southern resistance called "nullification," and his Democratic partner, James Madison, developed the theory of "interposition." Both concepts were forms of Southern resistance--first, resistance to ending slavery, and later to ending Jim Crow segregation. Jefferson also provided the ideological foundation for the concept of "local control"--the stepchild of "states' rights." Bull Connor, Jim Clark, Lester Maddox, Orval Faubus and George Wallace were all the products of this "system" and were Democratic advocates of states' rights, local control and an antifederal ideology of less government, lower taxes and a strong military.
It is this legacy of conservative Southern Democrats that created the "bipartisan system" that State Representative Paul Sadler referred to. It is this legacy of conservative Southern Democrats in Congress with which President-elect Bush intends to work. But the President-elect's problem of governing all of the people cannot be satisfied merely by building bridges to essentially conservative Southern Blue Dog, Yellow Dog, New Dog or DLC Dog Democrats. These conservative dogs already support him. His problem will be in reaching out and building bridges to liberals and progressives who feel like they've been treated like dogs, who represent the dogs who have been left out in the cold and put in the doghouse by a bipartisan coalition of conservative Republicans and Democrats. Indeed, this is the bipartisan pack that consistently bites us.
This conservative bipartisan coalition is generally for denying a woman's right to choose, supports charitable choice and violates the Constitution's mandate of church and state separation by attempting to put parochial prayers and the Ten Commandments in public schools. Out of this bipartisan "system" comes the privatization movement--public vouchers for private schools, privatizing all or part of Social Security, privatizing healthcare through medical savings accounts and much more.
It is this conservative bipartisan coalition that allows Ralph Nader to say that we have one corporate party with two different names. If Democrats go down this bipartisan path it will only strengthen Nader and the Greens for 2002 and 2004. The move down that path has already been aided by Democrats: In 1992 a conservative Democrat, Bill Clinton, selected an even more conservative running mate, Al Gore, who in 2000 selected an even more conservative running mate, Joseph Lieberman. By helping to shift the Democratic Party and the country further right, a very conservative George W. Bush could select an ultraconservative Dick Cheney as his running mate--and win.
The heart and soul of this conservative bipartisan coalition is the South, though by no means do all white Southerners regard themselves as part of it. Most Southern Democratic elected officials would be Republicans above the Mason-Dixon line, and Republican Senator Olympia Snowe of Maine, for example, could not be elected south of the Mason-Dixon line in either party. She would be seen as too liberal, and her views would be considered traitorous to Southern heritage, traditions and values.
More than half of all African-Americans still live in the former Confederacy, and nationally they voted 92 percent for Gore. Yet the entire body of Democratic leadership in the House and Senate are all white men. While Bush got only 8 percent of the African-American vote, Democrats have no visible elected African-American Congressional leaders who compare to the Republican exceptions of Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice or Representative J.C. Watts of Oklahoma.
This system is what President Lyndon Johnson understood on August 6, 1965, when he signed the Voting Rights Act and afterward said privately that national Democrats had probably lost the South for at least a quarter-century. He understood the system that produced Southern politics and the bipartisan white coalition that drove it. His insight has now come home to roost big-time in the 2000 election. Bush won the old Confederacy and the rural states of the West, which have a similar political philosophy--plus Indiana, Ohio and New Hampshire. Gore won the old Union states of the North and Northeast, plus New Mexico, California, Oregon and Washington, which are more in harmony with national Democratic policies.
This system of bipartisan cooperation, social and economic conservatism, and individualistic, personalistic and pietistic religion is rooted in a region that imposes the highest number of death penalties and has the highest crime in the country, the poorest schools, the worst healthcare and housing, the greatest environmental degradation and the greatest poverty--and this conservative Southern system sustains it and is increasingly leading and influencing the nation. As State Representative Garnet Coleman, a Houston Democrat, said, "Even if something is bipartisan, it still often doesn't solve the problems of certain groups of people in Texas. They would be people who don't have health insurance, working families, the vulnerable in our society."
The South, and America, need a progressive bipartisan economic coalition to fight for better jobs and job training, healthcare, affordable housing and a good educational system--for all Americans. However, that is not the agenda of Bush and his Democrats.
John Ashcroft's nomination as Attorney General is the first installment on George W. Bush's enormous political debt to the radical right. Remember back in early February when Bush's campaign for the Republican nomination was on the ropes? John McCain had beaten him badly in New Hampshire and had just broken through Bush's attempt to keep him off the New York State primary ballot. The McCain campaign was on fire in South Carolina, and the so-called Bush firewall in Michigan was collapsing. A loss in South Carolina would have all but ended the Bush campaign. A shaken Bush did what he had to in order to win there--he sold his soul at Bob Jones University. The rumor was that he made a Faustian bargain with the radical right to give them the Justice Department and the federal judiciary if they would save his candidacy. Apparently it worked. Right-wing religious fundamentalists defeated McCain in South Carolina and provided the shock troops to derail him in Republican-only "closed primary" states, where McCain was cut off from his natural constituency.
After Bush secured the nomination, he seemed to signal his acceptance of the deal by praising Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas. The radical right responded with a surge of support and, more important, with the gift of silence spared Bush from having to acknowledge his debt. Five members of the Supreme Court, including Scalia and Thomas, sealed the deal by anointing Bush as President-elect without the formality of his winning the election. Now the debt to the Christian right has come due.
Ordinarily, Presidents have the right to use Cabinet nominations to pay political debts. If Gore had not only won the most votes but had actually been allowed to become President, organized labor and the civil rights movement would now be lining up to collect their debts. In an ordinary presidential election, the winner enjoys the right to call the shots on policy as the political surrogate for the electoral majority. Thus, if this were an ordinary election it would be wrong to oppose John Ashcroft's nomination on political grounds. But Bush didn't win an electoral majority. He lost the national popular vote by more than 500,000 votes. He may have lost the Electoral College as well, obtaining Florida's crucial twenty-five electoral votes through a Supreme Court opinion that prevented an accurate vote count.
Don't get me wrong. George W. Bush is the President-elect. Respect for the rule of law requires us to follow the Supreme Court's ruling imposing Bush on the nation. But a President-elect who has been rejected by the majority of voters, and who may be taking office only because the Supreme Court refused to permit all the ballots to be counted in Florida, has no automatic right to saddle us with an extremist Attorney General who has just been rejected by the voters of his own state and who is pledged to wage war on behalf of a right-wing ideology that has been firmly rejected by most Americans.
Democratic senators who would ordinarily be inclined to allow the President-elect to form his Cabinet without opposition should not hesitate to oppose Ashcroft's nomination. The radical right hasn't earned control of the Justice Department, or the right to pick federal judges in the image of Scalia or Thomas. What President-elect Bush is entitled to from all Americans is respect for his office and cooperation in attempting to form and administer a centrist government. But there is no duty to cooperate in forming an extremist government. That is why the Democrats must use their "earned" 50-50 split in the new Senate to block the Ashcroft nomination. Not because Ashcroft is a bad man. He is, by all accounts, a decent man. Not because Ashcroft is a racist. He is, apparently, free from overt racial bias. But because he stands for terrible policies that would strike at the core of the American consensus. He stands for denying women freedom of choice. Unlike many principled foes of abortion, however, Ashcroft's reverence for human life does not prevent him from being an enthusiastic supporter of capital punishment. He stands for weakening the civil rights laws. He stands for eroding the wall between church and state. He stands for more censorship of free speech.
For once, let's have a vigorously contested confirmation hearing on Ashcroft that doesn't spiral down to character assassination. This is not about Ashcroft's competence. This is not about his honesty or his decency. It's about his politics--and whether George W. Bush has the right to impose the agenda of the radical right on a nation that has rejected it. If there is an iota of courage left in the forty-one Democratic senators it would take to sustain a filibuster, they'll rise up and say to President-elect Bush: We will not cosign the payment of your debt to the radical right by surrendering the Justice Department and the federal courts. The price for the nation is just too high.
The danger: He might sell the idea, and his agenda, with the help of a few Democrats.
Just how bad an Attorney General would John Ashcroft be? And is his nomination worth fighting? To answer the first question, talk to those who have experienced Ashcroft up close and personal. Like Harriet Woods, Missouri's lieutenant governor during the first of Ashcroft's two terms as that state's chief executive: She calls him "a disaster for minorities and for women." Or like retired Missouri Supreme Court Judge Charles Blackmar. Blackmar--a Republican appointee--accused Senator Ashcroft of "tampering with the judiciary" by blocking the federal court nomination of the amply qualified Missouri judge Ronnie White. Ashcroft opposed Judge White, an African-American, on the ostensible grounds that he voted against too many death sentences, leading Blackmar to this pungent assessment of the philosophy guiding Bush's chief law officer in the the crucial job of appointing federal judges: "The senator seems to take the attitude that any deviation is suspect, liberal, activist."
Ashcroft's sense of what constitutes "deviation" is broad even by the standards of the right, and his hard-line opposition to abortion isn't the half of it. The list of things Ashcroft is on record opposing is a catalogue of American social progress: contraception, school desegregation, solar energy, government assistance for woman- and minority-owned businesses, fuel efficiency standards for cars, workplace-discrimination protection for homosexuals, campaign finance reform and the nuclear test ban treaty. As governor, he even prohibited over-the-candy-counter sale of bonbons with liqueur centers.
It is African-Americans who will first take it on the chin from an Ashcroft Justice Department. As Missouri attorney general in the 1970s, Ashcroft initially honored the moderate, integrationist legacy of his mentor and predecessor, John Danforth. But he soon learned the value of playing hard-line race politics, fighting tooth and nail against desegregation of the massively unequal schools in Kansas City and St. Louis all the way to the US Supreme Court and spurning every attempt at an out-of-court settlement. Ashcroft won a tough GOP primary for governor in 1984 with attack ads accusing his opponent of being soft on desegregation. In the words of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch editorial page, he has "built a career out of opposing school desegregation...and opposing African-Americans for public office."
Reports have it that Bush's first favorite for AG was the more moderate Governor Marc Racicot of Montana--who, the story goes, was shot down by the far right. That creative spin control allows the administration-elect to play to both its flanks--deferring to the right with the nomination while assuaging moderates with the fiction that this nomination doesn't reflect Bush's deepest convictions. In fact, Ashcroft's nomination embodies one of the fundamental lessons of the first George Bush Administration: that the justice system is the arena that counts for right-wing patronage. The permanent elite of Republican technocrats like Donald Rumsfeld can have the run of the store as long as Justice turns out a steady stream of antiabortion briefs and far-right judge nominees.
Watch for a confirmation strategy that echoes fellow Danforth protégé Clarence Thomas in 1991, beginning with Ashcroft lobbying individual senators, followed by a confirmation narrative emphasizing Ashcroft's childhood--how his minister father befriended black missionaries--over the substance of Ashcroft's record as segregationist and antichoice absolutist. Once again, leading the Senate Judiciary Committee Democrats will be Joe Biden, whose vanity and strategic incompetence contributed mightily to Thomas's narrow confirmation. Biden, reprising his fatal 1991 indecision, has declared he is "inclined" to support Ashcroft.
So is this a nomination worth fighting? Other Bush Cabinet nominees also pose direct threats to specific constituencies, but there is real urgency to laying down a marker on Ashcroft. The threat his nomination poses cuts across constituencies and issues, and the stakes are every bit as high as in the Clarence Thomas and Robert Bork Supreme Court nomination fights. The Justice Department has expanded its authority as has no other agency in recent years. Through appointments to the federal bench, Supreme Court arguments and priorities, the appointment of US Attorneys and the enforcement of civil rights and antitrust law, any Attorney General can change the country in profound ways. All the more so with Ashcroft: not just because of his regressive constitutional views but because Bush appears likely to vest more power in his advisers than any President in memory.
And this is a fight that is winnable, despite Biden's early bumbling and the irrelevant conventional wisdom that the Senate will defer to one of its own. (Remember John Tower, whose Senate record could not rescue his nomination as Bush Senior's Defense Secretary?) The Clinton impeachment hearings and trial showed repeatedly that most Americans have little patience with moral extremists like Ashcroft, and it shouldn't take much to convince a broad segment of the public that he is out of touch. Civil liberties and corporate regulation have a currency and a constituency they lacked when public-interest groups beat Bork in 1986. With public support for the death penalty falling, with even GOP governors questioning the wisdom of the drug war, with Republican Supreme Court Justices reaffirming Roe v. Wade and a Republican Congress softening the Cuba embargo, Ashcroft looks like a dinosaur, the anachronistic spawn of Strom Thurmond and Jesse Helms.
Besides, whatever the outcome, a fight against Ashcroft will generate rather than expend political capital for civil rights and civil liberties advocates. Democrats gained from the Bork and Thomas confirmation fights as the public became educated about the real agenda of conservatives and as Beltway-bound liberal lobbies reconnected to grassroots constituencies. There is every reason to think Ashcroft could be defeated--and even if he is not, fighting his confirmation could lay the foundation for a new coalition, a shadow Justice Department that will dog the Bush Administration's every judicial nomination and every reversal of civil rights. This is no time to roll over.
Some reasons (personal and political) for applauding Colin Powell's new appointment.