text:
Report on
The Council of Europe Project
"Roma Access to Employment in SEE"
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Serbia and Montenegro,
"the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"
April 2005
Ina Zoon & Judith Kiers
Even now there are places where a thought might grow – Peruvian mines, worked
out and abandoned
And in a disused shed in Co. Wexford
Let not our naïve labours have been in vain.
Derek Mahon
The authors would like to thank the members of the Roma communities, Herbert
Heuss, the local consultants and the Advisory Board Members for their valuable
1. Historic context p. 4
2. Roma Strategies p. 10
3. Employment policies p. 17
4. Decade Action Plans p. 24
5. Discrimination in Access to Employment and
Employment at work p. 26
6. Inter-sectoral cooperation p. 37
7. Roma Women p. 39
8. Roma Youth p. 42
9. Lessons learned, good practices, suggestions for future work
p. 44
10. Conclusions p. 53
ANNEX – Bibliography p. 55
Introduction – Roma issues in context
To understand the current high rates of Roma unemployment in the former Yugoslav
countries it is necessary to shed some light on the historic context, and to
provide some insight in the economic and political context of the region in the
20-th century.
1.1. Brief historic overview: Roma in the Balkans
Up to World War II
After the First World War new nation states were created on the ruins of the
Habsburg and Ottoman empires. This did not fundamentally change the situation or
perception of Roma. They were often seen as useful and from their first
appearance were permitted, encouraged and/or even forced to settle. On the other
hand, in several countries they received formal recognition as national
minorities which had tragic consequences in the Second World War, especially in
the former Yugoslavia where ethnic cleansing and extermination on the basis of
race affected Roma. Over 500,000 Roma and Sinti lost their lives in World War II,
many of them from Central and Eastern Europe and the Balkans.
Communist period
During the Communist period the overall structure of the economies shifted
decisively in a way that benefited most Roma by opening to them new
opportunities that had never existed before. Formerly the lowest stratum of
backward rural economies, Roma were now in demand as industrial labour force in
the unrelenting drive to "build Socialism". Instead of existing as pariahs,
eking a precarious living as a dispensable pool of casual labour, they were now
full citizens, at least formally, with the potential of entering the mainstream
(unskilled) labour force at equal wages to their non-Roma fellow workers. During
this period many Roma craftsmen lost their independence as small-scale producers.
Yet, Roma considered this period the "dawn" of a new existence – a complete
reversal of their fortunes. They were able to benefit from regular wages and to
improve their social situation by building new and better houses and sending
their children to school. However, there have always been groups of Roma who
managed to exist outside of the national government rules, who did not depend on
the economic relations and adhered to their own internal practices and ignored
government institutions, including education.
War, ethnic conflict and tensions
The armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990's seriously affected
the national economies and the national labour markets, not only of the
countries directly involved in these conflicts, but also those of its
neighbouring countries. The combined impact of direct war damages, economic
embargo imposed on the belligerent countries, the lack of domestic capital for
necessary large-scale restructuring and reluctance of foreign capital to come to
the country due to political and economic uncertainties contributed to their
much slower recovery and to high unemployment and underemployment of the
population. In order to boost economic restructuring and growth in these
countries, stabilise their political and social development, assist in resolving
their disputes and pending problems and accelerate their integration into the
European Union, the Stability Pact was concluded in 1999.
The warring nations or ethnic groups consisted of Serbs, Croat and Bosnians,
while Roma were squeezed between them, opportunistically recruited to their
neighbours' cause when convenient and cynically discarded or expelled when their
usefulness had passed. The bitter experience of the Roma in Kosovo (1999) is the
best illustration of the tragic yet historically familiar role of the Roma as
political pawns in power games beyond their control. This leaves the Roma as the
biggest losers of the years of violence in the region. They may have lost
houses, their jobs, have become war-invalids, yet there is no government that
will compensate for their loss, no property restitution has taken place nor are
they recognized as war-veterans or invalids with appropriate (financial)
compensations (pension or employment advantages).
Transition period.
The four Balkan states under discussion are currently gradually moving into the
transition phase. What can be observed in Central and Eastern-European countries
that crossed this bridge before them is that the same economic and political
forces that offered the Roma hope during the Communist period also trapped them
and led to their downfall. Command economies (such as during the Communist
period) needed unskilled Roma workers; emerging market economies do not.
Consequently Roma in Central and Eastern-European countries were the first to be
made redundant and the last to be hired to fill any vacancies, often as a direct
result of institutional discrimination. Only a small minority of Roma, such as
those who had preserved their traditional skills of dealing during communist
time, were able to take advantage of the new freedoms to expand into car-dealing,
restaurant ownership and other entrepreneurial activities. These Roma were not
part of the pandemic unemployment among Roma that emerged in Central and
Eastern-European countries.
1.2. Economic situation in Western Balkans
Croatia was one of the most developed republics of the former Yugoslavia, but
the war and the privatization of the formerly state owned companies, which
resulted in the bankruptcy of these companies, consequently led to economic
crisis and high unemployment rates. Of the 5,000 Roma in Međimurje county only
25 are currently employed, even though before it was at least 200. One research
estimates that 89% Roma household do not have a single member with a permanent
income. In Bosnia and Herzegovina there is an overall unemployment rate of 42% (even
though the World Bank estimates lower numbers – 16-20% - due to a large part of
the population being employed in the grey economy), also due to the post-war
economic collapse and the transition period. No percentages of Roma unemployment
can be given as no reliable ethnically sensitive statistics exist.
In Serbia and Montenegro the transition phase is only just starting due to the
relatively late turn-over of the "old regime" in October 2000. Serbia and
Montenegro are suffering from the aftermath of severe economic crisis in the
90-ies as well as privatization processes and increasing political instability.
Unemployment rates for heads of Roma families are currently 68.4% compared to
their non-Roma neighbours 15,7% in Serbia and 43.3% for Roma compared to 17.4%
for general population in Montenegro.
In "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" economic restructuring in the
last ten years brought substantial job losses and in 2003 the unemployment rate
rose to 37% for the general population. According to "the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia" Poverty Reduction Strategy paper the majority of the poor
can be found among Roma even though they may be active in the 'informal' sector
of the economy. Due to unavailability of reliable statistics about the
percentage of Roma population in the country, no unemployment rates for this
population could be given.
Total population |
Unemployment rates |
Roma population |
Unemployment rates |
Croatia |
4,5 mio (census 2001) |
19,1% (2003) |
40,000 (est. National Program for Roma) |
> 50% (percentage of Roma on social assistance - 2002-2003) |
Bosnia and Herzegovina |
3,8 mio (census 2002) |
42% (est. in 2004) |
50,000 (est. census 1991) |
> 70% (percentage of Roma on social assistance – OSCE) |
Serbia |
7,5 mio (census 2002) |
15,7% |
700,000 (est. 2003) |
68,4% (2002) |
Montenegro |
"the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" |
2 mio (census 2002) |
37% (2003) |
130,000 (est. 2003) |
> 50% (UNDP Survey 2004) |
NB. As can be seen most of
the statistical data for Roma are estimates, not based on thorough research.
1.3 Roma Employment issue
As is shown, the economic situation for large groups of Roma has drastically
deteriorated since Communist times, due to economic crises, the wars and violent
conflict situations in the Western Balkans. However, the different republican
governments in their attempts to stabilise the situation and work on social
cohesion and motivated by the prospects of future membership of the EU, have
recognized the Roma as national minorities in all four countries. Yet, what will
this bring to the Roma populations?
National minority status
The status of national minority recognizes the right to protect, preserve and
develop the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity of each person
belonging to national minorities. Discrimination on the basis of ethnicity is
prohibited as well as (forced) assimilation. Proportional representation in
government institutions can be an additional right (as it is according to the
Montenegrin Constitution, Article 73).
This status does not however, assist in providing employment to unskilled Roma.
At best it requires the services of a few educated Roma for positions in
government or in NGOs.
Yet, the status of national minority can bring some economic advantages in the
long term. If these rights are properly institutionalised in the education
system, Roma children may benefit from their culture represented in the
curricula, of the right to lessons in their own language and by stimulating
respect towards persons with another ethnic background; thus creating a
"positive" ethnic identity for Roma.
In the short term recognizing Roma as a national minority and developing special
Roma (only) programmes may entice anti Roma feelings. Anti-Gypsyism is a
phenomenon on the rise all over Europe. In this light special privileges,
insistence on Roma inclusion and anti-discrimination may produce adverse effects.
Ethnicity as a concept aims to define a group, according to a set of criteria,
including nation, race and social specifications. Even though ethnicity should
out rule social stratification, poverty is still very often seen as part of the
Roma ethnicity. If a Roma improves his economic situation he may choose not
declare himself Roma. The concept of ethnicity is paradoxically a blessing and a
curse: by means of ethnicity a group will be protected and have special minority
rights, while by the same criteria the group can be singled out for
discrimination. Rather than leading to integration, the recognition of the Roma
as a national minority seems to lead to their exclusion.
The Chairman of the European Commission, Mr. Barosso, has quite a different
opinion on "culture" – being one of the rights of national minorities. He stated
during the conference "Europe. A beautiful idea?" on 4 December in the Van Nelle
Factory in Rotterdam: "culture comes before the economy. Economics make[s] a
good life possible, but culture makes life worth living".
Mr. Barosso's statement seems to discard the socio-economic conditions of
certain disadvantaged groups in society. It specifically does not reflect the
reality of the state of poverty of most of the Roma in the Balkan region, which
equals sub-Saharan conditions. In the case of Roma on the Balkans one should
argue, economics come before everything else and employment is a pre-condition
for any decent living conditions. According to Roma
"[They] feel employment to be the key problem for the family life. They are
consistent in that, putting employment in the forefront in 51.6% of cases, and
stressing they would accept any kind of job in 38.3%. Steady employment of a
family member is seen as the crucial problem to be solved in almost 90% of
"Steady employment is, thus, perceived as a desire of the Roma family to improve
its status and is put in the first place... Employment is seen by a majority of
the interviewed Roma families as the first and foremost precondition for
integration. Facing challenges of everyday life and caught in the daily struggle
for survival, Roma families place, then, in the forefront the problem of
employment, unlike "experts" and representatives of state bodies who put
education of children in the first place. Obviously, it is far easier to enrol a
Roma child in a school then to find a decent steady job for an adult Roma
Social dimension
If one considers the Roma only as a "social" group, the multi-dimensional facets
of the Roma way of life are not taken into account. The latter including for
instance Roma culture and tradition as well as the Romani language. This reduces
their problems to a single dimension, usually poverty – easier to address by
governments and international agencies alike – but with limited chances of
long-term success, as the ethnic dimensions have not been addressed.
A combination of the ethnic and social dimension
What ideally one should work towards is: creating a positive ethnic identity
coupled with an upward mobility and equal opportunities for all. This is more
easily set in motion in countries with rapid economic growth where an education
automatically leads to appropriate employment with decent pay. However, even in
countries in transition with decreasing economic growth, new chances for
employment can be created, especially new initiatives, looking for competitive
advantages - "niches" - which can be explored with relative low labour costs,
dedication and hard work. Favourable conditions (legislation, credit-lines,
skills training) to stimulate these entrepreneurial activities are a
The Western Balkans countries under discussion cannot instigate economic growth
on their own. They depend on investments from the West for increased economic
development, for introducing transparent employment structures - based on
independent criteria, such as qualifications – and an educational system geared
towards the demands of the market (employable skills) and accessible to all.
In order to attract Western investors the government of the Balkan republics
should ensure a relatively stable political system, eliminate all corruption and
create a dedicated and reliable work force.
"The Roma issue can be addressed to the benefit of society as a whole". One
could even argue that the Roma could be viewed as an asset to the country
through making EU resources available. Money is not the solution to the Roma
issue, but it is a pre-condition for effective policies. In addition to
allocating resources, it is also vitally important that mechanisms are put in
place to ensure that they are used effectively and take into account the need
for transparency and accountability created by the emergence of Roma politics
and the fact that Roma policy is a public issue.
Through EU/PHARE programs in Central and Eastern-Europe, implemented during
2001-2003, only 9% of the total funding of 95.77 million Euro (64.54 million
Euro from PHARE and 31.23 million Euro national co-financing) has been spent on
improving Roma employment.
1.4. European involvement with Roma
At the European Union level involvement with Roma issues gradually increased and
intensified in 1989 with the prospect of European enlargement. The relevant
conditions for applicant countries were specified in what became the so-called
Copenhagen Criteria (1993), requiring candidate countries to comply with
"stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights
and respect for minorities" as well as "a functioning market economy"(EC 1999:
3). The Council of Europe followed in 1994 with the Framework Convention for the
Protection of National Minorities requesting its signatories to "undertake to
adopt, where necessary, adequate measures in order to promote, in all areas of
economic, social, political and cultural life, full and effective equality
between persons belonging to a national minority and those belonging to the
majority"(CoE 1994, Art. 4, para 2).
At the Tampere summit in December 1999 the European Union (Cocen group) adopted
a set of guidelines addressing the situation of Roma in the candidate countries.
(Guiding Principles for improving the situation of the Roma based on the
recommendations of the Council of Europe's Specialist Group of Roma/Gypsy and on
the recommendations of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities). Even
though not binding, these guidelines provide a comprehensive set of
recommendations in the area of Roma (un)employment.
More recommendations followed, some focussing more on the specific issue of Roma
employment, such as the Council of Europe Rec (2001)17, on improving the
economic and employment situation of Roma/Gypsies and Travellers in Europe, the
Action Plan on Improving the situation of Roma and Sinti with the OSCE Area in
2003 adopted by the OSCE Permanent Council and the EC adopted a directive on
equal employment (2000/43/EC).
Yet, despite these recommendations and policy instruments, countries in a
deplorable economic situation cannot provide follow-up to these instruments
without adequate EU funding and comprehensive programs.
The following actions are recommended:
- Large-scale programs should become more flexible and focus on the local level
where Roma integration can best be achieved
- European recommendations and policy instruments regarding Roma should be
disseminated widely and especially become known to local authorities
- Consequently municipal authorities should be able to apply for (large-scale)
EU funding.
1.5. Stability Pact initiative
Among the Stability Pact objectives, the identification and analysis of the
major problems and challenges in the area of social and employment policy is
indicated as a very important issue for future successful development of these
countries within the integrating Europe. Indeed, since 1989, all the Stability
Pact countries have experienced dramatic employment losses and employment
continued to decline even when these countries emerged from economic recession.
The level of registered unemployment is very high and unemployment has a
long-term character. Many of the jobless persons are young, first-time
jobseekers. Young workers also experience large labour turnover and a high
incidence of short-term employment. The significant difference between
registered unemployment and unemployment measured according to the ILO
definition (the former exceeding the latter) is also characteristic in these
countries, as many formally jobless persons are active in the informal sector.
Other groups of population – those in employment or inactive – also frequently
have second jobs in the informal sector. Typically, informal sector jobs are of
a temporary nature and are of low quality, insecure and unprotected against
accidents at work, occupational disease, etc. As the capacity of the formal
economy to create new jobs is limited, informal employment is the only option
for a large section of less competitive groups of population – the young without
work experience, the elderly, women, persons with disabilities, low educated
workers, members of minority groups, refugees and displaced persons and
demobilised soldiers. According to household surveys on the social situation of
the population, unemployment but also informal sector employment, is often
combined with poverty.
These elements highlight the importance of a well-formulated active employment
policy that would contribute to the creation of new employment, combined with
higher amounts of foreign direct investment. Strengthening the institutional
framework should result in a gradual formalisation of the informal economy. It
is also necessary to improve the quality of employment by upgrading the level of
education and skills of the labour force on the supply side and by enhancing the
technological level of production and its organisation on the demand side. An
important role in facilitating all these changes and movements in the labour
market is to be played by sound labour market policies, directed in particular
at vulnerable social groups. The improvement of the labour market and employment
policies should be undertaken bearing in mind the development policies of the
countries, and in particular their social inclusion and anti-poverty strategies,
as employment is one of the key factors to reduce poverty and inequalities and
to strengthen social cohesion.
1.6. The Roma (employment) issue
As can be concluded it is not so easy to address the (often long-term)
unemployment of Roma. The issue itself is quite complex, while the diversity of
the Roma community may add to this complexity, as well as the mentioned ethnic
and social dimensions of it.
Even though nation-wide amendments to legislation are a pre-condition for
success, the experience learns that Roma integration in its broadest meaning is
best achieved at local level. Therefore also active employment policies with
Roma inclusion should be devised and implemented at local (municipal) level.
This requires a decentralised government structure with appropriate power and
funding for the local self-government authorities.
Chapter 2 - Roma National Strategies
2.1. Employment strategies
Employment is key to integration - it provides regular income for Roma and their
families, security, status, respect and an opportunity of interacting with the
majority. Protection without employment is not and option in itself, it tends to
make people more isolated; dependency on social assistance does not make people
free nor equal.
The governments in the Balkans seem increasingly to understand the importance of
employment for the integration policies: all of them have included employment
chapters in Roma strategies (adopted on yet to be adopted). As all four
countries aspire to integrate into the European Union , the quality of these
policies and effectiveness of their implementation will inevitably appear on the
association and accession agendas.
All four countries have drafts or adopted policy papers for the integration of
Roma. Whether they present the characteristics of a "strategy", an "action plan"
or they are affirmative actions is beyond the scope of this report. However it
has to be noted that some of them are more elaborated than others (which is not
to say better – just more detailed).
In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) there is a National Action Plan (2002 - 2006)
that currently contains a summary of the problems Roma population face on a
daily basis in BiH, "without any recommendations for solutions, plans for action
and or a defined strategy with goals, objectives, purpose, outcomes, or
indicators". Croatia has adopted the National Program for Roma in 2003. The
"former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonian" "Strategy for Roma" has been adopted by
the government on 31 January 2005 (at the same time as the Decade Action Plans).
Serbia did not adopt yet the Draft Strategy for the Integration and Empowerment
of the Roma, but the Ministry of Labour together with the Roma National Council,
World Bank and the State Ministry for Human Rights and National Minorities has
prepared the Decade Action Plan on Roma Employment in accordance with the Draft
Strategy for Integration of Roma. This Action Plan will probably be included in
National Action Plan for Employment.
The objective of all these documents -- adopted as Roma strategies or not – is
to integrate Roma and/or ensure equality of Roma citizens with the majority
population. Employment has a pre-eminent place on the agenda, together with
economic empowerment.
The issue of the effective participation of beneficiaries in the development of
Roma employment policy is one of the most sensitive and controversial. All
states developed participatory mechanisms where Roma experts were invited to
collaborate with non-Roma independent experts or governmental representatives in
working groups. It is not always clear to which extend the result of the work
reflects the concerns of the Roma community, of Roma leaders, of the leading
expert(s) or simply is the result of the negotiation between various ministries
or governmental agencies.
In Serbia and Montenegro, for the development of the draft Strategy a Strategy
Team was established composed of two international experts and four national
experts-including two Roma consultants. Additional experts from the Roma
community were contracted on an ad hoc basis. Community input was secured
through preliminary regional meetings. Nine experts groups were established by
the Roma communities for each of the sectors of the Draft Strategy. A total of
nearly 70 experts participated in the groups.
In Croatia, the Council of Europe has accompanied the drafting efforts and
facilitated the dialogue between the Roma representatives and the governmental
agencies. In BiH it is said that "the Roma representatives were involved on an
equal basis in what has been developed so far." The strategy of "the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonian" is the result of the work of one expert – but
based, inter alia, on an initial policy paper prepared by Roma NGOs.
2.2. Substantive issues
As a rule, the sections on employment in the national strategies (or draft
strategies) cover three big areas: "Reintegration in the labour market", "Roma
entrepreneurship/Self-employment" "Training" to which is added measures related
to Romani women and/or measures related to the information/participation of the
Although recent research indicates that the inclusion of Roma in public works
programmes is not a solution to Roma unemployment – but must been seen as a
transitional/emergency option while creating better possibilities – all
employment recommendations place emphasis on public works. Employment of Roma by
public institutions seems to be another favourite "way out" of the policy makers,
combined with "measures aimed to transform informal activities into formal ones".
In the "Roma entrepreneurship/Self-employment" area, the measures recommended
range from the creation of centres to support entrepreneurship to special
micro-credit programmes, training on management of small enterprises,
facilitating loans and agricultural programmes.
In the "vocational training" area it is recommended to organize training adapted
to the demand of the market, thorough and serious and offering certain
incentives for the trainees ("the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia")
Some of the strategies provide for more specific measures such as hiring 6
counsellors in the employment offices in charge with mediation between Roma
communities and the staff (Croatia) support for the employers who want to employ
Roma workers (Croatia, Serbia) promote the contracting of Roma-owned companies
for the delivering of services (Serbia)
support income-generating projects (Serbia), recycling projects (BiH, Croatia)
As a rule, the gender perspective remains at a rather superficial level ("women
needs should be taken into consideration", "Roma women should receive special
consideration") without clear articulation of needs or solutions.
The creation of special economic/employment funds is suggested by both Croatian
and Serbian (draft) strategy – but the recommendation is formulated in rather
general terms.
A review of the employment chapters of Roma policies in these four countries
reveal some common features:
(i) The weak position of the Roma on the labour market is attributed to the
supply side (Roma education, lack of skills, etc) and demand side (transition,
economic difficulties, etc.) The performance of the system and the reasons why
the system fails to offer Roma job-seekers access to the labour markets are
systematically overlooked, as if the system requires no improvement. This
incomplete analysis leads to partial answers: the measures recommended tend to
make Roma more "employable" but not the system more "accessible" (with the
exception of the Serbian draft strategy which includes some proposals to review
(ii) The differences between regions are disregarded – there is no reference to
concrete opportunities in one part of the country as compared to another part,
it seems that everything is valid everywhere.
(iii) "Roma" are treated as a homogeneous group, as if there are no group
differences, urban/rural differences, age differences, etc.
(iv) The situation of the IDPs, persons without identification documents,
citizenship issues or persons with unclear status are disregarded – no
solutions/recommendation for their employment are made.
(v) There is no serious evaluation of the needs: how many Roma need to be
employed in a certain country/region? How many could be employed on public works
programmes? Do the state institutions have the potential to absorb at least a
part of the Roma labour force? And if yes, which percentage might be absorbed?
Which dimension of the problem the state has to solve? How many unemployed will
there be in five years from now if the state does not act?
(vi) The reality of the grey economy is touched but not seriously considered:
the working presumption seem to be that the majority of the Roma are fully
unemployed and sit around waiting for the state to invite them to training
sessions. The reality is that the overwhelming majority of men and a significant
percentage of women do work, only that their work is informal and flexible,
responding to immediate demands.
(vii) There is a noticeable confusion of roles and competences: strategies
adopted by governments tend to recommend directions of action for the NGOs
instead of establishing the manner in which the state will offer support to the
civil society to carry on the type of projects the NGOs consider necessary for
each community in the response to local needs.
2.3. Commitment to promote equality at work – discrimination
Despite declared good intentions to ensure equality, access of Roma to the
labour market and elimination of discrimination on ethnic grounds, specific
measures on anti-discrimination are missing or are superficial. There is no
commitment to review legislation and administrative practices. There is no
commitment to measure the level of prejudice within the employment system or to
analyze discriminatory practices of private and public employers. There is no
intention to launch targeted research in the field of discrimination at work.
In BiH, at this point, "the government is not committed to developing,
maintaining and supporting a policy of equal opportunities in employment".
In Croatia, "the anti-discrimination approach is rather hesitant: although it is
stated that one of its main objectives is to eliminate discrimination against
Roma, the mere existence of discrimination seems to be sometimes questioned
(e.g. "suppression of eventual discrimination of the police towards Roma").
Problems detected within the employment field are immediately followed by
remarks which blame Roma for it (e.g. "employers have prejudices and the Roma
have the wrong perception that they belong to a discriminated minority and that,
whatever they do, they will not be able to find a job", "the Roma have low
educational levels and refuse to take part in programs for obtaining additional
qualifications and in additional training" etc.)."
The strategy of "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" includes an entire
section on "human rights protection and the issue of discrimination" with a
review of the country's human rights commitments, a note that the authorities
consider the existing legal framework sufficient to secure protection against
discrimination and a summary of the findings and concerns of various UN bodies.
There is no analysis of discrimination, and no assessment of needs. The only
reference "Roma complain that in their everyday life they feel the hidden
discrimination." suggests that discrimination is more a matter of subjective
perception of Roma than a reality. There are only two recommendations directly
related to discrimination: both for the civil society (!) (not for governmental
agencies) to "record the outcome of the complaints related to discriminatory
practices of state organs" and to "assist victims in cases of discrimination".
On the positive side, the document identifies as "indicators" the adoption of a
new anti-discrimination law, the creation of a group (government/NGOs) for the
"transparent information on discrimination" and the creation of teams of Roma
lawyers to litigate discrimination cases.
In Serbia and Montenegro the authors of the Draft Strategy identify
discrimination as one of the main reasons for the weak position of Roma on the
labour market. The document calls for equal opportunities policies for an
"effective anti-discrimination law" and for affirmative action with a view to
increasing the number of Roma employed in Federal, Republican, Provincial and
Municipal institutions.
2.4. Indicators
The document of "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" proposes mid-term
and long-term indicators in the chapter of employment, an attempt which deserves
praise. However, the text fails to identify objectively verifiable indicators
and presents general objectives as "indicators" For example: "increase
information among Roma about possible job opportunities" is not an indicator but
an objective (a goal). The extent to which this objective is accomplished can be
measured using various indicators such as: "the number of Roma who have been
employed following information provided by the employment offices in a certain
period of time", "the number of Roma persons who have been personally informed
about job openings within a certain period of time", "the number of announcement
posted on the walls of employment offices" "the degree of satisfaction of the
beneficiaries with the informational policy and practice of the local employment
office" etc.
The Decade Action Plan for Roma Employment in Serbia contains a series of better
defined indicators: Number of Roma who started their own business annually, % of
Roma hold their current jobs in privatized companies, number of Roma re-employed
after being trained,
% of Roma engaged in grey economy and self-employed Roma register their
businesses (annually), Roma engaged in traditional occupations improve they
skills, production technology and register they crafts, etc.
2.5. Implementation structures
Governments have created various structures (special groups, implementation and
monitoring commissions, advisory groups) to further develop or implement Roma
strategies. As a rule these bodies allow Roma participation but do not nurture
it. Very little of the substantive work – if any – is made during the meetings
of the special groups – and when is done the difference between the level of
expertise of the governmental representatives and the Roma members is so big
that this reduces the process which should be participatory to a governmental
In BiH there is an 18-members Roma Advisory Board which started working in July
The Board does not have any special commission for monitoring the implementation;
all information collected from the field is collected through Roma NGOs on a
voluntary basis. The information gathered in this way is very often incorrect
and not reliable. Coordination among ministries is poor.
In Croatia the government has established in March 2004 a Commission for
Monitoring the Implementation of the National Programme for Roma that is
composed of Deputy Prime Minister as the President of the Commission,
representatives of the relevant ministries and offices, representatives of
Međimurje county, City of Zagreb, nongovernmental organization for human rights,
Romani councils and associations. The Commission should submit a report to the
Government on the implementation of the Programme once a year on the basis of
the reports from individual ministries and other state bodies.
The strategy of "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" proposes the
creation of a Roma Secretariat within the Government, with operational function
which will also monitor implementation. Beside this, a National Roma Inclusion
Council will be established as a management body lead by a National Coordinator
(a Roma person). Apart from the coordinators, the members of the Council will
include four deputy ministers, including the Deputy Minister of Labour as well
as representatives of the civil society, experts, political parties and local
The Serbian Draft Strategy recommends the establishment of Federal Co-ordination
Council as a body attached to the Federal Ministry for National and Ethnic
Communities. The Co-ordination Council would have to consist of representatives
of the Ministry and Roma National Council. The Council should develop general
policies with regard to the integration and empowerment of the Roma, develop
priority programme areas for the Strategy, co-ordinate the relevant Republican
activities and establish guidelines for the implementation at the Republican
level, develop the Terms of Reference of the proposed Support Fund and have the
competence to raise funds. Also a Roma Office should be established "to deal
exclusively with Roma-related issues and be tasked with organizing
capacity-building training, public information campaigns, fund-raising, etc." On
the republican level an Inter-ministerial Commission should be established with
representatives of relevant Ministries, Roma (preferably nominated by the Roma
National Council) and, as appropriate, independent experts, should be included
as members of this Commission. The Draft Strategy underlines that "ways should
be identified to involve representatives of Municipalities in the Commission on
a permanent basis". Within the framework provided by the Federal Co-ordination
Council, the Inter-ministerial Commission should supervise the implementation of
the Strategy and plans of action on the Republican level.
In BiH and Croatia some Roma NGOs are disappointed with the work of the
implementation bodies. The most common complaint is that these bodies are mere
formalities without the mandate and the means to produce a positive change in
the situation of Roma. Many of the governmental representatives appointed to
participate in the work of these bodies are overworked or simply not interested
(BiH: "Elected entity ministers, with the exception of two from state level, do
not come to regular meetings and when they come they are passive.")
Technical support is a problem which needs to be addressed. Financial support is lacking. BiH reports that there is no budget line for the work of the Roma Advisory Board and the funds allocated from other sources are "not even sufficient to cover transportation costs". In Croatia the lack of funds is also a major challenge. The Macedonian text does not indicate clearly how it will finance the operation of the Roma Secretariat and the National Roma Inclusion Council. In Serbia the Roma Secretariat is currently co-funded by donors.
2.6. Implementation progress
It is too early to analyze implementation as some of the countries did not adopt
the strategies yet (Serbia) and others adopted it only a couple of months ago ("the
former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"). In general reporting on the
implementation progress proves to be a complicated exercise. Roma organizations
complain that nothing is done, but they do not have monitoring instruments and
sufficient information to follow up all activities in a systematic manner, so
their progress assessment is rather limited. Governments are in the position to
know what it is done, but often there is a tendency to exaggerate and to present
as "implementation" unrelated events/projects/activities organized by the civil
In BiH – there are no visible results of the work of the Roma Advisory Board
created two years ago. In Croatia, one year after the adoption of the strategy
there are several projects launched in the field of housing, media, capacity
building, and education but nothing yet in the field of employment.
2.7. Monitoring and evaluation
In Croatia the monitoring chapter establishes a special Commission for
Monitoring and Implementation which is supposed to elaborate its own monitoring
guidelines and rules. The Employment Action Plan for Roma in Serbia indicates
that monitoring activities will be carried on by the National Employment Agency
and NGOs and annual reports will be published. In "the former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia" the Roma Secretariat will have monitoring attributions, but there
is also a recommendation to create independent monitoring bodies. In BiH the
Roma Strategy/National Action Plan "does not contain anything concrete, which
could be called measures and mechanism for implementation or monitoring."
Huge amounts of money have been spent in Central and Eastern Europe (and in some
countries of the Western Europe) on Roma projects whose lessons learned have
never been taken into account because the project's impact has never been
evaluated. The inclusion of adequate evaluation mechanisms within the Roma
strategies is not only an indication of a genuine commitment to make a change
and improve the situation of Roma. Evaluation helps to identify and eliminate
projects that have no impact or have an adverse effect on Roma communities. It
helps to identify and promote good practices. It maintains the connection with
the beneficiaries and ensures that tax payers' money is well spent.
In the Croatian Strategy there is no mention of evaluation. The strategy of "the
former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" contains a recommendation to involve
donors, state bodies, beneficiaries and Roma NGOs in evaluation efforts – and to
secure independence of evaluators. This recommendation is rather vague and needs
to be more clearly articulated. The Draft Strategy in Serbia and Montenegro was
criticized for omitting to establish "a precise and well-focused … evaluation
plan. The [Draft] Strategy merely lists some available (local) mechanisms, which
are cumbersome and often ineffective…" The Draft Strategy also recommends the
establishment of an independent mechanism including donors, international
organizations and independent experts.
Communication strategies: Roma policies are not yet widely accepted or seen as
necessary by majority populations, by government officials or by professional
groups. Sound communication strategies are needed to convince the majority,
relevant institutions and professional groups (employers, trade unions, bankers,
etc) of the usefulness of Roma employment programmes. The formulation of these
strategies and their implementation require know how, human and financial
resources. Governments are strongly encouraged to incorporate communication
strategies within their Roma national programmes for employment, in order to
inform society and avoid adverse reactions.
Chapter 3 – National
Employment Policies
3.1. Important pre-conditions for employment
3.1.1. Personal documentation
In the Western Balkans a large number of Roma - mainly those from illegal
settlements - are without personal documentation. Comprehensive statistics do
not exist regarding the numbers of these Roma without identification documents.
A survey conducted in Belgrade by OXFAM discovered that 39% Roma in that city do
not have an ID card. Most affected are Roma IDPs, 56% of them did not have IDP
registration card, which is necessary to receive humanitarian aid.
Lack of personal documents paralyses the access to services and to basic rights
and privileges, such as: right to vote, (free) health care, employment, state
housing provided by the program for social vulnerable people, right to receive
state social assistance, even to receive humanitarian aid from International
Agencies and other non-governmental organizations. "[Roma] also experience
difficulties - as many other IDPs - in obtaining payment of their pensions and
allowances. For instance, pensions paid to IDPs in Serbia are inaccessible to
IDPs in Montenegro without travelling to Serbia,"
Reasons for not registering with the (local) authorities are often: unawareness
on the part of the Roma population, lack of flexibility by the authorities to
adapt to the particular situation of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and
Roma persons living in illegal settlements and related costs associated with
obtaining documents, such as documents fees, court costs and travel/accommodation
These problems are currently addressed sporadically and ad random, only in
Bosnia and Herzegovina an attempt is made – in coordination with the Ministry of
Internal Affairs – to address this issue by advising the municipal authorities
not to charge or to reduce fees for registration of Roma people. No results have
been reported yet.
3.1.2. Ethnically sensitive data collection
In all the country reports the lack of specific employment measures for Roma
is reduced to the fact that no reliable statistics on Roma (un) employment are
available. Without ethnically sensitive data no specific measures can be
designed. It is strongly recommended that both Roma communities and their
representatives and the government institutions find an acceptable way to
collect this information.
3.1.3. Education/(re)qualification
In the region the Roma population show the lowest education levels with
relatively high drop out rates and low enrolment, especially in higher education.
Fortunately this is currently addressed in most countries under review – both by
governments and Roma population alike - and it is hoped that in a few years time
the education levels will come close or be equal with majority population in the
Nevertheless it is strongly recommended that vocational and (re) qualification
trainings are being established, which should be easily accessible to Roma
population. Also there is a specific need for officially recognized second
chance education for Roma to enable them to finish primary and/or secondary
education later in life.
3.1.4. Discrimination
Discrimination and education are mentioned as the biggest obstacles in obtaining
employment for Roma. Discrimination cannot simply be turned into "affirmative
action" as "positive discrimination" - this would most likely produce a backlash
on the Roma community as a whole. It is therefore mentioned, as one of the
"risks" or "pre-conditions/assumptions" for Roma employment, but is dealt with
in more detail in Chapter 5.
3.2. Employment Policies in the region
The main characteristics of the labour market in Croatia are: drastic decrease
of production in the state sector, huge number of bankruptcies of companies, the
highest level of increase of unemployment since it has been registered (1952),
small number of vacancies in the formal economy with simultaneously an increase
of employment in the grey economy, a dependency on seasonal work (over 75%) and
an education system (providing qualifications) not preparing for the needs of a
modern market economy.
National employment policy and other relevant policies in the field of
In its most recent report , the European Commission notes that, for the time
being, Croatian employment policy "consists mainly of a number of active labour
market measures … implemented by the employment services."
Indeed, at the beginning of 2002 the Government introduced the Employment
Promotion Program with 6 subprograms: for university graduates younger than 27,
for certain qualified workers without working experience, for unemployed persons
regardless of age, working experience or qualification (By learning to job for
all), for elderly persons with working experience, for disabled persons and for
war veterans and members of their families. The subprogram By learning to job
for all is particularly relevant for a significant part of the Roma unemployed
population, but it has not given the expected results. One of the main problems
of this collection of measures is the absence of specific measures targeting the
long-term unemployed, a gap also noted by the European Commission .
Even though these "active employment programmes" on the surface seem quite
comprehensive in increasing employment in every possible field, a more strategic
approach is expected from the now being drafted National Action Plan for
Employment. This should increase the capacity for data collection, analysis,
monitoring and evaluation of the various programs. There are firm promises from
the competent authorities that Roma employment issues will be incorporated in
the draft of the National Action Plan for Employment before being submitted to
the government .
There are two specific programs adopted by the government that focus on
addressing specific obstacles in "employability" of "special groups", the
Program of Fight Against Poverty and Social Exclusion , which focuses on
"vulnerable groups" the long-term unemployed, women, elderly workers and young
persons with low educational level (Roma are not expressly recognized as
"vulnerable group" by this program) and the National Action Plan for Young
People, adopted in 2003, which includes young Roma, describing them as belonging
to the national minority with the most difficult social status with high level
of social exclusion and only 10% finishing primary schools. It is expected that
especially this last program will ensure integration of young Roma in the
Croatian Labour Market.
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Due to the destruction of the war and ongoing privatization in the post-war
transition period, large-scale state factories are either closed or operational
with an extremely low capacity. Lack of necessary investment and legal system as
well as introduction of European Union (EU) standards hampers efficient
production and marketing also in the agricultural sector. As a consequence, more
than a third of the labour force population is unemployed, without including
those who are on the "waiting-listed", in the laid off category. In addition,
more than a third of the employed population is in economically unsustainable
National employment policy and other relevant policies in the field of
Currently Bosnia and Herzegovina does not have a National Employment Strategy or
Action Plan. The so-called "active employment measures" are entrusted to the
Employment Agencies. However it depends very much on the Employment Agency in
question whether they will actively start implementing employment measures or
whether they just continue with their core activity of registering unemployed
The Employment Agencies have no specific programmes for Roma and other
vulnerable groups, but some of the employment agencies developed projects for
self-employment. The employment agencies provide credits for self-employment in
the range of 10.000 Euro per one created job place. The interest rate is very
favourable - 4% - with a grace period of one year. Every one, who can provide
guarantees for repayment can apply for such a credit.
From the beginning, Roma were excluded from applying for such credits because
they did not match the criteria. The Government did not want to interfere and
therefore did not give guarantees specifically for Roma people. The Roma NGO's
were not even informed of this credit programme nor of any other programmes
implemented by the Employment Agencies, such as job-subsidies and other
job-creation programmes (e.g. public works). It could be assumed that the
Employment Agencies did not implement these programmes in conjunction with local
communities and other actors and there was no strengthening of partnership at
the local level, which could ensure co-funding by local resources programmes. No
pro-active approach is taken to include specifically vulnerable groups, let
alone Roma.
The government of Bosnia and Herzegovina is not quite skilful yet at creating
conditions for employment and frequently withdraws into its old role of
providing state employment to as many people as possible, instead of creating an
environment which will attract local and foreign investments, providing
employment opportunities. For instance in RS the main employer is provided by
public administration institutions.
Serbia and Montenegro
The formal labour market is on the verge of collapse, due to the extended period
of sanctions (more than 10 years), the general economic crisis and a government
that did not invest in maintaining and/or upgrading state factories. As a
consequence of this situation, so-called "fake employment" made its entrance as
many of the workers have been sent home for a compulsory rest, as they are
considered a "technological surplus". The labour force is ill equipped for their
tasks as the educational system is not in any way preparing young people for a
future workplace, but is schooling them in an autocratic academic way rather
than providing them with practical skills.
National employment policy and other relevant policies in the field of
There is no National Employment Strategy in Serbia, but an assessment on the
policy can be made through reviewing the employment law and its implementation.
In July 2003 the new Law on Employment and Insurance in the Case of Unemployment
was adopted (Official gazette of RS 71/2003), which introduces some new measures,
such as, institutionalization of an "active employment policy" (article 9). This
refers to the special programs and measures in which, inter alia, priority is
given to: employment of refugees and IDPs, employment of persons belonging to
ethnic minorities whose unemployment rate is especially high [underlining by
author], employment and professional rehabilitation of persons with disabilities,
employment of women and self-employment (Article 31). The program of "active
employment policy" as the law prescribes should be adopted by the government.
Also a National Employment Strategy is in progress (in 2004).
In accordance with the "active employment policy" the government, provincial and
local authorities announced already public calls for submitting project
proposals will be financed from the budget of the National Employment Agency and
donations (Articles 32 and 33).
Some of the measures prescribed in the law are progressive and their further
application is in so-called general Acts of the National Employment Agencies -
So, Article 34 of the mentioned Law and Article 57 of the Rules on Conditions
and Procedure of Fulfilment of Rights of Persons Who are Seeking for Employment
(Official Gazette of the RS 61/2004) prescribes that employers who employ
persons from one of the category mentioned in article 31 of the Law (refugees,
IDPs, people with disabilities, employment of persons belonging to ethnic
minorities whose unemployment rate is especially high…) have the right to
subsidies for health, social, and pension security.
Further, Rules on Procedure for Fulfilment of Rights on Subsidies for
self-employment (Official Gazette of RS 07/2004) and in the public announcement
of the Ministry of Labour, Employment, and Social Policy amounts are prescribed
of subsidies for categories of unemployed persons, but does not mention "persons
belonging to ethnic minorities whose unemployment rate is especially high", i.e.
applicable to Roma.
Many of Roma are self-employed in the informal economy and if they will not be
supported they will not be able to adapt to the upcoming legalised economy (formal
market), nor will it be possible for their self-employment or "business" to
survive in the "formal economy".
Therefore, authorities should also allocate special amounts of subsidies for
self-employment to Roma as specified in the category of "persons belonging to
ethnic minorities whose unemployment rate is especially high".
However, a public announcement of the Ministry of Labour, Employment, and Social
Policy states that the active employment policy supports "self-employment
through establishment of SMEs companies, guilds, agricultural farms, shops and
through other forms of business cooperation". However, for one business idea
only one person is able to get a subsidy. For instance, if five unemployed
persons would like to open a bakery together, only one person can get the
subsidy for the bakery. Therefore, authorities should support cooperatives of
unemployed persons and prescribe subsidy amounts for such cases.
Like everywhere else in the region Montenegro is suffering from the aftermath of
the conflict period, combined with the transition from a command-driven to a
market economy. The privatization of many state factories is the cause of the
level of unemployment to rise dramatically.
National employment policy and other relevant policies in the field of
Montenegro has no specific Strategy for Roma population, nor have they
developed Employment Strategies for vulnerable groups. However, The Montenegrin
Law on Employment recognizes the "Active Employment Policy" (AEP) defined in
Article 24, which defines measures to stimulate the establishment of new work
places. Unfortunately no specific target groups are defined. Also according to
the EC Stabilisation and Association Report (2004) "The legal framework [regarding
Labour rights] has improved […] through the adoption of new employment laws. […]
However, implementation of legislation is often difficult. Article 25 stipulates
the right to inclusion in this program of "unemployed persons, employed persons
with half working hours and persons for whose work there is no need for the
reason that of technologic, economic or organizational changes has happened."(i.e.
part-time workers and technological "surplus"). Article 26 provides a list of
measures of the "Active Employment Policy".
Roma have not been mentioned as a special category in any of these articles or
the law itself. However, the Decade Action Plan on Employment has already been
adopted by the Montenegrin government (2005) and it is hoped that the Action
Plan will close this gap and implement appropriate employment measures for Roma,
as well as incorporate the Action Plan eventually in a National Employment
"the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"
Economic restructuring in the last decade brought substantial job losses and
the recorded unemployment is very high and growing: according to the Labour
Force Survey, in April 2003 was 37% of the labour force, which means that at
least one out of three persons able to work, does not have a job or participates
in the grey economy.
Up to date the government did not make any attempt to analyze the employment
situation of Roma or evaluate the impact of various employment measures on the
most vulnerable group of the country. There seems to be a general consensus that
Roma have a very difficult employment situation, but the authorities failed to
formulate any coherent policy in this area. A UNDP report is expected soon to
provide detailed information and create the basis for sound policy making. The
Roma Decade initiative is also expected to provide an opportunity to discuss and
develop targeted employment policies.
National employment policy and other relevant policies in the field of
The National Employment Policy: The institutional framework for the adoption
and implementation of the employment policy in Macedonia is currently in the
process of development (2004).
The government adopted in 2004 the National Action Plan for Employment (hereinafter
"the Plan"). The Plan was developed with technical assistance from the European
Union, within a 2.5 million Euros CARDS programme launched by the European
Agency for Reconstruction (EAR) in 2003. Apart from contributing to policy
development, the EAR programme will also strengthen the National Employment
Bureau and its 30 local branches, train the staff of the employment offices on
how to provide more effective labour market services to unemployed citizens, and
on how to share and disseminate information on vacancies as widely as possible.
Considering its objectives, this particular programme could have been the
vehicle for the so much needed systematic mainstreaming of Roma employment
issues within the national employment policy. Unfortunately there has been no
contact and no formal consultation process between Roma organizations and the
government in the period when the National Action Plan was drafted. Also no Roma
were included in a number of pilot and micro projects, which were launched in
Measures aimed to promote employment
In the previous period the government adopted a significant number of active
employment measures but the number of unemployed is continuously increasing.
Among the measures implemented by the Employment Bureau there are many which
might have been useful and welcomed by Roma job seekers: "the social
infrastructure" project aimed to improve communal infrastructure by using
unqualified labour force, and providing qualification courses for social cases;
"Support the employment of youth in your municipality", a project that provided
temporary jobs to unemployed persons aged 18- 30, "preparation for employment"
which offered professional counselling for youth, organized cooperation with
employers, and ensured professional selection of candidates at the request of
potential employers as well as pre-qualification courses. Unfortunately, the
Bureau does not have any mechanism to monitor and evaluate the impact of these
measures on various ethnic groups, so for the time being policy making in "the
former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" is ethnically insensitive. The bureau
also organized data collection on a series of thematic areas such as employment
mobility, unemployment and migration, employment plans and programs, but as the
ethnicity is ignored, no specific policies can be devised per ethnic or
disadvantaged group.
Another initiative aimed to boost employment, was the adoption of the Law on
initiation of employment also known as Brankov law , which provided financial
incentives to private employers who would consider employing job seekers
belonging to certain categories. Some employers took advantage of this new
incentive system and created new jobs, but in general, results were rather
disappointing and provided almost no opportunities for Roma job- seekers.
3.3. Conclusions
Most countries do not have well developed Employment Strategies. It is
therefore still possible for governments and Roma to discuss inclusion of the
Roma employment issue into the National Employment Strategies. An excellent tool
can be further elaboration of the Decade Action Plans for Roma Employment and
mainstreaming these into medium-term Employment Policies.
4. The
Decade of Roma Inclusion
4.1. Action Plans on Employment
The initiative for a Decade of Roma Inclusion grew out of the conference "Roma
in an Expanding Europe: Challenges for the Future," hosted by the Government of
Hungary in June 2003. The conference was organized by the Open Society Institute,
the World Bank, and the European Commission with support from UNDP, the Council
of Europe Development Bank and the Governments of Finland and Sweden. At this
high level conference, Prime Ministers, or their representatives, from 8
countries - Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Romania,
Serbia and Montenegro, and Slovakia - made a political commitment to close the
gap in welfare and living conditions between the Roma and the non-Roma and to
break the cycle of poverty and exclusion.
The Decade will run from 2005 to 2015. The objective is to speed up social
inclusion and the economic status of Roma.
Croatia already has established a National Program for Roma (Strategy for
Roma Integration). When the government decides to partake also in the Decade
initiative it has been decided that the same ministry and Roma representatives
should be engaged in both initiatives. The Action Plan for Employment is
therefore identical to the National Program. What seems to be missing are fixed
budget-lines per activity as well as long or short term milestones. The apparent
approach is to prepare a year-plan one year in advance and request the
appropriate budget from the Ministry of Finance. It needs to be seen if this
year by year planning provides a strong enough commitment from the government
for Roma Inclusion in the coming ten years.
Bosnia and Herzegovina
The country does not take part in the Decade for Roma Inclusion initiative.
The preparation of the Action Plans for Roma Employment in Serbia and Montenegro
were carried out in the following way.
In Serbia the Roma Secretariat was in charge of organizing the working groups on
the priority areas for the Action Plans. In the course of the year the working
group - consisting of both representation from the Ministry of Labour,
Employment and Social Policies and Roma – grew in expertise and became more
efficient. The Council of Europe activities in the field of Roma employment
coincided with the Decade working group on Employment and as a result most of
the recommendations from the Country report on Roma Access to Employment in
Serbia and Montenegro have been included in the Action Plan for Roma Employment.
The Serbian government has adopted the Action Plan which is quite comprehensive,
with budget allocations and comprises also structural changes in Employment
In Montenegro the Action Plans were developed in working groups organized by the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The level of expertise provided from the side of
the government was higher than in Serbia, but the Roma representation was rather
limited. The Action plan estimates that policy and legislative change will be
adopted in 2008, including adoption of the Law on Minorities and relevant
antidiscrimination legislation. It should be noted that Montenegro has no
Strategy for Roma, which makes that the Action Plans prepared for the Roma
Decade carry more weight.
The Action Plan for Roma employment defines two levels, a preparatory phase and
an implementation phase. The preparatory phase focuses on registration and
mapping the number of unemployed Roma to obtain an overview of the size of the
problem. In the second phase employment projects will be prepared and
implemented for the benefit of Roma. For a category described as "difficultly
employable persons" long-terms programs will be devised to assist with the
obstacles in obtaining employment as well as in mediation (this is very costly).
The ideas presented in the Montenegrin Action Plan for Roma Employment are
laudable and well intended, however, the budgets proposed are not conform the
real cost implications. Also it appears that only the first phase of the Action
Plan is made quite concrete, while the second phase is mentioned in the text
without indicators and remains on the level of recommendations, rather than firm
commitments. Even though the Action Plan is quite comprehensive it is clear that
some elaboration is needed, especially for the second phase: clearly defined
activities with indicators and budget-lines.
The Action Plan on Roma employment, drafted and accepted by the Montenegrin
Government for the Roma Decade (2005-2015) can be viewed as a starting point to
address the Roma employment issue. It should be underlined that this Action Plan
needs to be elaborated into a full-scale Strategy with functional implementation
mechanisms for it to have the appropriate effect. It is recommended that the
government joins forces with Roma and International NGOs and other institutions
to reach its goal.
"the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"
The Prime Minister appointed the Minister of Labour and Social Affairs as
coordinator of all Roma Decade activities. The commission in charge with
preparing the Action Plans comprises of 6 representatives of the ministries
concerned, 4 representatives of NGOs (education, employment, health and housing),
the mayor of Suto Orizari, one political party representative, one person from
the department of statistics, one person from the National Employment Bureau,
one person from OSI, UNDP and EAR. The Action Plan adopted by the government is
fairly comprehensive, lacking however budget-lines per activity or clusters of
activities. The following themes will be addressed: information exchange on
employment issues, (re) qualification and or required education levels for
employment, business registration, proportional representation of Roma in
government institutions, and measures to support Roma in the transformation of
informal to formal economy. The Action Plan leaves ample scope for redirection
and refocusing on new priority areas.
The government, when adopting the Decade Action Plans on 31 January 2005, has
also adopted a "National Strategy for Roma". This is a comprehensive document,
with all the areas, and not only the areas covered by the Decade."
4.2. Funding of the Decade
In most of the Action Plans budgets are not foreseen or a vague reference is
made to "donor" funding. This makes the original commitment of the relevant
government less strong. It should be understood that the Decade initiative is
not a (new) funding mechanism. Financial support for the implementation of the
national action plans will need to come from re-allocation of existing resources
in national budgets and from funding instruments of multinational, international
and bilateral donors. The relevant governments are asked to dedicate or allocate
budget with financial backing from the World Bank. This World Bank support
should trigger more EU and bilateral funds. In order to estimate whether the
Action Plans will be successful it is necessary for the governments to commit
themselves also financially.
For the implementation of the Education Action Plans a Roma Education Fund has
been established. At a donor conference in Paris (end of 2004) for the Fund $ 42
million dollars have been pledged.
5. Discrimination in access to Employment and
Employment in the workplace
5.1. Legal provisions
At first sight legal protection against discrimination seems reasonably good in
the region. As a rule international and regional human rights treaties are
ratified and incorporated into domestic legislation. The constitutions prohibit
discrimination on protected grounds in all areas including employment.
At closer scrutiny, however, the legislative framework is far from being
sufficient. None of the countries surveyed has adopted specific
anti-discrimination laws. Criminal codes incriminate discrimination and work
related discrimination, but these articles are never applied in practice.
Labour law provisions are insufficient. Regulations related to affirmative
action are contradictory. The laws on minorities (adopted by all states with the
exception of Montenegro, which plans to adopt this legislation at republican
level by 2008 and "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia") provides some
framework for a more equal participation in employment of ethnic groups, but as
far as implementation is concerned there is place for improvement. As for the
institutional structure, there are no special anti-discrimination bodies and the
Ombudsman institutions (where they exist) are not designed to perform adequately
anti-discrimination tasks.
All these countries aspire to become members of the European Union, and
therefore will be obliged, sooner or letter, to harmonize their legislation in
all areas, including anti-discrimination. There are strong reasons to believe
that protection of minorities in general and protection of Roma in particular
will be maintained as political criteria for accession. Employment is one of the
most important indicators of integration, and elimination of discriminatory
practices is a decisive factor in improving the Roma access to the labour market.
Under these circumstances, it should be crystal clear for policy makers that
designing and implementing policies against discrimination at work is in the
immediate interest of their countries.
The policies we are referring to are not simple antidiscrimination policies –
they need to combine general anti-discrimination measures (adoption of
anti-discrimination laws, creation of enforcement bodies, funding) with specific
measures in the area of employment: review of relevant constitutional, labour
and criminal law provisions, reinforcing specific mechanisms (e.g. strengthening
the capacity of employment offices of dealing with discrimination and reacting
to discriminatory requests from employers, reinforcing the capacity of the
labour inspections), issuing guidelines (e.g. codes of conduct for the personnel
of employment services, selection criteria for public work programs, etc, and
creating a data collection system which makes possible measuring discrimination
and evaluating the impact of anti-discrimination measures. They also need to
take into consideration the historic disadvantages of Roma communities and
pursue equality through affirmative action.
5.2. Affirmative action
The official approach to affirmative action in the region is still confusing and
marked by contradictions between legal regulations and attitudes in real life.
The Charter on Human and Minority Rights and Civil Liberties of the State Union
of Serbia and Montenegro provides that "special measures necessary for the
achievement of equality, appropriate protection and progress of persons or
groups of persons, with a view to making it possible for them to fully enjoy
human and minority rights on equal terms, may be taken on a temporary basis. …
until the achievement of aims for which they are undertaken." (art 3) and
"regulations, measures and actions as are aimed at securing the rights of
members of national minorities, when they are in a position of inequality,
allowing them to enjoy rights fully on equal terms, shall not be deemed
discriminatory (art 49).
The state constitution of Serbia leaves out the references to the affirmative
action. The Serbian Employment law adopts a positive discrimination approach
when providing that "the employment of persons belonging to ethnic minorities in
whose case the unemployment rate is very high have priority". The Federal Law on
the Protection of the Rights and Freedoms of National Minorities makes direct
reference to affirmative actions in favour of Roma: "authorities will pass legal
acts and take measures … aimed to improving the position of persons belonging to
Roma national minority."
The Montenegrin legal framework is marked by inconsistencies: the republican
constitution does not provide for affirmative action but requires proportional
representation of the national and ethnic groups in public services, state
authorities and local self-governments (art 73). The labour law does not
regulate affirmative action. The criminal code punishes it with up to three
years of prison. The Law on Civil servants and Public officials prohibits any
denial or privilege based on political, ethnic, racial gender or religious
grounds. Nevertheless, the government has accepted the Action Plan on Roma
employment for the Decade of Roma Inclusion (2005-2015) which is nothing else
but a list of affirmative action measures.
A similar contradiction exist in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH): while the
discrimination is prohibited and the state commits to secure equality, the
criminal law incriminates both denying rights and according advantages on inter
alia ethnic or racial grounds.
Article 183 – BiH Penal Code: "If somebody based on difference in ethnicity,
race, colour, religion, political or other opinion, membership, gender, language,
education, social position or social origin deprive or hinder the rights
provided by the constitution, by law or by ratified international agreement or
if someone based on this difference gives to citizens unjustified privileges or
advantages, he will be punished with imprisonment of three months to five years".
It is worth noting, however, that the wording of the above mentioned article
seems to allow certain flexibility because not all the privileges or advantages
on protected grounds are prohibited, but only those that are "unjustified". One
may argue that positive discrimination it is justified and therefore does not
fall within the scope of the art. 183.
As all the other governments in the region, "the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia" expressed willingness to adopt a national strategy for Roma, which in
essence is an affirmative action policy. The document spells it out: "The Roma
Strategy in "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" should be viewed as a
document representing a form of affirmative action". The strategy states that
"peaceful coexistence and integration … shall be provided by … affirmation of
the positive discrimination approach" and goes on recommending positive
discrimination for the employment of Romani women in public institutions.
In Croatia, affirmative action is not regulated at constitutional level, but the
Law on the Rights of National Minorities permits it for the benefit of national
minorities. The new labour law is silent (it even removed the gender based
positive discrimination which existed in the previous law). There is a legal
obligation of public sector employers to give priority to unemployed war
veterans and unemployed members of immediate family of the killed and missing
veterans, provided that the persons concerned meet the legal requirements and
have the same qualifications as other job seekers not belonging to this group.
There is also a provision on quota for employment of disabled persons in the
public sector. According to the Constitutional law on National Minorities
members of national minorities have the right to be represented in the political
bodies on state and local level as well as in the administrative and judicial
bodies. The Law on Civil Servants however, prohibits advantages – or denial of
rights – on protected grounds.
International law allows and in some cases requires signatory states to adopt
affirmative action measures for vulnerable groups marginalized and discriminated
for centuries. In May 2004, the European Court of Human Rights, ruling in the
case of Connors v. United Kingdom, has apparently taken new steps to anchor the
principle that in some instances, positive action may in fact be a right flowing
to members of disadvantaged groups, in particular Roma. Far from banning it, or
shy away from it, states should remove legal inconsistencies and contradictions
and promote affirmative action as a way to compensate for disadvantages linked
to racial or ethnic origin with a view to ensuring full and effective equality
in practice.
Discriminatory advertising of job openings is one of the most dangerous forms of
discrimination for its powerful dissuasive effect and its perverse consequences.
Job seekers confronted to discriminatory advertising do not only lose the hope
to obtain the particular job advertised but lose trust in the system and the
hope that they will ever find a job. This significantly contributes to the
almost generalized belief of Roma that is useless to even look for a job because
they will never get it.
Discriminatory advertising may appear under a variety of forms – many of them
signalled by country reports: announcements published in newspapers or magazines
that clearly indicate that Roma should abstain to apply, announcements posted on
the doors/windows of the shops, announcements where the discrimination comes
from exclusion ("white", "catholics only").
The governments committed to fight discrimination need to send a clear message
to their societies that discriminatory advertising is not tolerated. Apart from
it, there are specific instruments such as publicity standards (standards in
advertisement authorities), ethic codes of journalism, internal regulations of
newspapers, editorial policies, or even fines for the publications that accept
to print discriminatory ads.
5.3. Measuring ethnic discrimination in employment
Although discrimination against Roma in the area of employment is
acknowledged by many researchers and part of decision makers, coherent efforts
to document and measure it are yet to be developed in the region covered by this
A recent European Commission report has identified seven indicators for
measuring racial discrimination: (1) Information on formal actions by
discriminated groups (such as the number of launched complaints and legal
actions etc.); (2) Self described experiences; (3) Discrimination testing; (4)
Targeted research; (5) Formalized indexes; (6) Statistical evidence and (7)
Opinion polls. Governments in the EU use intensively these indicators in the
area of employment, more often than in any other policy area.
As a rule, NGOs and governments have similar assessment of utility and
reliability of these indicators to measure discrimination. Targeted research is
considered by both groups the richest indicator – having many advantages: the
possibility to decide on aspects to be investigated, length of investigation,
and the methodology. Significant differences appear in "discrimination testing"
to which governments attach less importance than NGOs (maybe because governments
do not develop themselves discrimination test methodology and do not trust the
one developed by NGOs). All instruments are considered as having almost the same
importance which indicates that they can – and should – be used in parallel to
measure discrimination.
(1) Information on formal
actions by discriminated groups (such as the number of launched complaints and
legal actions etc.)
This indicator is particularly relevant in countries with strong
anti-discrimination legislation, adequate complaint mechanisms, and a civil
society sufficiently strong and prepared to bring cases before courts or quasi
judicial entities.
In the EU there is a large variety of institutions with a mandate to receive
complaints related to discrimination at work ranging from specialized government
agencies, to courts and NGOs. In the Netherlands there is an Equal Treatment
Commission and in the United Kingdom the Commission for Racial Equality. Victims
of racial discrimination at work may also lodge a complaint directly to labour
courts (e.g. the Employment Tribunal Service in UK under the Race Relation Act)
or use the services of specialized mediation bodies such as the Arbitration and
Conciliation Service (ACAS/UK). When the penal law incriminates work related
discrimination, there is also a possibility to file complaints with special
prosecutorial units (e.g the National Discrimination Expertise Centre which is
part of the Public Prosecutions Department in the Netherlands).
In Ireland, Travellers can register employment discrimination complaints with
the Office of the Director of Equality Investigations under the Employment
Equality Act and complaints related to discrimination in other areas under the
Equal Status Act.
In some of the EU states the Ombudsman may fulfil an equality-commission-like
role. Sweden has established in 1986 an Ombudsman's Office against Ethnic
Discrimination which receives an increasing number of complaints every year. The
Hungarian Constitution established in 1990 an Ombudsman's Office for civil
rights and for nationality and ethnic minority rights. By contrast, the Greek
Ombudsman's Office has no mandate to intervene in cases of discrimination or
harassment by physical or legal persons (and no other specialized institution
agency exists for these cases).
Finally, in countries such as Austria, Denmark, Germany and Spain, no official
institutions that register and record complaints are in place; in these
countries the NGOs try to fill up the gaps – and many of them do a remarkably
good job.
In Belgium, the Centre for Equal Opportunities and Opposition to Racism supports
victims of discrimination and racial harassment as part of its duties; in the
Netherlands the Anti-discrimination Bureaus receive an important number of
employment related complaints every year. Similar anti-discrimination offices we
can find in Germany -- especially in North Rhine-Westphalia. In Denmark the NGO
DRC - Documentation and Advisory Centre on Racial Discrimination - registers
complaints and provides free legal aid for victims of labour market
discrimination. In Austria the NGO called ZARA plays this role, and in Spain SOS
Racismo works on racially motivated cases.
In France, the free help-line receives tens of thousands of complaints of racial
discrimination and harassment every year, many of them related to employment
relations. The cases are then transferred to governmental bodies such as the
Departmental Commissions for Access to Citizenship. In Finland NEON - the
National Equal Opportunities Network receives the complaints.
Complaints concerning discrimination in employment typically refer to
contracting proceedings, wages, and payment of overtime, (oral) contracts,
ethnic harassment, post appointments and job advertisements. The analysis of
discrimination complaints in Western Europe shows that Roma and Travellers are
in general more exposed to work discrimination than other immigrants' and
minority groups.
As indicator, the number of lodged complaints is only revealing the top of the
iceberg: only a limited number of the persons who experience discrimination at
work are submitting complaints and even a smaller number of cases actually reach
the courts. Many cases are settled at the initial stage, especially those where
the employers are aware of the fact that the case has some merits and they might
lose in court. The success rate of the remaining employment cases is low,
reflecting the difficulties of proving discrimination.
In SEE and Balkans however, Roma organizations with legal expertise to file
discrimination complaints are rare (maybe with some notable exceptions such as
Romani Criss in Bucharest and the Minority Centre in Belgrade). Frequently,
international human rights NGOs such as European Roma Rights Centre in Budapest
take high profile Roma discrimination cases and disseminate information about
these cases. The Roma cases lodged with the European Court of Human Rights in
Strasbourg are multiplying with an extraordinary speed. Many of them allege
discrimination together with other violations of rights protected by the
Convention. In 2005, for the first time in the history of the court, the
European Court of Human Rights found that a member state of the Council of
Europe (Bulgaria) acted in a discriminatory manner against a Roma. A couple of
cases of discrimination against Romani children in education in the Czech
Republic and Croatia , as well two health care case against Slovakia have also
been lodged with the European Court of Human Rights and are in various stages of
the procedure. The Roma related case law of the European Court is already
significant, considering that only 15 years have passed since the fall of the
Berlin Wall. The human rights and anti-discrimination training courses for
lawyers organized by the Council of Europe and other international NGOs for
almost a decade now have greatly contributed to this development.
At national level the Prague-based Counselling Centre for Citizenship, Civic and
Human Rights (Poradna), provides illustrative examples of strategic litigation
in the area of Roma employment:
In early 2005 the international drugstore chain Rossmann had to pay the
equivalent of 50.000 Czech Crowns and to send a written apology to a Romani
woman – Renata Kotlarova – who was refused a job as shop assistant on ethnic
grounds. R.K. was defended by the Prague-based Counselling Centre for
Citizenship, Civic and Human Rights, the organization which also organized [a
form of] discrimination testing by sending one of its members to apply for the
same job, very short time after the Romani woman was told that the position has
been already occupied. In an almost identical case, and thanks to discrimination
testing, Viera Dunkova-Benova, a Romani woman who was refused a job in a central
store in Prague on racial grounds received 25.000 crowns and written apology for
being discriminated on ethnic grounds .
Otherwise, gathering information related to the number of formal discrimination
complaints of racial discrimination against Roma in employment is not an easy
task, not even a doable task. The labour law courts do not have a centralized
system to register discrimination complaints. Ombudsman offices know in general
the number and type of discrimination complaints they receive, but there are no
specific forms to track Roma cases. There are other organizations that have or
might have data related to Roma discrimination complaints (trade unions, racial
equality commissions, women institutes, bar associations, private law firms,
NGOs) but as there is no centralized evidence, researchers eager to measure
discrimination would need to gather information from each and every one of these
It is safe to say that in all countries under review, most discrimination in
employment complaints are filed with the Ombudsman's offices, maybe because this
is the easiest, most accessible and least expensive procedure. It is also the
least aggressive one, as the eventual recommendations of the Ombudsman are not
In BiH the Ombudsman's Office has received 648 work related complaints involving
30,794 citizens but there is no disaggregated data available to know how many of
these complaints allege racial/ethnic discrimination. What is known, is that
there are no Roma cases among them. The Ombudsman's office in Serbia now exists
only on the territory of the Autonomous province of Vojvodina (since January
2004) and its jurisdiction is very narrow.
At national level local consultants report that looking for court cases on
discrimination of Roma in employment is a pointless exercise, because these
cases almost never reach the courts. The most common - and distorted -
justification one may hear is there are no cases of employment discrimination
because Roma do not work. "And why Roma do not work?" "Because they are
In Croatia, although discrimination in employment is mentioned in each and every
human rights report on the situation of Roma "there are no cases neither
initiated nor conducted by the competent state bodies – public attorney, courts
and labour inspections. To rely on criminal law to address discrimination is
theoretical possibility, but it proves to be a hopeless attempt in practice."
Furthermore, there is an obvious lack of trust in the judicial system: Roma do
not initiate legal proceedings even when they have very strong cases because
they think that it is impossible to win a discrimination case against the state
or against a private employer.
In BiH more then 500 complaints on alleged discriminatory termination of labour
relations, on grounds of ethnic/national origin are still pending before the
Human Rights Commission but the current legal framework and practice of the
authorities, both administrative and judicial, do not provide any effective
remedy for these complaints. It is not known how many Roma cases (if any) are
among them.
In conclusion, for the time being, the indicator of "formal actions by Roma as
discriminated group in the area of employment" provides misleading information:
the fact that there are almost no Roma formal complaints concerning
discrimination at work does not mean that discrimination does not exist, it
means only that there are no legal and social mechanisms to assist Roma victims
of discrimination to formulate and submit complaints.
(2) Self described experiences mainly generate data on subjective experiences of
discrimination. Reports on subjectively experienced discrimination are valuable
as an indicator, particularly when assessed against unemployment statistics,
police records, complaints filed etc. In the European Union there are several
examples of databases of self described experiences of victims of discrimination
at work, databases which are mainly maintained by NGOs.
During the documentation for this project, national consultants collected in the
field and from NGO reports an impressive number of Roma testimonies about
discriminatory practices. Victims describe direct and indirect discriminatory
practices, in recruitment, during the employment contract and at its termination.
Testimonies concerning recruitment are the most frequent: the most common claim
is that Roma applicants are not even given the chance of an interview; they are
told that the job is already taken. In Croatia: "Roma complain that when they
call for advertisement by phone without saying their names they are welcomed and
invited for an interview, but when they show up they are told that the job is
already taken." The same pattern of discrimination is reported in Serbia.
Additionally, in Serbia (and in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well) Romani women
report that they have been refused jobs as cooks because people "do not want to
eat food prepared by a Gipsy". A Romani hairdresser reports that she has
difficulties in finding a job because clients do not want "Gypsies to wash their
hair". Men report that some of the employers are abusing them, and refuse to pay
their work. Highly educated Romani women (e.g. a doctor) complain of being
subjected to racial insults when trying to obtain a job. Discrimination is also
to be found at work – where employees of Roma background complain of being
harassed and receiving unjustified differential treatment as compared to other
workers (Serbia).
Employers and customers are said to put pressure on human resources personnel of
the companies or on employment bureaus to abstain from sending Roma job seekers.
(Croatia: "Officials confirm that employers do not want to employ Roma.")
Testimonies of discrimination have little relevance for some of the governmental
agencies with competences to address racial discrimination. The BiH report
"According to Roma job-seekers discrimination is a widespread phenomenon. The
government officials and civil servants neither dispute nor admit these
practices, instead they refer to appropriate legislation, assuming that the law
itself will solve this problem."
The lack of importance attached to victims' testimonies seems to be rooted in a
lack of trust in the accuracy of the stories rather then in the reluctance to
act against discrimination. If this is the case, the recommendation is to
organize training sessions to explain the importance and the limitations of this
Organizing systematic surveys of the experiences of the victims should be
understood as an obligation of the governments that have committed to reduce
racial discrimination on their territories. The results of such surveys may be
used to highlight areas where action is especially necessary, to evaluate and
elaborate anti-discrimination policies which take into account the experiences
and concerns of the groups concerned; to increase public awareness and
understanding of the problems of discrimination as seen from the viewpoint of
victims; to increase awareness among those working in particular areas of how
their institutions and practices are perceived by minority groups (e.g.
employers, service providers etc).
The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) of the Council of
Europe has recommended the Member States to organize national surveys on the
experience and perception of discrimination and racism from the point of view of
potential victims aiming to "gain a picture of discrimination from the point of
view of the victim" and "to complement and enrich quantitative data".
Such qualitative studies, where people were asked about personal experiences of
discrimination in various areas in life including the workplace, are being
carried out in an increasing number of EU countries, focusing on migrants , but
not on Roma. Up to date, none of the countries covered by this report have
surveyed the subjective experiences of Roma in the area of employment. To launch
regular surveys of this type would be a first step towards building up
benchmarks to measure discrimination and effectiveness of anti-discrimination
(3) Discrimination testing is the procedure whereby for example the
employability of two formally equally competent persons are tested with an
employer in a real-life recruitment situation. One of the candidates for a job
belongs to a specific protected ground whereas the other person does not belong
to any of the protected grounds.
The method, used in the European Union to detect discrimination against migrants
was also used in Roma employment discrimination cases in the Czech Republic, for
strategic litigation purposes (e.g. Kotlarova and Dunkova- Benova cases
described above). Under favourable condition of the Hungarian law , the Legal
Defence Bureau for National and Ethnic Minorities (NEKI) started using testing
procedures in Roma employment cases as early as 1999.
There is no indication whatsoever that such an instrument was applied by
governmental or non-governmental entities in relation to Roma employment in the
countries covered by this report.
(4) Targeted research is considered in Europe, by both governments and NGOs one
of the most reliable methods to reveal the existence and measure of
discrimination. Research carried out by EUMC in 15 member states of the European
Union which shows that Roma are "more exposed" then other minority groups to
racism and discrimination on the labour market.
In the Balkans there are several studies on Roma employment (e.g. an ISPJR study
in "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" among Roma company/firms owners)
but targeted research on discrimination of Roma at work is still severely
limited. There are no indications that Roma discrimination research is a
priority, on the governmental agendas. (Targeted research is not to be confused
with collection of statistical information, which is mentioned in national
strategies) There is a need also to make a clear distinction between targeted
research on discrimination and other types of research which provides
information about the situation of Roma but does not specifically focuses on
discriminatory practices (e.g. research on the participation of national
minorities in civil service). NGOs' reports do not qualify as targeted research
either: unfortunately many of them are based on anecdotal evidence, questionable
methodologies and repetition of the clichés previously published by others.
It is interesting to note that employment agencies and/or the Ministries of
Labour have a legal obligation to research the labour market and take into
consideration the results when shaping policies or measures. Up to date, however,
the investigation of these entities as far as Roma employment is concerned – is
limited to calculating the number/percentages of unemployed Roma, and
disaggregating data along gender, age and educational level. Furthermore,
although the legal obligation exists in practice there are no conditions to
comply with it because neither employment offices nor the ministries have
financial resources, human resources or expertise to carry on targeted research
on discrimination against Roma at work. Such research need academic components,
additional funding, sound methodology and field work, in other words it requires
special projects which might be carried out with the assistance of international
(5) Formalized indexes
Formalized indexes indicate the relevant differences of conditions between
countries. They can be introduced in various areas – including employment - and
they enable rating of countries in accordance with for example the extent of
social rights of a particular discriminated group between countries.(e.g. level
of integration of Roma in Serbia as compared to the level of integration of Roma
in Croatia) Formalized indexes whereby country situations are compared with each
other always include several uncertainties such as aspects of differences
between countries in view of culture, social/economic/legal
/historic conditions etc.
(6) Statistical evidence
The tacit permission (and sometimes obligation) to collect ethically sensitive
data makes statistical evidence related to Roma level of employment relatively
easier to find in the region under scrutiny as compared to other European
countries. The employment offices routinely keep evidence of unemployed Roma and
transmit it to the central authorities. Unfortunately, statistical evidence is
rarely processed beyond age, education and gender divisions.
The available information points to disturbing overrepresentation of Roma in the
group of long term unemployed as well as to disparities between the percentages
of unemployed Roma as compared to the percentage of Roma within the general
population. These percentages might suggest discriminatory practices, but are
not evidence of discrimination, as disparities are not only linked to
unjustified differential treatment but also to factors related to the market
needs and demands.
(7) In general, opinion polls provide an indication of prejudice against a
certain group but no evidence of discrimination. The relation between cause and
effect is still to be proved with additional measurements.
Although it is considered the less reliable indicator to measure discrimination,
the opinion poll is the most frequently used indicator in the five countries
surveyed. But even this source is not sufficiently detailed, because as a rule,
opinion polls do not concentrate on Roma and employment, but on minorities and
various aspects of social life, so the information is fragmented and somehow
marginal to the issue.
5.4. Conclusions
Discrimination in employment is one of the major obstacles Roma face when
trying to access the labour market. In order to address it states need to
develop specific anti-discrimination policies, strengthen the control mechanism
and contribute to the fortification of the litigation abilities of the Roma and
non-Roma NGOs.
In order to evaluate the impact of their policies governments need to place
special emphasis on measuring racial/ethnic discrimination in employment – and
use for this purpose all available instruments: Survey of victims' perception
(self described experiences) Discrimination testing, Targeted research,
Formalized indexes, Statistical evidence, Opinion polls and information about
legal actions.
Chapter 6 – Inter-sectoral Relations
6.1. Education
In the countries under discussion the statistical data show that with an
increase in education level the economic activity of the population is rising.
For instance in Serbia in the category "capable to work" of -
Roma without education: 27,7% is economically active
Roma with primary school: 62% is economically active
Roma with middle school: 80,6% is economically active
Roma with university degree: 86% is economically active
On the other hand in BiH and Croatia unemployment rates are even rising for
those Roma persons who finished secondary school. This does not motivate the
parents to send their children to school.
Lack of education is seriously hampering economic opportunities for Roma in most
countries of the region. To register a business or even self-employment (for
street-selling) finished primary school (8 years) is a requirement. To enrol in
vocational training courses (organised by the state or private trainings) also a
minimum of finished primary education is requested.
These requirements seem strict, but are not altogether unreasonable. A young
Roma, IDP from Kosovo applied to a driving school to obtain his driver's license
for small trucks. The young man did not have problems with the practical part of
the training, but was not able to read or write and therefore could not manage
to pass the theoretical part of the training.
In cases like this it advisable to enable vocational training candidates to
finish second chance education before enrolling in vocational training courses.
Unfortunately second chance education is not always organised in such a way that
it is integrated in the educational system and/or recognized by the state.
Vocational trainings also need to prepare their trainees better to the market
demands and need to be part of the educational system with recognized
certificates and/or diplomas. These gaps in the educational system need to be
addressed by the Ministries of Education in close cooperation with the
Ministries of Labour and Social Policy in order to overcome specific problems of
an economy in transition and respond better to the (capitalist) market
6.2. Housing & Mobility
Roma tend to be housed in suburban settlements, usually in extremely bad
circumstances. Their lack of facilities such as: telephone line, money for
transportation (or access to transportation facilities), distance to
institutions are additional barriers in their quest for employment. The
Employment Agencies confirm these obstacles as they claim to have difficulties
in reaching Roma when they have found employment for them.
Creating easier access to institutions - through transportation possibilities or
outreach - would benefit both Roma and officials in various sectors (education,
employment and health).
Of the Roma on the Balkans only a small portion of the population is itinerant,
the majority is sedentary (unlike in Western-Europe where more Roma are
travelling). However, in their search for employment opportunities Roma are
flexible and mobile. This can be observed especially in BiH, Serbia and
Montenegro and Croatia, where Roma try to find temporary or seasonal work and
move from one (illegal) settlement to another.
In BiH this creates an especially precarious situation for the Roma families.
Due to the post-war situation illegal occupancy is still ongoing and not all
Roma received re-compensation or were able to repossess their lost property.
This has turned them – against their will – into illegal occupants who are being
evicted. When this occurs they have to move elsewhere for a place to live and an
employment opportunity. The children are the biggest losers in this "mobile
existence" for work and housing as they cannot continue their education on a
regular basis.
Seasonal employment in agricultural areas in Croatia and Serbia is in comparison
fairly well organised. Even though also in this case the whole family moves
temporarily to work on the land, the family will return after the season to
their place of origin and the children's schooling is not disrupted too much.
Nevertheless the different line ministries, such as Social Affairs, Labour,
Education and Housing should find ways to remove obstacles for the children's
continuing education, ensure repossession of property (in the case of BiH), and
organise employment opportunities closer to the place of origin.
6.3. Health
In general the health situation of Roma in the region can be considered bad.
The living conditions for the majority of the Roma people are usually bad (lack
of water supply, sewage systems and electricity). In addition Roma are not used
to visiting the health centre often (poverty being the main reason), which does
not enable them to profit from preventative health checks and vaccinations.
Roma who are registered with the employment agency as unemployed seem to do this
purely for reasons of obtaining health insurance and social/employment benefits.
Even though this health insurance covers the basic health provisions, additional
health treatments (laboratory tests, vaccinations, etc.) are too expensive for
most (even non-Roma) to pay.
6.4. Social Protection
The amount of social assistance in the region does not cover the basic
living needs (minimum consumer standards). In that sense social assistance
cannot be a disincentive for looking for work. A positive finding is that
employees from the Centres for Social Welfare in Serbia reported that for many
of their beneficiaries the amount of social assistance provides a secure basis
and it is hoped that with additional earnings from the grey economy the
beneficiaries can secure themselves a decent living. The employees from the
Centres of Social Welfare explained through several examples how their
beneficiaries have become more organised and effective in running their lives
after they started to receive social assistance.
In BiH and Croatia social assistance alone does not yet create such a "secure"
basis. This is due to, e.g. in BiH the instability regarding housing and in
Croatia the so-called "dependence" on social assistance, which prevents them
from looking for employment.
However, it is felt that if social assistance is used as a safety net this may
increase the economic activity of Roma. They will have a better chance at
organising their life in finding income-generating opportunities, rather than
being trapped in the struggle for survival of the day. A health insurance
coverage could be part of this basic social package.
6.5. Conclusion & Recommendation on an inter-sectoral approach
Insufficient support from one sector leads to limitations in another sector.
More inter-sectoral coordination should take place at government level to ensure
the proper design of comprehensive policy measures, taking into account the
inter-dependency between the different sectors for solving the problems of Roma.
The implementation of these inter-sectoral coordination structures should
include Roma representatives.
Chapter 7 - Roma Women
7.1. Employment for Roma women
Researches indicate that in Croatia for women in general it is more
difficult to find a job. This situation is the same for women in Serbia and
Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
"Traditional" thinking is still prevalent: women's role is to take care of the
house and children, family life is affected if the woman works full time, when a
man and a woman have equal qualifications the man should get the job; female
employers are characterized by discipline, team work, loyalty while male
employees are devoted to their aims, competitive, and able of independent
decision making. Women's right organizations point out sexual harassment at job
interviews, lack of programs for employment of women older than 40, the fact
that women are fired first for economical reasons, lack of good programs for
change of qualifications, the fact that women are more often employed for a
limited period and of lack of sanctions when discrimination occurs.
One can imagine that the situation for Roma women is worse – they are
discriminated for being women and for being Roma.
Roma woman is likewise captured within "traditions", the patriarchal principles
of family and community. As a rule these principles are internalised, therefore
the picture she has of herself is the picture of the community's perception of
women. Her expectations, aspirations and achievements are related to the
community's expectations: to be a good mother, an obedient wife and a good
housekeeper, to marry a man selected by the family, to respect the rules of the
patriarchal community…. Any deviation from these principles may lead to
excommunication. And this is one of the biggest fears for a Roma woman.
Uneducated and economically dependent, she does not have conditions to survive
outside of the community.
For Roma women from rural areas, especially Roma women IDPs from Kosovo, the
rules are even more restrictive. They are expected to remain within the close
circles of their own community, are kept at home from the age of 15-16 to
protect them before marriage (against male society) and to prepare them for
their household tasks.
A married Roma woman is respected for her fertility, the ability of bringing
children into the world and the hard work she has to carry out in the husband's
family household.
Older Roma women on the other hand are respected and considered the pillars of
the community. They keep ethnic identity and traditions alive. They safeguard
the unity of the family and the community, they might administrate the money and
ensure the communication with the outside world. These older women are educating
the young girls to adopt the rules and principles of the community, which may at
times frustrate the emancipation process of the younger women.
Low level of education, discrimination and the pressure of the patriarchal
community are the main reasons for the unemployment of Roma women.
7.2. Roma girls' education
In order to address the education prospects of Roma girls from rural (traditional)
areas the patriarchal traditions need to be taken into account. It might be
advisable to create education possibilities – for girls only – within the Roma
settlements, to enable girls to finish at least primary education - finished
primary education being a prerequisite for most marketable jobs. Involving the
older Roma women - rather than the parents - to encourage the girls to finish
their education.
According to the Roma women NGO Bibija in Belgrade only 10% of the Roma girls
finish their education, even though the girls showing better results in the few
years they are attending school.
The reasons for dropout of Roma girls are not always solely caused by their
traditional community background. The Roma girls may also look at the teacher
for guidance and support, as she usually will not receive this at home (or in
the community). When the girls reach puberty, without support from family,
teachers and an unfriendly school environment the choice is easily made.
Another reason for dropout is poverty – there is no money for school materials
or proper clothes.
The poverty in the family may be so extreme that not only the boys' but also the
girls' labour is needed to contribute to the family income, e.g. in collecting
recyclable materials.
Despite these described difficulties for Roma girls to continue their education,
in "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" this situation seems to have
rapidly changed in the last few years. At the moment the number of Roma girls in
secondary schools and universities is higher than the number of boys. Perhaps
the Roma women in "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" are more
emancipated, as even less well educated women are expected to assist their
husbands in bringing money into the house.
Also in (northern) Serbia Roma women participate in the purchasing of goods for
the family and young Roma women are allowed to educate themselves, to go out
with friends, to be employed and to contribute to the family income.
The occurrence of these more emancipated Roma women in "the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia" and Vojvodina may very well be a reflection of majority
society around them, where society as whole is more emancipated than in other
parts of the Balkans.
7.3. Main occupations of unskilled Roma women are:
Textile workers and cooks (but unemployed), street sellers, collecting
recyclable materials (with the whole family) and begging in Bosnia and
Herzegovina; market-selling of second-hand clothes (Zagreb), in Sisak region
collecting scrap metal (whole family is engaged), seasonal works in agriculture
(Medjemurje), begging as a last resort in Croatia; street-vendors, cleaning
ladies in private houses or working for the municipal cleaning services in
Serbia; street and market selling, working in textile and tobacco factories,
cleaning ladies in public institutions and private houses, small businesses in
"the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia".
Unfortunately many of the professions described above do not provide the Roma
women with any social insurance nor pension benefits.
Examples of types of employment, discrimination, exploitation and good practice
In street-selling activities the Roma husband and wife usually operate as a
team. In "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" they buy the products
together, transport them and do the selling together. In Bosnia and Herzegovina
it is the Roma man who is making the plan for the selling and it is the woman
who carries it out. Similarly in "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"
Roma women usually deal with the police, trade inspectors and other authorities.
In both Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina Roma women are rejected openly by
potential employers for jobs related to food. The excuses will be: the customers
do not want to be served by a Roma woman as she is not clean therefore she
cannot prepare any food.
Roma women are an easy target for exploitation, as they are not well educated,
not well informed of labour regulations and employers may use this to their
advantage by making them work longer hours and paying them less. By informing
Roma women of their labour rights this can and should be addressed.
In "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" good results can be shown by the
NGO "Horizonti" supported by Catholic Relief Services, as well as other donors.
They opened a micro-credit line for women active in the field of trading, small
production, services and family businesses. "The procedure is flexible and rapid:
the applicant does not pay interest, there is no need for mortgage and she can
receive the loan within a week. The loans are between 500 and 2.500 Euros, which
must be paid back in a period of six to 9 months." Up to date "Horizonti" handed
out 9.703 credits from which 5.001 for Romani clients. The total amount is
almost six millions USD dollars, out of which 2.9 millions went to Roma clients.
Very soon "Horizonti" plans to open offices in Gostivar and in Kumanovo with new
credit lines."
Chapter 8 - Roma Youth
In the former Yugoslavia people were free to travel and many migrants found
their way into Western Europe. From these migrants in the 80-ies a large group
were construction workers, who went to the West to earn some good money and
return back home to build their own house and perhaps start their own business.
Usually these people were quite successful. Others, who went to the West decided
to stay. Amongst them were many Roma.
From the beginning of the 90-ies, during the conflict years, the wave of
migrants was replaced by waves of refugees or asylum seekers amongst them a
large portion of young people.
This was also the start of a "brain drain" of the departure of many relatively
highly educated youth , because of the conflict and its aftermath of economic
depression and slow rehabilitation process. If given a chance, the majority of
youth would still go to the West to look for employment opportunities and
further material gain. However, with much stricter immigration and travel
procedures to Western-European countries this "brain drain" has come to a halt.
This does not mean that the employment opportunities in the region have improved
for young people. In the formal sector it seems young people have even less
chances than before. In Bosnia and Herzegovina the average age of people
employed in the formal sector has increased considerably from 36,6 in 1991 to 40
years in 2000. Unemployment amongst starters on the job market is 156,159 until
October 2003. Out of this figure 59.533 persons have a qualification, 58,61% of
the total number. In Serbia many of the vacancies for people with a university
degree require at least three years of working experience, which almost
immediately excludes starters on the job market. The education system is not
geared towards market demands and is not teaching desirable (marketable) skills.
In Serbia 16,8% of the vacancies remained unfilled due to this fact. Another
important phenomenon in the region is that it depends on your "relations",
usually family ties and political connections, whether you will be considered
for a job or not. These factors all contribute to hampering youth from
penetrating the formal economy. That is why they start working in the informal
economy with few chances of ever obtaining legal employment.
For Roma youth chances are even less to find formal employment. On average they
have lower education levels, and even if they invest in "second chance"
education, this might not improve their employment opportunities. This type of
education is not formally recognized (in BiH and Serbia) and will hamper their
prospects on continuing with vocational training and future employment even in
the private sector. It seems therefore critical that "second chance" diplomas
are recognized by the government.
In an environment where unemployment rates are extremely high, competition
severe, transparency in application procedures lacking (due to the prevailing
"patronage" system), Roma youth will easily find themselves excluded. On the
whole their chances for employment are especially bleak.
It is quite disturbing to learn about the rise of drug abuse amongst youth in
general in the region. The government is trying to combat this problem by
introducing all sorts of "prohibitory" measures, like early closures of bars and
cafes, but ignores the underlying cause, which is that young people need
prospects for a meaningful existence. This could be achieved by restructuring
the education system – which has to respond better to market demands for
employable skills - and creating new employment opportunities especially for
Another reason for investing in youth employment programs is the demographic
structure of the region. Large portions of the population are greying and in the
immediate future this will require the younger generation to provide an
economically viable society to take care of this generation and their own.
Fortunately also some positive news can be mentioned about Roma youth: In
Croatia the National Action Plan for Young People was adopted in 2003, which
includes young Roma, describing them as belonging to the national minority with
the most difficult social status with high level of social exclusion and only
10% finishing primary schools. It can be anticipated that this "affirmative"
approach will lead to more young Roma finding employment. In "the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" there are currently 31 Roma students enrolled in
university (15 boys and 16 girls). In Serbia a select group of young Roma
benefit from the Roma Decade initiative. In "the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia", in 2003, the European Agency for Reconstruction (EAR) launched a 2
million Euros EU assistance programme aimed at addressing imbalances in
representation in public services. Some 600 young youths from non-majority
communities (Albanians, Roma, Serbs, Turks, Vlachs and other non-majority
groups) have been selected and attend a nine-month training, with a view to
obtain a Public Administration Certificate (PACE), equivalent with the country's
Civil Servants' Exam, and to be subsequently employed in civil service. Out of
the 600 trainees accepted, 20 are Roma, including several Romani girls (approx.
7). After the training they all are expected to find jobs in the civil service.
Other governments in the region may follow this example and include Roma
youngsters on an internship basis in institutions, which should guarantee future
As is happening in Western-European countries, more focus should be placed on
Active Employment Programs for youth which would automatically include Roma
youth. The governments in the region in conjunction with the European Union
should make this their priority.
Chapter 9
– Good Practices
9.1. Lesson learned
There are many lessons learned from the various programs with or for Roma that
have been implemented in the region. It has also become clear that programs
which work in one country may not necessarily be replicable in another. Ideas
that were thought to solve the immediate Roma unemployment such as large scale
public works combined with vocational training are not always appropriate in
every country.
Programs for Roma, implemented by local non-Roma NGOs, may solve temporary
problems but will never become sustainable in the longer term, as these are for
Roma not with Roma. The Roma, even at community level, have become more versed
in their needs and demands, which require approaches with their inclusion.
In developmental programs targeting Roma the (international) non-governmental
organisations and agencies need to cooperate more closely with like
organisations, Roma NGOs and the (local) government institutions, rather than
through a protectionate attitude "claiming the Roma" for themselves if they want
to be successful.
It is important to look at previous initiatives, the constitutional memory
within organisations/ agencies in their experiences with Roma communities and
not to reinvent the wheel time and again. Very often – through lack of proper
analysis and checking references – efforts are duplicated, which is a waste of
In the long term it is the governments through their Active Employment Policies
and National Roma Strategies or Decade Action Plans in partnership with Roma
which can achieve the best results. So it is a joint commitment of capacity
building of Roma NGOs/communities, awareness raising on the labour rights of
national and ethnic minorities for government officials and majority population
and proper monitoring of implementation and results, which can lead to real
progress in the field of employment for Roma.
9.2. Positive initiatives in the region
Each country – even if the level of integration of Roma is very different per
country – has their own positive initiative(s) which deserve praise. In Bosnia
and Herzegovina (BiH) the Roma Education Action Plan has been adopted in 2004
and implementation is ongoing. Education is an important pre-condition for
finding employment in the formal economy. In Croatia the employment of two Roma
persons in the local employment agency of Čakovec, Međimurje is a good example
which deserves replication in other areas. In Serbia (SaM) the regulation of
informal market selling towards a more formal structure by the municipality of
Nis can be seen as an excellent example of first regulating the "grey" economy
and second – through this measure – creating employment opportunities for
tax-collectors and security officers. In Montenegro (international) NGOs and the
Institute for Employment have joined forces in organising vocational trainings
for which there is a (local) market demand. The training also provides job
security. In "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" the inclusion of 20
Roma in a group of 600 youth from non-majority population trained to become
civil servants is an example of efforts to ensure representation of minorities
in state administration.
These initiatives, mainly made by (local) government institutions, are most
striking, however also the private sector and donor organisations are playing an
important role in trying to increase the employability of Roma.
9.3. Good Practices/Models to learn from
1. Bridging activities – as successful models
- Teacher Assistants
- Health Mediators
- Community Advocates
Older methods with a proven success rate are the bridging activities, ongoing in
all countries in the region and beyond. These activities are working towards
Roma integration and as such ensuring that the preconditions for Roma
employability are in place.
Teacher Assistants: Young Roma from the community assist Roma (and other)
children in school, reach out to the parents and the wider community to ensure
their commitment to the child's educational process.
Health Mediators are Roma people from the settlement who assist their people in
gaining proper access to the Health system. Frequently they are also involved in
awareness raising campaigns on health issues, vaccination programs for children
and other usually preventative health activities, such as mother and child care.
Community Advocates is a program currently being implemented in Serbia by CARE
in close cooperation with the Roma NGOs DUR (Belgrade), Roma Heart (Belgrade)
YUROM Centar (Nis) and RIC (Kragujevac). Thirty-two young Roma are employed in
their communities, while receiving monthly training on topics they feel they
need for their work in the community, usually in cooperation with government
institutions. These topics have a wide range, from political participation to
the social security/protection system in Serbia, legislation and employment
issues. While the Community Advocates are not working in school, nor directly
with the Health Centres, they may be asked by the community to intervene on
their behalf and "mediate" for increased access to these institutions,
assistance with applying for social benefits, advocating for improved
infrastructure to the settlement and or raising awareness on the benefits of
education for Roma children within the community. This 2,5 year program
basically prepares a "cadre" of young Roma who can be employed by the government
institutions or civil society (NGOs).
It should be stressed that the Community Advocates is not a group of University
students, these are young Roma from the settlement who remain in close contact
with their surroundings. However, peer pressure, mentoring and coaching as well
as responding to their training needs creates a solid basis for trust and
development of these people, who are then better prepared and motivated to serve
their community and work towards sustainable integration of Roma population.
2. Recycling Activities
- Recycling Centre, NGO World Vision in BiH
- Recycling project, NGO HELP in Montenegro
- Trade Union of Recyclable Waste Collectors in Nis, Serbia
The Recycling Centre in BiH is functioning mainly as a collection centre where
the raw materials are being pressed into packages and sold in bulk to e.g. paper
factories, metal factories, etc. The centre is employing in total some 8 people,
who are in charge of transportation – collection of the raw materials from the
different locations – and of packaging the materials for further processing
Once sustainable this project will be handed over to the Roma who work in the
centre. A cooperative has been established for this purpose.
Another market-driven approach was adopted in Montenegro by the international
NGO HELP in their 2001-2002 project "Establishing a system for the collection of
recyclable materials and increasing the recycling capacity". Four collection
points were established in Podgorica, where everybody could deliver recyclable
materials and receive a reimbursement for this according to regulated prices. A
group of 20 Roma IDPs received bicycles-cum-trailers for collection transport as
well as a fixed salary for their services (125 Euro p/m) in cooperation with the
Roma Association (Romska Demokratska Unija) and the recycling centre of the
Public Utilities Centre was equipped. The encouraging results of this project
assume that the collection system will be used on an increasing scale in the
future. It is interesting that even though "waste" collection is often
associated with Roma population, most of the recyclable materials were delivered
to the collection points by local majority population.
In Nis, Serbia YUROM Centar intends to form a Trade Union of Recyclable Waste
Collectors. This Trade Union membership will be based on the professional
background of its members, not on their ethnicity.
Once the news spread that procedures had started to form a Trade Union of
Recyclable Waste Collectors the prices given for collected recyclable waste
materials went up immediately. These prices paid to collectors had been fixed
for the last 6 years even though when the materials are exported the prices
increase considerably (up to 17 times the original price).
The projects described contain some crucial elements that make them succesful:
1) the projects are building on existing expertise of Roma population 2) they
are improving working conditions – raising the standards of this type of work,
3) providing a fixed and fair price for the collected materials, 4) offer to
Roma an opportunity to gain experience in an enhanced technology in this type of
work, 5) include also non-Roma in this type of work, so as to mainstream Roma
and create a broader base for improvements in this sector.
3. Vocational Training with job-searching skills
- Broadening Horizons, CARE/Roma NGO DUR in Serbia
- Roma Leadership Training, OSCE in Montenegro
The Broadening Horizons for Roma Youth and Young Adults Project (2003) was
implemented by CARE Serbia and Montenegro, DUR-Roma NGO, and Public Workers
University "Bozidar Adzija" Belgrade.
The project provided more than vocational training alone and focused also on
job-searching skills and confidence building measures to provide a real chance
for future employment. From over 144 young Roma (between 16 and 30 years of age)
who applied to the project, 50 people were selected through an interview
procedure. After the selection procedure 3 groups were formed, who were given a
two-months series of workshops on CV writing, job interviews, and special
knowledge for professional orientation. Beneficiaries were assisted in
developing self-confidence, communication skills and a sense of responsibility,
as well as to overcome prejudice and discrimination.
Then the beneficiaries individually signed contracts with the Public University,
which proved highly beneficial to their motivation. As the vocational courses
would start 2 months later, there was time to make visits/excursions to
different employment places and find out what skills are required and how
different organizations function. On a weekly basis visits were made to
governmental, private and non-governmental organizations, such as Pink TV, the
Police, a beauty salon, the Belgrade Zoo and UNICEF. Besides being an excellent
means to motivate these young people for employment, it also provided more
understanding on the side of the employer(s) for the issues young Roma people
face in their job search. The vocational training was given in the following
professions: auto mechanic, auto electrician and vehicle painter, house-painter,
bricklayer and tiler, lock-smith, plumber, cook, waiter and baker, hairdresser,
barber and make-up artist and dressmaking. Some beneficiaries also attended PC
literacy courses.
Because of the constant monitoring by the implementing organizations (Care and
DUR), as well as the group-work or peer pressure, all participants finished
their course. Basic materials were provided to start self-employment; others are
job-searching and or advocating with the government on the relevance of projects
like this. Providing vocational training alone is not enough, it should be
complemented with job-searching skills and confidence building measures to
provide a real chance for future employment. 70% of the trained Roma found a
OSCE in Montenegro is currently implementing a one year project (2004-2005) on
Developing Roma Leadership Potential in Montenegro. The project includes a
comprehensive programme of training and mentoring of a group of 20-30 young Roma
in the professions of educators and journalists. In addition Roma NGO activists
will be trained, also with entrepreneurial skills. As there is a clear market
demand for these professions, most trainees are expected to find employment.
The approach taken in both these projects which makes them successful are 1)
training skills for which there is a market demand (employability), 2) training
job-searching skills and a pro-active attitude on the employment market and 3)
awareness raising with potential employers on the difficulties young Roma face
in their job search, 4) CRUCIAL for success: constant mentoring and coaching to
increase the confidence of the Roma trainees.
4. Credits for Small Medium-Sized Enterprises (SME)
- Local NGO Alter Modus in Montenegro
- Local NGO Horizonti in "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"
Many Roma are known to be traders, sellers in the street or on the market in all
sorts of marketable items. Usually Roma are self-employed or operating as a
small family business. However, in order to expand their business or increase
profitability the business may require micro-credits.
Employment Agencies and SME Agencies can assist in providing micro-credits but
currently they are not as flexible (lengthy and complicated procedures,
collateral, no grace periods, etc.) as specific NGO microfinance institutions,
therefore Roma prefer to take credits from the microfinance institutions.
In Montenegro the local NGO Alter Modus is implementing a program in the area of
microfinance for SME. In the last year they have provided loans for 42 R[oma]
clients; 41 domicile Roma and 1 IDP with total amount of 92,640 €. The amounts
vary from 500-7,300€.
The general impression of the Alter Modus Credit Officers is "that R[oma] are
excellent clients: honest, hard-working and trustworthy. Their businesses
sometimes run into problems (just as it is the case with other clients) but even
then they try their best to work things out and repay their loans".
In "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" the NGO "Horizonti" – supported
by Catholic Relief Services and other donors - targets specifically Roma women
entrepreneurs. Horizonti opened a micro-credit line for women active in the
field of trading, small production, services and family businesses. The
procedure is quick and flexible: the applicant does not pay interest, there is
no need for mortgage (or collateral) and she can receive the loan within a week.
The loans are between 500 and 2,500€, which must be paid back in a period of 6-9
months. Up to date "Horizonti" handed out 9,703 micro-credits from which 5,001
went to Roma clients. The total amount is almost $6 million, out of which almost
half ($2.9 million) went to Roma clients. Very soon "Horizonti" plans to open
offices in Gostivar and in Kumanovo with new credit lines."
What is interesting in these examples is that Roma are recognized as reliable
clients for the microfinance sector. The Horizonti example reaches more Roma by
specifically targeting the Roma women and not requesting collateral, but even
without specifically targeting Roma they will find their way to micro-credit
institutions, as in the Montenegro example.
However it is recommended to stimulate especially Roma women employment through
a targeted approach including less stringent conditions.
5. Public Works
- "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" Public works programs
- "Beautiful Serbia" public works programs in Serbia - the example of Nis
"the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" Public works programs
The need to repair the country's infrastructure, and the flexibility of the
system which allows local authorities to enter in contact directly with private
donors made Public Works programmes quite popular in the country today.
As a rule, these programs employ a significant number of unskilled or low
skilled workers, which makes them particularly interesting for Roma. They might
be a powerful instrument of inclusion of Roma in the labour market, at least in
the short term, until other mechanisms are set into place.
For this it is necessary to have a coherent policy of inclusion of Roma workers
in Public Works programmes. The analysis of various methods used for contracting
workers in Public Works programs in "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"
reveals the existence of at least three models:
"ethnically blind selection process" – where "all job seekers are equal"
therefore it is claimed that there is no need for positive action in favour of
Roma workers. This approach resulted in non-participation or very low
participation of Roma (Prilep)
"ethnically sensitive informal selection process" – which consisted in
offering jobs to a number of Roma considered by the selection committee as
"good" candidates and inclusion in the selection committee of a representative
of the Roma community (Kocani)
"ethnically sensitive formal selection process" – which requires an effort of
the employer to secure participation quota – a requirement imposed by the
foreign donor, which secures a more adequate representation of Roma workers
Kocani Public works program
The mayor of Kocani seemed particularly pleased with the results of public works
programs: "the salary was good; the work was done, and people content. We would
like to continue organizing this type of programmes. Including a significant
number of Roma in the teams has not only a material value but also an educative
one: Macedonian workers saw that Roma are good workers, they fulfil their tasks
without complaining or protesting they are disciplined and did their best at
Apart from the selection criteria, participation of Roma in the selection
committee – as in Kocani - is also important. It can provide useful information
regarding reliable workers as well as those persons most in need of a job. The
advantage is that the knowledge from within the Roma community is taken into
account. However, this needs to be further scrutinized in terms of objectivity
of the Roma member of the selection committee.
Bitola Public Works program
Bitola adopted a different approach, placing emphasis on the outcome: where
objective criteria are used to secure proportional representation of Roma
(quota) within the group of workers selected for the specific Public Works
It seems reasonable to assume that the ideal approach would be a combination
between Roma representation in the selection committee, objective criteria and
participation quota (based on local census data). Furthermore, ad hoc and
foreign donor driven initiatives are not sufficient: governments should issue
selection criteria in order to secure a uniform selection procedure.
"Beautiful Serbia" project- the example of Nis in Serbia
This project consisted of temporary employment in public works for unemployed
persons registered with the Nis Employment Agency combined with vocational
training in this field. On the request of the donor, the Employment Agency made
a quota of 30% of Roma from the total number of people to be engaged in project.
It turned out that this quota could not be reached since Roma did not show
sufficient interest in this project. In general the interest for the project was
modest, as the monthly salary was 120€, while informal construction jobs will
pay up to 300€ a month.
There are some lessons to be learned from the Serbian example:
1. Establishing employment quotas is necessary but not sufficient;
2. Vocational training is not necessarily an incentive for people whose first
priority is to provide the daily food for their family;
3. Attracting people from the informal labour market to the formal one requires
competitive salaries and eventually other incentives (e.g. stability or longer
term contracts, benefits, etc.).
6. Projects as failures – or can we learn from them?
- General Vocational Trainings – Tailoring & Hairdressing in the region
- Roma NGO initiatives – the example of the Ugly Duck project in Vojvodina,
- Proportional representation of Roma in government institutions in the region
Vocational Trainings
From their arrival in the Balkans many international NGOs have invested in
providing hairdressing and tailoring trainings to numerous Roma women. Initially
this was seen as a "culturally sensitive" (correct) approach, to keep the women
close to their communities and provide them with skills for self-employment.
However, there is no market for these hundreds of semi-skilled tailors and
hairdressers. They may provide some small services within their communities, but
these fall in the category of neighbour assistance rather than employment.
If, however, textile firms will open up (as in Bulgaria), these women can be
employed and have a steady income out of these acquired skills.
For the moment, however, these trainings should be valued for their social
merits. They can be viewed as a first step towards training discipline and
social skills necessary for further training in "marketable" skills. As such a
second step we may consider the ICRC project in Montenegro. ICRC developed a
vocational project in cooperation with the employment agency looking for jobs
that could not be filled at the (local) labour market. For instance there is a
need for skilled waiters. These waiters receive theoretical and practical
training, the practical part of the training will take place in a hotel on the
coast, where the successful trainee will be employed.
Roma NGO initiatives
Roma NGOs know very well the level of know-how and expertise available in their
communities. It is therefore advisable to try to find a good mix between Roma
expertise/know-how and the market requirements.
Yet, even when the Roma expertise and market requirements have been taken into
account the activity may fail. Reasons could be: ill prepared budget(s), trying
to do too many things at the same time, no proper organisation form or business
structure, import- /export regulations, registration of the business, tax
regulations, etc.
The Ugly Duck project
In Vojvodina, Serbia the project idea was to start a goose breeding activity,
based on an existing enterprise of one Roma person who was active in this field
and already had a purchaser for the (geese) down. According to the goose
breeding plan within one year from a flock of mother geese of 300 (basic number
of geese with whom they should start business) 14,300€ would be gained (4,000
small gooses x 2,5€, 300 kg of feather x 6€, 300 old gooses to slaughter x 7€,
100 kg of goose liver x 4€) and the flock of geese increased from 300 to 500
mother geese. Feathers, small geese, old geese and liver should be delivered to
the Agricultural Guild of Union of the Roma Association of Vojvodina, which
would have the obligation to purchase all the products. This guild would sell
the products through already existing connections of guild members in the
feather business. The meat and small geese should be sold on the domestic market,
while feathers (as a raw material for the pillow production) and goose liver
should go to the Western European market. The profit from the sale of the
products, the guild and the Roma NGO would use for expanding the geese breeding
among Roma in the form of home fattening in the whole of Vojvodina in the
timeframe of three years.
Unfortunately the project failed because of an ill-prepared budget. For example,
it was planned to employ 10 young Roma, but the budget did not contain fees for
them, so when the geese came to the village there was a problem as to who would
take care of them. Also the budget calculation of corn for the geese was not
made correctly, leaving the geese without sufficient food.
Proportional representation of Roma in government institutions
Examples in the region and beyond show it is important to have Roma Advisors or
Officers in (local) government institutions that represent the interests of the
Roma community, but are also qualified for the job of civil servant. The Roma
person should have the support from his/ her community and be an equally
qualified person within the ranks of public administration to gain the respect
of majority population. Otherwise his/her presence in public administration will
not be accepted and the Roma person will not be taken seriously but only viewed
as a "token" Roma. The Roma person should fill an existing post, or at least get
a position with a proper job description and if needed receive appropriate
training. This Roma person will have to be extremely conscientious and proof
that (s)he is capable for the job.
A good example of such a post can be found in the Executive Council of Vojvodina,
Serbia where a Roma referent post has been established alongside similar posts
for other national minorities. The spin-off effect or the success of the person
employed can be seen in the close cooperation the Roma referent has with the
Gender Equality Advisor and the Employment Advisor as well as the Ombudsman's
Office. The Roma issues are no longer just in the domain of the Roma referent,
but are mainstreamed in other departments of the Executive Council. This
mainstreaming is the ultimate key to success.
That's why the launch of the European Agency for Reconstruction (EAR) project in
"the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" to train 600 youth from non-majority
communities as civil servants is a very good example. The EAR project is not
just focussed on Roma youth, but on all non-majority youth. This makes it easier
for the Roma youth to network and find their peers within the larger minority
Other success factors for the introduction of the post of Roma Advisor is a
transparent selection procedure and adhering to the state civil servant exam (maintaining
Interim solutions for proportional representation
Even though these "standards" may be too strict and can have an adverse effect
in the case of Roma, some basic criteria should be adhered to. The government
should consider employing the Roma coming closest to the established
qualification criteria, the Roma person should be acceptable to his/her working
environment and the government should provide conditions for the Roma Advisor to
finish the required training or studies while being employed. If the Roma person
cannot fulfil these requirements (s)he should be replaced by someone who can and
will. The government is requested to provide fixed term employment (show their
commitment) so as to make the position sustainable.
This is why the Roma advisor or Roma referent should never be paid directly by
an (international) NGOs. The foreign donor or NGO can pay the government for the
position, but the post should remain strictly within the government budget, so
that such posts cannot easily be cut when the NGO is no longer paying.
7. Transformation of informal to formal business – the case of the street/market
- Market regulation in Nis, Serbia
- The New Trade law in "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia"
Due to EU accession criteria most governments in the region are trying to
legalize the "grey" economy. This creates enormous problems for the
self-employed and small entrepreneurs not used to paying taxes, who need to
double their profits to be able to comply with the law and fulfil their tax
obligations. This process of transformation will be continuing for the next
couple of years and in order to secure profitable self-employment or SME for
Roma it is important that they are informed on how to legalize their businesses.
Nis, Serbia "Piaca"(market) regulation of informal into semi-formal small trade
In Nis the municipality started in 2004 with the transition from informal to
semi-formal small business ventures. The market salesman has to pay for his
market stall – a one year contribution in the form of "paushal" tax. At the end
of the year the amount will be adjusted to the real earnings of the market
salesman. Municipality employees collect the tax.
Danish Refugee Council (DRC) provided the market salesmen with tellers, which
provide bills on which also the tax is mentioned. This way it is expected that
at least 70% of the business transactions will be made in a formal way.
The municipality could employ a number of additional people this way, such as
the tax collectors, but also security officers, who make the market a save place
without pick-pockets.
This initiative can be considered successful for: 1) it is already planning
ahead (taking into account future needs), 2) it is a public/private mix (DRC and
Municipality as well as market salesmen) and 3) includes salesmen from Roma
communities as well as mainstream society (mainstreaming), 4) it creates some
stability for the market salesman, safety for the clients and good business
opportunities as the police will not come to harass the salesman or interfere in
the market procedures. Business opportunities have improved this way. 5) in
addition the municipality of Nis was able to provide formal employment to quite
some people through this project.
"the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" New Trade Law – regulating informal
In the last couple of years, the authorities of "the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia" have designed a series of measures aimed to support self employment
and the creation of small enterprises. The new Trade Law, in force starting with
April 2004, makes it easier to initiate a commercial activity. The application
forms for registering a commercial activities are free of charge, easy to
complete and available at local level. Technical requirements are kept at
minimum level.
The measure is welcomed, but Roma representatives point out that they are
loosing benefits (free Health Insurance through registration with the Employment
Bureau) and need to double their profits to be able to pay the taxes. The
self-employed Roma are therefore looking for interim solutions such as a period
of grace (e.g. one year) allowing business starters to be registered with the
employment offices so that the health insurance is paid by the state. Another
possibility, which could be explored is to (re)include street sellers in the
"paushal" system.
9.4. Keys to success - Suggestions for future work
As we have seen from the "good practices" examples above it is not just a matter
of replicating the example, but rather looking at the elements which made the
example projects successful. It is also worthwhile to look at the less
successful examples in order to prevent making similar mistakes.
In sum, the following recommendations/suggestions may be key in establishing
successful projects or active employment measures to increase Roma employment.
• Government to simplify procedures and regulations regarding all aspects of
employment and start up of SME/self-employment and other forms of economic
• Build on or expand the Roma expertise & know-how;
• Roma to have (easier) access to micro-credits;
• Roma to bargain for a fair and "marketable" price for their labour (Collectors
& Public Works Programs);
• Provide Roma with access to and information about the special programs of
Employment Agencies and SME Agencies (legislation, tax procedures, registration,
import/export regulations, etc.);
• Provide the poorest Roma with social or family benefits to stabilize their
living conditions (safety net) so that they can explore employment opportunities
and improve their situation;
• Provide protection for those Roma still employed in large government factories,
while preparing them through evening classes and NGO trainings for
self-employment opportunities;
• Invest in vocational/skills training for which there is a market demand;
• Prevent creation of "Roma jobs" rather mainstream Roma into any economic
opportunity that arises;
• Roma should explore their "worker" identity, as this may broaden their
horizons on economic possibilities and employment opportunities;
• Roma to provide a service economy within their own settlements: "trafika(s)",
small supermarkets, repair shop (all sorts: electrical, shoes, furniture, etc.),
cafe/bar, etc.;
• Third sector development – Social care/services through the non-profit sector
(e.g. Home Care for elderly)
Chapter 10 - Conclusions
Stock-taking of the joint Project of co-operation between the Council of Europe,
the OSCE-ODIHR and the European Commission "Roma under the Stability Pact II on
"Access to Employment for Roma in South-Eastern Europe", between 2003-2005.
During the two years research was carried out in four countries (Croatia, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro and "the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia"), reports were drafted and presented in five places, Zagreb, Tuzla,
Nis, Skopje and Podgorica and recommendations and conclusions were shared with
all participants.
As the last activity of this project a regional report has been drafted for
presentation in Skopje end of April 2005. All reports will become available for
further consultation after this meeting.
The original expectations of the two international consultants were rather high
and included aspirations for the immediate creation of jobs for Roma, and if not
then at least adequate employment policies with the aim to reach concrete
employment prospects for Roma. These ambitions proved unrealistic in the
countries with an overall dire economical situation.
However, the project had the following achievements, which can be considered
substantial when taking into account that not much work been done in the field
of Roma employment before:
• Increased awareness about the issues Roma face in finding work
• Increased awareness about the problems Roma may have in keeping work
• More interaction and understanding between local employment authorities and
Roma community
• More awareness about the complexity of the employment issue at large and
amongst Roma population
• Time to reflect, discuss and understand the importance of employment and ways
to address the issue for Roma and other disadvantaged groups
The very general recommendations and suggestions for further work at this time
should be:
• Make Roma take the lead in finding solutions for the employment issue at local
• Enable Roma to access the employment authorities, SME agencies, all formal
channels (Social Partners, etc.)
• Enable Roma to have a good level of representation within local, provincial
and national authorities
• Find creative solutions for formalising the economy without losing the active
participation of Roma
• Create clear strategies & programs and inter-ministerial cooperation to
address the most pressing needs of Roma, for the benefit of society as a whole
One recommendation stands out and should ideally have been part of this project
Start a pilot in one concise Roma Mahallah or settlement and upgrade the
settlement, the services (SME, schools, health centres, etc.) within the
settlement, create real employment (more than income-generating projects),
establish proper housing and infrastructure and provide adequate Roma
representation for this settlement
One concrete result of the project is that a Roma student has become very well
informed of Employment issues in the broadest sense and this effort deserves to
be replicated elsewhere – for the benefit of the Roma communities as well as the
government authorities.
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