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Showing All "Zooey Deschanel" Posts
Feb 13th, 2012 18 Comments
Zooey Deschanel hosted SNL over the weekend with musical guest Karmin (I won't even get into that) and overall, she did a pretty nice job. The show featured Nasim Pedrad's M.I.A. impression for a…   Read Story »
Jan 5th, 2012 50 Comments
Divorce proceedings are underway for Zooey Deschanel and Ben Gibbard, and, for reasons known only to them, Zooey's lawyer disclosed her income and expense statements. Here's a breakdown: As for…   Read Story »
Dec 20th, 2011 145 Comments
The next stop on the Gummys express is Your Top 20 Indie Rock Crushes Of 2011; ten females, ten males, one Gosling. Hit the gallery to check out the winners of this award, truly the people's…   Read Story »
Dec 20th, 2011 2 Comments
This year's Academy Awards ceremony could look pretty interesting, at least when it comes to the Best Original Song segment. The Academy Of Motion Picture Arts & Sciences has unveiled its list of the…   Read Story »
Dec 1st, 2011 3 Comments
The She & Him network TV circuit continues with a performance of "Rockin' Around The Christmas Tree" on Ellen. Thought it's a totally tepid rendition that's almost impossible to comment on because…   Read Story »
Nov 20th, 2011 4 Comments
Florence & The Machine returned to SNL last night in what turned out to be a pretty decent episode of music-related content. Host Jason Segel sang with the Muppets in the monologue (Statler to…   Read Story »
Nov 16th, 2011 4 Comments
We've already posted "The Christmas Waltz," one of the songs from She & Him's new yuletide-favorites album A Very She & Him Christmas. Click below to hear another one, the similarly twee "Christmas…   Read Story »
Nov 1st, 2011 64 Comments
In the closest to home indie breakup news since Thurston & Kim called it quits, Death Cab For Cutie frontman Ben Gibbard and She & Him's Zooey Deschanel have split up. Deschanel's rep confirmed the…   Read Story »
Oct 24th, 2011 15 Comments
Though she got the gig to promote her Fox sitcom New Girl, hipster queen Zooey Deschanel provided the World Series' fourth game its most pleasant soundbite, which I guess is a pretty easy thing to do…   Read Story »
Oct 10th, 2011 3 Comments
She & Him's yuletide album A Very She & Him Christmas comes out in a couple of weeks (basically at the exact same moment department stores start putting up the tinsel and paper snowflakes). Below,…   Read Story »


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The Bape Roadsta returns once again this season as part of the new Color Pack. The pack consists of overall 6 very clean looking Roadsta, coming in black, orange, purple, red, white and yellow. The pack will be released on April 13th at Bape Stores and in their webstore.
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Enter Your Zip Code to Connect with a Lawyer Serving Your Area
Do you know what you have to prove in court to win a wrongful termination lawsuit? Or what a court can award you if you win? What are the signs of a potential wrongful termination that should send you to talk to a lawyer?
Here, you'll find articles on common wrongful termination claims, as well as the legal elements and remedies of each.


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Dear editors, I found two (typographic?) error. This DTD example in section 220.127.116.11 (in HTML 4.0 1999/04/24): selected (selected) #IMPLIED -- reduced inter-item spacing -- is corrected in HTML 4.01, selected (selected) #IMPLIED -- option is pre-selected -- but there is no comment for selected attribute declaration in DTDs. And there is no information about this correction in appendix A. -- UCHIDA Akira <email@example.com> Public key : <http://www.asahi-net.or.jp/%7Esd5a-ucd/PGP.html>Received on Friday, 21 January 2000 08:44:14 GMT
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Fantasy Football: Top 10 NFL Quarterbacks To Draft
It's a poorly-kept secret that the Seattle Seahawks don't mind taking a penalty flag or two for pass interference or defensive holding in exchange for five or six no-calls on borderline plays. Supposedly, the NFL will be cracking down on physical play in the defensive backfield. If true-and that's a big if-it could mean even bigger numbers for the quarterbacks.
FANTASY IMPACT: Stevie Johnson Might Miss Game Sunday
ORCHARD PARK, N.Y. (AP) — Receiver Stevie Johnson and cornerback Stephon Gilmore are expected to be game-time decisions this week, Bills coach Doug Marrone said Friday. Buffalo (2-3) will take on Cincinnati (3-2) at home […]
FANTASY IMPACT: Bills Lose Kicker Name New Starting QB
Buffalo rookie kicker Dustin Hopkins has been placed on season-ending injured reserve because of a groin injury sustained last month.
Bills coach Doug Marrone announced the move Monday, saying Hopkins was having difficulty kicking off in practice. The Bills also needed to free up a roster spot to promote quarterback Thad Lewis off of the practice squad.
Texans' Joel Dreessen = ODFFV. (Find Out What That Means)
With another TD in the Texans' win against the Atlanta Falcons, TE Joel Dreessen expounds on the team's success this season. Although he doesn't discuss this, Dreessen's own success as the team's leader in receiving […]


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Shearer Charter
1590 Elm St.
Napa, CA 94559
- Compare with other schools in Napa
- Compare with nearby schools
- School Type: Elementary School (Charter, not direct funded)
- District: Napa Valley Unified
- Website: www.ses.nvusd.k12.ca.us
- Ranking compared to similar schools: 5
- Achieved API growth target: No
- Teachers with Full Credentials: 100%
- Teachers with Emergency Credentials: 3%
- School Schedule: Standard
- Grades: K-5
- K-3 Class Size: 20
- Grades 4-6 Class Size: 17
Demographic Information:
- GATE students: 4%
- English learners: 50%
- Reclassified as English proficient: 35%
- Migrant education program participants: 9%
- Eligible for free/reduced price lunch: 87%
- Special education within past two years: 8%
- Overall Average Education4: 1.94
(based on the 95% who responded)
Student Ethnicity:
|Graduate School
|College Graduate
|Some College
|High School
|Not a High School
Student Ethnicity:
|Pacific Islander
Median Home Price (Zindex) for zip code 94559:
Related Schools:
Shearer Charter rank: 2 in Napa
River Charter rank: 8 in Napa
Napa County Juvenile Hall/Court rank: in Napa
Harvest Middle rank: 4 in Napa
Napa Valley Language Academy rank: 5 in Napa
New Technology High rank: 7 in Napa
Alta Heights Elementary rank: 6 in Napa
Napa High rank: 6 in Napa
Snow Elementary rank: 1 in Napa
Phillips Elementary rank: 2 in Napa
Silverado Middle rank: 6 in Napa
Valley Oak High rank: A in Napa
McPherson Elementary rank: 1 in Napa
West Park Elementary rank: 6 in Napa
Napa County Community rank: A in Napa
Napa County Opportunity rank: in Napa
Pueblo Vista Elementary rank: 1 in Napa
Napa Valley Independent Studies rank: A in Napa
Mt. George International rank: 8 in Napa
Redwood Middle rank: 6 in Napa
Bel Aire Park Elementary rank: 5 in Napa
Browns Valley Elementary rank: 6 in Napa
Northwood Elementary rank: 6 in Napa
- The State Rank is determined by a school's API Score in comparison to all other schools in California. (1 is the worst, 10 is the best). An equal number of schools occupy each rank. * This rank comes from the 2013 California Academic Performance Index (API) Growth report.
- The API Score is a number between 200 and 1000 that reflects a school's performance on statewide student assessments administered in 2013.
- Alternative Schools receive APIs but do not receive ranks
- Parent Education is the average of all responses where "1" represents "Not a high school graduate" and "5" represents "Graduate school."
- More information: 2012-13 Academic Performance Index Reports Information Guide (PDF; 629KB; 65pp.)
©2014 California School Ratings - Ratings on 9823 California Schools terms of use Feedback:


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God of Scarcity, God of Plenitude: My Address to the IPMNPosted: June 18, 2014 Filed under: American Jewish Community, Christianity, God, Human Rights, Interfaith, Israel, Judaism, Palestine, Peace, Religion, Zionism 6 Comments
This past Monday it was my honor to give the keynote speech at a dinner sponsored by the Israel Palestine Mission Network of the Presbyterian Church (USA). The event took place in Detroit during the Presbyterian General Assembly and was attended by longtime Christian peace activists, many of whom have become become my dear friends and colleagues in the growing interfaith movement for a just peace in Israel/Palestine.
Here is a text of my remarks:
I am humbled and honored to have been asked to speak to you tonight – and I'm particularly moved to look around the room and see so many people who have become my friends and colleagues in this amazing and growing movement that means so much to us all. I'd particularly like to thank (Reverend) Katherine Cunningham (moderator of the IPMN) for being such a gracious host and guide to me during my stay here in Detroit.
I'd like to start by sharing a little bit of my journey and to try to explain how it is that I have come to stand before you today.
In most ways, you might describe me as a pretty average American Jew: I went to a Jewish Community Center pre-school, I grew up in a synagogue, had a Bar Mitzvah and belonged to my Temple Youth group. And like many American Jews, my Jewishness has been indelibly tied up with Israel for my entire life. My Jewish identity has been profoundly informed by the classic Zionist narrative: the story of a small underdog nation forging a national and cultural rebirth out of the ashes of its near-destruction. It is, at its heart, a redemptive narrative – and it has assumed a quasi-sacred status for me, as it has for many American Jews of my generation and older.
Politically speaking, I've identified with what tends to be referred to today as "liberal Zionism." I've long been inspired by Israel's Labor Zionist origins, and I've generally aligned myself with positions advocated Israeli peace movement. I've always been very willing to openly criticize the actions of the Israeli government that I believed were counter to the cause of peace. At the same time, however, I generally viewed these kinds of actions as "blemishes" on an otherwise stable democracy and a noble national project. At the end of the day, I understood the essence of this conflict to be a clash between two national movements, each with compelling and valid claims to the same small piece of land.
Over the years, however, I confess, I struggled with gnawing doubts over the tenets of my liberal Zionist narrative. Although I was able to keep these doubts at bay for the most part, I was never able to successfully silence them. As an outspoken critic of American militarism, for instance, I would occasionally ask myself why I wasn't equally as outspoken about Israeli militarism – why I habitually would give a pass to what was, after all, the one of the most militarized countries in the world.
I would also entertain nagging questions about the ethnic nationalism at the heart of Zionism. Israel's very existence as a Jewish state was bound up with its maintenance of a Jewish majority within its borders. Like many liberal Zionists, I'd often base my arguments for a two state solution by pointing to the population growth of Palestinians as a "demographic threat" to the national character of the Jewish state. As an American, I'd never dare describe an ethnic minority in the US as somehow posing a "demographic threat" to our national American character. Why, then, was I so willing to invoke this concept about so freely when it pertained to the Jewish state?
And in the darkest, wee hours of the night, I'd even question the very concept of a Jewish nation-state-ism itself. I'd ask myself, what does it mean to maintain an exclusively Jewish state in a land that has historically been multi-ethnic and multi-religious for centuries? Was it even possible to create a Jewish state that was truly democratic? How could a state define itself as "Jewish" and not view its non-Jewish population, in one way or another, as a problem to be dealt with?
When I was ordained as a rabbi in 1992, the stakes were raised on my personal political views. Given the ideological centrality of Zionism in the American Jewish community, my questions now carried very real consequences. As I'm sure you know, rabbis and Jewish leaders are under tremendous pressure by the American Jewish organizational establishment to maintain unflagging support for the state of Israel. Congregational rabbis in particular take a very real professional risk when they criticize Israel publicly. To actually stand in solidarity with Palestinians would be tantamount to communal heresy. So you might say I put those inner questions in a lock box and made a safe and comfortable home in liberal Zionism for the first decade of my rabbinate.
As Israel's occupation over the Palestinians became more patently oppressive and widespread however, it became increasingly difficult for me to ignore my questions. The breaking point for me occurred in December of 2008, as it did for many American Jews. This was, of course, Israel's military assault on Gaza, known as Operation Cast Lead.
I remember reading the news out of Gaza with utter anguish. Like many rabbis, my e-mail inbox filled with official Jewish communal talking points about how to respond to the events in Gaza: "This was about Israel's security pure and simple." "Like every nation, Israel had a responsibility to ensure the safety of its citizens." "If Hamas hadn't launched rockets into Israel, they wouldn't have had to resort to such drastic military measures."
In the past, I might have dutifully taken these talking points to heart, along with the obligatory apology: "of course we regret the deaths of innocent civilians." But this time, I responded differently. In spite of my anguish, or perhaps because of it, I finally felt as if I was approaching this issue with something approaching clarity. The magnitude of Israel's military onslaught was so disproportionate, so outrageous. By the end of Operation Cast Lead, over 1,400 Palestinians had been killed, 300 of them children. Whole neighborhoods had been reduced to rubble, Gaza's infrastructure was left in ruins. By contrast, on the Israeli side, 13 people had been killed. Of these, 10 were soldiers, four of whom by friendly fire.
As I read the increasingly tragic news coming out of Gaza, I came to realize this was not about Israel's security at all. This was about bringing the Palestinian people to their knees. If Israel was truly seeking its security, it was clear to me that it was the kind of security that came from wiping out the other side with the overwhelming strength of its military might. But of course this approach had never and would never bring peace and security to either Israelis or Palestinians.
This is when my paradigm for understanding the Israel/Palestine "conflict" fundamentally shifted. I came to accept that this was not a conflict between two equal sides with claims to the same piece of land. This was about the oppressor and the oppressed.
Although I had always considered myself to be part of the peace camp when it came to Israel – I now came to realize just how hollow it was to invoke the notion of peace without reckoning just as seriously with the concept of justice. I was now ready to accept and to say out loud that Israel's very founding was irrevocably tied up with a very real injustice to the Palestinian people – an injustice that continues to this very day. And I knew in my heart that until this injustice was fully faced openly and honestly, there would never truly be peace in this land.
There is much more I could say about my own personal trajectory since that time, but for now, I'll only say that six years after my break from Liberal Zionism, I have gradually found a home in the growing Palestinian solidarity movement. Much to my surprise and delight, I have found I can actually do this as a Jew. For this I owe a great debt to Jewish Voice for Peace for providing a genuinely Jewish home for those Jews who believe as I do, that Jewish tradition demands that we stand with the oppressed and stand down the oppressor – yes, even when it comes to the state of Israel.
I also continue to serve my congregation in Evanston. That doesn't mean it has been easy. Needless to say, there are many members of my congregation who do not share my views – and there are some who are deeply pained by my activism. But the fact that I can still remain employed at the congregation that I love and continue to make my home in the Jewish community gives me hope that the parameters of Jewish discourse on this issue are widening in significant ways.
I'm often asked, how can I, as a Jew, take the kind of stands that I do? To this I can only reply: it is because I am a Jew that I take this stand. I believe that standing in solidarity with Palestinians is the most Jewish thing I can do. As a rabbi, as a Jew, and as a human being, I am primarily motivated by the prophetic strains of Jewish tradition. I am driven by religion that speaks hard truth to power. By a faith that holds unmitigated human power to account.
I fervently believe that when religion advocates the cause of the powerless, when it stands with those who are victimized by the powerful, when religion proclaims that God stands with the oppressed and seeks their liberation – this is historically when religion has been at its very best. And conversely, when religion is used to promote empire, when it is used as by the powerful to justify their rule, when it is wedded to militarism, nationalism and political power – this is, tragically, when we witness religion at its worst.
I cannot help but read Jewish tradition with prophetic eyes. As a Jew, I've always been enormously proud of the classic rabbinical response to empire. I believe that the Jewish people have been able to survive even under such large and mighty powers because we've clung to a singular sacred vision. That there is a Power even greater. Greater than Pharaoh, greater than Babylon, even greater than the Roman empire that exiled us and dispersed our people throughout the diaspora. It is a quintessentially Jewish vision best summed up by the prophetic line from the book of Zechariah: "Lo b'chayil v'lo b'koach" – "Not by might and not by power, but by my spirit, says the Lord of Hosts."
Now, there are many who challenge such a religious vision as naive, as over-idealistic, as noble but unrealistic. They tell me it's all well and good to promote justice, but in the real world "the perfect is the enemy of the good." In the real world, we need to make hard compromises to achieve peace.
Whenever I hear these kinds of comments, I can't help but think back to Martin Luther King's "Letter from a Birmingham Jail," in which he addressed the liberal clergy who had told him to stay away from Birmingham and not to rock to boat – and to give them the chance to negotiate with the Jim Crow authorities. I can't help but think of those who criticized those who advocated for divestment from South African apartheid, who said that such measures would antagonize the apartheid regime and counseled "positive engagement" instead.
In all these cases and so many more, peace was viewed as synonymous with "not disturbing the status quo" and justice was seen as the enemy of the good. But of course, today we now openly venerate these struggles for justice and liberation. And these movements succeeded because they were led by people who understood, as King put it so well in his letter, that "Power is never given voluntarily by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed."
I'd like to end by addressing another way in which my theological understandings have been impacted by my participation in this movement. I mentioned earlier that I used to understand the essence of this conflict to be a clash between two national movements, each with compelling and valid claims to the same small piece of land. As well meaning as such an understanding might be, the problem with this kind of idea is that it is rooted in the notion that any people or nation can actually "stake a claim" on a piece of land. Such a notion can surely be traced back to the Biblical notion of a God that apportions the land and entitles one people to it. To be sure, this is a zero-sum theological model in which there is only enough room on the land for one people – a people who is, moreover, commanded to take possession of the land by dislodging others.
But when we shift the question from "which people has a right to this land?" to "how do we extend full human and civil rights to all who live on the land?" we discover a decidedly different Biblical vision. We lift up the God who tells us that all humanity is made in the divine image – and that when push comes to shove, the land does not ultimately belong to any of us, but to God and we are all but strangers upon it.
I submit to you that our movement is deeply rooted in this theological vision – one that invokes the God of plenitude, not scarcity. After all, when we define our entitlements to a finite commodity such as land, we only doom ourselves to a future filled with endless upheaval and violence. The Bible describes our lot in this regard only too well.
However, when come to understand that our ultimate entitlement is to a boundless commodity such as human rights and human dignity, we ensure a future of true peace for ourselves and our children. This, I believe, is the Biblical vision we share and to which I know we are all so passionately and fervently committed.
It is my honor to share this vision with all of you – and to help build the movement that will one day make it a reality.
The ADL Global 100: Challenging Our Narratives of Anti-SemitismPosted: June 4, 2014 Filed under: American Jewish Community, Anti-Semitism, Gaza, Iran, Israel, Jewish Community, Palestine, Zionism 7 Comments
There's been a great deal written about the report, "Global 100: An Index of Anti-Semitism," released last month by the Anti-Defamation League. While the ADL has trumpeted the survey as "the most extensive such poll ever conducted," reactions in the mainstream media have been mixed. In one widely read piece, Noah Feldman criticized the ADL's methodology as "stacking the deck in favor of anti-Semitic answers." Blogger/journalist Mitchell Plitnick has also written an important article that unpacks the political agenda behind the survey (writes Plitnick, "the cry of anti-Semitism is becoming the cry of the wolf-shouting boy.")
For my part, I've been struck by the way the ADL's survey unwittingly (and ironically) betrays some of the mainstream Jewish community's most deeply held narratives on anti-Semitism. One of the survey's most striking findings, for instance, reveals that Iran is by far the least anti-Semitic country in the Middle East. To be sure, the ADL hasn't gone out of its way to publicize this point – you can only deduce it by comparing Iranian responses to those of other Middle Eastern countries. But in fact, Iran scores better on every one of the ADL's eleven survey questions by a statistically significant margin. And as Israel/Iran analyst Marsha B. Cohen, has pointed out, Iran doesn't even make it into the ADL survey's "worldwide top 20 anti-Semitic hotspots."
Sobering findings indeed, when you consider that Israeli politicians have long predicated their foreign policy on a narrative that views Iran as the world's #1 threat to the Jewish people. (Just this past April, in fact, Israeli PM Netanyahu mentioned Iran in the same breath as Nazi Germany during a Holocaust Remembrance ceremony at Yad Vashem.)
Among other things, I believe these findings shed much-needed light on the cynical tropes wielded by Israel and the American Jewish establishment. I'm certainly not surprised that the ADL hasn't promoted this particularly inconvenient truth in their press releases on the survey, but at the very least I believe it should encourage us to seek out a different kind of narrative vis a vis Iran: one that might encourage engagement and diplomacy over confrontation and lines in the sand.
On the other end of the spectrum, the ADL's survey found that Middle Eastern anti-Semitism was the most pronounced among Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. No shocker there. As Plitnick notes in his post:
There you will find many people, with no power who are dominated by a state that insists on claiming (falsely) to represent the world's Jews. Are we to be surprised that an awful lot of them believe that "the Jews" have too much power, too much influence on other countries' decisions, too much wealth, etc?
And that, I posit, is the real reason for the ADL's report. No sooner had the report been issued than Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pounced on it as "proof" that the Palestinian Authority "incites" hatred of Israel and Jews. As if the settlers and soldiers – who are the only examples of Jews or Israelis that Palestinians ever see anymore — don't do that quite efficiently all by themselves. What would one expect of an occupied population, in the West Bank, and a deliberately starved and besieged one on Gaza? That these conditions would breed a great love of Jews and of Israel?
And here I would submit, the survey belies yet another narrative popularized by Israel and so many American Jewish leaders: that Israel represents the most important defense/response to anti-Semitism (a claim that dates back to the days of Theodor Herzl.) In the face of findings such as these, we might justifiably ask: in what ways do Israel's actions actually foster anti-Semitism? This question is particularly salient as regards Palestinians who live under Israeli military occupation. At the end of the day, can Israel truly claim to be a Jewish "safe haven" with such a population in its midst?
We might also ask, to what extent do Israel's oppressive treatment of Palestinians inspire anti-Semitism throughout the world? Anti-semitism, like all forms of prejudice, is very real – and we must certainly respond to it with all due seriousness. But at the same time, might it be possible that some of the attitudes uncovered by the ADL survey are less the result of genuine Jew-hatred than anger toward unjust actions perpetrated by a state that purports to represent all Jews everywhere?
Again, I'm sure the ADL never intended its study to inspire questions such as these – but we'd do well to consider them.
Land and Liberation: An Interview with Reverend Naim AteekPosted: March 24, 2014 Filed under: Christianity, Interfaith, Israel, Jerusalem, Judaism, Nonviolence, Palestine, Peace, Religion, Zionism 9 Comments
This past weekend, I had the great pleasure to engage in an extended interview with Reverend Naim Ateek, founder of Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center, during a brief visit he made to Chicago. I've known Rev. Ateek for several years and am honored to call him a friend and colleague – and I've written before about his important work in the development of Palestinian liberation theology. Since he's been the object of unrelenting attack by the Jewish institutional establishment, I was particularly grateful for the opportunity to model a different kind of Jewish-Christian engagement on his life and his work.
An edited version of our conversation follows here:
My Al Jazeera Debate with Rabbi Ari HartPosted: March 18, 2014 Filed under: Israel, Nakba, Palestine, Zionism 5 Comments
Al Jazeera has just published a "point-counterpoint" dialogue on Zionism between me and Rabbi Ari Hart, Assistant Rabbi of the Hebrew Institute of Riverdale, Director of Recruitment and Admissions at Yeshivat Chovevei Torah Rabbinical School and founder of the orthodox social justice organization, Uri L'Tzedek.
An excerpt from Rabbi Hart's piece:
The state of Israel is the single best expression of the dreams of the Jewish people to have been realised in thousands of years. Since it was founded in 1948, it has meant that thousands of persecuted and displaced Jews from Ethiopia and Arab countries have been able to find safety and that millions of oppressed Russian Jews have been able to freely practice their faith. It has resulted in an explosion of Jewish culture and life unlike anything we have witnessed in millennia and led to a flourishing of the Jewish faith, with more people studying the Torah than at any other point in Jewish history.
And it has not only been positive for the Jewish people: the state of Israel has produced scientific, literary, medical, agricultural, and academic advances that have benefitted billions of people across the planet.
I am always confounded by my Jewish brothers and sisters who do not recognise that the state of Israel has represented the realisation of a dream for our people, and how vital its health and security is to our continued flourishing.
And from my counterpoint:
While Rabbi Hart is certainly correct when he asserts the ways the state of Israel has benefitted the Jewish people, I am struck by the fact that he is relatively silent on the precise nature of the "nightmare" it has created for the indigenous people of the land.
I believe that as Jews, we must be willing to own this dark history and say it out loud: during 1947 to 1948, Zionist military forces either displaced or forcibly expelled over 700,000 Palestinians then forbid their return, creating what is today the largest refugee population in the world. Today more than 4,000,000 Palestinians harbour their own dream of return – not to a mythic Biblical homeland but to a land that they remember only too well.
In short, Israel's founding is inextricably bound up with an inherent injustice to the people who had made a home in this land. More critically, it is an injustice that continues until today through policies of dispossession and displacement designed to maintain a Jewish demographic majority in the state of Israel.
More Heat Than Light: My Response to Rev. Chris LeightonPosted: February 26, 2014 Filed under: Anti-Semitism, Christianity, Interfaith, Israel, Judaism, Palestine, Religion, Zionism 19 Comments
Dear Reverend Leighton,
Thank you for your response to my open letter. While I'm also not particularly interested in turning our dialogue into a debate to be "won" or "lost," I do take exception to much of what you wrote and feel compelled to respond in kind. I agree with you that our differences are worthy of ongoing dialogue. I can only hope that the airing of our disagreement might somehow be helpful to those who struggle with an issue that is of such critical importance to our respective faith communities.
I'd like to start with your observation:
(To) deny…Zionism and Judaism do not share deep historical and religious roots…strikes me as a serious error. You work with a very limited conception of Zionism as a 19th century political movement that breaks from Jewish tradition. I work with a much broader understanding of Zionism and see this movement as driven by yearnings for a Jewish homeland with deep biblical underpinnings. The blending of peoplehood, land and Torah strikes me as integral to Jewish tradition.
In writing this statement, you've chosen to sidestep my point that for thousands of years, the Jewish connection to the land was expressed as a spiritual yearning – not as a desire to create a sovereign Jewish nation. "Homeland" and "political nation" are two intrinsically different concepts, and as I've already written, Jewish tradition consistently regarded the notion of Jewish political nationhood to be an anathema. Political Zionism was never "integral to Jewish tradition" and this concept was not even introduced into Jewish life until the 19th century.
By insisting on this point, your analysis of Jewish tradition and history betrays a characteristically Zionist bias that assumes the centrality of sovereign statehood. That is fine – you are certainly welcome to your biases. But you should at least be prepared to own them for what they are and not attempt to present them as normative.
The very concept of nation-statehood itself is a fundamentally modern notion. Like all modern forms of nationalism, Zionism arose to consciously create a sense of seamless continuity to the past through recourse to an ancient mythic history. But of course, this is an artificial "continuity;" one that owes more to modern political ideology than Jewish religious tradition.
It also has little to do with actual "history" as we know it today. As "Zionism Unsettled" notes, it is extremely problematic to use the Bible as a history book to lay claim to particular piece of land. In the first place, the Bible is a profoundly ahistorical document, as we have long since learned from literary scholars and archaeologists. Moreover, the Bible was certainly never intended to be "history" according to our current understanding of the term. The authors of the Bible did not purport to create a literal history of the events of their day – rather, it is a religiously inspired narrative that reflects ideas and values unique to the world of the ancient Near East.
This is more than just an academic point. As "Zionism Unsettled" points out, the use of the Bible as a historical justification for a modern nationalist movement is not merely historically problematic – it has had tragic consequences for the inhabitants of historic Palestine, particularly when you consider Biblical passages that express entitlement to the land, a religious intolerance of the "foreign nations of Canaan" and commandments that require nothing short of their total dispossession – and in some cases, even annihilation.
So in one sense we are in complete agreement when you write "even the more secular strains of Zionism that became predominant in the 19th century were suffused with Biblical imagery." Perhaps we only disagree on the dark outcome of this phenomenon. We should not be unmindful of the ways that the Biblical land traditions were used by early Zionist ideologues and the political founders of the state – and are currently wielded by Israeli politicians, settler leaders and ultra-religious rabbis alike. This use of Biblical imagery must not be dismissed as mere religious rhetoric – these theological linkages have enormous power, particularly when we consider the expulsion of Palestinians from their homes in 1947-48 and policies of displacement and transfer that continue to this very day.
You go on to ask:
Do you want to uncouple Zionism from Judaism altogether, or do you want to critique its more militant and "colonial" manifestations? Can all expressions and forms of Zionism be accurately placed into an ideological lump and legitimately condemned as a movement that leads "inexorably" to the displacement and mistreatment of the Palestinians, as the IPMN guide indicates? Do you think that Jews do not belong or have a legitimate claim to the land of Israel?
It is true that there are many different forms of Zionism – a fact that is extensively explored in "Zionism Unplugged" (see Chapter 2). I would argue, however, that since the establishment of the state of Israel, the existence of these various "Zionisms" has largely become an academic point. In a very real way, the birth of Israel represents the ultimate victory of the values of political Zionism that were promoted by the founders of the state.
As someone who identified as a Zionist for most of his adult life, it is with no small measure of sadness that I acknowledge the ways political Zionism has "inexorably led to the displacement and mistreatment of the Palestinians." Perhaps most critically, I have come to painfully reckon with the ethnic nationalism at the core of political Zionism's raison d'etre – and its insistence upon the maintenance of a demographic Jewish majority in the land to safeguard the "Jewish character of the state." In the end, no matter how vociferously Israel might insist that it is, in fact, "Jewish and democratic," I do not believe it is ultimately possible to establish a demographically Jewish state without regarding the presence of non-Jews to be a problem.
In this regard, I do believe that "Zionism Unsettled" bravely shines a light on the tragic legacy of the Zionist idea, a concept that ultimately resulted in the forced depopulation of Palestinians from their homes in 1947/48 (a phenomenon by now well attested to by Israeli historians) as well as the policies of dispossession that continue to be enacted by the Israeli government even today. These events and policies do not exist in a vacuum – they are the logical end-product of a very specific nationalist ideology that privileges the rights of one particular group over another.
You ask me if I believe Jews "do not belong" or "have a legitimate claim to the land of Israel." Of course I believe that Jews have every right to live in the land. I'm not sure, however, what you mean by a "legitimate claim." If you mean can we Jews rightly maintain a religious connection to the land, then my answer is certainly yes. If you mean do we have some kind of intrinsic right to exert our political sovereignty over this land, then my answer is most certainly no. When it comes to nation-statism, it has historically been the case that "might makes right." The real question, it seems to me, is not "who has the right to this land?" but rather "how can we extend full rights to all who live on this land?"
You write that you "have yet to see efforts to undo the establishment of the State of Israel produce constructive results." I'm struck that you equate an insistence upon equal rights for all to be tantamount to Israel's "undoing." But when it comes to a choice between a Jewish and democratic state, as increasingly seems likely, what should be our choice? My community is fast approaching a reckoning: which kind of state will ultimately be more "Jewish," one that unabashedly places Jewish rights above Palestinian rights or one that allows full and equal rights for all?
I also find your statement about "Israel's undoing" to be more than a little incendiary. By projecting nefarious designs onto an entire movement, this kind of rhetoric only exploits the deepest and darkest of Jewish fears. I will tell you that I have been participated in the Palestinian solidarity movement for some years now and have yet to encounter the kind of anti-Semitic anti-Zionists you speak of. Are there anti-Semites in this movement? Undoubtedly. There are odious types on the margins of every political movement. But I can say without hesitation that the Palestinians and pro-Palestinian activists I have met and worked with have nothing but the deepest respect for Jews and Judaism at large and consistently endeavor, as I do, to draw a scrupulous differentiation between Zionism and Judaism.
I don't disagree with you that "the quest for home is deeply woven into the tissue of our humanity" and that this concept is deeply woven into the fabric of Jewish collective consciousness. But I must disagree with you strongly when you insist that "the search for homeland aim(s) at sovereignty." To me, this is an astonishingly narrow and reductionist reading of the notions of home and homeland.
You write that "a national identity is difficult to construct and preserve without the power and freedom that is exercised by the state." But in fact, that is precisely what the Jewish people have done for centuries. Judaism as we know it was born in the wake of the destruction of the Second Temple, as a profound and spiritually courageous response to the reality of dispersion and exile. As such, Jewish tradition is replete with teachings that respond to this trauma with a message of spiritual hope and renewal.
In one of my favorite rabbinic midrashim, for instance, Rabbi Akiba teaches, "Wherever the people of Israel were exiled, the Divine Presence was exiled with them." In other words, Judaism arose to assert that despite the experience of exile, the Jewish people would always be "home." God was no longer geographically specific to one particular land – spiritual meaning and fulfillment could be found throughout the diaspora wherever the Jewish people might live. (The midrash ends, notably, on a messianic note: "And when they return in the future, the Divine Presence will return with them.")
In so doing, the rabbinic Judaism transformed a land-based cultic practice to a global religion, enabling Jewish life to flourish and grow widely throughout the Diaspora. This, I believe represents the intrinsic beauty and genius of the Jewish conception of peoplehood: in a time of profound upheaval and crisis we spiritualized the concept of homeland and redefined ourselves as a globally based, multi-ethnic, multi-cultural nation that viewed the entire world as its "home." The concept of exile became, in a sense, a spiritual prism through which we viewed the world and our place in it. It might well be claimed that centuries of Jewish religious creativity resulted from this profound existential mindset.
As a Jew I do not need you to tell me that this conception of Judaism is somehow "exceptionalist" because it "refuses the rights and conditions that every other nation claims for itself." With all due respect, it is not for you to take it upon yourself to define my Jewish rights and claims, particularly when it runs counter to centuries of Jewish tradition and experience. I understand that you have chosen to adopt the Zionist narrative of my history and that is certainly your right. But you do not have the right to preach to a Jew that his understanding of "homeland" must ipso facto be expressed through sovereign statehood.
Moreover, there are numerous stateless peoples throughout the world. Would you go on to suggest that they too have the intrinsic right to "the opportunities and burdens of an independent state?" If so, where does this right come from and how might it possibly be implemented? If not, then why are you granting this unique right to the Jewish people? Quite frankly, I find your conflation of the concepts of "homeland" and "nation-state" to be hopelessly confused, creating a myriad more problems than it purports to solve.
On the concept of exceptionalism, you write:
I have yet to encounter a nation or religion that does not fuse religion and politics – and overtly or implicitly make a claim to being exceptional. The challenge is how to identify and respond when the mixture turns toxic.
Like the authors of "Zionism Unsettled" I would go much farther than this. I believe that challenge is to identify and respond to those aspects of our respective religious traditions that assume our superiority over others – and to thoroughly disavow them.
It is all well and good to "support and sustain our nations, our religious communities, and families with financial and psychological investments that give them priority." I'm even willing to admit that it is natural for a person or group to feel "chosen" in a way that doesn't automatically denote superiority. The problem occurs, as ZU rightly points out, when exceptionalism "exempts the chosen from the need to conform to normal rules, laws, or general principles that we use to hold other people accountable." (p. 8)
As the study guide notes, religious exceptionalism has historically been at its most dangerous when it is wedded to state power. In illuminating this point, ZU actually devotes a significant amount of analysis to post-Constantinian Christianity and its legacy of anti-Semitism over the centuries. In so doing, it identifies the ultimate problem as the merging of religion and empire – not Zionism per se. You misrepresent the guide egregiously when you accuse it of treating Zionism as "an exceptional and inherently evil manifestation of nationalism." In fact, "Zionism Unsettled" repeatedly places political Zionism within the larger context of religious and national exceptionalism – a phenomenon that has historically proven to be, to paraphrase your words, a uniquely toxic mixture.
Finally, you bemoan the lack of a more "comprehensive and balanced account" in "Zionism Unsettled." I would suggest that this lack of balance does not originate in the guide but rather the Israel-Palestine conflict itself. To be sure, this conflict does not and has never constituted a level playing field. Rather, it has pitted one of the most militarized nations in the world – one that enjoys the near unconditional support of the world's largest superpower – against a people it has dispossessed from its land; a people whose yearning for home now reflects, as you so eloquently put it, "a quest…that is woven into the very tissue of (its) humanity."
I do believe this is the most critical place where you and I part company. You express your religious faith through your work in the world of interfaith dialogue – an arena that assumes balance and equity on two equal "sides." I view my faith as refracted through my work as an activist who stands in solidarity with a people that is seeking its liberation. As such I do not view this conflict in any way as a balanced equation. On the contrary, I seek to re-right what I believe to be an inherently unbalanced situation.
I realize full well that by saying such things I leave myself open to further accusations of "polemical excess that does not do justice to what needs to be said." So be it. I would only ask you to consider that rhetoric has a fundamentally different function in the world of dialogue than in the arena of political transformation. I understand that in your world, words are typically wielded in the furtherance of creating "more light than heat." But when there is very real oppression occurring, as I truly believe is the case here, it is not at all inappropriate to turn up the heat, no matter how upsetting it may be for Israel and its advocates.
I do not know if you have ever visited Palestinians in the West Bank or Gaza and have witnessed first hand the deeply oppressive reality of their daily existence. If you haven't, I encourage you to do so. I encourage you to talk to Palestinians who live in villages whose livelihood has been choked off by a wall that separates them from their agricultural lands in order to make way for the growth of Jewish settlements. I encourage you to meet with Palestinians whose weekly nonviolent demonstrations against the wall are met regularly with brutal force by the Israeli military. Speak to Palestinians mothers and fathers whose children have been abducted in the middle of the night by the IDF and subjected to interrogation in Israeli prisons. Get to know Palestinians who have had their residency rights revoked and/or their homes demolished so that Jewish demographic facts can be created on the ground. Talk with Palestinians in Gaza who are being collectively punished by a crushing blockade and subjected to life inside what has essentially become one of the largest open air prisons in the world.
I believe if you take the time to do so you will invariably come to find that these men and women represent spiritual teachers just as compelling as the American Jews and Christians which whom you regularly engage in dialogue. At the very least, I hope they might somehow challenge your views on "what needs to be said" about this conflict.
While you may well consider the above to be just another example of my "polemical excess," I would only say that my convictions come from a faithful place – and from a religious tradition that exhorts me to stand with the oppressed and call out the oppressor. I also believe these same religious convictions inform the very heart of "Zionism Unplugged" and whatever its specific flaws, I find it to be an enormously important and courageous resource. You claim that the "vast majority of Presbyterians will not align themselves with a project that aims to disassemble the State of Israel." Of course the guide does nothing of the kind. It does, however, call for the dissembling of an inequitable system that privileges one group over another and replacing it with one that guarantees full rights for all. For this it makes no apology, nor should it.
You certainly know the Presbyterian community better than I, but I will say that I have met and spoken with many Presbyterians – and members of other Protestant denominations – who have expressed gratitude for this new guide and are eager to use it in their churches. As with my own faith community, I do sense that we are currently in the midst of a paradigm shift on the issue of Zionism and I am not anywhere near as certain as you that the "vast majority" of Christians or Jews are so ready as you to denounce such ideas as abject anti-Semitism.
Again, thank you for taking the time to respond to my open letter. I agree with you that there is much more to be discussed. Whether or not we engage in further exploration together, I hope and trust that our conversation might still be helpful to those who have read our exchange.
Guest Post: Rev. Chris Leighton Responds to My Open LetterPosted: February 23, 2014 Filed under: Anti-Semitism, Christianity, Interfaith, Israel, Judaism, Palestine, Religion, Zionism 14 Comments
Rev. Chris Leighton has responded to my open letter of February 19, in which I addressed what I considered to be his troubling and unfounded attack on the newly released study guide, "Zionism Unsettled." I have posted his words below. I genuinely appreciate his desire to enter into dialogue and will post my own response in several days.
I appreciate the time and thought that you directed to my critique of "Zionism Unsettled." I am not particularly interested in entering a debate that yields winners and losers and that drives combatants more deeply into their entrenched positions. I am interested in conversation that might enable people with deep disagreements to learn from one another, and I am acutely aware of how much more I have to learn in the ongoing struggle to understand and respond to the complexities of the Palestinian-Israeli impasse. Colleagues such as Nancy Fuchs Kreimer, A.J. Levine, Peter Ochs, Tikva Frymer Kensky (of blessed memory) and even your former havrutah partner and now staff member at the ICJS, Ilyse Kramer (among others including folks at the Hartman Institute) continue to rattle me out of my complacency and remind me constantly that mahloket is a rabbinic discipline desperately needed in these tempestuous times.
You make a number of observations that I want to ponder more deeply. You also indulge in some polemical excess that does not do justice to what needs to be said. At the end of the day, you believe that this congregational guide can prove a helpful resource. I think that it is so riddled with historical and theological flaws, and so dismissive of the Jewish community that it will do much more harm than good. We disagree, and the most immediate question whether our differences might prove worthy of some ongoing dialogue.
I wonder if we might begin more productively by examining some arguments that you make that I find puzzling. They may clarify our divergent readings of ZU and enable us to better understand when and where we speak past one another.
You make a strong case for the separation of Judaism from Zionism, and I think rightly note the mistakes that arise when the two are collapsed. At the same time to deny that Zionism and Judaism do not share deep historical and religious roots also strikes me as a serious error. You work with a very limited conception of Zionism as a 19th century political movement that breaks from the Jewish tradition. I work with a much broader understanding of Zionism and see this movement as driven by a yearning for a Jewish homeland with deep biblical underpinnings. The blending of peoplehood, land and Torah strikes me as integral to Jewish tradition. Even the more secular strains of Zionism that became predominant in the 19th century were suffused with biblical imagery and so this movement was not as radical a rupture from the Jewish tradition as the more secular Zionists imagined.
So here is where I found your account confounding. Do you want to uncouple Zionism from Judaism altogether, or do you want to critique its more militant and "colonial" manifestations? Can all expressions and forms of Zionism be accurately placed into an ideological lump and legitimately condemned as a movement that leads "inexorably" to the displacement and mistreatment of Palestinians, as the IPMN guide indicates? Do you think that Jews do not belong or have a legitimate claim to the land of Israel? Do you want to trace the problem to the UN's 1947 resolution to partition the land and to establish the State of Israel? Or do want to focus on the problems that emerge in the wake of the Six Day War of 1967?
I have yet to see efforts to undo the establishment of the State of Israel produce constructive results. I have seen efforts to de-legitimize the State, to brand it as "an apartheid nation," and to punish Israel economically and politically polarize and fragment our communities. This is not to say that all anti-Zionists are anti-Semites. Yet it would be a terrible blunder not to acknowledge that many of them are. At another time we can circle back to clarify what constitutes "antisemitism" and its relationship to "anti-Judaism" before exploring who decides when it is fair and accurate to apply these categories. I do want to note that I did not throw around the term, indeed I used it only once and quite specifically in my critique.
Back to the issue of a Jewish homeland. I believe that the quest for a home is deeply woven into the tissue of our humanity, and you would not deny that this yearning has occupied a prominent, if not central role among Jews over the centuries. My impression is that you would not annul the longing to establish a Jewish homeland nor characterize this desire as intrinsically pernicious. Does the problem then take hold when Jews move from claims to a homeland to making their bid to establish a sovereign state? Homeland is OK. Sovereign State for Jews is not (unless divinely implemented).
When a Frenchman speaks of his homeland, or an Irishman, or American, or a Palestinian, or a Tibetan are they designating an attachment to a specific land independent of the sovereignty on which the messy business of governments depend? Does not the search for a "homeland" aim at "sovereignty?" A national identity is difficult to construct and preserve without the power and freedom that is exercised by the state. One of the truly remarkable achievements of the Jewish people has been the ability to endure and even flourish over a remarkable span of history without the powers of a sovereign state. Yet to acknowledge the claims to homeland while denying Jews the opportunities and burdens of an independent of state enshrines the status of Jews as "exceptional" and refuses them the rights and conditions that every other nation claims for itself. Your line of thinking seems to me to end up creating the very phenomenon that you and the guide condemn, albeit it is a different form of "exceptionalism."
Finally, I do not know of a nation, a religion, or even a family that does not hold to some kind of exceptionalism. Our national, religious, and familial identities are constructed on the basis of stories that distinguish us from others. Even when we insist that we are not superior to others (and hopefully we regard this task as a moral imperative), we support and sustain our nations, our religious communities, and families with financial and psychological investments that give them priority. We live our lives treating our own with greater levels of time, energy, and resource—even as we strive to respond to the legitimate claims of those who need and demand our active engagement. Furthermore, I have yet to encounter a nation that does not fuse religion and politics—and overtly or implicitly make a claim to being exceptional. The challenge is how to identify and respond when the mixture turns toxic. I suspect that we agree that this is a vital responsibility of our religious leaders.
While keenly aware that your movement has for the most part rejected the notion of "chosenness," I do not think that this category invariably generates a sense of superiority. The rejection of "exceptionalism" strikes me as a thinly veiled rejection of a concept that remains prominent in much, if not most of the Jewish world. The step from a condemnation of "exceptionalism" and "Chosenness" to an indictment of Israel and the larger Jewish community as ethnocentrically racist is made without qualification.
The concept of "exceptionalism" (at least as it is defined and applied in this guide) strikes me as a problematic. Are not the real problems to which you point a manifestation of "nationalism?" And if every country must be vigilant about the dangerous directions in which nationalism can move, why would the guide not acknowledge this challenge within Palestinian nationalism? It certainly would not be an arduous task to illustrate the problematics by offering a brief overview from George Antonius to the Hamas Charter.
One example of dishonesty that I find troubling in the study guide is the unwillingness to offer a more comprehensive and balanced account. If the problem is that Jewish nationalism is different from other kinds of nationalism and deserving of condemnation, then the guide once again becomes guilty of the very error that it impugns. In other words, Zionism becomes an exceptional and inherently evil manifestation of nationalism. At best I think that the analytic methods used in this guide are intellectually shoddy and the terminology reinforces the tendency to use confused and confusing generalizations—thereby reinforcing the polemical discourse that generates plenty of heat and a shortage of light.
These flaws point to a more serious issue, namely the unwillingness of the study guide to come clean on what it really believes is the necessary end game. Is the goal to help Israel achieve the democratic ideal embodied in its May 14, 1948 Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel, or to reject this national project, work to dismantle the current State of Israel, and create a new and different national entity? What do the authors really think necessary to overcome the plight of the Palestinians? It is essential to own up to the vision that animates this study guide, because the tools that are being deployed need to be appraised on the basis of ends that they serve.
In my opinion, the vast majority of Presbyterians will not align themselves with a project that aims to disassemble the State of Israel. I think that the authors and editors of the guide know this and therefore have strategically decided to conceal the objectives for which they strive. Again this strikes me as dishonest.
There is of course much more to be discussed. Perhaps these reflections will at the very least open up some points for further exploration.
The Reverend Christopher Leighton is a Presbyterian minister and the Executive Director of the Institute for Christian & Jewish Studies in Baltimore, Maryland.
Reconsidering "Zionism Unsettled:" An Open Letter to Reverend Chris LeightonPosted: February 19, 2014 Filed under: Anti-Semitism, Christianity, Interfaith, Israel, Palestine, Religion, Zionism 27 Comments
Dear Reverend Leighton,
I read with dismay your recent "Open Letter to the Presbyterian Church," in which you referred to the Israel Palestine Mission Network of the Presbyterian Church (USA) as "extremist" and called to their newly-published study guide, "Zionism Unsettled" a "dishonest screed." As a rabbi who works actively alongside the IPMN – and whose words are quoted extensively in the guide – I am saddened by your words and feel compelled to respond.
As you might imagine, I take exception to your characterization of me as an "(accomplice) to sweeping denunciations of the Jewish people and their sacred traditions." Needless to say, if I felt for a moment that "Zionism Unsettled" represented an attack on Jews and Judaism I obviously would never have agreed to be quoted in the guide.
Granted, ZU is not a perfect document – but while I might disagree with some of its characterizations and specific points of rhetoric, I do believe it shines a courageous and important light on the ideological roots of the political reality in Israel-Palestine. It certainly bears little resemblance to the "anti-Semitic," "ignorant" tome you so thoroughly excoriate in your letter.
I am tempted to respond point by point to your specific criticisms of the guide – and perhaps some day we will have the opportunity to debate them more thoroughly. For now, however, I'd like to address a paragraph in your letter that I found to be particularly troubling:
Even a cursory study of history reveals the varied and complex forms that Zionism has taken over the centuries. The yearning for their national homeland has been woven into the Jewish community's daily life for millennia. The Torah (Deuteronomy) and the Tanakh (2 Chronicles) both end with images of yearning to return to the land; synagogues face Jerusalem; the Passover seder celebrated annually concludes with the prayer, "Next year in Jerusalem." To suggest that the Jewish yearning for their own homeland—a yearning that we Presbyterians have supported for numerous other nations—is somehow theologically and morally abhorrent is to deny Jews their own identity as a people. The word for that is "anti-Semitism," and that is, along with racism, sexism, homophobia, and all the other ills our Church condemns, a sin.
I believe your characterization of my sacred tradition is incorrect – and dangerously so. It is prejudicial in the extreme to equate Zionism with Judaism itself. Zionism – that is, the movement to create a Jewish nation-state in historic Palestine – is in fact a political movement that was born in 19th century Europe. As such, it was a conscious and radical break with centuries of Jewish tradition that strongly cautioned against the establishment of an independent Jewish state in the land.
While it is certainly true, as you write, that the yearning for a "return to Zion" is suffused throughout Jewish tradition, it is important to note that this yearning was pointedly directed toward a far off messianic future. The rabbinic sages repeatedly and forcefully forbid the "forcing of God's hand" through the creation of a humanly-established, independent Jewish state in the land, which they believed would occasion disaster for the Jewish people. Throughout the centuries, the Jewish return to Zion functioned as a symbolic expression of hope – not as a political call to action.
Contrary to your assertion, "Zionism Unsettled" never makes the claim that the Jewish yearning for return "is somehow theologically and morally abhorrent." It simply makes the correct distinction between a centuries-old religious tradition that spiritualized the notion of return and the politicization of this idea by a modern nationalist movement.
In this regard, I find your use of the term "anti-Semitism" to slur those who oppose Zionism to be particularly pernicious. In fact, as I point out in the guide, before the establishment of the state of Israel, the political Zionist idea was hotly debated within the Jewish community itself. Many reputable Jewish figures such as Rabbi Judah Magnes and Hannah Arendt warned that the establishment of an exclusively Jewish state in a historically multi-religious and multi-ethnic land would inevitably result in conflict and a permanent state of war. It was certainly not "anti-Semitic" of them to suggest such a thing. On the contrary, they – and many others like them – were motivated by their concern for the security of the Jewish people and as well as for the well-being of all peoples who lived in the land.
While it is true that Jewish anti-Zionism has become a dissident voice in our community since the establishment of the state of Israel, as a rabbi who works actively in the Jewish community, I can attest that there are growing numbers of Jews – particularly young Jews – who refuse to tie their Jewish identity so thoroughly to the highly militarized ethnic nation-state that Israel has become.
At the very least, there is a growing desire to allow non-Zionist voices to be part of the Jewish communal debate once more. One notable bellwether of this phenomenon may be found in the Swarthmore Hillel student board's recent unanimous decision to defy the guidelines of Hillel International and declare itself an "Open Hillel." In a statement accompanying their resolution, these Jewish students noted:
All are welcome to walk through our doors and speak with our name and under our roof, be they Zionist, anti-Zionist, post-Zionist, or non-Zionist. We are an institution that seeks to foster spirited debate, constructive dialogue, and a safe space for all, in keeping with the Jewish tradition.
I trust you would never suggest that these Jewish students are driven by "anti-Semitism." On the contrary, they are clearly motivated by sacred Jewish values and a courageous refusal to reduce Jewish identity to one political ideology. It is particularly notable that a number of prominent liberal Zionist voices are publicly voicing their support for the students of Swarthmore Hillel, indicating that our community may well be ready to return to a truly wide-tent debate on the role of Zionism in Jewish life.
For all of this, however, "Zionism Unsettled" does not, as you suggest, "(attribute) the plight of the Palestinians to a single cause: Zionism." On the contrary, the study guide repeatedly points out that the political strife in Israel/Palestine is rooted in religious exceptionalist attitudes that are embedded within Judaism, Christianity and American culture alike.
For many of us, these are the critical – and too often ignored – questions for interfaith dialogue: what will we do with those aspects of our religious traditions that value entitlement over humility? Do we believe that this land was promised by God to one particular group of people, or will we affirm a theology that promises the land to all who dwell upon it? Will we lift up the fusing of religion with state power and empire or will we advocate a religious vision that preaches solidarity with the powerless, the disenfranchised and the downtrodden?
There is much more I would like to say in response to your letter – and again, I hope that we might have the opportunity to debate the specifics more thoroughly. For now, I will only encourage you to reconsider your claim that "Zionism Unsettled" represents "a theological delegitimization of a central concern of the Jewish people."
As a Jew, I can only respond that it is not for you – or anyone – to blithely conflate the tenets of a modern nationalist movement with a venerable and centuries-old religious tradition. And it is certainly not "anti-Semitic" to say so.


text:
A Calculus Graphing Schema
Bernadette Baker, Laurel Cooley, Marma Trigueros
November 2000, Volume 31, Issue 5, Page 557
In this study, we analyzed students' understanding of a complex calculus graphing problem. Students were asked to sketch the graph of a function, given its analytic properties (1st and 2nd derivatives, limits, and continuity) on specific intervals of the domain. The triad of schema development in the context of APOS theory was utilized to study students' responses. Two dimensions of understanding emerged, 1 involving properties and the other involving intervals. A student's coordination of the 2 dimensions is referred to as that student's overall calculus graphing schema. Additionally, a number of conceptual problems were consistently demonstrated by students throughout the study, and these difficulties are discussed in some detail.
QuantitativeArticleResearchExperienced TeachersCalculus and Higher Level MathematicsConceptual DevelopmentMath Coordinator / CoachHigher EducationProblemsProblem Solving / Problem PosingProfessional Development / Teacher EducationRepresentationTheory
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text:
did you see them "ole ship of zion" shoes tommy had on?.. Ok then..
The only reason martin brought up the price is because gina got it wrong... Lavins aint nothing but some creative recs...
i understand ur emotional.. But calm down..
Ur tryin to compare addidas to a renowned label.. Brand.. Designer in paris!!?
u sound like ud be that nigga in a v6 camaro who'd pull up to a nigga in a maserati and rev the engine..
hahaha but i understand ur emotional and feel a certain way about ur js.. So ill leave u be..
an obvious typo seein as i spelled it correctly the 3 other times..
but so what i spelled a word wrong.. bet i count this money right??
whats good spellin doin for ur life and standard of living??
im jus sayin..
bruh... you a fat nigga in expensive clothes. that's it.
still not answerin my question tho'..
Here's another one..
What are u in cheap nike's??
U wanted attention.. U gottit..
Now can u be so kind as to answer my question..
Or should i misspell somethin again so u can focus on that??
Cause u damn sho' aint correctin shit else im sayin in here..
Oh i see what this is..
lets be real.. Lavins are nice... But they are "here today, gone tomorrow".... 98% of there men shoes look like all the other designs that are out....charlie_danger wrote: »i dont understand how people can ever say jordans > lavin
the pure textile and fabric quality that goes into the production of a pair of lavin shoe is handcrafted and stitched to perfect design of the designer
if there is anything wrong with the pair you can send it back with the serial number and get it fixed. Smh
still not answerin my question tho'..
here's another one..
what are u in cheap nike's??
u wanted attention.. u gottit..
now can u be so kind as to answer my question..
or should i misspell somethin again so u can focus on that??
cause u damn sho' aint correctin shit else im sayin in here..
oh i see what this is..
i ain't in here flexin like im the shit cuz of what i got on unless you. your whole thing is "look at me and my clothes. look at my expensive clothes. i got all these expensive clothes. I was born with jordans on my feet and was raised with jordans on my feet. you was cool at first. The whole nigga in paris shit gettin old b
since we're correcting people im sure u meant "unlike" me and not unless..
and nigga this is the Fashion Forum.. WHO AINT postin shit sayin "look what i got" u sound angry and bitter cause u cant afford the shit..
cause i aint mention price til dumbass posted a martin clip thinkin i was postin some cheap shit.. like Jordans are the only expensive or most expensive shoes out there.. and i grew up on Jordans as well.. BUT then i grew up..
and again.. i was talkin my shit like WE ALL do and yall niggas catchin feelings..
now.. get the sand out ur pussy and answer my questions..
i don't wanna look like you at all. personally i think them shoes you be posting are ugly af.
what "questions" are you talking about?
my beef is how you was dappin everybody for they nikes earlier now you flipped talking about "adding culture and sophistication" lol foh
damn shame..
Only nigga who took what i said with a grain of salt was my nigga wolf..
U and dro out here actin like sissies..
Mus be a bein dark thing..
too bad im hetero.. Or id catch feelings like yall cats..
hahahahaha dead @ grocery store though.. Fuck u nigga!! Hahaha
hahhaha.. U know we cool.. Im just fuxin with you....
Nigga you need some "shapeups".... Hhahah tell them 2 make u some snakeskin shapeups!


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The First Word in Protective & Marine Coatings
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Wednesday, May 14, 2014
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The El Dorado Irrigation District is seeking contractors to rehabilitate a 2.8 million-gallon tank in Placerville, CA.
Bids are due May 22. A mandatory pre-bid meeting was held Tuesday (May 13).
Scope of Work
Interior surfaces will be abrasive blast-cleaned to a White Metal finish (SSPC-SP 5). Surfaces above the high water line will receive a two-component epoxy coating.
Bids are being sought for the rehabilitation of a 2.8 million-gallon tank in Placerville, CA.
All interior surfaces below the high water line will be lined with an epoxy system, including walls, floor, pipe penetrations, ladders, and appurtenances. Before coating, all linings will require full curing and disinfecting using liquid sodium hypochlorite disinfectant.
Exterior surfaces, including the entire roof, wall and piping, will be pressure-washed to remove organic growths and loose paint; then abrasive blast-cleaned to a Commercial Finish (SSPC-SP 6). The steel will be coated with an epoxy-urethane system.
The project also includes center cone top plate replacement, rafter end repairs, roof vent replacement, handrail installation, drain penetrations and valves, and installation of a new sampling station and sample piping.
About the Structure
The steel tank is one of five storage reservoirs, two treatment plants, and five pump stations owned by the El Dorado Irrigation District. The El Dorado Hills water treatment plant has been in operation since early 1973, when it processed six million gallons of water daily. Together, the two plants now produce more than one billion gallons of recycled water every year.
Reported by Paint BidTracker, a construction reporting service devoted to identifying contracting opportunities for the coatings community.
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Currently you can buy Paula's Choice products directly from this site and a few top-rated products from other brands are available via links to affiliate websites. We review and recommend products from other brands because we are dedicated to helping you find the best products for your skin, whether they're from Paula's Choice or other lines.
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This is an extremely ordinary moisturizer that contains mostly standard ordinary ingredients to "fortify and soothe" dry skin. The formula is typical of the moisturizers that most L'Oreal-owned lines (of which Vichy is one) launch, and that's bad news for anyone who wants brilliantly formulated anti-aging products.
Normally, we'd comment on the jar packaging being a problem for preserving the efficacy of air-sensitive, state-of-the-art ingredients, but this moisturizer has so few to speak of that the packaging is irrelevant, save for the hygiene issue of repeatedly sticking your fingers into a jar.
One more comment: The "ceramide-like" polymer referred to in the claims sounds intriguing, but Vichy would've been wiser to include real ceramides because these are substances your skin can recognize and put to good use.
This refreshing, lightweight cream is formulated with unique "ceramide-like" polymer mimics the shape of skin's natural ceramides, allowing for instant penetration. Skin feels soft, supple and comfortable.
Water, Glycerin, Cyclopentasiloxane, Capric/Caprylic Triglycerides, Pentaerythrityl Tetraisostearate, Butyrospermum Parkii (Shea Butter) (Shea Butter), Synthetic Wax, Hydrogenated Polyisobutene, Ammonium Polyacrylate Dimethyl Tauramide (Ammonium Polyacryloyldimethyl Taurate), Stearyl Dimethicone, Glyceryl Stearate Citrate, Triethanolamine, Methylparaben, Sodium Cocoyl Ethylenediamine Peg-15 Sulfate, Sodium Chloride, Sodium Hyaluronate, Cellulose Acetate Butyrate, Disodium Edta, Propylene Glycol, Caprylyl Glycol, Citric Acid, Acrylates/C12 22 Alkyl Methacrylate Copolymer, Polyphosphorylcholine Glycol Acrylate, Polyvinyl Alcohol, Butylene Glycol, Fragrance
Health is vital. That's the opening line on Vichy's catalog, followed by "Start with your skin." Perusing the opening pages of this catalog, it's easy to see how someone could get wrapped up in this L'Oreal-owned company's belief in listening to the signals skin sends us and then choosing products to address whatever problem skin is signaling you to correct. That might include acne, blackheads, eczema, discolorations, broken capillaries, and even excess oiliness. No surprises there, and it is sound advice to adapt your skin-care routine as your skin's needs (and signals) change. The problem is that Vichy's products, though well intentioned, are incapable of addressing several common problems, including most of those listed above. About all you can expect from most Vichy moisturizers is relief from dryness. That's it. Every product's claims "talk the talk," but they cannot possibly walk the walk because what's in them is, for the most part, standard, and without any research behind it to show that it makes a difference.
A big-deal ingredient for Vichy is their Thermal Spa Water. It is said to reduce irritation, strengthen skin's natural defenses, and provide free radical–quelling activity thanks to its trace minerals and salt. There is no substantiated proof to support these claims, save for a somewhat primitive chart Vichy provides to show this water helps reduce cutaneous signs of irritation (what it was compared to, if anything, is unknown). Two other L'Oreal-owned brands, Biotherm and La Roche-Posay, have similar special waters, each claiming to be mineral-rich. Yet if these are so unique and wonderfully beneficial for everyone's skin, why don't all L'Oreal-owned lines such as Lancome, L'Oreal, Kiehl's, SkinCeuticals, and The Body Shop, use them, too?
As expected, there are some bona fide winners among Vichy's products, but using Vichy exclusively with the expectation that their products have the answer to whatever your skin needs to have fixed is like thinking green tea is the only food your body needs.
Note: Vichy is categorized as a brand that tests on animals because its products are sold in China. Although Vichy does not conduct animal testing for its products sold elsewhere, the Chinese government requires imported cosmetics be tested on animals, so foreign companies retailing there must comply. This requirement is why some brands state that they don't test on animals "unless required by law." Animal rights organizations consider cosmetic companies retailed in China to be brands that test on animals, and so does the Paula's Choice Research Team.
For more information about Vichy, owned by L'Oreal, call (877) 378-4249 or visit www.vichy.com.
Paula Begoun is the best-selling author of 20 books on skin care and makeup. She is known worldwide as the Cosmetics Cop and creator of Paula's Choice. Paula's expertise has led to hundreds of appearances on national and international television including:
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9 Super-Chic Clutches Under $30!
You've got your dress and cute shoes to matchnow make sure you have someplace stylish to stash your phone and lip gloss. Here are 9 party-perfect purses for your vibe and budget!
By Liz Doupnik
Bright Wristlet
The hot pink hue will make your outfit pop, while the wrist strap guarantees you won't leave your cute new clutch behind!
Neon Canvas Wristlet, $8.25, Aeropostale


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Men's Tamarak® Low Hiking Boots, Brown
Item # WX2-281598
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Tamarak® Hiking Boots, Low and Mid styles, both light, fast-moving and stable, BIG BUCKS OFF !
Tamarak® Hikers that are lightweight, sturdy and loaded with comfort and performance features! They're also loaded with value, at low special buy prices.2 styles, both with:
- Durable, flexible, breathable PVC and mesh uppers
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State Size, as available in the Shopping Cart. Medium width. Choose yours ONLINE now!
Eyelet and D-ring lacing. Each approx. 4"h., 15 1/ 2 ozs.
Eyelet and speed hook lacing. Each approx. 6"h., 17 ozs.
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Men's Tamarak Low Hiking Boots, Brown is rated out of 5 by 7.Rated 4 out of 5 by DAVID from Real good fit no complainantsDate published: 2013-08-14Rated 5 out of 5 by MARK from Bought these as a birthday gift for a friend of mine who very pleased with with them.Date published: 2013-06-20Rated 5 out of 5 by LOUIS from I bought these to have a inexpensive pair of shoes to kick around in over the weekend.I was happy to notice that I have all day comfort. If I don't give my footwear a second thought then I have good footwear!Date published: 2013-06-05Rated 5 out of 5 by THOMAS from GreatDate published: 2013-06-05Rated 5 out of 5 by PHILIP W from Very comfortableDate published: 2013-06-03Rated 5 out of 5 by ANNE M from Good solid shoe. Great value - at the price I may buy a 2nd pair as backup. The eyelets are plastic -- we shall see how they hold up.Date published: 2013-05-16Rated 5 out of 5 by ARTHUR J from Excellent product at a very good price.Date published: 2013-05-09
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When Charlotte hosted its first two ACC Championship football games in 2010 and 2011, the city enjoyed full stadiums and a vibrant scene uptown for fans.
But the 2012 game – and this year's contest between top-ranked Florida State and 20th-ranked Duke – shows attendance for the Atlantic Coast Conference's title game depends on who is playing, and that having Bank of America Stadium hosting by no means guarantees a full house.
The Charlotte Sports Foundation, which helps stage the game, said 61,000 tickets have been sold for the 73,000-seat stadium.
If those ticket-holders come, that would be a respectable crowd. If a sizable number of people pass – the game could be marred by thousands of empty seats, which was the case last year, when Florida State played Georgia Tech.
Regardless of the attendance Saturday night, the game appears to be safe in Charlotte, at least for the short term.
The 2013 championship game is the last title game in Charlotte under contract, but the athletic directors of ACC schools have given numerous indications that they want to keep the game in the Queen City. The conference is negotiating with the sports foundation over an extension.
"We are very optimistic that the game will stay in Charlotte," said Will Webb, executive director of the Charlotte Sports Foundation. "We aren't worried at this point."
He said he believes an announcement will be made in January.
The Charlotte Regional Visitors Authority pays the ACC $250,000 in Business Development Funds to help stage the game, which is common practice for the tourism authority. Mecklenburg County also contributes $300,000, Webb said.
It's unclear whether those incentives will go up for the 2014 game.
Charlotte Deputy City Manager Ron Kimble said he's not aware of any negotiations for the city to make a contribution for the game, as it does the CIAA basketball tournament in February. The city spends $200,000 on the CIAA tournament, which is part of a $1 million guarantee the CRVA makes to the league.
Earlier this year, the city of Charlotte agreed to give the Carolina Panthers $87.5 million for stadium renovations. As part of the deal, the Panthers agreed to give the city the use of the stadium rent-free for four dates in the first half of the year, annually for six years.
The deal also lets the Belk Bowl use the stadium rent-free, which is valued at $250,000.
Kimble said the city tried to include a $250,000 rent subsidy for the ACC Championship, but was unsuccessful.
"The ability to get it still exists in a future negotiation," Kimble said in an email.
The CRVA hasn't projected the economic impact of the game. Two years ago, the CRVA said the championship injected $10 million into the local economy, though that was for a sellout. This year, the event is expected to fill about 13,100 hotel rooms.
The idea of playing the ACC Championship game at an on-campus site has been discussed.
If the conference does keep the game at a neutral site, Charlotte appears to be at an advantage because of the conference's recent decision to add Louisville, Syracuse and Pittsburgh as members. That makes Charlotte even more centrally located in a far-flung conference that stretches from Boston to Miami.
The first four ACC Championships were held in Florida. A combination of having teams with less-than-rabid fan bases led to sparse crowds for the 2008 and 2009 games.
The first two games in Jacksonville had roughly 73,000 and 63,000 fans. The next two championships in Tampa did poorly, with 53,000 and then 27,000 fans for Boston College against Virginia Tech in 2009.
That prompted the move north, to Charlotte.
In 2010, the city lucked out, having Florida State play Virginia Tech, which have perhaps the two most enthusiastic fanbases in the conference. In 2011, Clemson played Virginia Tech. Both games were sellouts.
Last year's game featured Florida State against Georgia Tech, which had a 6-6 record and represented the league's Coastal Division only because Miami and North Carolina were on probation and were ineligible for the game.
Attendance was about 48,0000, Webb said.
Webb said he hopes attendance Saturday night will be about 60,000.
In addition to being the No. 1 team in the country, Florida State is led by Jameis Winston, a quarterback who is favored to win the Heisman Trophy.
On the downside, Florida State would play in college football's national championship game in January in California if it wins. That means some Seminoles fans might choose to save their money for that game.
Duke is one of college football's feel-good stories, with a surprising 10-2 record. The school doesn't have a large alumni base, but Webb hopes that Duke alumni in the state will come to Charlotte for the game.
"This year you have Duke on a phenomenal run," Webb said. "No one gave them a chance."
The Southeastern Conference Championship also will be played Saturday. On the secondary market, the cheapest tickets are about $200. Tickets start at $25 for the ACC game.
The CRVA has given free ticket vouchers for the ACC game to some sports groups and the Boy Scouts.
Harrison: 704-358-5160
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I bought two jugs of Muscletech Vapor and didn't realize it was loaded with creatine. I'm currently cutting and me holding water weight isnt helping me mentally when I jump on the scale. What's a good PWO that is creatine free?
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Dozens of needy kids got a holiday surprise from a bunch of Redskins players Tuesday night.
The Monday after Thanksgiving is serious business. But amid the good deals, the scammers are waiting for you, too.
From Springfield Town Center to Tysons, from the Mall in Columbia to the Mall at Prince Georges, the holiday shopping season is in
full swing — and so is the competition to find the best parking spot.
Consumers will spend billions of dollars on gift cards this
holiday season. General purpose cards, store and online cards are among the most
The holiday shopping season is approaching, so it\'s time to think about ways to score the best deals at retailers.
Move over, Black Friday and Cyber Monday. The best day for finding deals online could be Thanksgiving.
With planning and shopping techniques, it is possible to save hundreds of dollars on groceries.
Shoppers began lining up outside the newly reinvented Springfield Town Center hours before the grand opening Friday morning eager to see what replaced the retail hub once known as the Springfield Mall.
When it comes to this list, you can skip the pricey name brands in favor of the generic version.
The Tysons Galleria is home to some of the nation\'s most upscale retailers — Hugo Boss, Cartier, Burberry, Chanel, Coach, Gucci, Saks Fifth Avenue. Its signs don\'t match its ritz.
ANNAPOLIS, Md. (AP) — Maryland's highest court has ruled that a subsidiary of Nordstrom Inc. can't use its own error to avoid more than $2 million in state taxes. The Daily Record of Baltimore (http://tinyurl.com/qzdot5n)…
A bill in Maryland\'s General Assembly would prohibit Maryland retailers from using consumer cellphone Wi-Fi signals to track their shopping habits, unless merchants post notices at store entrances.
Two new retailers have joined the Merrifield neighborhood of Fairfax County, expanding on the rapidly growing area\'s existing retail offerings.
Downtown Crown, a mixed-use project that will include retail and
nearly 540 apartments, has announced five new tenants for the
development, including a pizza restaurant, a bank and a hair
National retailer Lord & Taylor has stepped up its legal rhetoric over the planned redevelopment of the White Flint Mall in Montgomery County, accusing the mall\'s owners of trying to \"bull rush\" through a lawsuit over the future of the project.


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Reviewed Cinnamon Apple Cranberry Sauce
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"EXCELLENT cranberry sauce. I did, however, add 3/4 cup of sugar instead of 1 cup per other reviews and it made it just right. Not too sweet, not too less sweet. Also, the longer it sits in the fridge, the better it is, IMO.""


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