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Kevin Schmidtchen
Sotheby's International Realty
1436 State Street
Santa Barbara, CA 93101
Phone or Text
(805) 689-6877
Carpinteria CA. Luxury Real Estate Sales – Statistics Through Sept 15th, 2009
Here and there I am proposed various questions from clients about the luxury market here in Carpinteria CA., such as where are the most famous homes located and/or what is the most expensive home to sell this year or any year for that matter. Many times though it is as "simple" as what is the true definition of luxury real estate here in the Carpinteria area. The answer is that there is no exact definition of luxury real estate and... Continue Reading >
Carpinteria Real Estate Sales Update, Santa Barbara CA. – First 6 Months 2009
For the first 6 months of 2009, there were 43 total closed sales of single family homes and condos in Carpinteria CA. Currently as of July 1st, 2009, there are 35 properties in Carpinteria that are pending sale (under contract). The lowest sale in Carpinteria was a 2 bed 1 bath condo in need of a good amount of care located at 5936 Birch Street, Carpinteria CA, 93013. The sales price was $210,000. The highest sale in Carpinteria was a prime oceanfront... Continue Reading >
Low Cost Simple Ways to Get Your Carpinteria CA. Real Estate Ready for Sale
Many things in life that we initially love tend to go out of style at some time. Our homes are not immune to this reality, even though we ourselves have grown accustomed to our space. We are sometimes blind to the lack of updating of our home, but if you are looking to sell your home, this lack of attention is very apparent to potential buyers. Here is a list of some great, easy to do fixes to get your... Continue Reading >
Things to Do in Santa Barbara, California – Carpinteria, Hikes, Beaches, Golf
Whether you are a local, in town visiting family and/or friends, or here on vacation in Santa Barbara, California, there is never a lack of activities and things to do in our wonderful seaside resort community. Here below is the fifth installment in a series of articles that point out some of Santa Barbara's most prominent local attractions. Some of these will be cultural, some dining, some active pursuits and some I am still deciding on. This fifth installment will be focusing on... Carpinteria,... Continue Reading >
Santa Barbara Real Estate – Carpinteria and Summerland CA Area Sales Statistics Year End 2008
Carpinteria and Summerland CA. Real Estate - Year End Sales Statistics for 2008 I have summarized below an easy to look at brief outline of the overall Santa Barbara MLS statistics for both single family homes and condos in the Carpinteria and Summerland CA. areas for the year 2008. The comparisons are drawn against the previous year's statistics (2007) for Santa Barbara Real Estate. SINGLE FAMILY HOMES: Single family home listings were up 10% from 144 to 159 compared to 2007 Single family homes... Continue Reading >
Santa Barbara Real Estate Market Update for the Carpinteria Area – First 6 Months 2008
I have summarized below an easy to look at brief outline of the overall MLS statistics for the Carpinteria CA area through the first 6 months of 2008. The total number of single family homes sold in Carpinteria was 23. The number of current pending sales for single family homes is 8. The number of current active listings for single family homes is 35. The total number of condos / townhomes sold in Carpinteria was 15. The number of current pending sales for condos / townhomes is 3. The number... Continue Reading >
Will Santa Barbara's Beloved Rincon Point Real Estate Switch to Sewer in the Near Future?
Nearing 10 years of at times rather heated controversy, the debate to switch from Septic to Sewer at Rincon Point has taken a large step to becoming a reality. Rincon Point is home to one of the best waves in all of California and definitely stirs up emotions for many when talking about the health of the ocean. Ethan Stewart, from The Independent, has written a very informative article about the latest up to date developments. For many, Rincon is the... Continue Reading >


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The kidneys of five-year-old Janani, who was declared brain-dead, were on Thursday transplanted to her father Chandrasekar.
The child, who was grievously injured in a road accident in Chittoor, Andhra Pradesh, on Tuesday, was brought to the Government General Hospital here on Wednesday for treatment. When it became apparent that Janani would not survive, her family requested the hospital authorities to transplant her kidneys to her father. Mr. Chandrasekar had undergone maintenance dialysis at the hospital several years ago but had discontinued later. For sometime he was being treated in a hospital in Tirupati. The family lives in Arakkonam.
On Thursday, after the mandatory tests to certify that Janani was brain-dead, doctors harvested her organs. Both the kidneys were given to her father.
"Usually we match the size of the kidneys for transplantation. But in this case since it was the father we abided by the family's request," Dean J. Mohanasundaram said. Mr. Chandrasekar will be discharged after two weeks. Doctors said the recipient would lead a normal life.
The liver of the child was harvested and handed over to Apollo Hospital, Chennai which in turn transported it to Apollo Hospital, Delhi. The valves of the heart were harvested and the corneas were sent to the Government Eye Hospital's eye bank.


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Pushing on Air in a Balloon: Health Cost Growth and $1,000 PillsPosted: November 11, 2014 Filed under: Columns | Tags: Budget, Healthcare Leave a comment »
Numerous recent articles have tried to address whether health cost growth is slowing more permanently. Though I have entered that debate at times , I must admit that it's a complex question for which there is no definite answer. Policymakers and private practitioners have improved some of the ways that health care is priced and delivered, and more improvements are no doubt forthcoming. But the stories of Gilead and its $1,000-a-pill Hepatitis C drug make one point entirely clear: improving health care costs selectively is like making indentations in a full balloon. Pushing down the air in one place merely makes it pop out somewhere else.
Consider how the government has designed health insurance, particularly Medicare. Essentially, it has delegated its constitutional powers of appropriation to private individuals and companies like Gilead. Congress doesn't vote to spend more on hepatitis cures. It lets Gilead, along with patients and doctors, make that decision and then shift the costs back to other citizens. As long as Congress refuses to exercise its appropriations responsibility, every cost-saving measure could be nullified by a new Gilead.
The original sin of health insurance, public or private, has been to allow patients to demand and providers to supply more health care while pushing charges onto others. In the extreme, at a zero price to the patient per service received and a potentially unlimited supply of services for which more compensation and profits can be made, it is not surprising that health costs in this country have grown from about 5 percent of GDP in 1960 to around 17 percent today.
Many efforts aim to limit some of our bites of the forbidden apple but not others: fixed payments to accountable care organizations, health maintenance organizations, and preferred provider organizations; bundling of payments; limits on payments for re-admitted patients to hospitals; and so forth. Yet, yet… without absolution from the original sin.
Hospitals and doctors adjust in newer ways not restricted by selective limits. They add extra treatments and service providers. The ability to add on services is often voiced as the problem with fee-for-service medicine, where the quantity of services increases even for those whose prices are regulated or constrained. But there's more to it than that; adding services is only one way that the air pops out somewhere else. In an industry with significant technological breakthroughs—and make no mistake, Gilead's hepatitis drug is a major breakthrough—costs can be increased simply by charging a lot more for the new item or shifting services quickly toward areas of high profitability or compensation.
Even where a health improvement might be well worth the cost in one sense, it might still be unreasonable in another. In a typical open-market industry, we might be willing to pay a lot more for any particular good or service than we do, but competition among suppliers helps reduce costs. With the current design of health insurance, competition is fairly limited. My own brief examination of growth industries in the United States shows health is the one sector where above-average growth in the quantity of goods and services sold was accompanied by above-average growth in prices. Think of electronics, or telephones, or other advanced industries as examples of how increasing quantity usually pairs with decreasing prices.
The hepatitis C drug debate often confuses this value proposition in another way. Let's accept that the $84,000 treatment with Sovaldi—or the newer, perhaps only $63,000 Hepatitis-C treatment with Harvoni (Gilead's latest offering)—improves patient well-being and even life spans substantially. If the improvements make retirement years happier and longer, rather than being matched by greater productivity and more years of work, then Gilead and its beneficiaries still shift costs onto society, and health costs rise as a share of GDP.
Now, you might ask, what constrains the costs of inventions in non-health industries during those initial years when patents provide a potential monopoly? You and I do. If the cost is too high, many of us simply don't buy the good or service. The company keeps prices lower to expand market share before competitors come along when the patent runs out. If the government says it will buy the new good or service for us, the limited-demand constraint that we otherwise provide is removed. Government simply cannot promise both that an inventor can charge what he wants for an invention and that the government will buy it for anyone who wants or needs it.
Thus, regardless of the rate at which health costs rise, it will remain unreasonable as long as the original sin of health insurance remains. Without true budget constraints, improvements will be limited because incentives are limited. With government programs, my own view is that every health care subsidy must be put into a budget, with limits raised over time by Congress but in a fair competition with other societal demands, be they education, defense, or currently unsubsidized forms of preventive health care.
Let Democrats use price controls. Let Republicans use vouchers. Let both work on other efficiency improvements that are more likely to be adopted when budgets are constrained. There is no one-time, permanent solution to how best to regulate this rapidly changing industry. With a constrained budget for each government program, however, Gilead would be unable to charge $1,000 a pill, or other health care providers would face a more rapidly declining price for their services, or both.
Is it Time to Make Kids a Higher Budget Priority?Posted: September 18, 2014 Filed under: Columns | Tags: Budget, Children Leave a comment »
When it comes to how we spend our money, we seldom dwell on what we're not buying. But money spent in one place cannot be spent in another. With the release of Kids' Share 2014, the eighth in an annual series, my fellow Urban Institute researchers and I assess what share of the federal budget goes for kids and what shares go to other priorities. The word "share" is chosen deliberately: it forces us to recognize that a larger piece of the pie for someone must mean a smaller piece for someone else.
One major conclusion: despite several years of modest economic recovery and some budgetary successes for kids in previous decades, our elected officials—Democrats and Republicans, conservatives and liberals alike—have decided that kids must take it on the chin for the foreseeable future. Meanwhile, the rest of us will continue to gain, mainly when we hit older ages. Our retirement and health benefits will continue to grow, and we will continue to keep our taxes too low to pay for these benefits and the rest of government, no matter how well the economy is doing. Not that we or our elected officials would ever say this directly: you'll be lucky to hear any discussion of these choices in any 2014 campaign.
No one votes formally to cut the kids' share of the pie. They simply allow other shares to increase, driven by laws set in motion years and decades ago. Our priorities mainly revolve around ever more money for health, retirement, and tax subsidies, along with taxes so low that our children also get left with those bills and the higher interest costs that accompany them.
Let's be clear: this scheduled hit on the kids' budget does not derive from living in an age of austerity, an idea vying for first place on the list of really stupid interpretations of our current circumstances. We live in an age of extraordinary opportunity, not austerity. Despite the Great Recession, our total GDP per household (over $140,000) has never been higher. Ditto for measures of our national wealth, though those are perhaps inflated by current monetary policy. And there's more to come. Within a little over a decade, despite lower economic growth, the budget offices project an increase in GDP per household of another $25,000 or so and increases in total government spending and tax subsidies of more than $10,000 per household.
And the kids? Well, they get close to none of it. Actually, less than none if you count out their very modest sharing in the large growth in health care spending.
It doesn't have to be that way. For over twenty years, a consensus of sorts has developed that early educational and similar interventions, if done well, are a solid investment in our future. Yet progress here has been extremely slow. Child advocates are told that even $20 billion a year is out of reach in our "time of austerity." But $20 billion is only about 1/40th of the expected growth in annual spending on Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid (excluding the children's share) by 2024. There's also a growing consensus on creating a budget more oriented toward mobility and opportunity, but it's still mainly rhetoric.
The simple question I'd like to ask is whether the numbers below, taken from Kids Share 2014, represent the direction that you want the government to take with the total increase in spending scheduled by 2024, a large share of which is made possible by economic growth. You can up that total or reduce it, depending upon your view of the optimal size of government. But either way, consider how you would assign the shares over the next 10 years or so. My guess is that almost none of you would allocate them this way.
Share of Projected Growth in Federal Outlays from 2013 to 2024 Going to Children and Other Major Budget Items (billions of 2013 dollars, except where noted)
Major budget items
|Growth, 2013–2024
|Share of growth
|Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid
|Interest on the debt
|All other outlays
|Total federal outlays
Federal Expenditures on Children as a Share of GDP, by Category, 2013 and 2024
Piketty, Poverty, Political PoohPosted: July 14, 2014 Filed under: Columns | Tags: Budget, Mobility, Partisanship, Politics Leave a comment »
The 50th anniversary of President Johnson's War on Poverty has led to a flurry of articles and debates about whether that war succeeded. That debate has been reenergized by Thomas Piketty's best-selling book, Capital in the Twenty First Century, which argues that inequality is rising because returns to capital have risen relative to average economic growth. A solution to this inexorable force, Piketty claims, lies in some form of worldwide wealth tax.
In both cases, I find the political debate largely unproductive. Many conservatives and liberals pick at pieces of data and history to support their own forgone conclusions. Rather than seek practical margins for making progress, much of the discussion turns to thumbs up/thumbs down rhetoric or totally impractical solutions.
Here's how the data play out. Since the late 1970s, market-based measures of poverty and the distribution of income (that is, measures of income before taking account of government redistribution through taxes and transfers) improved very little in the first case and got worse in the second. Both did much better a few decades earlier, including up to the mid-1970s. PIketty bases his broad historical conclusions about growing inequality largely on market measures. In turn, researchers ranging from Gary Burtless at Brookings to Tim Smeeding at Wisconsin to Richard Burkhauser at Cornell to Diana Furchgott-Roth and Scott Winship at the Manhattan Institute have shown greater reductions in poverty and less growth in inequality of income or consumption when market-based income is adjusted for government taxes and transfers.
These two different ways of looking at the data make for strange bedfellows as the debate turns political. Conservative critics of the War on Poverty combine with liberal world-always-getting-worse warriors, who like to cite Piketty, to form conclusions based largely on the before-tax, before-transfer measures. They unite to attack the status quo, with one suggesting fewer transfers (the war failed) and the other higher taxes on the rich (the tax system failed). Liberal defenders of social welfare programs and conservative opponents of higher tax rates, in turn, conclude that on an after-tax, after-transfer basis the world is a lot better off than the other side asserts. They defend the status quo.
Here are the statistics that I ponder. In real terms, social welfare spending averaged about $7,500 per household at the time the War on Poverty was declared. By the time that Ronald Reagan was inaugurated in 1981, spending per household had grown to $15,000. And today it has doubled again from the start of the Reagan administration to about $32,000. (These figures do not even include tax expenditures for social welfare, such as pension, housing, and wage subsidies, which averaged about $7,000 per household in 2013.) Meanwhile, GDP per household grew from about $70,000 in 1964 to nearly $140,000 today.
Over this same 50 years the official thresholds for measuring who is in poverty have not grown one dollar in real terms. These measures, adjusted only for inflation, in a sense, are based on absolute poverty, unadjusted for the new goods and services a growing economy provides or, said another way, for whether a household's income keeps up with average or median income in the economy. For a family of four, for instance, the nonfarm poverty threshold is crossed when a household's income falls below roughly $23,550 today, essentially the same level as in 1964. For a single person, the poverty threshold equals $11,490
"Wait a second," you may think. The government spends far more on social welfare than would be required to give every household support above poverty levels. And in almost every year there have been substantial real increases in the amount of transfers made. Why, then, has the poverty rate not fallen more?
There is no single answer. Here are four pieces of the puzzle:
Huge gains at the top. Inequality in market-based income DID grow substantially since the late 1970s, the period when progress against poverty slowed. The ability of high-income individuals at the top of a winner-take-all economy to capture much of the extra rewards that derive from monopoly or oligopoly settings does help explain some of the stagnation in earnings growth for those with average or low earnings.
It doesn't explain why the public supports, which have continued to grow, haven't made greater headway in improving the skills of the population enough that their market incomes would rise more. That brings us to the next three pieces of the puzzle: the extent to which the public money has been spent to help providers, help the middle class, and pay for health care.
Providers. Beneficiaries include providers who have captured large portions of government, not just private market, money. Before you start looking elsewhere, just remember that providers include, among others, doctors, drug manufacturers, social workers, lawyers, lenders, other financial intermediaries, builders, housing officials, software developers, tax preparers, government contractors, and, for that matter, researchers like myself.
The Middle Class. The middle class rather than the poor has also captured very large portions of the social welfare budget, largely in ways that have for decades encouraged them to retire and work less for greater portions of their lives. Early growth in Social Security benefits, for instance, did a good deal to reduce poverty, but in more recent decades has made less progress because growth—the marginal increase in payments—has been concentrated preponderantly on more years of support and higher levels of benefits for everyone, from rich to poor alike. Remember that a program can on average be successful in meeting some objectives, yet still target its incremental budget poorly. Incremental spending in our public retirement programs in the modern age increasingly operates to decrease the market incomes of the middle class and, despite billions of additional dollars spent each and every year, only modestly increases the transfers received by the poor.
Health Care. A large share of the growth in the income of almost everyone but the rich has come not in cash but in the form of government and employer-provided health care and insurance. One-third of per capita income growth in our economy from 1990 to 2010, for instance, went simply to pay for real increases in health care, as average annual health care spending per household from all sources ballooned to approximately $24,000. Measures of both market income (e.g., Piketty) and most measures of after-transfer income (e.g., the official poverty measure) fail altogether to count this major source of income. Yet for many, particularly those below median income, that item has dominated the way their income has grown for perhaps three decades. The CBO has tried very recently to count health insurance received as income in some of their work, but its efforts are an exception to the rule.
These four pieces interlock in various ways. For instance, more years and money in Social Security support, particularly as people live longer, has encouraged the average worker to retire for more than a decade longer than in 1940, when benefits were first paid, thus reducing their market income. Because many of the government's expenditures on health care have been captured by providers, the public's gain in benefits comes out to only a fraction of each additional $1 the government spends, while in the private sector cash compensation stagnates to pay for higher costs of health insurance.
In sum, the debate over poverty and inequality deserves renewed attention. However, it provides a quandary to many in both major political parties, who are largely mired in mid-20th century debates and fighting the thumbs-up, thumbs-down battles that blocks improvement from either side. The times beg for a 21st century agenda (an issue I try to address in my new book, Dead Men Ruling).
Dead Men RulingPosted: May 14, 2014 Filed under: Shorts | Tags: Budget, Deficit, Fiscal Democracy, Partisanship, Politics Leave a comment »
A personal note to you, my readers and friends.
My latest book, Dead Men Ruling, is in many ways the most important that I have ever written. I try not only to diagnose the disease that underlies so many of our economic and political problems today, but also to attack the wrong-headed notion that we live in an age of austerity and limited possibility.
Consider: the gross domestic product per household is $141,000 today and is projected, even with slower growth, to reach $168,000 in 10 years. Over that same period under Republican and Democratic budgets alike, government at all levels is likely to increase spending and tax subsidies from $55,000 to around $65,000 per household. Our budget may be terribly allocated, and the way we tax and spend can be quite inequitable, but do these numbers suggest a nation that must continue to turn its back to the ocean of possibilities that lie right at our feet?
I hope you will read Dead Men Ruling. Even more, I hope that you recommend it to friends and elected officials who want to move beyond yesteryear's stale debates toward a 21st-century agenda—particularly when it comes to promoting opportunity and mobility, prioritizing children and their future, and creating a government that can be both effective and lean.
If you cover the news, are organizing an event, or have a group interested in the book, I can help. Please contact me.
Because I make no money on the book, my motivation is purely aspirational. I strongly believe that the country is at an inevitable turning point, requiring honest leadership. Though it will take time, together we can make that turn well.
At DeadMenRuling.com, you can order copies directly and find many related recommendations, videos, and interviews. As a Government We Deserve reader, you can use discount code KCD4. Or you can use various book venders (including Amazon).
To tease your interest a bit further, I include the preface below.
Low or zero growth in employment… inadequate funds to pay future Social Security and Medicare bills…declining rates of investment… cuts in funding for education and children's programs…arbitrary sequesters or cutbacks in good and bad programs alike… underfunded pension plans…bankrupt cities…threats not to pay our nation's debts… inability to reach political compromise…political parties with no real vision for 21st century government.
I've come to a strong belief that these and a whole host of seemingly separable economic and political problems are symptoms of a common disease, one unique to our time and shared widely throughout the developed world. Unless that disease and the history of how it spread over time is understood, it's easy to fall prey to believing in simple but ineffective nostrums, hoping that a cure lies merely in switching political parties or reducing the deficit, expanding our favorite program, or hunkering down to protect it. My first purpose in writing this book is to accurately diagnose that disease so we can attack it at its roots
But my fonder hope is that we reawaken to the extraordinary possibilities that lay right at our feet and restore the American can-do spirit that has prevailed over most of our history. Despite the despairing claims of many, we no more live in an age of austerity than did Americans at the turn into the 20th century with the demise of the frontier. Conditions are ripe to advance opportunity in ways never before possible, including doing for children and the young in this century what the 20th did for senior citizens, yet without abandoning those earlier gains. Recognizing this extraordinary but checked potential is also the secret to breaking the political logjam that, as I will show, was created largely by now dead (and retired) men.
The Budget Deal: A Tentative Step ForwardPosted: December 12, 2013 Filed under: Shorts | Tags: Budget, Partisanship, Politics 2 Comments »
In a recent Washington Post article, I characterized any forthcoming budget deal as two parties who had dug a hole for themselves deciding to stop throwing shovels at each other. Despite this skepticism, I must admit that this December 2013 agreement is certainly better than throwing shovels—or, more formally, threatening another government shutdown, along with its attendant costs on the workings of government, the well-being of citizens, and economic growth.
This budget agreement also takes a couple of baby steps forward. For the first time in a while, it includes modest reforms to mandatory programs, not just discretionary programs. It cuts back slightly on the silly sequester. Perhaps more important, it gets the two budget committees functioning again. Traditionally, members of these committees have had to fight with the rest of Congress as much, if not more, than with their opponents within the committees—partly because committee members, regardless of affiliation, shared the objective of getting the budget into some sort of order.
If the committee members have really decided to restore their status, and if they are constrained by other congressional leaders from making significant headway on the budget in the months leading to the next election, I hope at least they will start working on bipartisan budget process reforms, such as reducing the game-playing in future budget agreements. One example is greater constraints on future legislation that increases long-term deficits. A trick still possible (but not used in this deal) is to avoid scoring or counting costs against a bill when they fall outside an arbitrary ten-year budget window.
Sixteen Days in January: A Story of the Next ShutdownPosted: October 16, 2013 Filed under: Columns | Tags: Budget, Partisanship, Politics, Tax Reform 5 Comments »
Dateline: January 2014. Federal government shuts down completely.
Day 1. Mall, Washington, DC. Park Police decide shutdown again requires barring access to war memorials and the grounds of the Washington, Lincoln, and Jefferson monuments. Veterans rise up in anger and push back barricades. "If you're furloughed, how can you keep us from entering the parks?" asks Joe Laploski, an Iraqi veteran from New Rochelle, NY. Park Police assign unpaid legal interns to determine whether Park Police should arrest themselves for working.
Day 2. White House. In hastily called press conference, President Obama announces major plan to deal with the national emergency. Enforcement on malls will be sustained, lest someone fall in the Tidal Basin and sue the government. Government debt will thereby be reduced, since Park Police cost less than those future lawsuits, at least on an expected basis.
Day 3. Capitol. Lights go out. Speaker Boehner lost underground. Democrats offer to fund search party, but, invoking the Hastert rule (requiring agreement by a majority of the majority party to act) and unable to decide whether they want to find him, Tea Party refuses.
Day 4. Longworth House Office Building. Democrats send search party after Boehner anyway. Find flasks of aged whiskey hidden by the late former Ways and Means Committee Chair Wilbur Mills two levels below the committee room where he presided. Debate ensues over whether imbibing is an essential government function. Inspired by former Occupy Wall Street supporters, Democrats decide to represent the activity as unity with the "99 percent," who normally can't afford such expensive booze.
Day 5. Treasury Department. Electronic payments of billions of government checks and bills stop. Secretary Lew called to emergency meeting at the White House to determine how much blame to assign to Republicans.
Day 6. Oklahoma City. Local Tea Party members claim the IRS is targeting them, citing delayed refund checks as proof. Back in Washington, House Oversight and Government Reform Committee decides to hold hearings in the dark.
Day 7. Near Capitol. Republican staffers gather at a local bar to debate how to get work done during the impasse. Consider asking the guy in charge of the lights for help, until they discover that position no longer exists because of the sequester. Boehner still missing.
Day 8. White House. President Obama plans national address during primetime. He asks the Democratic Party to pay for the speechwriters. Local TV stations refuse to broadcast the president's speech unless their invoices for airing "Army Strong" recruiting commercials are paid.
Day 9. Treasury Department. Secretary Lew tries to issue checks to TV stations. In a 5-4 decision, the Supreme Court bars him from doing so until he lays out the precise legal priority for billions of unpaid bills.
Day 10. Princeton, NJ. Despite the worldwide recession induced by the shutdown, foreigners still flock to outstanding US obligations, and interest rates on US government securities tumble instead of rise. In a New York Times op-ed, Paul Krugman argues that at this low rate we should borrow all we can—unless it would pay for a Republican tax cut.
Day 11. Treasury Department. In response to the House Oversight Committee's hearings, Treasury's Inspector General issues report that Republicans were indeed targeted, indicating as proof that their delayed refund checks were bigger on average than those for Democrats. However, no crime was committed, he asserts.
Day 12. White House. President issues a statement that IRS targeting of Republicans is inexcusable. Fires top IRS data processing personnel and replaces commissioner with top executive from Avon Products with an unblemished record in taxes and data processing because she has never worked in either field.
Day 13. Sacramento. Governor Brown announces that millions of Californians are now insured under Obamacare. He asks that no penalties be assessed on those getting thousands of dollars in excess benefits since recordkeeping was impossible. On Meet the Press, Senator Cruz expresses amazement that the shutdown he favored affects every government program but Obamacare.
Day 14. White House. President Obama launches new peace initiative. He asks Hassan Rouhani of Iran and Bashar al-Assad of Syria to hire their own nuclear and chemical weapons inspectors, claiming that the U.S. shouldn't have to pay to clean up other countries' messes. President Putin offers to mediate and contribute Russian oil revenues.
Day 15. Capitol. Boehner found. Claims, like always, he knew exactly where he stood. Negotiates agreement with president on a continuing resolution to fund government until after congressional elections. Congress then shuts itself down until December 2014.
Day 16. Russell Senate Office Building. Before departing, Chairman Camp of the Ways and Means Committee and Chairman Baucus of the Senate Finance Committee issue a 6,700-page document with complex details on how to structure a major tax reform. Congressional leaders promise to take up issue immediately…in the next Congress.
The Baucus-Hatch "Blank Slate" Approach to Tax Reform Could Be RevolutionaryPosted: July 3, 2013 Filed under: Columns | Tags: Budget, Politics, Tax Reform, Taxes 6 Comments »
No one quite knows what exactly Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus (D-MT) and Ranking Member Orrin Hatch (R-UT) mean when they say they will rely upon a "blank slate" as the starting point for tax reform discussions. But done carefully and with political artistry, taking advantage of their unique power, Baucus and Hatch could revolutionize how members of Congress negotiate the future of taxes.
But it's all in the practice, not the theory. Done right, the strategy could reenergize the tax reform debate. Done wrong, it will be just another dead-end.
The idea of reforming the tax system from a "zero base" or building up from a blank slate is hardly new. And lawmakers always talk about everything being on the table. The challenge is in making it happen.
Baucus and Hatch must accomplish two goals. First, they must shift the burden of proof from those who favor reform to those who would retain the status quo. Second, they must force members to pay for their favored subsidy, denying them the opportunity to pretend it is free.
As a veteran of the Tax Reform Act of 1986, I always emphasize the crucial role of process. Sure, serendipity smiles or frowns unexpectedly on any endeavor, but the '86 effort took off when Treasury, President Reagan, House Ways & Means Chair Dan Rostenkowski (D-IL), and Finance Committee chair Bob Packwood (R-OR) all put forward proposals that started with specific rate cuts and removal of many tax preferences.
Their plans were all somewhat different, but each changed the burden of proof. Lobbyists won many later battles, but now they were forced to explain why they needed to retain special preferences when others would not be so favored. Moreover, given a fixed revenue target, restored preferences had to be paid for. Lawmakers had to acknowledge that the price of adding back tax preferences was a higher tax rate.
Baucus, ideally with the support of Hatch, can put forward a "chairman's mark" from which committee members can debate amendments. As both senators have suggested, that mark can be a relatively clean slate. Further, Baucus can require that amendments must not add to the deficit or change his revenue target, effectively requiring members to offer what are called "pay-fors."
Normally, members debate items one at a time. Each adds a new subsidy without worrying about who pays for it—perhaps those currently too young to vote or the yet-unborn.
In dark times, politicians try to reduce the deficit by figuring out what tax increases or spending cuts will restore order to the budget. But identifying losers is immensely unpopular among voters, and politicians shy away from it. Worse, they blast those from the other party brave enough to provide details.
But if Baucus sets a revenue target at the beginning of this tax reform exercise, the dynamic shifts—from simply identifying winners and losers to explicit trade-offs. Winners and losers march together. With a blank slate or zero base, every restoration of a tax break requires higher rates (even an alternative tax), especially if there are few or no alternative preferences to sacrifice.
This process not only gives new life to a broad rewrite of the tax code but also makes it much easier to reform specific provisions. For instance, tax subsidies for homeownership, charity, and education can be much more effective and provide more bang per buck out of each dollar of federal subsidy. But politicians largely ignore such ideas because they create losers who scream loudly. Thus, the default for elected officials who fear negative advertising and loss of campaign contributions is to do nothing to improve these tax subsidies.
But when the burden of proof changes, a lobbyist can appear to be helping his masters simply by saving a subsidy, even if the net benefit is smaller than in the old law. After all, preserving a preference in some form is success relative to a zero baseline. Of course, as we learned in 1986, this argument grows stronger as the probability of tax reform grows. Can Baucus and Hatch change the burden of proof and force members to pay with higher rates for the subsidies they want to keep? They can certainly lead their committee and Congress in that direction, but only by specifying precisely a chairman's mark that sets revenue and rates while slashing tax preferences.
If they do, Baucus and Hatch may force fellow senators to acknowledge that every subsidy must be paid for. And that, in turn, will open a window to design alternative tax subsidies that are fairer and more efficient. This sort of process revolution could remake policy in ways that extend well beyond tax reform.
Austerity, Stimulus, and Hidden AgendasPosted: June 11, 2013 Filed under: Columns | Tags: Budget, Deficit, Economic Growth, Fiscal Democracy, Partisanship, Politics, Recession 5 Comments »
Nothing better exemplifies our gridlock over the future of 21st century government, as well as how to recover from the Great Recession, than the false dichotomy of austerity versus stimulus.
The austerity thesis, reduced to its simplest form, suggests that government has been living beyond its means for some time, only exacerbated by the actions that accompanied the recent economic downturn. Sequesters, tax increases, and spending cuts become the order of the day.
The stimulus hypothesis, reduced also to simplest form, suggests that more government spending and lower taxes puts money in people's pockets and helps cure a country's economic doldrums. Once the economy is doing better, government spending will naturally fall and taxes rise.
The debate then plays out largely over deficits: do you want larger or smaller ones?
But reduced to this form, the debate is a fallacy, for several reasons.
First, one must define larger or smaller relative to something. Last year's spending or taxes or deficits? What's scheduled automatically in the law? The public debate often glosses over these issues. Which is more expansionary when keeping taxes at the same level: an economy whose growth in spending is cut from 6 to 4 percent or one whose growth is increased from 1 to 3 percent?
Second, a country's ability to run deficits depends on its level of debt. A recent debate over whether at some point higher debt starts to slow economic growth doesn't change the fact that lenders want to be repaid. People won't loan to Greece now, but they still find the U.S. Treasury securities a safe haven for their money.
Third, and by far the most important, what timeframe is involved? Is the Congressional Budget Office pro-austerity or pro-stimulus when it concludes that sequestration hurts the economy in the short run, but is better in the long run than doing nothing about deficits? No one on either side suggests that debt can grow forever faster than the economy. Everyone implicitly or explicitly believes that to accommodate recessions when debt grows faster there are times when debt must grow slower.
So where's the rub? Here you must understand the emotional systems, usually veiled, that lie behind those on both sides trying to force the problem to an either/or solution.
Start with hardline austerity advocates. Many of them don't just want smaller deficits. They want smaller government—or, at the very least, they want to prevent the government from taking ever larger shares of the economy, even given changing demographics. Essentially, austerity advocates don't trust their pro-stimulus adversaries, some of whom can almost always find an economy going into a recession, in a recession, coming out of a recession, or attaining a lower-than-average growth rate and, therefore, needing some form of stimulus. Austerity advocates have learned from long experience that once government spending is increased, it's hard to reduce. So they feel they have to get what deficit reduction they can now that the public's attention to recent large debt accumulations is creating pressure to act.
Now for many the hardline stimulus advocates, their support for additional temporary government intervention cannot be entirely disentangled from their sympathy for a larger future government. Else why not agree to cut back now on the scheduled acceleration of entitlement programs, particularly fast-growing health and retirement programs? That would bring the long-run budget, at least as currently scheduled, back toward balance. It would simultaneously please many of their austerity opponents and allow for more current stimulus.
The hidden agendas are complicated further by inconsistencies on both sides. Many hardline austerity advocates, at least in the United States, don't want cuts to apply to defense spending. For their part, many hardline stimulus advocates would be glad to pare growth in tax subsidies.
Regardless, the dichotomy falls apart once one realizes that a solution can involve a slowdown in scheduled growth rates in spending and a higher rate of growth of taxes, accompanied by less short-run deficit reduction and an abandonment of poorly targeted mechanisms such as sequesters.
Consider the buildup of debt during World War II, the last time we saw U.S. levels above where they are today. Debt-to-GDP fell fairly rapidly after the war all the way until the mid-1970s. While the growing economy certainly helped, tax rates that were raised substantially during the war were largely maintained afterward, and spending had essentially no built-in growth (actually huge declines when the troops came home). Just the opposite holds now even with recovery: there are limited tax increases to pay for past accumulations of debt or wartime spending, and spending is scheduled to grow long-term, even after temporary recession-led spending and defense spending on Afghanistan declines.
Both sides—pro-austerity and pro-stimulus—want desperately to control an unknown future, either by not paying our current bills with adequate taxes or by maintaining built-in growth rates in various programs, mainly in health and retirement. The false dichotomy between austerity versus stimulus has fallen by the wayside, and what we see through the veil are two sides in mutual embrace trying to control our future, whatever the cost to the present.


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EA Sports UFC clinches June 3 demo, submits new gameplay video
EA Sports UFC is just a few weeks from entering the digital octagon on June 17 for PS4 and Xbox One, but those looking to get a few practice rounds in can download its demo next week. The demo, which features co-cover athletes Alexander Gustafsson and reigning light heavyweight champion Jon "Bone...
Jon Jones to share EA Sports UFC cover with fan-voted fighter
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More than 9000 students, faculty and staff at the University of Sharjah are reaping the benefits from the new web portal, which was migrated, deployed, and launched in May 2007.
Built on its existing infrastructure, the new web portal has allowed the University of Sharjah to enhance its services to staff and students. The Web portal acts as a single point of information, allowing students, faculty, and staff to communicate more effectively, on and off campus as well as access high-quality content online. The portal is also capable of supporting multiple sites, audiences, and languages while enabling efficient Web publishing, which allows the University to strengthen its infrastructure using Microsoft products and solutions.
Sofiane Benna, Head of Operations, Network & Telecom, University of Sharjah, comments:
"The results experienced with the new portal in place have been beyond our expectations. The new portal reflects the University's increased reputation as a centre of educational excellence and supports our vision to become a leading academic institution in the Middle East, recognized around the world. ITWorx succeeded yet again in demonstrating its knowledge, expertise and experience, by understanding the needs of a premier higher education institution, coupled with flair and innovation."
The University of Sharjah required a portal to manage external inquiries and information, as well as internal communication and collaboration. The ITWorx team, specialized in the Education sector, consulted with the University to ensure their needs met with the scope of work that lies ahead.
The new portal implemented at University of Sharjah accesses all facets of University life through Microsoft Office SharePoint Server 2007 (MOSS 2007), providing the University community and its stakeholders with a central information point.
"Since 1997, the University of Sharjah has experienced remarkable growth. We attribute this to their focus on excellence in students' education, and equally important to their direction in adopting cutting-edge technologies that help create an integrated education process, explained Magdy El-Komy, Engagement Manager, ITWorx. "Using MOSS 2007, we were able to deliver the University's portal migration project within a month. The portal is another success in the university's history of achievements and another step further towards cooperation and future success."
The University of Sharjah selected ITWorx after a recommendation from Microsoft Gulf, who referred the University to ITWorx for their expertise in Microsoft technologies. The University team was confident in ITWorx skills, deliverables, and project management methodologies and that they would deliver on the University's specific requirements.
The implementation initially began by a pilot site at the University of Sharjah. The ITWorx team resolved all technical issues confronting the University team, planned the move from pilot into production, deployed the production environment, and migrated data from the pilot to the live portal.
Wednesday, August 15- 2007 @ 14:50 UAE local time (GMT+4) Replication or redistribution in whole or in part is expressly prohibited without the prior written consent of Mediaquest FZ LLC.


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1-10 of 16 properties to rent found
£2,900 pcm
4 bedroom detached house to rent Box Lane, Hemel Hempstead
A beautifully presented extended 4 bedroom character house situated in mature grounds of about 3/4 of an acre comprising of: Reception hall, downstairs cloakroom, Large lounge with feature fireplace, dining room, large conservatory, study/bar room, kitchen/breakfast room, utility room, Master bed... More details ›
£900 pcm
2 bedroom detached bungalow to rent Box Lane, Hemel Hempstead
A beautifully positioned characteristic bungalow in a desirable location comprising of: lounge, fully equipped kitchen, 2 double bedrooms & family bathroom with shower. This property benefits from gas central heating & double glazing as well as a parking space for 2 cars & a good size... More details ›
£895 pcm
2 bedroom flat to rent High Street,Bovingdon,HP3
Good sized two bedroom 1st and 2nd floor maisonette on Bovingdon High Street, property comprises Hallway, Cloakroom, living room, kitchen; double bedroom with ensuite shower, 2nd floor bedroom is a double with dressing room and personal bathroom. **AVAILABLE NOW** More details ›
£2,700 pcm
5 bedroom detached house to rent Meadowbank Close, Bovingdon, Herts, HP3
A superb five bedroom, three bathroom detached house in the heart of the village with spacious family accommodation. The property is eight years old and is in excellent decor throughout with gas central heating and double glazing. (contd...) More details ›
Added on 12/12/2014 by Proffitt & Holt Partnership, Kings Langley. Call: 01923 909110 Local call rate
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£4,250 pcm
5 bedroom detached house to rent Featherbed Lane, Felden, HP3 0BT
CHARACTER AND ELEGANCE - This magnificent five bedroom detached family home is located within beautiful Hertfordshire countryside in the upmarket rural neighbourhood of Feldon, you are welcomed in via a sweeping carriage driveway and landscaped grounds. More details ›
£4,950 pcm
5 bedroom detached house to rent BlytheswoodSheethanger Lane,Felden,Hemel Hempstead,HP3
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£4,250 pcm
5 bedroom detached house to rent FEATHERBED LANE, Hemel Hempstead, HP3
Detached family home with a double garage. Five bedrooms with three en-suites and a family bathroom. Four reception rooms and an office. Large garden and a grand carriage drive. More details ›
£1,200 pcm
4 bedroom terraced house to rent Granville Dene, Bovingdon, Hemel Hempstead
A Fantastic four bedroom end of terrace house in a beautiful location within walking distance to the very popular Bovingdon village and local schools. The property comprises of downstairs W/C,large living room/dining room with a stunning unique log burner feature fire, kitchen including white goo... More details ›
£1,500 pcm
4 bedroom semi-detached house to rent Bovingdon
A well presented four bedroom semi detached family home situated in a cul de sac location within walking distance of the village. The accommodation comprises: entrance hall, cloakroom, sitting room, dining area, kitchen with washing machine, range style cooker, integrated dishwasher, fridge and... More details ›
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ED Throughput: A Fixable Problem
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Match Day is a day of high drama and, sometimes, low comedy. In this MedPage Today special video report, we capture some of those stories. more
ED Throughput: A Fixable Problem
Practical steps for changing an ED's throughput trajectory. more
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Shared decision-making among providers, patients, and families is a tricky act to balance. more
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More reviews by sweetiepea161616
This product is nice if you like your face squeaky clean. It foams nicely and leaes your face totally stripped of all oil. This could be bad or good depending on your skin. I find that it strips too much oil and leaves my skin dry and tight. It smells a little weird, like licorice and something I can't put my finger on. It's just okay. I didn't think it really did anything for my skin though. I wouldn't buy again. As far as Lush products go, I will stick with my Herbalism, which is like the total opposite of coal face but I like it much better.
I've been using this for 2 weeks now and absolutely love it. It smells good and cleans better the anything I've used before, getting all my makeup off easily. My skin feels soft and clear after using it. I find the solid format enjoyable to use and it's easy to cut small pieces off as and when needed. So far I've used less than a quarter of my £5 chunk so I can see it lasting at least a couple of months. My only small gripes are that it can sting your eyes so I have to keep them closed when applying it, and it makes my skin feel a bit 'squeaky' when rinsing- this is nowhere near as bad as with normal soap though. Overall a great purchase - I can see this becoming a long term favourite.
EDIT: This ended up irritating my nose a bit and making me sneeze so I stopped using it :-( Still got some left so may give it a go as a once in a while deep cleanser.
I like this soap a lot and it is my go to cleanser. I like my cleansers to be a little gritty and this has that and is not irritating although it can be drying sometimes, Works wonders for my acne prone skin along with herbalism.
I used Coalface religiously when I was an acne-prone, oily-skinned preteen/teenager. It has a great amount of scrub, the charcoal is very cleansing, and there's something almost kinda glamorous about using a black soap. I usually followed up with a small amount of virgin coconut oil as a moisturizer, and the combination left my skin very happy and balanced.
Sadly, I can't use it anymore. Maybe it's just the fact that it's winter and I'm spending a lot of time in my heated, dehumidified house, but Coalface dries out my skin WAY too much these days. Even when I moisturize with coconut oil afterward, my skin protests from the dryness and I break out and have that "tight" feeling.
Such a bummer, since I LOVE the scent of Coalface (maybe because of the nostalgia I have associated with it). I'm using Angels on Bare Skin now, which works much better for my skin type at the moment. My boyfriend, who has oily skin, uses my bar of Coalface sometimes, and it seems to work great for him.
I really wanted to like this... I adore Lush soaps and the masks are quite nice, too. However, it dried my skin and it made me break out so much I could not believe it! I rarely break out after using a product so I tested it about 3 times and my skin was horrible....I stopped using it and my skin is clear and soft again! I had to throw it away.
I bought this after I ran out of my facial soap that no longer makes any. Sales assistant said it worked wonders for oily skin, so I gave it a go. I didn't care much about the odd sliced shape. It smelled all right, and felt nice on your face... but only for an hour or so. Afterwards my face started to oil again, as if I haven't cleansed my face at all. After 2 hours, it became quite oily, and after 5+ hours, my face was super oily. After 2 weeks of using this, my cheeks started having red spots (not pimples, just spots) and the skin on my T-zone started to become very rough. Will stop using this now and find a new facial soap. This did not work for for me at all. It did not keep my face dry for more than an hour and actually made my face quite worse.
After many years of searching I have finally found it, my HG cleanser! Not only is this stuff cruelty-free and reasonably priced but it ACTUALLY works! For $15AUD you get a big chunk of this shimmering black gold and you really only need a small 10c piece chunk for each use so it lasts quite a while. I first got this as a sample, chopped it up and got atleast 8 uses out of it and in those few washes I had realised that I had found my skins' saviour. It has quite a noticeable licorice smell but nothing strong enough to put me off and is also slightly grainy for light exfoliation. Rubbing the black lump between your hands produced a grey foam that you can feel instantly cleansing away any oil or grease (meaning it is drying so moisturizer is a must) leaving your skin feeling light and slightly tight. My skin felt fresh and a couple of days later it was obvious my pimples were either gone or in the process of and I'd like to thank coalface for it all :)
More reviews by intensesodadrinker
Perfect cleanser for me. I've got acne, extreme oil, and, dry patches. This doesn't help with my acne, however, I wasn't expecting it to. This cleans my skin well, doesn't break me out, and, doesn't dry me out. Paid around $20.00 for a good sized chunk that will last me FOREVER. Great and simple cleanser that I will continue buying and buying. :)
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More reviews by welcometothefamily
Asked for a sample of this in my last purchase. Lather feels creamy and gently cleansing on my skin. Dries me out a bit around my nose, which is weird since that's usually my oiliest area. It also doesn't keep me feeling oil-free. I do use a moisturiser, but I used a moisturiser with Dark Angels too, and didn't feel oily then. However, the rough charcoal bits on top of the bar are excellent at getting rid of my clogged pores. Most of my nose was a mess of clogged pores,and this has gotten rid of a lot of them. I do believe this cleanses my skin very well, and getting rid of clogged pores is definitely a plus, but this did not stop my breakouts. I would probably get another sample once this one runs out which is looking like it'll be in 10 years or so, but would not buy a full sized bar ($17.90 NZD per 100g).
I have oily skin that is getting more normal with age, mostly concentrated in my T-Zone.
Coalface leaves my skin feeling clean, though it has always been part of my night routine to remove my make up first before using my cleanser. I cut the bar into small chunks and use the chunks one by one instead of using the whole bar at one time. This makes coalface super travel friendly as I can just throw a chunk into my make-up bag and be gone.
The only con I have is that if you leave it in the shower in a little dish it will secrete some glycerine. I haven't found this to decrease its performance; I just rinse off the glycerine and keep on going. It's better to store it in a less humid setting between uses.


text:
Chamberlain Consumer CWA2000 Wireless Motion Alert Wireless Motion Alert Each
About this item
Wireless motion alert system detects motion up to 30 feet away with wide 120 degree coverage transmits signal to base station up to a half-mile away. Sensor has adjustable sensitivity controls. Receiver indicates movement with light and sound features a djustable volume controls. System includes 1 base station 1 motion sensor
• Full system
|Model No.:
|Shipping Weight (in pounds):
|Product in Inches (L x W x H):
|11.25 x 8.25 x 7.5
|Origin of Components:
|USA or Imported
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