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Above anything else, what I love about Tanit is her spirit. Always quick to smile, make you feel great with a compliment, or light up the room with her laugh, she is a joy to have around, and I'm really happy this comes through so much this set.…View Post
Abigail Ratchford ♥s Purring
Almost immediately after locking in our shoot, Abigail Ratchford asked me the perfect question: do you have any more of those cute animal ears? Yes, yes I do. A whole bin of them, in fact! This is how I knew I would immediately like Abigail. If loving photos of girls wearing animal ears is wrong, neither one of us want to be right.…View Post abigail ratchford, brunette, cats, lingerie
Abigail Ratchford
If you pay attention to beautiful girls on Instagram (and let's be honest, we all do), then it's highly unlikely that the gorgeous Abigail Ratchford has somehow escaped your notice. She did not escape ours.
We got in touch on Instagram and quickly set up a shoot, and I'm so happy we did!…View Post abigail ratchford, brunette, lingerie
Shay Laren ♥s Her Kitten
I had so much fun shooting Shay Laren the first time we got together for iheartgirls, we immediately resolved we had to shoot again. When Shay went brunette, we decided we'd make it happen ASAP. Of course, I like shooting her so much any excuse would do.…View Post brunette, cats, lingerie, nude, shay laren
Tianna Gregory ♥s Pink
Tons of adjectives are applied to Tianna every day: from beautiful to gorgeous to delicious to…perfect. Tianna fits all of those descriptions, and it's no wonder that she keeps amassing followers at an amazing rate.
If you don't already, go follow @_tiannag on Instagram. Then come back here and thank me!…View Post brunette, lingerie, tianna gregory
Corissa Furr ♥s Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles
Who doesn't love Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles? Or pizza? Or Corissa Furr? "No sane person" is the answer to all three questions. With Michael Bay's latest movie hitting theaters today, we thought we'd combine all three into one amazing mash-up of geeky awesomeness: Corissa Furr's Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtle pizza party.…View Post brunette, corissa furr, food, geek, panties, socks
Jaclyn Swedberg ♥s Black Lingerie
Lingerie is awesome. I love it. I'm addicted to collecting it. I stockpile tons of bras and panties and other lacy tidbits to draw out at just the right moment for just the right girl. If you follow this site regularly, you know that matching amazing lingerie to amazing girls is one of my favorite things about what I do.…View Post brunette, jaclyn swedberg, lingerie
Samantha Bentley ♥s Pantyhose
Samantha Bentley has a high threshold for pain. How do I know? I was the one who strapped the horrible "skeleton hand" jewelry to her. Less jewelry and more a medieval torture device, once Samantha was done shooting, she took it off to expose a hand that had been utterly mangled in the name of photography.…View Post brunette, pantyhose, samantha bentley
Mika Lovely ♥s Fringe
Mika Lovely's name categorizes her well: she's lovely from head to toe, and what's more, she's absolutely lovely to work with. We finally got to shoot after what seems like years of Instagram courtship, and I'm thrilled we did! Mika is such a beautiful girl and an absolute pro.…View Post brunette, lingerie, mika lovely
Mika Lovely
If you frequent the better parts of Tumblr, chances are you have run across the sultry Miami beauty named Mika Lovely. She's set the world wide web ablaze with some pretty amazing photos, and we are very happy we get to help add to her legacy of gorgeousness.
In addition to Tumblr and Instagram and all the other places Mika lights up with her charms, you may have seen her in ad campaigns for W Hotels, gracing the cover of L'Allure des Mots #13, and Adult Magazine #1.…View Post brunette, lingerie, mika lovely

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VIDEO: Codemasters' FUEL features 5,000+ square miles of drivable terrain
by Noah Joseph (RSS feed) on Jun 4th, 2009 at 12:29PM
Getting tired of driving over the same virtual circuits over and over again? Sure, it's a good way to get to know a track, but if can get tiresome. That's why Codemasters – the game studio behind DiRT, Grid and the upcoming F1 series – is releasing Fuel. The arcade-style racing game boasts a Guinness World Record for the most virtual terrain in any video game: a whopping 5,560 square miles of drivable turf. To design the digital turf layout, developers took the entire Western United States and put the best into the game, encompassing everything from city streets and desert... Read More


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Figure 1. View across the central area of town ruins at Essouk-Tadmakka.
The research at Essouk-Tadmakka (see figs. 1 and 2), a site in the north of Mali, was developed to provide new archaeological perspectives on the early Islamic era of trans-Saharan trade (AD 650-1500), an era which saw the limited trans-Saharan connections established in Carthaginian and Roman times develop into a flourishing commercial system as West African gold, slaves and ivory were exchanged in huge quantities for North African market products. The research was conducted as the core element of a PhD thesis at UCL (see Nixon 2008). This research was motivated by the recognition that historical sources, while offering useful insights into Early Islamic trans-Saharan commerce (see e.g. Levtzion & Hopkins 2000), are unable to answer certain key questions concerning Early Islamic trans-Saharan trade due to inherent limitations in source material. Additionally, although previous archaeology has provided useful data, its analytical application has been limited. This is largely because most relevant archaeological work was done 30 or more years ago (see e.g. Berthier 1997 on the site of Koumbi Saleh, associated with ancient Ghana; Insoll 1996 and 2000 on Gao; and Devisse 1983 on Tegdaoust, associated with ancient Awdaghust – see fig. 2) and was technologically or methodologically limited in aspects of artefactual analysis and radiometric dating. Having assessed previous scholarly investigations, it was decided that improved understanding of Early Islamic trans-Saharan trade would be best served by a new field project. Accordingly, excavations were undertaken at the previously untested entrepot site of Essouk-Tadmakka, one of the major Early Islamic trade centres referred to within Early Arabic historical sources, situated within the key exchange zone of the trade, the West African Sahel.
Developed by reference to the key areas of research inadequately dealt with by previous scholarly work, the research objectives for the Essouk project were as follows:
1) to improve our understanding of the changing scale of Early Islamic trans-Saharan trade over time and space, with particular reference to the earliest period of this trade (c.650-1000AD).
2) to use a combination of archaeological and historical sources to analyse the changing socio-economic and cultural situation of the entrepot site of Essouk-Tadmakka and relate this to broader shifts in the organization and functioning of the entrepot system.
3) to further understanding of the movement of trans-Saharan commodities and their possible archaeological correlates.
Figure 2. Map illustrating Essouk-Tadmakka's location within West Africa and Mali,
and its position within the Early Islamic trans-Saharan system.
The site of Essouk is located 45 kilometres North-West of Kidal in the semi-autonomous Tuareg region in the north of Mali (see fig. 2). Essouk is the current toponym for Tadmakka, a major trans-Saharan trading entrepot and important Berber political centre described in Arabic geographical texts from the 10th to the 15th centuries AD (see Levtzion & Hopkins 2000), situated on trade routes running from Tunisia and Libya to the Niger Bend (see fig. 2). It was said the treasure houses of Tadmakka were filled with sacks of gold likened to 'puppies piled one on another' (Levtzion & Hopkins 2000: 91) and it is references such as these which have led to Tadmakka being seen as one of the greatest West African trans-Saharan trading cities in the era before Timbuktu (Mauny 1961; Insoll 2003).
Essouk is located at a point on the Wadi Essouk where it runs through a dense area of cliffs and rocky hills (see fig. 3). The Essouk town ruins, consisting of the remains of stone structures, are located either side of the wadi and on an island within the wadi. The town ruins cover an area of approximately 50 hectares. The surface remains, stone-built structures standing up to two metres high in places, for the most part consist of commercial/housing compounds, caravanserai and livestock enclosures, and some mosques are also evidenced. Essouk is also well known for the extensive body of Arabic inscriptions found in the cemeteries which surround the central area of town ruins (see e.g. fig.4) and in the cliffs around the site, these including the earliest dated inscription in West Africa, dated to 1013-14 AD (Moraes Farias 2003). Numerous petroglyphs depicting peoples and fauna dating from the Iron Age and earlier can also be found in the immediate environs of the site (see e.g. fig. 5).
Figure 3. Map showing the Essouk ruins in relation to the Wadi Essouk and
surrounding cliffs, and also illustrating excavation locations (adapted from
Mauny 1961 and Moraes Farias 2003).
Regarding academic study of Essouk, in the colonial era surface archaeological studies were carried out including epigraphic study (Gauthier 1907; de Gironcourt 1920) and superficial sub-surface prospections were also conducted (Mauny 1961). More recently extensive studies have been made of the site's epigraphy (Moraes-Farias 2003), and good sampling of its petroglyphs has been carried out (Dupuy 1999). Prospective surface archaeology has also been conducted (Cressier 1988) but the proposed sub-surface archaeology that this was seen as a forerunner to was sidelined as a result of the Malian civil war that took place between the Tuareg and the Malian government from 1990 to 1996. In the 1980s local groups conducted furtive clandestine sub-surface investigations at the site (see below) but these were rapidly brought to a halt by government representatives. Prior to the excavations detailed here therefore no systematic sub-surface archaeology had been carried out.
Figure 4. One of the cemeteries associated with the Essouk town ruins.
Figure 5. Petroglyph showing women of ancient Essouk.
In the aftermath of the civil war – which led to the Tuareg region of Kidal gaining semi-autonomy from the Malian government – the 'Mission Culturelle Essouk' was created (see website www.kidal.info for further information), working along the lines of the 'Missions' established in the south of the country (such as that at the famous medieval town of Djenne), addressing heritage and education issues related to the site. The creation of this 'Mission' was proposed as one of a series of ways in which the Malian government could attempt to include the Tuareg region within the national agenda. Essouk is also being proposed by the Malian government as a Unesco World Heritage site, another expression of the government's willingness/desire to recognize the site as 'Malian' heritage. However, there is another movement afoot which focuses on the site of Essouk. The granting of semi-autonomy to the Tuareg has not completely satisfied those calling for a Tuareg nation state, a fact dramatically evidenced by the recent (May 2006) armed attacks on government army positions in the towns of Kidal and Menaka. Certain voices seek to use the site of Essouk as some form of historical precedent for a future Tuareg state, Tadmakka being imagined as the capital city of a powerful and glorious medieval Tuareg nation (see George Klute article on 'kidal' website listed above). One expression of this desire to recapture history to mobilize the contemporary Tuareg can be seen at the annual (since 2003) 'Festival in the Desert' (see Fig.6) that is held at the site (again see 'kidal' internet site). While the festival has organizational links with the Malian government, there is a distinct feeling that this celebration of the culture of the Tuareg at their ancestral site provides a platform for those wishing to continue the struggle for political independence. In line with this continuing desire for self-governance, there is clear opposition to the moves to see Essouk as part of a broader Malian heritage. Specifically, there is opposition to the government's desire to establish the site on the Unesco World Heritage list as local people see it as part of their day to day environment, and any suggestion that the Malian government might be 'interfering' with it will be met with protest.
Figure 6. Camel display performance at Essouk festival, Dec. 2004-Jan. 2005
So, it was in this context that the archaeological research took place at the site in 2004-2005. While certain local groups had a degree of hostility to the linkage of the research to the Malian government, certain Tuareg political leaders were very keen to have subsurface archaeology conducted at the site in order to demonstrate the great and glorious past of Essouk. Indeed, there is a certain precedent for the recognition of archaeology's usefulness for current political motives in that amateur excavations had actually taken place at the site in the 1980s as a local Tuareg group dug at one of the mosques on the site in order to demonstrate their ancestral links to Essouk (see Moraes Farias 2003).
Following a limited surface collection in December 2004 and January 2005 a 7 week excavation season was carried out at Essouk running through to March 2005.
Excavations were conducted at three locations on the site which proved to be of interest from the surface collection and survey (see fig. 3). Two excavation units were located in the eastern area of the site (units EKA and EKB) and one unit was located on the island (EKC). From the results of these excavations a solid initial archaeological sequence was established for the site, its dating based upon secure AMS radiocarbon dates. The following summarizes the sequence which was constructed from the excavated deposits (depth measurements relate to unit EKA, the only unit which evidenced all the periods referred to below and the main basis for constructing the excavated sequence):
• Period 1 (pre-AD 750; c.670–510cms below surface): evidence for semi-permanent structures (post-hole evidence) associated with relatively intensive occupation; no evidence for trans-Saharan or long-distance trade;
• Period 2 (AD 750-950; 510–290cms below surface): commences with first permanent architecture evidenced (stone and pisé) which is associated with trans-Saharan trade goods including glass and imported grain (wheat); multiple following occupations see rebuilding of permanent architecture and continued presence of trade goods including evidence of gold coin production and large quantities of vessel and bead glass; site expansion evidenced;
• Period 3a (AD 950-1100; 290-230cms below surface): continued rebuilding of permanent architectural structures and evidence for trans-Saharan trade goods including large quantities of vessel and bead glass and glazed ceramics; continued site expansion;
• Period 3b (AD 1100-1300; 230-190cms): evidence for construction of elaborate permanent structures and evidence for trade goods including large quantities of sub-Saharan imported pottery and also some imported grain (wheat); noticeable changes include limited imported North African material culture, evidence for some site retraction and other material culture and faunal changes;
• Period 4 (AD 1300 -1400; 190cms below surface – surface): continued evidence for permanent architectural occupation, seen by reference to surface remains to be over a wide area, but limited artefactual evidence for trade; radical changes seen in the recovered remains including changes in architecture, material culture, faunal remains and archaeobotany.
The following images from unit EKA (Figs. 7 – 9) give an idea of the deposits encountered during the sequence:
Figure 7. Excavated abandoned room space (c.14th century).
Figure 8. Tea-break in excavated ante-chamber
containing red-ochre
seating platform (c.13th century).
Figure 9. Looking into unit EKA to the base of the walls (base of walls c.8th century).
The following is a summary of the material culture and ecofacts recovered during excavations and their analysis:
• West African pottery (19,723 specimens). Dominated by Berber tradition ware having the following broad attributes: chaff-tempered (c.96%); low-decorated (9-15%); little wheel throwing (c.7%); limited slipping (11-24%); rare painting (0.4-3.7%); simple rim forms but also collared and thickened rim vessels; rim diameter average 10-20cms; handles minimal presence (except late period); cord décor dominant. Some significant minority assemblages include early Mande tradition pottery and long-distance imports from the Niger River zone. Consultation, Kevin MacDonald (UCL). Petrographic and SEM examination, Kevin MacDonald and Dorian Fuller (UCL).
• Glass beads (389). Mainly small-medium (3-9.5mm) drawn monochrome beads; also wound beads (13 identified) and polychrome beads (13) including a dichroic bead. Consultation, James Lankton (UCL). Chemical analysis using SEM by James Lankton and LA-ICP-MS by Laure Dussubieux (Chicago Field Museum) and Peter Robertshaw (California State University).
• Vessel glass (168). Mainly sherds of mass-produced blown glass of a good quality, untreated for colour. Notable items include de-colorized glass and a rare red sherd. This glass could be 'cullet' shipped for reuse rather than remains of whole vessels. Consultation, St John Simpson (British Museum). Chemical analysis, Dussubieux as above.
• Glazed ceramics (30): Seemingly common North African wares but one Chinese piece (Quingbai). Formal consultation, Derek Kennet (Durham University), Venetia Porter (British Museum) & Regina Krahl (Sothebys).
• Textiles (2 ): 1 silk and 1 cotton/silk. Physical and microscopic analysis, Sandra Bond (UCL).
• Metal objects (291 – form of vessels only preliminarily studied so far): Iron (211), copper (80) and silver (1). Many common utilitarian items but also a key, jewellery and coins. Lead isotope analysis, Thomas Fenn (University of Arizona), microprobe analysis, Laure Dussubieux.
• Archaeometallugical debris (38): mainly remains of iron-working but also copper-working and 3 gold coin mould fragments evidenced. Consultation: Thilo Rehren (UCL). XRF and microscopic analyses, Thilo Rehren. Lead isotope analysis, Thomas Fenn. PIXE analysis (of gold droplets) Maria Filomena Guerra (C.R.R.M., Paris).
• Stone/lithics (27): semi-precious stones/debris, flint tools and debris, colourants, stone bowl and bracelet. Consultation: Thilo Rehren and Elizabeth Bloxom (UCL)
• Non-glass beads (11): beads of semi-precious stone, fossil, shell and ivory. Consultation: Kevin MacDonald.
• Other ceramic objects (10): including a gold weight and spindle whorls.
• Faunal remains (723 NISP identified – a highly communated assemblage): 94% bovids, sheep/goat dominant with domestic cattle an important minority; other domesticates (equids, camel, dog and fowl) and wild animals. Analysis, Kevin MacDonald.
• Shell remains (36): Mainly eggshell (principally ostrich) but also cowries (8). Consultation, Ken Thomas (UCL); consultation and microscopic analysis Jane Siddell (UCL).
• Archaeobotanical remains (452 specimens– sampling only from EKA): including good quantities of cereals (including wheat), legumes, fruits, and wild/weed taxa and also some oil/fibre plants. Analysis by Mary Anne Murray (UCL) and Dorian Fuller (UCL) using comparative collections and SEM.
The project has demonstrated archaeology's ability to further our understanding of the core research issues of trans-Saharan trade. In addition to this, the Essouk project has provided a well-dated occupational sequence for this key site, and has enabled the activation of a wide range of specialist analyses on materials stemming from the site.
Research into the changing scale of trade over time and space.
The excavated archaeological remains from Essouk provide fundamentally new perspectives on the pacing of Early Islamic trans-Saharan trade in its earliest stages, demonstrating the existence of a significant trans-Saharan trade with West Africa as far back as the 8th century AD, a full 200 years or so before the date when major trans-Saharan trade is traditionally seen to have begun (see e.g. Devisse 1988). In addition to simply providing an 'earlier date,' this finding has shown potential for reopening debates surrounding the cultural systems operating in the earliest years of the Early Islamic trade which have fallen by the wayside in recent years, namely those concerning the Ibadi trading groups (see e.g. Savage 1992). In addition, the wider implications of this early date provides the potential for injecting new life into the archaeological investigation of the earliest years of the Early Islamic trade, both in terms of reassessing past work and in terms of stimulating interest in pursuing work at new sites.
The Essouk project has also provided new ideas on the 10th century explosion of trade. It has clearly demonstrated that this 'trade boom' was not confined to the far western route leading from Morocco to Mauritania as has been maintained by previous archaeological and historical research (see Devisse 1988). The important finding of a parallel 'trade boom' in the trade corridors from Algeria/Tunisia/Libya to Essouk not only provides another clear rewriting of the account of the pacing and development of the Early Islamic trade, but also provides stimulus for thinking differently about the socio-economic developments in these trade corridors to Essouk in the 10th to 11th centuries.
Research into the organization and culture of the entrepot system.
The Essouk data provides clear new perspectives on the organization and culture of the entrepot system. The utility of the Essouk data for investigating this issue is firstly seen when it is combined with data from previous archaeologies to show that major discontinuities appeared to take place within the entrepot system from the 11th century during the height of the trade. This 11th century point in the trade has up until now been perceived as being part of a period of relative continuity within the entrepot system stretching from the 10th to the 13th centuries (see e.g. Insoll 2003). The shift seen to take place is broadly speaking a growth of trading centres further south from this period, in greater proximity to the Sudanic powers of Ghana and Gao, and an associated reduction in the market role of the older more established centres of Tadmakka and Awdaghust, despite the continued existence of these centres as important stopover and entrepot points within the trade. In addition to simply highlighting the evidence for discontinuity, suggestions are made as to the significance of this (see Nixon in press), it being demonstrated how this appears to be a sign of a power shift brought about by Sahelian groups who became allied with the Almoravid movement which occurred at this time.
The excavated evidence also shows how in Essouk's later stages (14th century) the site appeared to experience an invasion, one which has not been recounted in Arabic documents; this appears to have been an invasion by Saharan Berber groups. This introduces new ideas into our understanding of the organization and culture of the entrepot system at the height of Mali's power as the infiltration of the trading entrepot system by Saharan Berber groups is traditionally not seen to have taken place until the 15th century, when Mali had already begun to decline (see Levtzion 1992).
In addition to the above new perspectives, the Essouk data –both excavation and surface collection data – provides a good account of the chronology and cultural life of Essouk in its terminal occupation (c.1400AD), essential data for a broad understanding of the later shifts in the functioning of the entrepot system.
Research into the movement of Trans-Saharan commodities and their archaeological correlates.
The excavations provide a good account of the range of North African material culture imports arriving at Essouk during the Early Islamic period (e.g. glass beads, vessel glass, glazed ceramics, textiles and wheat), data which has previously been unavailable. The Essouk project has thereby provided a strong data set to stand alongside those of the other major Early Islamic entrepot sites in the Western Sahel. Rare individual items were also evidenced, such as red glass, silk and a Qingbai pot, thereby diversifying our understanding of the commodities moving within the trade system. More important than these findings however was the evidencing of 9th/10th century gold coin moulds which provide the basis for a rethinking of certain fundamental ideas about the gold trade, including when it started, the extent and nature of gold-working south of the Sahara, as well as notions about where gold was coming from in the earliest era of the trade. The Essouk findings have also demonstrated, hopefully once and for all, the methodological fallacy of substantiating the presence or absence of trans-Saharan trade activity according to the presence or absence of the archaeologically recoverable durable material culture items of glass-beads, non-bead glass and glazed ceramics, a fallacy hinted at previously (Insoll 2003) but not clearly demonstrated archaeologically. The evidence for gold coin production at Essouk in stratigraphic levels before glass-beads, non-bead glass and glazed ceramics are present in any quantity clearly demonstrates that we can no longer rely on this category of material culture as a means of tracking the trade.
In addition to simply exposing the problems inherent in previous treatments of the movement of trans-Saharan commodities, the Essouk project has provided clear methodological directives for establishing new archaeological ways of tracking the trade. Firstly, we argue that the establishment of permanent architectural settlements in the northern Sahel should be accepted as a significant indicator of the development of trade and accordingly it must be used as one of the fundamental archaeological correlates of trade. In addition to this the Essouk evidence asks us to consider other types of archaeological evidence as markers of trade. We show how such archaeologically recoverable material as couscousiere fragments, keys, North African botanical imports and 'foreign' sub-Saharan ceramic traditions can be used as a means of gaining insight into significant trade processes in the earliest era of trade (8th century). Again, in evidencing gold coin moulds we showed that major trade was occurring at Essouk in the 9th century: indeed, without the identification of these objects, if we were relying purely upon glass beads, vessel glass and glazed ceramics as a guide to the presence of trade, the definitive evidence for major 9th century trade at Essouk would not have been evidenced. Later in the sequence, after the boom of glass beads, vessel glass and glazed ceramics has passed, we showed how a careful study of Niger River basin pottery at the site was clear evidence for continuing north-south trade moving through the site in the 12th and 13th centuries. Once again, if we had relied purely on North African material culture to make our judgements concerning the scale of trade, we would have arrived at a different conclusion because North African material culture imports are barely present in the 12th and 13th century Essouk sequence.
It can be seen therefore that the project's handling of material culture has led both to a fresh account of the trans-Saharan trade at Essouk, and has provided new methodological directives for moving beyond variably present North African material culture as the 'tracker' for trans-Saharan trade.
The first additional contribution of the excavation project beyond its immediate research aims is that the fieldwork project at Essouk recorded and absolutely dated a very well-preserved and therefore secure occupational and material culture sequence for the site of Essouk, recognized as one of the four key earliest Islamic sites of trans-Saharan trade in West Africa. It should be remembered that prior to this project this site was unexcavated. In providing a well-dated sequence the project has significantly added to the data set of Early Islamic archaeology in West Africa.
In addition to simply providing a descriptive data set of the artefactual evidence found at Essouk, the undertaking of expert level analysis on the material cultural and ecofactual evidence has meant that 'expert standard' data sets have been generated for the majority of Essouk materials. Importantly, much of this data has also been activated for site interpretation rather than leaving it in an amorphous state.
Further research deriving from the project is already in production, including work on the following: 'sub-Saharan gold coin production 1000 years ago'; 'gold chemistry and trans-Saharan trade'; 'the movement of copper in the trans-Saharan system'; 'the chemistry of Eary Islamic glass in the trans-Saharan trade'; 'tracking long-distance trade of Niger Basin ceramics through petrography and SEM'; 'plant usage within the Early Islamic West African Sahel'.
It is hoped that the importance of these initial research findings from Essouk will generate further interest and future research at the site, as well as associated interest in the various forms of new archaeological data which this project has generated.
A publication is in press on the Essouk excavations with Azania: archaeological research in Africa, due to appear in July 2009 (see www.tandf.co.uk/journals/raza). This contains more extensive description and illustration of the excavations, greater detail on the material culture and ecofacts recovered and more in-depth discussion of the project conclusions.
The project was funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council, University College London Graduate School, the UCL Institute of Archaeology and the University of London Central Research Fund. Thanks are due to the Institut des Sciences Humaines and the Direction Nationale de la Patrimoine Culturelle in Mali for respectively authorizing and assisting in fieldwork at Essouk. In Mali particular thanks are due to Jean-Pierre Tita of the Mission Culturelle Essouk for his great help during the project. Huge thanks are due to Kevin MacDonald for his guidance of the project. Also thanks are due to Paulo de Moraes Farias for his insights into Essouk and research there. Additionally all other researchers mentioned above are greatly thanked for their efforts. And lastly thanks are due to my family for their wonderful support throughout the project.
Berthier, S. 1997. Recherches Archéologiques sur la Capitale de l'Empire de Ghana: Etude d'un Secteur d'Habitat à Koumbi Saleh, Mauritanie. Campagnes II-III-IV-V (1975-1976)-(1980-1981). Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.
Cressier, P. 1988. Programme Azawagh. Première Prospection Comparative des Sites Medievaux et Modernes de l'Adrar des Iforas (Rapport Preliminaire). ORSTOM/CNRS.
De Gironcourt, G. 1920. Missions De Gironcourt en Afrique Occidentale 1908-1909 - 1911-12. Documents Scientifiques. Paris: Société de Géographie.
Devisse, J. (ed.). 1983. Tegdaoust III. Recherches Sur Aoudaghost (Campagnes 1960-1965, Enquêtes Générales). Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations.
Devisse, J. 1988. Trade and trade routes in West Africa. In General History of Africa Vol. III: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (ed. M. el Fasi). Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 367-435.
Dupuy, C. 1999. L'art rupestre à gravures naturalistes de l'Adrar des Iforas (Mali). Sahara 11: 69-86.
Gautier, E.-F., 1907. A travers le Sahara francais, D'In Ouzel au Niger (part 1). La Geographie, vol. XV, no. 1, pp. 1-28; L'Oued Tilemsi (part 2). La Geographie, vol. XV, no. 2, pp.103-20.
Insoll. T. 1996. Islam, Archaeology and History. Gao Region (Mali) ca. AD 900-1250. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.
Insoll. T. 2000. Urbanism, Archaeology and Trade: Further Observations on the Gao Region (Mali) - The 1996 Fieldseason Results. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.
Insoll, T. 2003. The Archaeology of Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Levtzion, N. 1992. Berber Nomads and Sudanese States: The Historiography of the Desert-Sahel Interface. International Conference on Manding Studies, unpublished conference paper.
Levtzion, N. and Hopkins, J. F. P. (eds). 2000. Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History. Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers.
Mauny, R. 1961. Tableau Géographique de l'Ouest Africain au Moyen Âge d'après les Sources Ecrites, la Tradition et l'Archéologie. Dakar: IFAN.
Moraes Farias, P.F. de. 2003. Arabic Medieval Inscriptions from the Republic of Mali. Epigraphy, Chronicles and Songhay-Tuareg History. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Nixon, S. 2008. The archaeology of Early Islamic trans-Saharan trading towns in West Africa: a comparative view and progressive methodology from the entrepot of Essouk-Tadmakka. PhD thesis. University College London.
Nixon, S. In press. Excavating Essouk-Tadmakka (Mali): new archaeological investigations of early Islamic trans-Saharan trade. Azania: archaeological research in Africa.
Savage, E. 1992. Berbers and Blacks: Ibadi slave traffic in eighth-century North Africa. Journal of African History 33: 351-368.
© 2007 Editor, Sada Mire, and the individual authors of these African Heritage and Archaeology webpages
This page last modified
5 May, 2009
by Institute Webmaster
University College London - 31-34 Gordon Square - London - WC1H 0PY - +44 (0)20 7679 7495 - Copyright © UCL


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text: I have heard of Tanist and Tanista/Ban-Tanist being used fairly often, however, Midrealm also uses that to signify the Crown Prince and Princess in addition to the usual P&P title. I have not heard of them using "Lord/Lady <insert Principality name here>." Rather I often hear of "Lord/Lady <insert signifier of the Principality>." Oertha (Alaska) uses Lord/Lady Borealis, Cynagua uses Lord/Lady of the Swan (their arms include a large black swan). Of course these are both West Principalities and that could just be a Western thing. Also, for some Principalities it may not be an issue as some invest the new P&P the day of the Coronet list. In Service, Brian O'hUilliam On Sun, Apr 3, 2011 at 4:58 PM, HerrDetlef <herrdetlef at gmail.com> wrote: > This is one that we don't mess with much here in Ansteorra, but for anyone > who travels out of kingdom... > > What is the SCA custom for titles and styles for heirs to principalities? > > To draw on mundane precedent: the heirs to the princpality of Liechtenstein > are titled "Hereditary Prince" and "Hereditary Princess" ("Erbprinz" and > "Erbprinzessin"), and they are styled "Serene Highness" in the same way > that > the Prince and Princess are. > > But if memory serves, I have heard of some principalities calling their > heirs "Tanist" and "Tanista," while some others call theirs "Lord" and > "Lady" of the principality in question. And I have no clue about style (for > that matter, I'm not sure if even the Princes and Princesses are styled > "Serene Highness"). > > I'm working on a chart of titles and styles that go with various ranks, and > I want to be accurate. > > Yours in these Current Middle Ages, > Detlef von Marburg > Tir Medóin Pursuivant > > -- > Hwæt! We Gardena in geardagum, > þeodcyninga, þrym gefrunon, > hu ða æþelingas ellen fremedon. > Oft Scyld Scefing sceaþena þreatum, > monegum mægþum, meodosetla ofteah, > egsode eorlas. Syððan ærest wearð > feasceaft funden, he þæs frofre gebad, > weox under wolcnum, weorðmyndum þah, > oðþæt him æghwylc þara ymbsittendra > ofer hronrade hyran scolde, > gomban gyldan. þæt wæs god cyning! > _______________________________________________ > Heralds mailing list > Heralds at lists.ansteorra.org > http://lists.ansteorra.org/listinfo.cgi/heralds-ansteorra.org >


text:
Welcome to the L.J.C.C. website, last updated on 17 November 2014.
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Although their first press release announcing their change in plans earlier this month got little fanfare, now that they have followed it up with a video (fortunately, there are no beheadings in the video), the Punjabi Taliban's decision to cease violent attacks within Pakistan is being hailed as a "Watershed Event":
"We have decided to give up militancy in Pakistan. I've taken the decision in the best interests of Islam and the nation. I also appeal to all other armed groups to stop violent activities in Pakistan," Asmatullah Muaweya, the chief of the Punjabi Taliban, said in a three-minute video message released to the media on Saturday. He added that his group would now focus on Dawah (Islamic preaching) for the "supremacy of Islam and protection of the system."
"I've taken the decision after consulting religious scholars and tribal leaders," said Muaweya whose group had been blamed for several deadly attacks in the country, especially in Punjab. He also called upon other militant groups to renounce violence and come to the negotiating table as the country was passing through a critical juncture.
Nearly lost in this fanfare about renouncing violence inside Pakistan is that we learned, even in the earlier announcement, that violence by the group inside Afghanistan would continue:
"We will confine our practical jihadist role to Afghanistan in view of deteriorating situation in the region and internal situation of Pakistani jihadist movement," Punjabi Taliban chief Ismatullah Muawiya said in a pamphlet faxed to the media, without clarifying further.
That part of the change in plans was not overlooked by Afghanistan:
"Pakistani Charge d'Affaires Syed Muazzam Shah was summoned to the Foreign Ministry on Sunday, and a strong protest was lodged over the declaration of war made by the Punjabi Taliban on the Afghan side of the Durand Line," a Ministry's statement said. The Dari-language statement was also emailed to The Express Tribune.
Abdul Samad Samad, head of political affairs in the Afghan foreign ministry, condemned the threats made by Muaweya, and described his remarks as "clear conspiracies against the stability and security of Afghanistan."
"Such statements are against international laws and principles of good neighbourly relations," the statement quoted the Afghan official as telling the Pakistani envoy.
The language gets even stronger from Afghanistan's military:
In response to the assertions of the Punjabi Taliban, officials of the Afghan Ministry of Defense (MoD) have warned that any attacks on Afghanistan would face harsh response from the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF).
"We have a death message for those who want to attack Afghanistan," MoD spokesman Gen. Zahir Azimi said. "Afghanistan would be a cemetery for those who want to attack it."
Further, Afghan politicians believe that they see the hand of ISI behind the move: Continue reading
Because I was away on an extended family trip ending last week, I was unable to comment on Pakistan launching a full-blown military operation in North Waziristan. Many had long held the view that such action would never be undertaken, but it would seem that terrorist attacks in several locations around Pakistan at a time when the government was attempting to hold peace talks with the Taliban finally provoked military action. Dawn provides this interactive map of major events so far. As you mouse over the map, blue circles are air strikes, green circles are ground attacks and red circles are drone strikes. Details should pop up at each circle:
The operation is named Zarb-e-Azb. In the Express Tribune's summary of the actions, we get this translation of the name:
The meaning of Zarb-e-Azb is sharp and cutting. It's reportedly the sword used by Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) in the battle of Badar.
The same Express Tribune story carries the June 15 announcement of the offensive by ISPR (Inter-Services Public Relations):
ISPR press release announces launch of military operation.
"DG ISPR has said that on the directions of the Government, Armed forces of Pakistan have launched a comprehensive operation against foreign and local terrorists who are hiding in sanctuaries in North Waziristan Agency. The operation has been named Zarb-e-Azb," said the press release.
The ISPR statement went on to add that terrorists in North Waziristan had waged a war against the state of Pakistan and had been disrupting life in all its dimensions, stunting our economic growth and causing enormous loss of life and property. "They had also paralysed life within the agency and had perpetually terrorised the entire peace loving and patriotic local population," the statement added.
"Our valiant armed forces have been tasked to eliminate these terrorists regardless of hue and colour, along with their sanctuaries. With the support of the entire nation, and in coordination with other state institutions and Law Enforcement Agencies, these enemies of the state will be denied space anywhere across the country. As always, armed forces of Pakistan will not hesitate in rendering any sacrifice for the motherland," said the statement.
The operation has included air strikes by Pakistan's air force along with ground action. Notably, there also have been at least three US drone strikes apparently coordinated with the offensive.
Remarkably, Pakistan's Foreign Office is warning diplomats in Karachi to be on guard and to restrict their movements. Although the warning does not appear to mention a link to the action in North Waziristan, it seems likely that the military action is seen as contributing to increased risk of terror attacks across the country.
As might be expected, the military action has precipitated a huge spike in internally displaced people. Since those displaced are coming from the region where radical groups have disrupted vaccination plans, there is concern that polio will be spreading as residents are displaced. However, officials are making the best of a bad situation and are using the movement of families as an opportunity to vaccinate children as they cross checkpoints:
On the one hand, the movement of internally displaced persons (IDPs) from North Waziristan Agency provides officials an opportunity to vaccinate children who were inaccessible to health workers since June 2012, on the other hand, there are concerns that the virus could spread with the movement of these children.
These fears are exacerbated by the fact that the movement is taking place during the summer season, a high transmission season for the poliovirus.
Speaking with The Express Tribune, Acting Country Head of World Health (WHO) in Pakistan Dr Nima Saeed Abid said all efforts are being made to vaccinate children from Waziristan at checkpoints set up for IDPs.
So far a total of 221,253 children have been vaccinated against polio at check posts set up, according to the Prime Minister's Polio Monitoring and Coordination Cell.
I will try to keep an eye on developments in this operation but will be traveling again next week.
Postscript: While this post was being written, Pakistan announced that the Haqqani Network is among the targets of the offensive but that the offensive is Pakistan's alone rather than a joint US-Pakistan action. How can US drone strikes be part of a Pakistan-only offensive? It also should be noted that the military is providing death toll information for "terrorists" and soldiers but does not mention civilian deaths.
Karachi's Airport has resumed operations today, but a deadly late night attack shut it down for many hours overnight. It appears that ten militants entered the airport Sunday night, most likely uniformed as airport security personnel, and killed up to 18 people before they were killed by airport security and rapidly responding military units. The TTP, Pakistan's Taliban, has claimed responsibility for the attack. The New York Times and Reuters, however, chose to be very selective in how they reported the TTP's claim of responsibility. Both news outlets left out the TTP's prominent mention of the US drone strike in November that killed TTP leader Hakimullah Mehsud in describing the TTP's reasons for the attack. By contrast, AP and the Washington Post included the TTP's reference to the drone strike.
Here is how the Post article opens:
Heavily armed gunmen disguised as security forces attacked Karachi's international airport Sunday night, killing at least 18 people before government troops regained control early Monday. The Pakistani Taliban claimed responsibility for the assault, which appeared to dash hopes for peace talks.
The government said all 10 of the attackers were killed in more than five hours of fighting at the airport, which would bring the total number of deaths to 28. A doctor at Karachi's Jinnah Hospital said 18 bodies were brought to the morgue there and that 11 of the dead were airport security personnel, the Associated Press reported. The bodies of the attackers remained in police custody.
In a statement Monday, Shahidullah Shahid, a spokesman for the Pakistani Taliban, said the attack was in response to recent Pakistani military airstrikes in northwestern Pakistan and to a U.S. drone strike in November that killed Hakimullah Mehsud, the leader of the radical Islamist group.
Shahid added the attack should be viewed as a sign that Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's efforts to engage the group in peace talks had failed.
"The message to the Pakistani government is that we are still alive to react to the killings of innocent people in bomb attacks on their villages," said Shahid, adding the attack followed months of intensive planning.
The AP article twice mentions the attack as in response to the drone killing of Mehsud, and although it mentions Pakistan's airstrikes in the tribal regions after peace talks broke off, it doesn't tie those air strikes to the TTP reasons for the attack. The Times and Reuters, in contrast, only tie the attack to the air strikes and not to the Mehsud drone strike. From the Times:
The Pakistani Taliban claimed responsibility Monday for a ferocious overnight assault in Karachi that stretched into the morning in which gunmen infiltrated Pakistan's largest international airport and waged an extended firefight against security forces that resulted in 29 deaths and shook the country's already fragile sense of security.
The attack "was a response to the recent attacks by the government," Shahidullah Shahid, a spokesman for the Taliban, said by telephone. "We will continue carrying out such attacks." He insisted, however, that the group was seeking to resuscitate peace talks with the government.
And from Reuters:
The Pakistani Taliban, an alliance of insurgent groups fighting to topple the government and set up a sharia state, said they carried out the attack in response to air strikes on their strongholds near the Afghan border and suggested their mission was to hijack a passenger plane.
"It is a message to the Pakistan government that we are still alive to react over the killings of innocent people in bomb attacks on their villages," said Shahidullah Shahid, a Taliban spokesman.
"The main goal of this attack was to damage the government, including by hijacking planes and destroying state installations."
Pakistan's Dawn News gives the broader range of TTP explanations:
The TTP further said: "It's just the beginning, we have taken revenge for one (Mehsud), we have to take revenge for hundreds."
Shahidullah Shahid moreover dismissed the Pakistani government's peace talks methodology as a "tool of war".
Shahidullah Shahid said the attack was planned much earlier but had been postponed due to the peace talks.
The TTP spokesman in a statement issued to the media said that the attack was also carried out to avenge the killing of Hakimullah Mehsud in a US drone strike.
"We carried out this attack on the Karachi airport and it is a message to the Pakistani government that we are still alive to react over the killings of innocent people in bomb attacks on their villages," TTP spokesman Shahidullah Shahid said.
Pakistani Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack, saying it was revenge for the army's air strikes in areas along the Afghan border where the insurgents are based.
By citing only Pakistan's air strikes against the TTP, the New York Times and Reuters portray the Karachi airport attack as a problem that is solely due to politics internal to Pakistan. That is a gross misrepresentation of the situation, as the US drone strike on Hakimullah Mehsud came at an extremely critical time when the peace talks first began to look like a concrete possibility. That US strike was a huge external intervention by the US and clearly put Pakistan on a path to even more bloodshed. At least the Washington Post and AP allow their readers to see that blowback for US intervention played a significant role in this attack.
Aside from a May 14 drone strike described as being on the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan, there have been no documented US drone strikes in Pakistan since December 26 of last year. The Bureau of Investigative Journalism links this break in drone strikes to the peace talks that Pakistan has been engaged in with the Taliban. On the surface, then, one might expect this week's offensive carried out by Pakistani troops in the North Waziristan stronghold of the terrorists targeted by the US to signal both the end of the peace talks and the opportunity for the CIA to re-start its drone campaign. As the New York Times reports, the peace process does appear to be dead:
Analysts cautioned that the surge in fighting did not appear to be the start of a much-anticipated military offensive across North Waziristan — a longstanding demand of American officials. But it did appear to spell an effective end to faltering peace talks between the government and the Pakistani Taliban.
"The talks will fizzle out if this campaign continues," said Talat Masood, a retired general and political analyst. "The military leadership feels the militants aren't serious about talking — and I think the civilian leadership is starting to see that too."
But note that even though this isn't seen as the beginning of a major offensive, Pakistani troops are now in control of Miram Shah:
Pakistani soldiers seized control of a neighborhood dominated by foreign Islamist militants in the North Waziristan tribal district on Thursday as part of the most concerted military operation in the area in several years, a senior security official said.
Over 1,000 troops, backed by tanks and helicopter gunships, moved after dawn into a neighborhood on the edge of the district's main town, Miram Shah, that had become a sanctuary for Uzbek and Chinese fighters, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
If Miram Shah and its surrounds are now under the control of the Pakistani military, then one of the Obama administration's criteria for use of drones could well no longer apply to the area. See this post by bmaz on the issue of "Kill or Capture". While the central issue in that analysis is the decision to kill US citizen Anwar al-Awlaki, we see that one of the justifications trotted out by the Obama administration was that al-Awlaki could not be captured to be brought to trial. The claim could well have been bogus, as bmaz states:
Who says there was no way between the combined capabilities of the US and Yemen Awlaki could not at least be attempted to be captured?
But with the Pakistani military now controlling Miram Shah, shouldn't they be in a position to capture terrorists that the US wants to be taken out of action? That is, if they haven't already been killed by the offensive:
"Troops used explosives to blow up more than a hundred houses belonging to militants in Machis Camp," an intelligence official in Miramshah said. He added that artillery and helicopter gunships were targeting militant hideouts while troops on the ground had begun a door to door search operation for militants.
The military also targeted suspected militant hideouts in the nearby town of Mirali. "The troops have destroyed about 300 shops in the main Mir Ali bazaar," a local official told AFP.
A spokesman for Inter Services Public Relations insisted the security forces were carrying out a 'sanitisation' operation in response to heavy shelling from militants on security installations in Miramshah following Wednesday's air strikes in North Waziristan.
Today's figures put the death toll in this week's operation at more than 80.
It remains to be seen whether the CIA will re-start drone strikes around Miram Shah. While the peace talk process appears to be dead, if the military continues to hold some of the prime territory where US targets have resided, carrying strikes on those sites may be subject to a different prohibition.
Recall that last fall, Barack Obama spent some time altering the public record on when CIA-trained death squads first entered Syria to move the date from just before the Ghouta sarin attack to just after (while also trying to shrink the size of those first groups). But the US was a month behind Pakistan's Taliban, who also sent fighters to Syria, ostensibly on the same side as us this time, to fight pro-Assad forces. But while these efforts on the same side in Syria are having little success as Assad remains in power and might even be gaining the upper hand, the work of the CIA and Taliban on opposite sides in Pakistan has produced a devastating result, with the World Health Organization announcing yesterday that it has declared a Public Health Emergency of International Concern over the spread of polio to countries where it previously had been eradicated:
After discussion and deliberation on the information provided, and in the context of the global polio eradication initiative, the Committee advised that the international spread of polio to date in 2014 constitutes an 'extraordinary event' and a public health risk to other States for which a coordinated international response is essential. The current situation stands in stark contrast to the near-cessation of international spread of wild poliovirus from January 2012 through the 2013 low transmission season for this disease (i.e. January to April). If unchecked, this situation could result in failure to eradicate globally one of the world's most serious vaccine preventable diseases. It was the unanimous view of the Committee that the conditions for a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) have been met.
Although fundamentalist Islamic groups have long accused vaccination campaigns, and especially polio vaccinations, of being efforts by the West to sterilize Muslims, the very high profile case of Dr. Shakeel Afridi carrying out a hepatitis vaccination ruse on on behalf of the CIA in an effort to obtain blood samples from Osama bin Laden's compound in Abbottabad provided a refreshed incentive for attacks on vaccine programs.
Marcy pointed out the stupidity of Leon Panetta's confirmation that Afridi worked with the CIA in the ruse the day before Panetta's 60 Minutes segment ran:
Not only does this presumably put more pressure on Pakistan to convict Afridi of treason (he remains in custody), but it exacerbates the problem of having used a vaccination campaign as cover in the first place, confirming on the record that similar campaigns in poor countries might be no more than a CIA front.
I presume someone in the White House gave Panetta permission to go blab this on 60 Minutes; I assume he's in no more legal jeopardy than Dick Cheney was when he insta-declassified Valerie Plame's identity.
But shit like this discredits every single claim national security experts make about the need for secrecy. I mean, how are CIA officers ever going to recruit any more assets when the assets know that the CIA director may, at some time in the future that's politically convenient, go on 60 Minutes and confirm the relationship?
Afridi was eventually sentenced to 30 years imprisonment, not on treason but on other dubious charges and in a shopped venue. And the fallout in Pakistan's tribal areas from US confirmation of the vaccination ruse was exactly as might be expected: multiple deadly attacks on polio vaccine workers and many new cases of paralyzed children.
While the polio virus circulating in Syria doesn't appear to have come directly with the Taliban fighters sent from Pakistan, it is indeed a strain from Pakistan's tribal areas that is in Syria now:
Thirteen cases of wild poliovirus type 1 (WPV1) have been confirmed in the Syrian Arab Republic. Genetic sequencing indicates that the isolated viruses are most closely linked to virus detected in environmental samples in Egypt in December 2012 (which in turn had been linked to wild poliovirus circulating in Pakistan).
WHO is recommending drastic measures, primarily calling for all travelers from Pakistan, Cameroon and Syria to be vaccinated for polio, preferably at least four weeks prior to international travel, but at least at departure if it hasn't been done earlier. WHO is also calling for increased efforts in vaccinations in countries (Afghanistan, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Iraq, Israel, Somalia and Nigeria) where the virus is known to be present but from which transmission has not been seen.
So the fears from two years ago on the impact of the CIA's actions on polio eradication are now met. But keep in mind that it's not just vaccine programs that were put at risk by this incredibly stupid move. A large alliance of humanitarian groups complained directly to the CIA that all humanitarian groups were put at risk by the move, since the CIA ruse was carried out under cover of a humanitarian organization. Will John Brennan be able to heed this advice?
As we get into the final days before voting begins on Saturday for Afghanistan's presidential election, the biggest question aside from the issue of who will win is whether the Taliban will succeed in its determination to disrupt the election through violence and intimidation. Rapidly unfolding events today represent either a remarkable combination of good work and good luck by Afghan authorities or the product of an infiltration of the Taliban by the National Directorate of Security, which is Afghanistan's intelligence agency. Breaking news stories today inform us of Afghan forces capturing 22 tons of explosives from a Taliban hideout in Takhar province, the deaths of six Taliban commanders when a suicide vest went off "prematurely" (in Logar province) and the deaths of 16 Taliban commanders when a suicide bomber is said (by the NDS) to have developed differences with the leaders and decided to turn on them, exploding his suicide vest in Ghazni province.
Reuters brings us the story of the captured explosives:
Afghan security forces have seized more than 22 tons of explosives, enough to make hundreds of bombs, the interior ministry said on Tuesday, four days before a presidential election.
Taliban insurgents have declared war on the April 5 vote, calling it a Western-backed sham and threatening to disrupt it.
"This discovery will prevent hundreds of bomb attacks and would have a significant impact on the overall security of the elections," Sediq Sediqqi, an Interior Ministry spokesman, told Reuters.
Sediqqi said the explosives, hidden in some 450 bags, were seized from a basement in the relatively peaceful northern province of Takhar, where the Taliban have gained ground in recent years.
What remarkable timing! Just four days before the election, Afghan forces find a huge cache of explosives in a "relatively peaceful" province. Four days would not have been a lot of time to produce the hundreds of bombs and distribute them to voting stations, but that is still a lot of dangerous material to be removed from use.
Moving south of Kabul to Logar province, we have this story of a suicide vest apparently going off too soon:
At least six Taliban commanders were killed following a suicide blast in eastern Logar province of Afghanistan on Tuesday.
According to NDS officials, the incident took place around 12:30 pm local time in Charkh district.
The officials further added that the Taliban commanders were looking to prepare a suicide bomber for an attack when the suicide bombing vest went off.
Hmm. It's the NDS and not local police who are cited by Khaama Press in this story.
For the story of the suicide bomber deciding to attack the Taliban instead of voters, here is more from Khaama Press:
At least 16 senior Taliban commanders were killed following a suicide attack in eastern Ghazni province of Afghanistan on Tuesday.
Afghan Intelligence – National Directorate of Security (NDS) said the incident took place in a Taliban leaders gathering in Gelan district.
National Directorate of Security (NDS) following a statement said the Taliban leaders were planning coordinated attacks in Ghazni province when a Taliban suicide bomber opposed with the Taliban leaders plans and detonated his explosives.
Wow. Sixteen senior Taliban commanders is a huge gathering for one spot. And isn't it interesting that it would be during that gathering that a suicide bomber would suddenly become "opposed with the Taliban leaders plans" and decide to detonate his explosives, taking them all out? And on the very day of this event, NDS seems quite confident that the 16 killed were senior Taliban leaders. Further, the NDS even seems to already know that some of the Taliban leaders killed came from Pakistan.
So did Afghanistan get incredibly lucky today, with a premature explosion taking out 6 Taliban leaders and a difference of opinion leading to a suicide bomber changing sides to take out 16 Taliban leaders, or is there another explanation? It seems to me that we have to at least consider that the National Directorate of Security has been developing assets inside Taliban cells and is choosing this pivotal week as the time to put those assets into action. Such assets could have provided the key information leading to the discovery of the explosives cache. It is also possible that these assets could have gained control of the suicide vests that went off today, either as the suicide bombers themselves or through some form of remote control, creating the appearance of accidents or betrayals.
Whatever caused these events, when grouped together they represent a major setback for Taliban plans to disrupt the election. Will they be able to respond?
The first round of formal talks involving figures from Pakistan's government and military on one side and the Pakistan Taliban, or TTP, on the other concluded Wednesday. Because the talks were held in the tribal areas, reports on how the talks went have been slow to filter out. Further, even within single media outlets in Pakistan, the reports vary widely. Consider this report from Dawn:
The first round of direct peace talks between the government and the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) leadership concluded on Wednesday, with both the sides reportedly reaching an agreement on several issues, DawnNews reported.
Information Minister Pervaiz Rashid, however, did not share any details of the landmark talks, saying only that once the negotiators returned, it would be up to the government to make statements to media.
The negotiations are part of a push by the government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to negotiate a peace deal with the Taliban that would end a bloody insurgency that has killed thousands of people in recent years.
Sources told DawnNews that the both parties sought guarantees from each other, during the talks, which were held at Biland Khel area of Shawa Tehsil on the border of Orakzai and North Waziristan tribal agencies bordering Afghanistan.
The TTP also responded positively to the demands of indefinite ceasefire and the release of non-combatant prisoners put forward by the government's committee, they added.
But Dawn also is carrying this story, which was put on their website a little more than a day after the one above:
Despite a degree of optimism and feel-good impression generated by the militant-handpicked committee, insiders believe the first direct face-to-face interaction with militants has hit a stalemate and unless some quick decisions are taken, it will be difficult to prolong the ceasefire. The ceasefire is to expire on Monday.
According to an insider, the militants have set two conditions for continuation of the peace talks. One, the creation of a demilitarised peace zone in mountainous Shaktoi, South Waziristan, to allow freedom of movement and two, the release of non-combatants.
The insider said the five-member militants' committee sought written guarantees before they could commit to an extension in the month-long ceasefire. "For nearly seven hours, we talked to them about the destruction wrought by over a decade of violence, the loss of lives and property and displacement of people.
"We said 'let bygones be bygones, let's bury the hatchet and make a new beginning'," the insider said.
"Nothing seemed to appeal to them. I have come back really disappointed. The chances of success and continuation are not terribly bright. This is a non-starter," he said.
The Express Tribune, meanwhile, seems to have a more positive take on what transpired: Continue reading
As Pakistan traverses a difficult path, trying to negotiate peace with militant groups under a shaky ceasefire, provocative statements have come out this week from leading figures in the process accusing the US of not wanting the talks to succeed and even suggesting that the US would actively try to undermine them.
Today, we have this very provocative statement from Maulana Samiul Haq, who has played a prominent role in getting the peace talks under way:
Attempts will be made to sabotage the efforts of the intermediary committees with regards to the peace talks, stated Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Samiul Haq (JUI-S) chief Maulana Samiul Haq while speaking to the media in Nowshera on Wednesday.
He said that "the third enemy" will definitely do something to create obstacles, adding that USA, India and Afghanistan do not want the peace negotiations to be successful.
Dawn's coverage of the press conference describes Haq's statement in this way:
Haq, chief of the Taliban negotiating committee, told reporters after the meeting that the Taliban committee was seeking a meeting with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. He praised the Taliban for announcing the ceasefire and said he had asked the militants to track down whoever was responsible for the recent violence.
Moreover, he also said that the announcement of a ceasefire from both sides was a major progress and that the Taliban had been asked to probe into those responsible for recent attacks.
The chief Taliban mediator added that Afghanistan, India and the United States wanted the dialogue process to fail.
He further said that the government and Taliban should jointly unveil the enemy.
It would seem that Haq is following his own advice here, because in the aftermath of Monday's attack on the court in Islamabad, Haq had said this:
The government and the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) should not blame each other for any attack and should look for "the third enemy," stated Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Samiul Haq (JUI-S) chief Maulana Samiul Haq while talking to the media in Islamabad.
So on Monday it appears that Haq called on Pakistan to identify the "third enemy" and then today he stated that the US, India and Afghanistan fill that role.
I had missed it in the immediate aftermath of Monday's attack, but Imran Khan did not wait to identify the US as the enemy of peace in Pakistan:
Imran Khan, chief of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, said on Monday that some elements, including the United States, were against peace in the country and an operation in Waziristan region was not in favour of Pakistan, DawnNews reported.
I'm guessing that John Brennan's drone trigger finger is getting very itchy about now and that he is looking into how he can break the current lull in US drone strikes. Especially considering that the DOJ has now been asked to investigate CIA spying on Senate Inteligence Committee staff computers and Brennan's known history of using drone strikes in Pakistan as a political retaliation tool, I don't see how he can keep himself in check any longer.
Earlier in the week, I wondered whether John Brennan had helped to shape the new counterterrorism policy that Pakistan is rolling out and whether it might be a ploy by Pakistan to capture some of the US counterterrorism dollars that would suddenly become available after a full withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan. Under such a scenario, the key event to watch for would be any action taken by Afghanistan against the Haqqani network or other groups that find haven in Pakistan but carry out their attacks only in Afghanistan. More details of the policy are now being revealed, and with them come some suggestions that the Haqqanis might not be targeted, but other major developments suggest that tighter cooperation with the US is occurring.
Tom Hussain of McClatchy seems to have been first to break the news (on Wednesday) that Pakistan may still choose not to go after the Haqqani network:
Pakistan announced Wednesday that it was ending its 7-month-old policy of trying to reconcile with its Taliban insurgents and vowing to answer each terrorist attack with military strikes on the militants' strongholds in northwest tribal areas bordering Afghanistan.
But the government stopped short of abandoning its attempts to engage willing Taliban factions in a peace dialogue, underlining that Pakistan's national security policy remains focused on restricting attacks within its borders, rather obliterating the militants altogether.
That means that militants who use Pakistan for a staging base to attack U.S. and Afghan forces in neighboring Afghanistan will still be allowed to operate, as long as they observe a cease-fire in Pakistan.
He continues:
Political analysts said the national security policy unveiled Wednesday offered an easy way out for militant factions that wanted to disassociate themselves from the TTP, however: They simply have to stop attacking Pakistani government forces.
That makes it likely that Pakistan won't take any military action against the Haqqani network, an ally of the Afghan Taliban that controls significant territory in the North Waziristan and South Waziristan tribal agencies.
The network is a major source of friction between Pakistan and the United States, which previously has accused Pakistan's security services of complicity in several of the network's high-profile attacks on Afghan government and U.S. targets in Kabul and elsewhere in Afghanistan.
Widely viewed as a projector of Pakistan's influence into Afghanistan, the Haqqani network has distanced itself from the TTP during the Taliban group's six-year insurgency by signing peace agreements, fronted by the local Wazir tribe, that predate the 2009 launch of counterterrorism operations.
Accordingly, it won't be targeted by the Pakistani military as long as it doesn't side with the TTP.
A very similar interpretation was offered by AFP on Thursday: Continue reading
As I posited yesterday, Pakistan appears to be putting together a US-style counterterrorism structure. This morning, we see even stronger hints that a full-blown military offensive against the Taliban may soon be launched by Pakistan. Although we have not seen any evidence that they have done so yet, I fully expect Pakistan to include both the Afghan Taliban and Haqqani network among their targets in this operation. In fact, the Washington Post article mentions that Pakistan "would 'not discriminate' among the TTP, the Haqqani network and other militant groups in North Waziristan, including al-Qaeda". In return for this offensive, look for Pakistan to get a massive amount of US financial and intelligence assistance. The US also appears to be making a renewed push against the Haqqani network inside Afghanistan and this report from Missy Ryan and Phil Stewart describes that effort while noting that the US wants Pakistan to take on the Haqqanis and any other groups that use Pakistan as a sanctuary from which to launch attacks in Afghanistan.
These moves by Pakistan and the US make more sense when we see that the US has come to the realization that an ongoing troop presence in Afghanistan is increasingly unlikely. There was significant movement on that front yesterday, with President Obama speaking to Afghan President Hamid Karzai on the telephone. From the White House readout of the call:
President Obama called President Karzai today to discuss preparations for Afghanistan's coming elections, Afghan-led peace and reconciliation efforts, and the Bilateral Security Agreement.
With regard to the Bilateral Security Agreement, in advance of the NATO Defense Ministerial, President Obama told President Karzai that because he has demonstrated that it is unlikely that he will sign the BSA, the United States is moving forward with additional contingency planning. Specifically, President Obama has asked the Pentagon to ensure that it has adequate plans in place to accomplish an orderly withdrawal by the end of the year should the United States not keep any troops in Afghanistan after 2014. At the same time, should we have a BSA and a willing and committed partner in the Afghan government, a limited post-2014 mission focused on training, advising, and assisting Afghan forces and going after the remnants of core Al Qaeda could be in the interests of the United States and Afghanistan. Therefore, we will leave open the possibility of concluding a BSA with Afghanistan later this year. However, the longer we go without a BSA, the more challenging it will be to plan and execute any U.S. mission. Furthermore, the longer we go without a BSA, the more likely it will be that any post-2014 U.S. mission will be smaller in scale and ambition.
The United States continues to support a sovereign, stable, unified, and democratic Afghanistan, and will continue our partnership based on the principles of mutual respect and mutual accountability. We remain fully supportive of our partners in the Afghan security forces, and we continue to proudly work side by side with the many Afghans who continue to work to ensure the stability and prosperity of their fellow citizens.
Although there is no clear deadline date, this phone call has the hallmarks of a "final warning" to Karzai. If the US doesn't see movement from him on the BSA soon, look for the zero option of a full US withdrawal from Afghanistan to take place. As noted in the readout, the lack of a signed BSA is causing trouble for NATO, as well. A NATO gathering (called a Defense Ministerial) opened today, but with no BSA in place, Afghanistan planning can't be done, prompting a very uncomfortable opening press conference for Secretary General Rasmussen.
Adam Goldman brings us another strong indicator that the US is moving toward a full withdrawal from Afghanistan: Continue reading


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Johnson City
Johnson City Board Rejects New Cell Tower
Johnson City Man Charged In Hit and Run
Wilson Medical Center Work to Close Street
Riverside Drive Signs Highlight Legislative Race
Johnson City Alternate Side Parking Rules Begin
Town of Union Candidates Debate Issues
Five candidates for town of Union offices discussed taxes, economic development, fracking and other issues during a public forum in Endicott.
Town residents were able to learn more about the views of incumbents and their challengers at the "Meet the Candidates" event held at the Endicott Visitor Center Tuesday evening
Meet the Town of Union Candidates
Several candidates for town of Union offices who'll be on the November 6 ballot will gather in Endicott Tuesday evening to introduce themselves to residents and answer questions.
The group Town of Union Citizens Against Fracking organized the "Meet the Candidates" program, which will be held at the Endicott Visitor Center at 300 Lincoln Avenue
Deemie: Gannett Case May Take Years to Settle
A decision in a case involving the Gannett Central New York Production Facility and the amount paid to the village of Johnson City may not occur for years.
Johnson City mayor Greg Deemie says a review sought by Gannett regarding the assessment of the printing plant at 10 Gannett Drive is in the early stages


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And for me (one of the "extras"), well, I am working towards the annual charity gala, which has often been called the "party of the year." The one where those "unorganized" volunteers work year round for FREE and have been able over the last 18 years to raise well over twelve million dollars for of at risk kids that have no hope, no support, no family, and their only hope for a promising future are the volunteers that work tirelessly to help those who can't help themselves. Shame on anyone who would criticize a charity while being paid by the charity. Oops! But like they say, people will go to great lengths to justify their failures. I just cringe when they do it at the expense of a charity and charity volunteers; all while biting the hand that feeds them.
Enter diva Elaine Lancaster. Well Elaine and I go back many years. We aren't "best" friends, but we are very good friends. Elaine's best friends are people like Pamela Anderson, Zac Posen, and people whose names she wouldn't want me to drop. And she is welcome and invited into the biggest A-list celebrities' homes and parties in the world -- people like Mick Jagger, Dennis Rodman, Kidd Rock, Jeremy Piven and so many others, the list is endless (just Google search her), and there is a reason for it. Elaine is a good friend to anyone who will let her be a good friend and has never sold out or betrayed a confidence. She always takes responsibility for her actions, who she is, and the character her counterpart, James Davis, has developed over the years. The diva is sometimes misunderstood, sometimes intimidating, and sometimes brings out the best in people and sometimes the worst. Being around a drag queen is sort of like being drunk -- it doesn't change who you are, but it REVEALS who you are.
I have a lot of respect for someone who creates a vision from nothing and then makes it happen and works hard day and night to entertain people and help brighten someone's day. Bless anyone who can spend five hours gluing on nails and eyelashes, and tucking away the obvious. That girl works hard for her money! And I love helping make her dreams come true. You haven't seen the rest or the best of her yet. You go, girl, don't let anyone rain on your parade! (Although some do keep trying.)