text:
Better content
Victoria County History
A History of the County of Warwick: Volume 8: The City of Coventry and Borough of Warwick
W.B. Stephens (Editor)
Year published
Supporting documents
Note on abbreviations
Comment on this articleDouble click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line
Citation Show
another format:
'The City of Coventry: The outlying parts of Coventry: Foleshill', A History of the County of Warwick: Volume 8: The City of Coventry and Borough of Warwick (1969), pp. 57-70. URL: http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=16012 Date accessed: 29 November 2014.
(Min 3 characters)
The large ancient parish of Foleshill lay to the
north of Coventry. The area of the parish was 2,689
acres in 1891. (fn. 79) Parts of the ancient parish were
exchanged for parts of Exhall in 1885, (fn. 80) and about
553 acres became part of Coventry County Borough
in 1899. (fn. 81) In 1928 an area of 1,279 acres, and in 1932
a further area of 479 acres, were included in
Coventry. The remaining 373 acres were then
included in Bedworth civil parish and Urban
District. Foleshill Union, which comprised Foleshill
and ten (later eleven) other parishes, was created in
1836, and later became the area of Foleshill Rural
District. The Rural District was extinguished in
1932. (fn. 82)
The River Sowe flows from north-west to southeast across the area of the ancient parish. To the west
the parish projected north of Whitmore Park
towards Keresley. To the south-west of the river,
the land rises to Great and Little Heaths in Foleshill,
and, on the south and east of it, to Wyken and Sowe
commons. To the north-east, the land rises to
Hawkesbury, and a stream runs south-west and
south from Hawkesbury through Wyken Pool to
the Sowe near Bell Green.
Two principal roads cross the area of the ancient
parish: the Foleshill or Longford Road running
north from Coventry to Bedworth and Nuneaton,
and the road which leaves Coventry as Stoney
Stanton Road and runs, under various names, north-east towards Bulkington, becoming Hawkesbury
Lane near the modern city boundary. The Coventry
Canal, after passing through the south-west tip of
the parish, re-enters it at Stoke Heath, runs north
across the parish, and north-east to Hawkesbury
and Bedworth. The Oxford Canal enters the parish
near Hawkesbury Lane, joining the Coventry Canal
at Hawkesbury Lock. The railway from Coventry
to Nuneaton crosses the north-west of the parish
between Foleshill Station and Hawkesbury Lane
Station, which is just outside the former parish
boundary. The line from Pinley and Stoke joins this
line near Lythall's Lane. A branch line runs west to
Keresley Colliery, and formerly another ran south
from Hawkesbury Lane Station to the collieries in
Sowe and Wyken.
Foleshill is an area of complex industrial and
residential development. Great Heath and Edgwick
in the south of the former parish were built up during
the 19th century; many houses of that period
remain, but the factories there have been rebuilt and
enlarged. Little Heath, Longford, Holbrooks, and
Rowleys Green, in the middle and north of the
parish, are areas of mixed 19th- and 20th-century
houses with a few large, and many small, modern
factories; they are flanked, in Hall Green, Bell
Green, and Court House Green on the east, and in
the Nunt's Lane area on the west, by recent housing
estates. In the north, beyond Alderman's Green and
in Hawkesbury (part of which is not in the modern
city), is an area of old colliery workings, roads,
railways, and canals, mingled with surviving fields,
which has been only partially utilized for modern
development (1964).
George Eliot, who lived just outside the southern
boundary of Foleshill from 1841 to 1849, is thought
to have made Coventry and parts of its neighbourhood in the early 1830s the setting of her novel
Middlemarch. The weaving village of Tipton in
Middlemarch. has in fact been identified with
Foleshill, (fn. 83) though the novel represents only the
rural and not the industrial aspect of the parish at
this date.
Foleshill was first
mentioned in 1086. Together with Ansty, it formed
an estate formerly held by Godiva, and then by a
certain Nicholas at farm from the king. (fn. 84) As with
Godiva's other estates, the overlordship passed to
the earls of Chester, and Foleshill next appears as
one of the places in which the earl granted ecclesiastical rights to Coventry Priory in the early 12th
century. (fn. 85) Foleshill remained subject to the manor
of Coventry or Cheylesmore, the court of which was
still actively concerned with open-field and commoning arrangements in Foleshill in the 17th century. (fn. 86)
The principal lay estate in Foleshill was therefore
only in a limited sense a manor. The imperfect
manorial structure was accentuated by the distribution of land within the parish; Foleshill was never a
single or even a simple territorial unit.
The ancient fields were at least partly occupied by
tenants of the principal lay estate, which was that
held in the 13th century by Vitalis de Foleshill and
his successor of the same name, probably his son.
Roger and Cecily de Montalt reserved the service
of Vitalis in their grant to Coventry Priory in 1250. (fn. 87)
The estate apparently passed to Arnold de Bois,
who was holding a ¼-fee in Foleshill at the death of
Robert de Montalt in 1275. (fn. 88) Arnold died in 1277
when his estate in Foleshill consisted of a ½-carucate,
with a capital messuage, meadow, and pasture. (fn. 89)
In 1301 Arnold's son William settled Foleshill and
other estates on his niece (and eventual heir), Maud
Lovel, and her husband, William La Zouche of
Harringworth. (fn. 90) Thereafter this estate in Foleshill
was sometimes described as a member of the Zouche
manor of Weston-in-Arden in the neighbouring
parish of Bulkington and said to be held, like
Weston, of the honor of Winchester. (fn. 91) The estate
was held by the Zouche family until at least 1415, (fn. 92)
after which date it may have been acquired by a local
family such as that of the Greens who are known to
have owned land in Foleshill from the 14th to the
17th century. (fn. 93)
The open fields, however, occupied only the
centre of the parish and formed less than a third of
the total area. Surrounding them were commons,
wastes, and woods, which in the 14th century were
parts of the bigger forest units of Barnet and Hasilwood. (fn. 94) The tenants of Cheylesmore and the agricultural rights in most of these wastes came to
Coventry Priory as a result of the Montalts' grant
of 1250, and the priory's most valuable holdings
were always inclosures of waste.
After the Dissolution, the disposal of the priory's
estates in Foleshill in several different parcels created
a number of small freehold farms, largely in the
former wastes. The Beechwaste was granted in 1544
to Michael Cameswell, (fn. 95) who was then holding
property in Whitmore, Exhall and Newland, and
elsewhere in the district on lease from the priory. (fn. 96)
In 1557 the Beechwaste passed from Cameswell to
John Saunders, of Coventry, (fn. 97) and from Saunders
to Stephen, brother of John Hales, in 1560. (fn. 98) It
seems subsequently to have descended with the
Hales estate in Whitmore: Sir Christopher Yelverton
of Whitmore was fined in 1637 for digging turf on
Foleshill Heath, (fn. 99) Richard Hill of Whitmore held
land in Foleshill in 1775, (fn. 1) and Edward Phillips in
1850. (fn. 2) Other priory land was granted to individuals
after the Dissolution, (fn. 3) and land which was retained
by the Crown was leased until the end of the
16th century. (fn. 4)
Along the north-western edge of Foleshill the
parish boundary seems to have been artificial, and
to have run in several places through the fields of
Exhall or among fields occupied by tenants of both
Foleshill and Exhall. The landowners of Exhall (fn. 5)
therefore always owned land in Foleshill and sometimes claimed to hold manors or manorial rights in
that parish. William le Botiler and James de
Audeley held land in Foleshill and Exhall from the
Montalt estate in 1250. (fn. 6) In 1310 Henry Bagot,
merchant of Coventry, appeared in occupation of all
or part of the Audeley holding, (fn. 7) but this had also
been acquired by the Botiler family by 1370. (fn. 8) The
lord of Exhall and his tenants were avoiding paying
tithe for land in the parish in 1479. (fn. 9) Julian Nether-mill, the successor of the Botilers in Exhall, held
land in Foleshill as part of his manor of Exhall at
his death in 1539, (fn. 10) and his son John died seised of
the same later in the century. (fn. 11) This holding continued to descend with Exhall manor in the 17th
century, passing through the hands of Sir John
Garrard (d. 1625) (fn. 12) and his son, Sir John Garrard,
Bt. (d. 1637), (fn. 13) who paid a chief rent for a holding
in Foleshill to the Cheylesmore court in 1628–9. (fn. 14)
Lovell Smith paid the rent for the Garrards' former
holding in 1659. (fn. 15) Special arrangements were
necessary for some of this land in the inclosure
award of 1775. (fn. 16)
Also beyond the wastes of Foleshill were two
districts, Tackley to the north-east (later called
Hawkesbury), and Henley to the south-east, which
seem to have been woodland settlements quite
independent of Foleshill village. Three feudal
tenants in Tackley were reserved to the manor of
Cheylesmore in the Montalts' grant of 1250, (fn. 17) and
others held small estates there in 1275. (fn. 18) John de
Nuweres was called lord of Tackley in 1368. (fn. 19)
Thereafter the descent of the freeholds of Tackley
is obscure. Fields there belonging to the priory were
for a time in the hands of the Stoke family. (fn. 20) Some
fields were held by John Nethermill of Exhall, and
these and others were held by Sir Henry Beaumont,
the mine-owner of Bedworth, in 1618. (fn. 21) Some of the
same fields formed part of the holding of 300 acres
built up after 1650 by the Dyer family, the Goodwin
family, and the Lapworth family successively, but
then split up about 1790. (fn. 22) The two houses —
Tolldish Hall and Hawkesbury Hall — which had
been built in the area by the 18th century (fn. 23) may
have had some connexion with the ancient freeholds.
One of the two was presumably the house marked
in Tackley on a map of 1725. (fn. 24) Tolldish Hall, near
the Bulkington boundary, was owned by a Richard
Richardson in 1724 and 1774. (fn. 25) Hawkesbury Hall
was so called by 1766–7, and was then occupied by
the Parrott family (fn. 26) who had been operating mines in
this neighbourhood from at least 1721. (fn. 27) It was said
in 1817 that the property had been bought by the
grandfather of Francis Parrott, who then owned it
and who had made great improvements to the house
and grounds. (fn. 28) In 1841 Tolldish Hall was occupied
by another Richard Richardson, and Hawkesbury
Hall by the same or a second Francis Parrott. Mrs.
Elizabeth Fraser of Hawkesbury Hall (daughter of
Francis Parrott) was one of the principal landowners
in 1850. George Whieldon, the proprietor of
Hawkesbury Colliery, and Thomas Worthy also
owned land in the area. (fn. 29)
Most of Henley passed to Coventry Priory by the
grant of 1250, but the lords of Caludon acquired a
mesne tenancy there in the 14th century and became
the effective landowners. (fn. 30) Henley remained part of
the Caludon estate until the 18th century, Lord
Clifford being the occupier in 1775. (fn. 31) By 1841 all
or most of the estate had changed hands, John Leigh
owning the mill-house and mill, and the Revd. John
Brown 142 acres there. (fn. 32) The lords of Wyken also
held land in this district of Foleshill from the 17th
century onwards. (fn. 33)
Walter de Langley and Robert de Stoke were
feudal tenants in Foleshill in the 13th century. (fn. 34)
The Langley family had some land in Foleshill from
the mid 13th century (fn. 35) only as part of their considerable estates in and around Coventry, and Walter's
holding in 1277 was probably merged into the
neighbouring Langley estates in Whitmore or
Wyken. (fn. 36) Members of the Stoke family, who held a
substantial estate in Stoke parish, built up their
holding in Foleshill to manorial status. In the early
14th century, Robert de Stoke bought a small estate,
including five tenants in Foleshill and two in
Henley. (fn. 37) The Stoke holding seems first to have been
called a manor in 1336. (fn. 38) In 1343 John de Stoke
bought more rents in Foleshill, Henley, and elsewhere, from the lord of Caludon. (fn. 39) The Stokes kept
this manor until the mid 16th century; (fn. 40) they were
attempting to consolidate their lands in the fields of
Foleshill by aggressive means in the 1530s, (fn. 41) and
they were still leasing extensive commons from the
former priory estate in 1546–7. (fn. 42) By this date they
had apparently begun to dispose of the estates in
Stoke from which they had taken their name, and
William Stoke was described as 'of Foleshill' in
1542–3. (fn. 43)
After 1550 there is a complete gap in the manorial
history of Foleshill for nearly 40 years, until a manor
there reappears in 1587 in the hands of William
Willoughby who died in the same year. It was then
described only as a single unit, (fn. 44) and the inclusion in
it of a lease in Tackley (fn. 45) (which the Stokes had held
from the priory) suggests that it was the former
Stoke estate. The manor was inherited by
Willoughby's son, Gilbert (d. 1594), (fn. 46) and the latter's
son, William (d. 1629), was confirmed in possession
of it in 1616. (fn. 47) It had apparently passed out of the
Willoughby family by 1629, (fn. 48) and in Dugdale's day
was held by Richard Hopkins (fn. 49) (d. 1682), a member
of a prominent Coventry family. Whatever its true
origins, it was this estate which was recognized as
the manor of Foleshill in the 18th and 19th
centuries. (fn. 50) It was held by the Hopkins family until
the death of Richard Hopkins, of Oving House
(Bucks.), in 1799 when it was inherited by his
nephew, Richard Northey (d. 1845), who then
assumed the additional name of Hopkins. From him
the estate descended to his son, William Richard
Hopkins Northey, and after the latter's death in
1859 (fn. 51) it passed to the descendants of his eldest
daughter, Fanny Elizabeth, (fn. 52) who had married
George Ives Irby, 4th Lord Boston. Her grandson,
Cecil Saumarez Irby, was lord of the manor of
Foleshill in 1900, and his trustees were said to be the
lords in 1936, the year after his death. (fn. 53)
By the 19th century several charities had been
endowed with small estates in Foleshill. The chief of
these were Ford's Hospital, founded in the early
16th century, of which the property in 1833 included
Skervin's Moor and other land amounting to about
27 acres; Jelliff's Charity (the Stripes or Butt Lane
Close); Chambers's Charity (lands near Dodd's
Bridge); Collins's Charity estate of about 28 acres
at Rowley's Green; and Holy Trinity Church Estate.
Two other pieces of land charged with payments to
charities were then among the property of John
Butlin (fn. 54) who owned an estate of altogether 102 acres
in the parish in 1841 and 1850. (fn. 55)
Of the houses which formerly had some claim to
manorial status, only three can now (1964) be
identified: Hawkesbury Hall to the north-east of
Foleshill and just outside the modern city boundary,
Tolldish Hall, 600 yards beyond Hawkesbury Hall,
and Foleshill Hall in Lythall's Lane, converted into
a public house in the early 20th century.
Tolldish Hall is a two-storied timber-framed
farmhouse with a tiled roof. It is now in poor repair
but structurally has been little altered since it was
built in the early or mid 17th century. If the present
external plastering were removed it might well prove
to be a typical 'black-and-white' house of the period.
The main block contains a hall with an entrance and
cross passage at its north-east end and an adjoining
kitchen. On the opposite side is a 'solar' cross-wing.
The hall is entered by a two-storied gabled porch in
the centre of the road front and there is a similar
small gabled projection at the kitchen end. Several
of the upper windows, some now blocked, are
slightly splayed oriels supported on console brackets.
Hawkesbury Hall, in 1964 partly occupied as a
farmhouse, was the 18th- and early-19th-century
residence of the Parrott family. It was probably
built or enlarged c. 1760. (fn. 56) The house is of red brick
with stone dressings and consists of a central three-storied block with two-storied side wings, one of the
latter altered in the 19th century. The principal
entrance was on the north-west side, away from the
road, where a three-sided forecourt, flanked by
stable and service wings, overlooked the grounds
and an ornamental lake. (fn. 57) The court was approached
from the road by a drive and lodge gates, but little
survives of this lay-out. Inside the central block are
the remains of panelled rooms, a fine staircase,
enriched doorways and chimney-pieces. The style of
the fittings suggests a slightly earlier date than 1760
for this part of the house.
The oldest part of the present 'Foleshill Olde
Hall' public house is the east or garden front which
dates from c. 1700 and is of red brick with stone
quoins and dressings. The central doorway has a
contemporary stone surround and the windows were
formerly of the mullioned and transomed type. (fn. 58)
A drawing of 1883 suggests that the west side of the
building may have been considerably older. (fn. 59) The
house was later almost entirely rebuilt and internally
its only ancient feature is an early-17th-century oak
staircase which has been re-set. The present west
front dates from 1915 when the building was
converted into a public house. (fn. 60) In 1887 Foleshill
Hall Farm was still in existence on the north side
of Lythall's (then Foleshill Hall) Lane, (fn. 61) but the
whole area must have been much altered in 1850 by
the construction of the railway (fn. 62) which runs within
50 yards of the old hall.
A 'house and homestead' held by Joseph Slingsby
from Richard Hopkins in 1776 (fn. 63) stood between Hall
Green Road and Tackley Brook. (fn. 64) It was known as
Foleshill Hall in the early 19th century, when it was
still leased by the Slingsby family, and was first
referred to as Manor House about 1850. (fn. 65) By the
1880s, when extensive repairs were being carried
out to the house and farm buildings, it was called
Manor Farm or Manor House Farm. (fn. 66) Its proximity
to Hall Green, which was possibly one of the earliest
settlements in the parish (see below) and which by its
name indicates the presence of some substantial
house, suggests that this Foleshill Hall or Manor
House may have been, or have replaced, a medieval
building, but nothing is known of the house's history
before the late 18th century. It disappeared in the
construction of the Manor House building estate
about 1955.
In 1086 Foleshill was
mentioned with Ansty as a single estate of nine
hides, and the area of Exhall may also have been
included in this total; (fn. 67) apart, then, from showing
that a recognizable community existed at Foleshill,
the Domesday entry does not provide a starting-point for the agrarian and social history of the parish.
No copy of the 1279 hundred roll covering Foleshill
is known, and there are other serious gaps in the
historical material, so that the history of this
important parish is more obscure than that of
several of its smaller neighbours.
The name Foleshill has been interpreted as 'hill of
the folk or people'. (fn. 68) The name, if correctly understood, would indicate that the settlement around
Foleshill was particularly noteworthy, and, by
implication, that when the name originated people
were not settled in the surrounding districts.
Certainly the settlement of Foleshill preceded the
manorial and parochial arrangements of the 13th and
14th centuries, and the agrarian system seems to be
of an earlier stage of development than that of
villages to the south and west. But medieval Foleshill
was a less well established village than Sowe or
Ansty, its neighbours to the east, and seems to
represent a stage in development intermediate
between them and Keresley or Coundon.
The topographical history of Foleshill can be
divided into three stages: the village of the 13th
to 16th centuries, the industrial hamlets of the 17th
and 18th centuries, and the suburbs of the 19th and
20th centuries. The medieval topography cannot in
this case be reconstructed from Coventry Priory's
surveys, for the priory held very little land in the
village and its fields; from them a detailed picture
emerges only of the west and north of the parish.
The second period is sub-divided by the first turnpike, of 1755–6, the building of the Coventry Canal
in 1768–9, (fn. 69) and the inclosure of 1775, which
probably resulted from the sale of common land to
the canal company. The first useful map, Beighton's
of 1725, drawn before the construction of the canal,
shows some of the hamlets, but is vague and sometimes inaccurate. By the date of the first reliable
map, Eagle's inclosure survey of 1774, the canal
had been cut, and important changes had been made
in the topography of the parish.
Beighton marks the village of Foleshill vaguely,
but almost certainly as the hamlet of Hall Green.
Hall Green has obvious claims to be the original
village. The principal line of the Bulkington,
Hinckley, and Leicester road forded the River Sowe
there, and there may have been a mill in the
neighbourhood by the mid 14th century. (fn. 70) But Hall
Green is on the eastern edge both of the open fields
and the parish, and it is some distance from the
church, which is in Old Church Road, between two
other hamlets, Bell Green and Little Heath. The
church, unlike Hall Green, is on a hill, the low
boulder-clay ridge between the Sowe and a water-course from Whitmore Park.
Some evidence suggests that the hamlet shown on
19th-century maps as Little Heath may have been
the original settlement. It was in the middle of the
parish and the fields, and nearer to the church than
Hall Green. Little Heath was a victim of the canal
and the turnpikes. Beighton's map shows a road on
the line of the modern Swan Lane, Eden Street, and
Spring Road, to Little Heath, which provided a
direct route from Stoke to the north. The canal in
1769 cut off Swan Lane from Eden Street at Stoke
Heath, and Spring Road from Stoney Stanton Road
at the junction with Eden Street. From its junction
with Spring Road, in Little Heath, Old Church
Road, the medieval Churchend and 'lane to
Coventry', (fn. 71) wound off through the open fields
north-west towards Nuneaton, and north-east
towards Bulkington. The direct main roads in those
directions were at first merely tracks across open
heath. The Nuneaton road (Foleshill Road) had
been turnpiked only in 1755–6. (fn. 72) The present
Stoney Stanton Road was 'freshly made out across
the heath' at the inclosure in 1774–5, (fn. 73) and was
turnpiked in 1830–1. (fn. 74) The hamlet at Little Heath
declined in importance, while Longford and the
four villages on the Bulkington road grew.
The district which projected like a limb at the
north-east corner of the ancient parish presents
similar difficulties. Since the early 19th century it has
been called Hawkesbury, after a curious and
deliberate transference of that name from a district
in Sowe. The priory's rentals make it clear that in
the early 15th century the district from Longford to
the 'Red Lane under the Hoo' (Hawkesbury Lane)
was called Tackley. (fn. 75) There was a group of open
fields quite distinct from those of Foleshill, (fn. 76) and
there were several feudal tenants there of Cheylesmore manor, as well as tenants of the priory. (fn. 77) The
houses were too scattered, however, to form a
hamlet. Tackley was not considered to be part of
Foleshill in the 13th century, (fn. 78) and even in the early
15th the parish boundaries were at some points
ill-defined. (fn. 79) In 1656 Dugdale said that the name
was recorded only by certain grounds called Tackley
in Foleshill. (fn. 80) In 1725, however, Beighton showed
Tackley in its ancient location, though it was
regarded as depopulated, apart from a house (fn. 81) which
was presumably either Tolldish Hall or Hawkesbury
Hall. (fn. 82) Hawkesbury Lane was first marked as such,
and the principal mine called Hawkesbury Colliery,
in 1767. (fn. 83) The name was then applied further north,
to the locality formerly known as Sydnall or Sidenhall.
In addition to the roads to Nuneaton and
Bulkington there was a medieval road through
Tackley to Marston Jabbett and Hinckley, sometimes called Cartersgreen, (fn. 84) which has disappeared.
It is probable that this road crossed the River Sowe
at Foxford and followed the line of Grange Lane
and Black Horse Road (called Green Lane in 1834) (fn. 85)
to the point where Black Horse Road turns west,
back to the Nuneaton road. The original road would
have continued to Hawkesbury Hall Farm, but was
cut by the canal near Hawkesbury basin.
Apart from these interruptions and changes of
route, the roads through Foleshill have had a
particular influence on the topography of the parish.
The roads from Coventry to Exhall and Arbury
(Lockhurst Lane), Bedworth and Nuneaton (Foleshill Road), Bulkington and Leicester (Stoney
Stanton Road), and Wyken and Henley (Henley
Road), all appeared between 1250 and 1410–11. (fn. 86)
From the beginning their influence has distorted the
pattern of a community centred on a village and a
church, stretching it, as it were, into a succession of
characterless suburban streets.
Other lanes in the north and west of the parish,
mentioned in the priory's rentals, probably represent
the later minor roads in the district, but changes of
name make identification difficult. The Hobway,
for instance, may be Bedlam Lane, Longfordway
may be Lady Lane, and the cottage called Judhouse
may have been in Judd's Lane. (fn. 87) Foxlane probably
ran north from Foxford. Several greens such as
Atkinsgreen and Gardenersgreen are similarly
difficult to identify with later features, and some like
Cartersgreen were merely lanes. 'The Green' seems
to have been at Longford. A number of houses and
cottages certainly lay around Longford and Foxford
in the 15th century, but there is no indication that
they then formed distinct hamlets. (fn. 88)
There were several river crossings in Foleshill.
The Sowe was crossed by Rowleys Green Lane at
Bassford, by the Nuneaton road at Longford, by the
Bulkington road at Hall Green, and by Henley Road,
leading from Foleshill to Wyken and Sowe, at
Tackford. (fn. 89) Tackford Bridge was in existence in the
early 14th century (fn. 90) but there may have been no road
bridges at Bassford, Longford, or Hall Green until
the construction of the turnpike roads, or even
later. (fn. 91) It is unlikely that a bridge was ever built at
Foxford, although, as already suggested, it was
probably the crossing-point of the medieval road to
Marston Jabbett and Hinckley, and was still marked
on a map of 1822. (fn. 92) The 15th-century Telebridge,
near the earlier Teleford, (fn. 93) was presumably where
the Bulkington road crossed the Telebrook.
In the 14th and 15th centuries Foleshill village
and the open fields were surrounded by waste and
wood, which merged by imperfectly defined
boundaries into Whitmore to the west, Exhall to the
north, and Sowe to the east. (fn. 94) The principal open
fields, at least in the 18th century, occupied less than
a third of the total area. (fn. 95) The manor of Cheylesmore
had various rights in the land north of the River
Sowe as part of Barnet Wood, and to the south-west
and south of the parish as part of Hasilwood. (fn. 96) The
names of many medieval localities, such as Blackmoor, Bishopwaste, Boyswaste, Beechwaste, or the
Beeches, indicate their origins as woodland or heath.
From the 13th to the 19th centuries there was a
continuous process of incursion by fields and settlements into these wastes. Up to the Dissolution this
was clearly illustrated on the priory's estates, which
were largely on former waste. Some of the incursions
were in the form of small common fields, others of
plots and closes, others of large tracts on which
substantial farmsteads developed. (fn. 97) Control of
assarting by the priory and Cheylesmore manor was
little more than formal, and there seems always to
have been sufficient land for commoning rights not
to have been a problem.
The first estate mentioned in Foleshill was the
½-carucate with a chief messuage, meadow, and
pasture held by Arnold de Bois in 1277. (fn. 98) In 1299
the same estate was described in detail: it then
consisted of the house, mill, and underwood, 20
acres of demesne, and nine free tenants holding a
½-virgate, two closes and six houses, for £1 3s. 3d.
rent. (fn. 99) Henry Bagot's seven tenants in Foleshill and
Henley in 1302 paid £1 9s. 5d. rent. (fn. 1)
Comparison of the tenants' names in these two
rentals with those in the earliest of the priory's
surveys shows that the latter was written not long
after them; some tenants held of two lords and
appear in rentals and survey. In this first survey
(excluding Henley) the priory had 41 tenants, of
whom at least eighteen had houses in the parish,
paying £9 5s. 3d. rent. They held about 72 acres in
small pieces (apparently in open fields, though
probably not those of the village), eight separate
fields (culture), two closes, and other pieces of land,
waste, and moor. Eleven men had pieces of land for
building, (fn. 2) which suggests a rising population.
The second of the priory's surveys was written a
generation later, probably shortly after the Black
Death. There were then 36 tenants, rents had fallen
to £8 12s., and there were eight holdings in hand.
The rents and acreage of most holdings were,
however, unchanged. (fn. 3)
The third priory survey, compiled in the early
15th century, shows some striking changes. Land
lying in separate fields had increased to nearly 100
acres, and there were more crofts and other separate
pieces. The number of tenants had fallen again to 31.
The income from rents had been raised to £23 11s. 5d.
by the addition of, or great increase in, four sums
which were paid for fields of former waste and wood.
Some of the smaller holdings changed remarkably
little in a century. William Holbrook, for instance,
was paying only 1d. more for the 6½ acres which two
earlier William Holbrooks had held. Some holdings
had grown: Robert and William Randolf in the 14th
century had held their four pieces of land for 6s. 5d.
and 6s. 7d. respectively. Their successor, William,
in the 15th century held some twelve pieces for
13s. 6d.; two of these pieces were the sites of decayed
cottages, and others were recent purchases by the
priory. (fn. 4)
These changes are similar to those in Sowe in the
same period. There was clearly a temporary decline
in agriculture in the second half of the 14th century,
when fewer tenants were farming more land. As in
Sowe, the priory continued to buy land, and
substantially increased its income by leases of large
plots of enclosed arable and pasture formed from
the wastes. (fn. 5) These trends were still evident in the
early 16th century. In 1539 there were only thirteen
tenants at will, paying £5 13s. 4d., while six large
tenants paid £19 11s. 8d. for holdings which
included a part of the Beechwaste. (fn. 6)
Some of the families, who often held land from
the priory and from other lords, had been substantial
and independent farmers for several centuries. The
Holbrook family had created the Holbrooks Farm,
which became part of the Holy Trinity Church
Estate and survived to the 20th century. (fn. 7) The Wolf
family, in the person of Margery Wolf, paid almost
as much as Lord Zouche in the subsidy of 1327, (fn. 8) and
Thomas Wolf paid £40, by far the greatest contribution from the parish in 1524; (fn. 9) he may then have been
lessee of the demesne estate. The Greens were
another family with a long association with Foleshill
from the 14th century. (fn. 10) By 1539 John Green had
land worth £4 3s. yearly. (fn. 11) Later in the 16th century
Thomas Green had personal estate worth more than
£100 and was called a yeoman. (fn. 12) It may have been a
family such as this, and not a noble family, which
created the Foleshill Hall estate. (fn. 13)
There is no evidence of demesne farming by the
priory or of labour services in Foleshill, and there is
little evidence of agrarian practices. References to
selions and other narrow strips of land (fn. 14) indicate
that in the open fields the traditional ploughing
practices were followed. There was a common
responsibility to keep out tenants' farm animals and
to make fences around open fields. (fn. 15) A solitary
indication of crop rotation was given in a dispute
where beasts trespassed on land, destroying wheat
and rye in 1361, and peas and beans in 1362. (fn. 16) But
there is no evidence that the fields were ever
cultivated on a regular three-course rotation.
Particular medieval occupations included several
millers, wrights, a skinner, bailiffs and haywards, a
carter, and a cowherd. The pouchmaker and the
mercer mentioned (fn. 17) were probably Coventry tradesmen with holdings in Foleshill. There is no evidence
of established local industry in Foleshill before the
development of the mines.
The priory's rentals and the subsidy returns give
only a general indication of the population of pre-industrial Foleshill. In the early 14th century the
priory had 41 tenants and nineteen names appeared
in the 1327 subsidy return. (fn. 18) In 1539 the priory
had only nineteen tenants, and twenty names
appeared on the subsidy list of 1524. (fn. 19) There were
said to be 40 households in Foleshill in 1563, (fn. 20) and
35 men appeared for a view of frankpledge in 1617. (fn. 21)
The agrarian pattern which developed in the 14th
and 15th centuries continued to the time of the
inclosure, though William Stoke's activities in the
1530s suggest that some consolidation of fields took
place. (fn. 22) There was an open-field community living
in several hamlets in and around the fields, some of
them quite small freeholders, tenants of the successors of the medieval lay lords. (fn. 23) The appearance
in several connexions of tenant figures of about 40
may suggest some ancient division of the 850 acres
of open field into agrarian units of 20 or so acres.
In the 17th century there were still extensive areas of
heath, mainly in the south of the parish, used for
common grazing under the jurisdiction of the manor
of Cheylesmore. Around the open fields were a
dozen farms with inclosed fields, the farms on the
former priory estate, and those at Henley, Tackley,
and on the Exhall boundary with landlords outside
the parish. Within this agrarian pattern appeared the
early industrial growth: the coal-pits on inclosed and
open fields, and on heaths, and the cottages of
weavers, colliers, and labourers, which were often
encroachments on the heaths, strung along the roads
as new hamlets.
The principal open fields in 1775 were the Church
Field, Three Well Field, and Shaw Field; Mill
Field and Edgwick Field may also have been ancient
open fields. (fn. 24) Church Field was probably the
medieval Church Furlong; (fn. 25) Shaw Field was
mentioned in 1637. (fn. 26) The inclosure of 1775 does not
seem to have made any profound change in the
parish. There was no sweeping regrouping of fields
into a few simple units or significant displacement of
leaseholders or cottagers. In fact, 40 cottagers on
what were classed as new encroachments of waste
probably benefited by becoming recognized leaseholders of the lord of the manor, instead of paying
annual fines for encroachment. Some 220 occupiers
were involved (excluding the separate award for
Little Sydnall Field), of whom 43 received allotments
in respect of open-field land; the latter included
Richard Hopkins, Thomas Hunt, Lord Clifford,
and Messrs. Parrott, and the trustees of Collins's
and Pisford's Charities. (fn. 27)
The Hopkins estate, both of old fields and new
inclosures, in 1776 consisted of 413 acres, with three
farms. There were five other holdings, five smallholdings, and 40 cottages and encroachments
totalling 8½ acres. (fn. 28) The Foleshill Hall estate, owned
in 1775 by Thomas Hunt, was in 1839 owned by
J. R. Wyatt of Willenhall, and occupied as a single
farm of 165 acres by Edward Lythall. (fn. 29)
There were 104 owners in the area covered by the
tithe award of 1841 which put the land of the
parish into three categories: some 900 acres hitherto
subject to great tithes, which clearly represented the
ancient inclosures; some 850 acres of the open
fields inclosed in 1775; and 800 acres which had
been or still were common waste or heath. (fn. 30) Some
land, common at particular seasons, was among the
Coventry Lammas Lands, inclosed in 1860, and the
Michaelmas Lands, inclosed in 1875. (fn. 31)
In 1831 there were twelve farmers employing
labourers, twelve not employing labourers, and 106
farm workers, compared with over 1,000 people
employed in manufacturing. (fn. 32) There were twenty
farms in 1850. (fn. 33) Most of these were still in existence
in the 1880s, but since then each decade has seen
first the land and then the farm buildings disappear,
until in the 1950s only in Henley and in Hawkesbury
(the former Tackley) was land still used for farming.
Henley farm-house was still standing in 1963, with
25 acres attached to it, and the occupiers of Hawkesbury Hall were farming 30 acres. In the post-war
development plan 100 acres in the district were to be
kept for farming. (fn. 34)
References to tenants' beasts and flocks, and to
various crops grown, (fn. 35) indicate that until the inclosure the characteristic mixed husbandry was
carried on in the open fields. On the other hand, the
inclosures of waste on the priory's lands were often
used solely as pastures; the whole of Henley, for
instance, was used only for sheep in 1410–11. (fn. 36) After
the Dissolution the outlying farms continued to be
so used; a grazier was the tenant of the Holbrooks
Farm in 1683. (fn. 37) In the late 18th century Richard
Swain, the impropriator of the Foleshill tithes, who
had a farm on what was probably former priory land
in the south of the parish, bred pasture sheep 'equal
to any others ... in the kingdom', and was described
as one of the 'principal improvers' in the county. (fn. 38)
However, there was little if any tendency for the
former arable fields to become pastures after the
inclosure; there were still more than 530 acres sown
with crops, mostly grain, on the holdings of 45
farmers and smallholders who made returns in
1801. (fn. 39) Of the 165 acres on the Foleshill Hall Farm
in 1839, 108 were arable. (fn. 40) Some accounts survive of
the Hawkesbury Farm for the period 1818 to
1832. Of 115 acres, 24 were on average sown with
grain, wheat being most important; other crops sown
were beans, turnips, potatoes, vetches, clover, and
rye grass. In 1818 there were 67 sheep and 45 beef
cattle; the cattle were bought and sold over a wide
area of the midlands. (fn. 41)
The first reference to mining in the Coventry
district dates from 1579 when Coventry corporation
licensed Christopher Wynold to dig a pit on the
waste of Cheylesmore manor in the lane from the
Three Mile Tree in Exhall to Hawkesbury Grove in
order to prospect for coal. (fn. 42) This lane was the
modern Black Horse Road, which was later cut by
the canal near Hawkesbury lock. By the end of the
century, mines were being dug over a wide area
between Griff and Bedworth to the north, and Sowe
and Wyken to the south. (fn. 43) The Beaumont family,
who were leasing land and mineral rights in Sowe by
1595, also took a lease of land in Tackley from the
Crown. (fn. 44) By 1622 other mines on the corporation's
land in Foleshill were leased to the Briggs and
Robinson families, and to their rivals Mathew Collins
and John Potter, who became involved in a long and
bitter dispute about their principal mines in Griff
and Bedworth. (fn. 45) During the dispute the 'poor
colliers' of Bedworth, Exhall, and Foleshill petitioned
the corporation on behalf of Briggs and Robinson,
stating that the latter employed 500 people, and gave
free houses and coal to many poor workmen and
their widows and orphans. (fn. 46) Even allowing for
exaggeration, it is clear that there had already been
a great increase in the population of the three
parishes, and that industrial housing was appearing.
During the 17th and 18th centuries shallow
mines were dug over the whole area of Sydnall and
Tackley, as far south as Bell Orchard near Bell
Green. (fn. 47) Beighton (1725) showed a line of coal
workings from Griff in the north to Sowe in the
south, running through Sydnall, Tackley, and
Hawkesbury in Sowe. (fn. 48) A late-18th-century map
marked several pits in the area, four in Exhall and
two near Bayton Road in Foleshill. (fn. 49) Some of these
mines were worked under lease from the corporation
as the holder of Cheylesmore manor, and were
operated with mines in Bedworth and Hawkesbury;
separate operations in Foleshill were not distinguished in the accounts. (fn. 50) It was from his mines in
Hawkesbury (Sowe) that the enterprising John
Brown proposed to build canals to Longford or Hall
Green in 1699. (fn. 51) To the complaint by Brown's
opponents that the mines had brought many poor
into the parishes, a former Foleshill overseer said
that since the mines had come into use the Foleshill
rates had fallen from 11d. to 7d. in the £. (fn. 52) The
mines in Skinnards Close near Bell Green were held
on lease from the trustees of Holy Trinity Church
Estate from 1621 to at least 1746. (fn. 53)
The Parrott (or Parratt) family were working
mines in the district from at least 1721, and from
1774 to 1794 Messrs. Parrott, Ferneyhough, and
Whieldon, described as of the Hawkesbury Colliery,
Bedworth, had eight pits, and two others were being
sunk. The firm was among the advocates of, and
may have invested in, the Oxford and Coventry
canals, which were cut through the mining area of
Little Heath, Longford, and Hawkesbury between
1768 and 1777. It is not clear precisely where the
various pits were. Among those to whom Parrott
and Co. paid royalties were Lords Craven and
Clifford, John Burton, and Christ's College,
Cambridge. (fn. 54) In the special award of mine land in
Little Sydnall Field, a former open field, in the
inclosure of 1775, Clifford and Burton, as well as
Richard Hopkins, lord of the manor of Foleshill,
were among the freeholders. Certainly the Parrotts
owned much of Sydnall and Tackley in their Upper
and Lower Coalpit Closes. (fn. 55) In 1774, obviously to
take advantage of the new canal and the inclosure,
the Parrotts installed two steam engines at their
Hawkesbury mines and one at Bedworth; in 1776
one of the first, and at that time the largest, of the
Boulton and Watt engines was installed at a Hawkesbury mine. (fn. 56) Yates and Sons' map marked a 'fire
engine' there in 1793. (fn. 57) These were pumping
engines; flooding had been a problem at the pits
since 1622. (fn. 58) An engine for raising coal was in use
by 1794. (fn. 59)
The collieries declined in the early 19th century. (fn. 60)
In 1850 the two collieries in the area were Hawkesbury Colliery, owned by George Whieldon, immediately south of Hawkesbury Colliery Farm; and
north of Victoria Farm, the Victoria Colliery, which
was worked by Messrs. Troughton and Lea under
lease from the Hopkins family, and later from Lord
Boston. (fn. 61) Tom Mann, the future Labour leader,
who was born in a cottage by the farm in 1856,
worked as a boy in the Victoria Colliery from 1866
until 1870 when it was permanently closed after a
series of fires in the workings. (fn. 62) By 1886 all the
mines were disused and marked only by old shafts
and workings scattered over the whole area. (fn. 63)
The settlement of cottagers on the waste, a process
which had gone on since the 13th century, was
greatly accelerated by the development of mining.
In 1637 sixteen recent inclosures of the waste were
reported, (fn. 64) and in 1659 there were 29 cottage tenants
paying rents to Cheylesmore manor. (fn. 65) The hamlets,
which, if they existed at all, had contained only a
few solitary cottages in the 15th century, (fn. 66) grew
rapidly. Longford, on the principal route from the
mining district to Coventry, was shown as a large
village in 1725, and Bell Green was also marked. (fn. 67)
According to the Compton Census of 1676 there
were 284 adults, (fn. 68) and in 1730 there were 149 houses
in the parish: at Great Heath 20, Little Heath 11,
Holbrooks 12, Sydnall 21, Coney Lane (later Grange
Lane) 5, Rowleys Green 19, Longford 20, Hall
Green 19, and Bell Green 22. (fn. 69) Foxford, Alderman's
Green, and Courthouse Green were probably
included with the last three. Of some 220 parishioners
listed in the inclosure award, nearly 180 were
cottagers. (fn. 70) Complementary indications of the
increasing population are the church membership of
about 140 at the Longford Baptist Chapel in 1775, (fn. 71)
and the total of seven inns in the parish in 1792. (fn. 72)
The inclosure plan shows the cottages strung out,
in an early form of ribbon development, across the
heaths on the line of the main roads. (fn. 73) There is little
evidence as to the appearance of these early cottages,
almost all of which have disappeared, but no doubt
some of them were timber-framed. A cheaper form
of dwelling, which may have been provided for
colliers and others at Foleshill during the late 17th
and early 18th centuries, had mud-built walls, this
fact contributing to their subsequent decay. A single
thatched cottage of this type, having a central
chimney, two rooms, and an attic, has survived in
Burbage's Lane at Rowleys Green; others nearby
were in existence within living memory. (fn. 74) The inclosure in its turn produced a new type of development. Building was no longer restricted to separate
licensed encroachments on greens and heaths; new
streets and rows of houses were possible. By 1793 the
of weavers, whose numbers had remained constant,
but of people who were in fact suburban residents of
Coventry suburbs. (fn. 75)
Hand-loom weaving is said to have spread into the
parish soon after the establishment of the ribbonweaving industry in Coventry at the beginning of the
18th century. (fn. 76) The first definite reference to it was
made by a Coventry weaver who in 1726 said that
he had been apprenticed in Foleshill and had spent
most of his life there. (fn. 77) In those parishes where there
were single or small groups of influential landowners,
the weavers, as potential paupers, were discouraged. (fn. 78)
Foleshill had not, in the Middle Ages or since the
Dissolution, had such landowners, and as a result
became a famous, or infamous, centre of the industry.
In 1801 the population of Foleshill was 3,026.
There were just over 600 inhabited houses, four
times the number found in 1730. There were 937
industrial workers, all thought to be weavers, and
only 65 agricultural workers in the parish. (fn. 79) By 1818
there were in the parish 2,544 weavers and their
assistants, using 1,732 looms; this can be compared
with 4,973 weavers in Coventry itself, and 194 in
Sowe, the next biggest parish in the county of the
city. (fn. 80) The population continued to grow rapidly. In
1831 there were 6,969 people and a total of 1,575
houses; of the latter 429 had been built since 1821
and building was still in progress. That there were
by then only 30 coal miners in the parish (fn. 81) demonstrates the comparative decline of the once dominant
industry. But the ribbon weaving itself had then
passed its peak. The great increase in 1831 was not
of weavers, whose numbers had remained constant,
but of people who were in fact suburban residents of
The ribbon trade was subject to unpredictable
changes of fashion, and had to face competition from
abroad and from other districts of England. Moreover, there was competition within the district,
between Coventry, where engine looms (still handpowered) were accepted by the early 1830s, and the
rural parishes, where the single-hand weavers
stubbornly refused to adopt engine-looms, (fn. 82) and
where many of the weavers were underpaid women
and children. Foleshill was not as industrially backward as some of the other parishes, and some features
of the industry there were comparable to those of the
city. (fn. 83) In the 19th century a succession of masters'
associations, and of weavers' unions, were formed
to represent the industry in Parliament, to protect
the interests of the rural districts, and to fix prices
and wages. (fn. 84) In 1840 the country weavers wanted a
local board of trade set up, of seven weavers and
seven masters, to regulate prices and conditions of
work. (fn. 85)
There was, however, a long period of poverty and
bitterness. Already in 1788 the poor of the Coventry
district had been advised to sow early-ripening beans
with their potatoes 'which often will obviate the
necessity they are under of tearing the unripe roots
from the earth to satisfy the cravings of hunger'. (fn. 86)
In 1801 J. Howlett, the Vicar of Foleshill, could
describe the 'spirit of discontent and disaffection
[which] has arisen alarmingly high: imputable, I
believe, in a great measure to the late scarcity (which
has been attended with grievous and unparalleled
distress) and has been repressed more by fear than
any better motive'. (fn. 87)
The situation was vividly described to a series of
parliamentary committees in 1818, 1832, and 1840. (fn. 88)
In the report of 1840 one witness said that 'the
whole appearance of the single-hand weaving
districts, and of their inhabitants', was 'one of
rudeness, poverty, and depression', which belonged
'rather to the sister island than to the heart of
England' and that 'the lawlessness of the district'
had 'of late years much increased'. (fn. 89) Foleshill was
especially notorious for ignorance, immorality, and
drunkenness: 'the magistrates of Coventry well
know that when a desperate case is brought before
them it is generally from this neighbourhood'.
Robbery of silk from the canal barges was particularly well organized; the thieves employed their own
manufacturers and labourers, and had a warehouse
and an agent. (fn. 90)
In spite of this apparent prevalence of poverty,
degradation, and crime, there were clearly some
members of the community who were endeavouring
to improve their condition. The Church of England
was generally thought to have failed, but the
'spontaneous efforts of the people themselves, partial
and ill-directed' though they were, 'to attain to a
Christian civilization, in spite of this neglect', had
'led to the erection of many dissenting places of
worship'. (fn. 91) There was also a particular desire for
education. At Longford parents were said to 'do
vastly more than their prescribed means' to have
their children properly educated. Bell Green Methodist and Longford Baptist schools both asked for a
general system of national education to be set up by
the government. (fn. 92) In 1835 the inhabitants of Foleshill
had petitioned the Commons for the establishment
of a local school of design. (fn. 93) Although in the late
18th century the Revd. Jonathan Evans, the founder
and first minister of Foleshill Road Congregational
Chapel at Little Heath, was said to be an advocate of
the principles of the French Revolution, (fn. 94) there is
little evidence of direct political activity in the parish
before the 1830s when among the reform unions
marching in the great Reform procession of 1832 in
Coventry were three societies from the Navigation
Inn in Foleshill. (fn. 95) The Stoney Stanton Road
Prudential Co-operative Society was founded in the
same year, (fn. 96) and by 1840 there were seven Co-operative shops in Foleshill, one of which had a small
library of works on socialism, political economy, and
political science. (fn. 97) The Foleshill weavers had by this
date 'a total want of confidence in the legislature',
and were asking for universal suffrage and a more
equitable division of wealth. Their sentiments were
'obviously of a socialist character', which was said to
pervade 'the notions of those among the weavers of
either town or country' who thought at all on
political subjects. (fn. 98)
With some changes in machines and organization,
ribbon-weaving remained the principal industry of
Foleshill until 1860, when the Cobden treaty,
followed by a strike throughout the district, began
the destruction of the industry in its old form. (fn. 99) In
1866 there were said to be 300 power-looms in
Foleshill, but many of them were idle. Working
conditions were no better than 30 years before, and
a new abuse had appeared, the manual turning of the
wheels of looms designed for steam power by small
boys who worked from 6 a.m. to 8 p.m., and rapidly
became deformed by the cramped nature of the
operation. (fn. 1) Perhaps fortunately, in the years to come,
only large, well-equipped, and specialised factories,
such as Cash's Kingfield Works (just outside the
parish to the south) became, could survive continental
competition. (fn. 2) The decline in ribbon-weaving after
1860 is reflected in the fall in the population of
Foleshill, which had more than doubled (from 3,026
in 1801 to 6,969 in 1831) in the first 30 years of the
century, but increased more slowly to 8,140 in 1861,
when there were 6,429 people (78 per cent. of the
population) dependent on the ribbon trade. It then
fell to 6,639 in 1871, and recovered to 8,664 only in
1891. (fn. 3)
A feature of the last decade of the ribbon-weaving
industry in Foleshill was the development of cottage
factories in which a row of cottages was served by a
single steam engine. There are thought to have
been 80 or 90 in Foleshill, including buildings in
Edgwick Road and Stoney Stanton Road, (fn. 4) which
were still standing in 1964; other weavers' cottages,
with their characteristic large upper windows blocked
up, could also be seen in Hurst Road, Longford.
There was at least one ordinary factory in Foleshill,
the Pridmores' factory, which was the scene of a
violent dispute in 1858. (fn. 5)
In the early 19th century the people of Foleshill
were engaged in only a limited number of occupations, ribbon-weaving, agriculture, and mining, with
some boat-building and other canal business, innkeeping, shopkeeping, and similar trades. After the
ribbon slump the parish began to develop the wide
and enterprising range of activities characteristic of
modern Coventry.
There was a brick-kiln in Foleshill in 1775, (fn. 6) and
brick works were established at several sites during
the 19th century. (fn. 7) Concrete works at Great Heath
and at Edgwick had also appeared by 1902. (fn. 8) Another
feature of the building industry was the timber
yards, such as Kelley's in Foleshill Road (1885) and
Shanks' in Lockhurst Lane (1908). (fn. 9)
Some small modern textile firms such as Dalton,
Barton's, of Mason Road (1820), traced their origins
to early-19th-century weavers. (fn. 10) In general, however,
ribbon-weaving reappeared in the parish in factories
similar to the Kingfield Works. Grant's Livingstone
works in Lockhurst Lane was built in 1882, Lester
and Harris' Great Heath works about 1890,
Carpenter's Weaving Co. in Edgwick Road in 1900,
and Laird's St. Lawrence's works in Carlton Road
in 1907. More important, Courtaulds established
their first rayon factory in Foleshill Road next to the
canal in 1904. (fn. 11) Their works on the original site and
at Little Heath now covers a large area (1964).
The engineering industry followed the new textile
factories into the parish. Webster and Bennet's
boring and turning mills were established in
Northey Road in 1887; the Brett Patent Lifter
Company, making drop forging equipment, in the
1890s; the Albion Drop Forgings Company in
Lockhurst Lane, in 1900; and Sterling Metals,
making castings, in 1907. (fn. 12) Alfred Herbert, the
machine tools firm, established in Coventry in 1889,
built a foundry at Edgwick in 1900. (fn. 13) The motor car
industry also appeared, though it has not dominated
the industries of Foleshill, as it has other parts of the
district. Humber and a small firm were established
by 1902 (Stoney Stanton Road and Lockhurst Lane);
Riley was in Durbar Avenue and Beresford Avenue.
Several smaller firms, such as Radenite Batteries
(established in 1899) and Warland Rim Company
(in 1910), made components. (fn. 14)
The two principal municipal enterprises moved to
Foleshill when their Coventry works became inadequate, the gas works to Longford in 1909, and the
electricity station to Hawkesbury in 1928. (fn. 15) Both
now occupy large sites.
There was quite a different type of industry in
the north of the parish. The bone mills of Rowleys
Green were in existence by 1887 and became the
Coventry Fat and Bone Company, making such
products as tallow and fertilizers. There was later an
offal factory at Bell Green, a horse slaughterhouse,
and a candle works at Longford. (fn. 16)
Since the First World War industry in Foleshill
has continued to develop in the directions it had
taken in the late 19th century, and most of the firms
can be grouped under the general headings of
engineering, textiles, and building materials. But
while the big firms like Courtaulds and Herbert
have steadily expanded, perhaps more typical of the
district have been the many small firms which have
appeared, adapted themselves to conditions, changed
their name, site, or produce, and often disappeared
again, in changing economic circumstances.
Housing development, although greatly intensified, for most of the 19th century followed the
general lines begun in the 17th century. The hamlets,
especially Longford, expanded; houses along the
main roads joined the hamlets to each other, and to
the northern suburbs of Coventry. A few secondary
roads joining the main roads, such as Carpenters
Lane, later Station Street West, Brickkiln Lane,
later Broad Street, and Windmill Road, newly laid
out in the inclosure, were built up. Many early-19thcentury brick-built cottages survived, singly and in
terraced rows, in 1964, in these streets and also at
Longford, Alderman's Green, Hall Green, and Bell
Green. By the later 19th century Hawkesbury had
taken on its modern appearance — a mixture of coal
workings, roads, railways, canals, houses, and fields
— but between the roads there were still extensive
farms, arable fields, and meadows. Some of the early
allotment gardens, of the 1840s, were in Brickkiln
Lane, (fn. 17) and the 19th-century inhabitants were aware
of the advantages and disadvantages of this mingling
of town and country.
In the south of the parish 'infilling' began with the
industrial development of the late 19th century. The
Albion works, for instance, was built between
Lockhurst Lane and the railway, Sterling Metals and
the Northey Road works between Foleshill Road
and the canal, and the gas works between the
railway and the canal. These were accompanied, or
followed, by the construction of residential roads like
St. Paul's Road and Station Street East. By the
First World War roughly the south-western quarter
of the parish, the former Great and Little Heaths,
had been built over. The north-western quarter,
around Holbrooks, and the south-eastern quarter,
along the River Sowe north of Henley, were then
still largely rural.
The remaining land has been swallowed up in
two great periods of housebuilding, the years around
1930 and 1950. The estates at Holbrooks, in the
Victory Road area, and in the Proffitt Avenue area
in the centre of the parish, were built between the
wars, and after the Second World War the largest of
all the corporation's housing schemes, containing
over 3,500 dwellings, was that known as Bell Green.
This development, which included estates at Henley
Green, Manor House, and Wood End, was laid out
as a partly self-contained suburb with its own
shopping precinct, community buildings, and tower
blocks of flats. A smaller estate was developed at
Courthouse Green with 556 dwellings. (fn. 18)
Foleshill was part of
the manor of Coventry or Cheylesmore and was
subject to its court for various purposes. In the
Middle Ages this court was sometimes called the
court of Wolepitelideyate. This locality appears to
have been an open-air meeting place on or near the
boundary between Foleshill and Exhall. (fn. 19) Courts
were often held there in the 14th century (to at least
1380), particularly the twice-yearly view of frankpledge, but also the occasional three-weekly
manorial courts. (fn. 20) It is possible that this court was a
survival of an Anglo-Saxon tribal and judicial unit
of a date earlier than Godiva's estates. (fn. 21) Two
tithingmen from Foleshill made presentments in
this court, and the steward and bailiffs of Cheylesmore were active in the district. (fn. 22) It is unlikely that
the later parish boundaries enclosed the area of the
judicial unit before the Dissolution; the wastes of
Barnet, Hasilwood, and Shortwood stretched across
the later boundaries, and seem to have been regarded
as distinct entities within Cheylesmore. (fn. 23)
It is not clear whether the lay lords and Coventry
Priory held their own manorial courts in Foleshill.
There is no reference to income from such a source
in their rentals. The tenants in the open fields
presumably attended the three-weekly Cheylesmore
courts, but the tenants of arable assarts were in a
doubtful position. In the 14th century the priory's
wastes and pastures in Foleshill were administered
as part of the home farm or manor of Harnall, which
lay between Foleshill and the city, and some of the
Foleshill tenants may have attended a court there. (fn. 24)
In the early 16th century, when many of the pastures
were leased, the priory's Foleshill estate was grouped
with that of Exhall under a single bailiff, (fn. 25) and the
tenants may have done suit at Exhall as those of
Binley and elsewhere did at Sowe. (fn. 26)
The Cheylesmore court was active until at least
1664, when two tithingmen, a constable, and hayward were elected in court, (fn. 27) and it was still in
existence in 1740. (fn. 28) Only the twice-yearly courts
were held in the 17th century, but they dealt with
all kinds of business. (fn. 29) The new method of administration, through the parish and quarter sessions,
had, however, already begun to operate.
The Hopkins family took advantage of the decline
of the Cheylesmore court to create, or re-create, a
manorial court for their estate. Their claims to such
a status were recognized in the inclosure award of
1775. Immediately after the inclosure, the court was
licensing inclosures of heath (fn. 30) just as the Cheylesmore court had done in the 17th century. A manor
court was held in the late 18th century; it was not
called a court leet, and people were uncertain what
to call it. It was no longer held when George Eld
became Hopkins's bailiff, which seems to have been
about 1816. (fn. 31) An overseer and a constable were
appointed in this court; afterwards the officers were
nominated in vestry meetings. (fn. 32)
Accounts of parish rates exist from 1610, when
about £5 was spent. The rates rose steadily,
presumably with rising population; in 1690 the
annual total was £50, and in 1720 £120. There were
great yearly variations in the mid 18th century. In
1754 about £100 was spent on the poor and £30 on
other purposes. There followed an enormous
increase, to nearly £700 in 1774, £1,520 in 1793, and
a peak of £4,660 in 1801. (fn. 33) The Foleshill rates were
then notoriously high; (fn. 34) in 1817 they were said to
be 'extremely detrimental to the successful pursuits
of agriculture', (fn. 35) and their high level was then
attributed to the fact that Foleshill was equally
affected with Coventry by the fluctuations of the
ribbon trade. In 1830, a year of the highest rate
levied (£4,510) for poor relief since 1801, (fn. 36) the
overseers obtained a local Act enabling them to rate
proprietors instead of occupiers, and so to raise
more money. (fn. 37)
A parish meeting was first mentioned in the tithe
dispute in 1726, when it was said that there had been
'a public vestry or meeting of the parish' addressed
by the vicar, on the payment of small tithes. (fn. 38)
The first parish workhouse was built on land in
Three Well Field in 1724–5, but was in use only
until 1733 when it was replaced by a building on
Partridge Croft at Court House Green. This second
workhouse may have been replaced in its turn by
about 1787 by a cottage and garden in Brickkiln Lane
(Broad Street) on Great Heath which already
belonged to the overseers of the poor in 1775, though
it is not known how or when they had acquired them.
The cottage, divided into two tenements, was
certainly occupied by families placed there by the
parish officers until 1799 when the whole property
was sold to meet the costs of furnishing the new
house of industry, also built in Brickkiln Lane, (fn. 39)
which became the first Foleshill Union workhouse
in 1836. (fn. 40) In 1859 this was superseded by the new
Union workhouse built off Foleshill Road. (fn. 41)
In 1832 a committee set up by a vestry meeting
revealed serious inefficiency and corruption among
the parish officers — the overseers, churchwardens,
workhouse governor, and others. This seems to have
begun in 1813, with the appointment of an illiterate
as overseer and collector. Money had disappeared
and, among many other malpractices, those parish
officers who were farmers were selling bad food to
the workhouse at high prices. Consequently the
inhabitants of the workhouse cost 5s. a week each,
compared with the 2s. 5d. a week at the Coventry
workhouse, yet they had an 'emaciated, squalid,
and miserable appearance'. (fn. 42)
In 1817 the vestry had nominated four men
instead of one to the magistrates for appointment
as constables 'on account of the great extent and
large population of the parish which makes it
impossible for one person only to perform the duties
of constable in such a manner as to secure the
public peace'. (fn. 43) In 1840, however, the constables
were said to be insufficiently paid and wholly
ineffective. (fn. 44) It had already been remarked that the
'parochial administration throughout the whole
district' (the county of the city) was 'with little
exception, most lax and disorderly', (fn. 45) but there had
at least been an improvement in the administration
of poor relief (fn. 46) since the creation of the Foleshill
After the abolition of the county of the city of
Coventry in 1842, Foleshill was a parish in Warwickshire and the head of Foleshill Union (later Rural
District Council); it had a parish council after 1894.
The parish began to be re-absorbed into Coventry
with the first boundary extension of 1899. (fn. 47)
LEE'S CHARRITY. Mary Lee, by will proved 1877,
directed her executors to invest the sums of £100
and £500 and pay the interest on them to the vicar
and churchwardens of Foleshill. The interest on
£100 was to be spent on the upkeep of her parents'
tomb and any surplus from it together with the
interest on £500 was to be spent on distributions of
bread made twice a year among poor widows and
orphans and the aged poor of the parish. (fn. 48) This
bequest was invested in the purchase of £618 stock
which yielded an income of £17–£18 a year. (fn. 49) In the
early 20th century the distribution of the charity,
which was made in the form of bread-tickets,
became the subject of dispute between the parishes
of St. Lawrence and St. Paul but was settled by a
Scheme of 1906 whereby the income of the charity,
then amounting to about £15 10s. a year, was to be
spent for the benefit of the whole ancient parish of
Foleshill on the same lines as in the Scheme of 1924
regulating Chambers's City Charity (iii). (fn. 50) Any
relief in money afforded under the Scheme was
limited to the sum of £5 a year. The bequest
relating to the upkeep of the tomb was stated to be
void. (fn. 51) In 1924 and 1925 donations of four guineas
were made to the Coventry and Warwickshire
Hospital and sums of £10 10s. and £12 were
distributed in coal, groceries, and monetary relief.
In 1956 the income of £16 3s. 6d. was distributed in
gifts of money throughout Foleshill ancient parish. (fn. 52)
MARSTON'S CHARITY. William Marston, by will
and codicil proved 1891, left one-fifth of the proceeds
from the sale and conversion of part of his real and
personal estate to the vicar and churchwardens of
St. Paul's Church in trust that the income should be
distributed, twice a year, in sums of 2s., among old
and deserving poor people in St. Paul's parish. The
share of Marston's estate available for charity
amounted eventually to nearly £440 which was
invested in stock yielding about £11 yearly in 1953. (fn. 53)
MOORE'S BEQUEST.For benifit received by the
tenants of charity property at Foleshill see pp. 408–9.
PROFFITT'S CHARITY AND THE OLD WORKHOUSE CHARITY. (fn. 54) According to the Chantry Commissioners'
certificate of 1547 William Proffitt of Foleshill had
given a rent of 2s. from a close called Partridge Croft
at Court House Green and land in Church Field to
maintain his obit and a lamp in the parish church. (fn. 55)
A second document (fn. 56) stated that Proffitt had directed
that from the income of this property a further 1s. 6d.
should be distributed by the churchwardens among
poor parishioners. In 1597 the property was leased
for 200 years at a yearly rent of 13s. 4d. which the
lessees on some occasions paid to the churchwardens, who were also the overseers of the poor,
to augment the 'town stock'. This stock itself was
said in the 18th century to have originated in a gift
or bequest of some £31 from which the interest
was to benefit the poor. It was apparently used,
however, at least from 1691 onwards, as the overseers' working capital, and its origin as a charitable
trust could not later be traced, though it seems to
have been applied in the 1630s to distributions of
bread or money.
In 1733 the reversion of the lease of 1597 was sold
back to the parish. The property was thenceforward
to be vested in the vicar and four other trustees
and the profits applied by the churchwardens as the
vestry or a public parish meeting should decide,
except for a sum of 10s. which was to be distributed
yearly among the parish poor. About 1787 a sum of
30s. was also said to be reserved out of the profits of
Partridge Croft for yearly distribution to poor
widows who had received no parish relief.
The history of this charity in the 18th and 19th
centuries is closely connected with that of the
successive parish workhouses; (fn. 57) the expenses of the
assignment of 1733 were in fact met out of the sale
of the first parish workhouse (built in Three Well
Field in 1724–5), and this was subsequently replaced
for a time by a house on Partridge Croft. In the
inclosure award of 1775 the churchwardens, in right
of their Partridge Croft property, were allotted 2a.
2r. 18p. in Brickkiln Lane (Broad Street) on which a
third (or possibly a fourth) workhouse was built at
the turn of the century and leased by the churchwardens to the guardians of the poor.
Before 1832 (the date of the earliest extant churchwardens' accounts) it is not clear how much was
regularly received from the churchwardens' various
properties, or how these receipts were applied,
though it was stated in 1733 and again in 1806 that
the profits of Partridge Croft were intended for the
repair of the church 'or some such pious use'. From
the 1830s onwards the annual rent of £72 from the
workhouse in Brickkiln Lane was spent by the
churchwardens on church and general parish
purposes, and the rents from the house on Partridge
Croft (which had been converted into two cottages)
and the meadowland attached to it and to the workhouse were distributed among poor widows in small
sums. After 1859, when a new workhouse was built
and the old one thenceforward occupied as cottages,
the whole of the reduced rents, which amounted to
about £32 a year, were diverted to church purposes
as the payments to poor widows were considered to
be entirely voluntary.
The vicar and churchwardens subsequently
attempted to sell the old workhouse building and
fresh controversy was caused about 1890 by the
claim put forward by St. Paul's parish to its share in
the income available for church purposes which had
been for some time disallowed. Eventually a
thorough investigation was held, in 1894, which
concluded that the church's claim to benefit from
Proffitt's Charity had been extinguished by the
Statute of Superstitious Uses, that the remaining
profits should have been devoted solely to the poor,
but that the charity had no interest in the old
workhouse property. These findings resulted in the
establishment of a Scheme in 1896. The total
income was then derived from the 2a. 2r. 18p. in
Brickkiln Lane, let at £8 yearly, the cottages and
grounds (Partridge Croft) let at £12 yearly, and a
sum of £67 10s. representing the net proceeds from
the sale in 1891 of materials from the old workhouse
building after it had been demolished. The Scheme
directed that the £67 10s. should be spent in
repairing the cottages on Partridge Croft, and that
the rest of the income should form, in the proportions of ⅓ and 2/3, the endowment of Proffitt's Charity
for the Church and Proffitt's Charity for the Poor
respectively. Of these the former was to be applied
to the repair of churches in Foleshill ancient parish
and the maintenance of church services and furniture
and the latter to the benefit of the poor throughout
the same area by such means as the provision of
nurses, the supply of clothes, linen, bedding, fuel, or
other necessities, or temporary monetary relief.
In 1898 the land in Brickkiln Lane was let at £40
a year on a 99-year building lease and in 1935 the
Partridge Croft property was sold to the corporation
for £550, which on investment yielded about £18
yearly. In recent years an average of about £17 has
been divided annually among the churches of St.
Lawrence, St. Paul, and St. Luke and up to £33
applied to the benefit of the poor, sick, and aged. (fn. 58)
SALEM BAPTIST CHAPEL, LONGFORD. See p. 382.
WRIGHT'S CHARITY. Mary Wright, by will proved
1802, directed that £4 a year was to be distributed
to the poor of Foleshill out of the interest on a sum
of £500 5 per cent. annuities. The remainder of the
interest was to be applied to the maintenance of a
charity school for boys in the parish for which
provision had been made in the will of her first
husband, Richard Parrott (d. 1774). The £4 appears
to have been subsequently spent on a distribution of
bread which was discontinued after the stock had
been reduced to 4 per cent. In 1833 the endowment
was represented by £525 3½ per cent. stock, yielding
£18 7s. 6d. a year which was then devoted entirely
to the school. (fn. 59)
In 1957 it was discovered that of the 4/25 of the
income which was available for eleemosynary
purposes — then amounting to about £2 1s. 8d. a
year — only £8 19s. 3d. had been so applied since
1921 and only £150 of the remaining 21/25 (c.
£10 18s. 9d. yearly) had been spent on the school.
By the direction of the Charity Commissioners sums
of £82 15s. and £331 8s. 11d. were allotted to the
eleemosynary and educational charities respectively,
representing the due apportionment between them
of the income which had accumulated since 1922
and the joint balance standing to their credit in
1921. It was agreed that thenceforward separate
accounts should be kept, the 4/25 income being
administered by the Vicar of Foleshill and the
disposal of the 21/25 being referred to the Ministry of
Education. (fn. 60)
Double-click menu [ Cancel ]
- Contact us -
Privacy & Cookies - Terms of use - FAQ - About
Support us
Version 4.0 | November 2013
© 2014 University of London & History of Parliament Trust
Design - Crave Ltd


text:
|Will Al Jefferson's numbers be enough to make him an All-Star?
|Written by Admin
|Monday, 28 January 2008 13:23
Under the NBA's salary cap structure, a ``max deal'' would have paid him about $2 million more per year than the deal he signed, but Jefferson didn't want to hold out any longer.
``I didn't even think I was worth max (money) this year anyway,'' Jefferson said then.
Less than three months later, that statement seems more eye-popping than ever. Back then, it was Jefferson's refreshing humility that had jaws dropping and heads shaking.
Now, it's his play.
In his first year in Minnesota since coming over from Boston in the Kevin Garnett trade, Jefferson is one of only two players in the NBA who is averaging at least 20 points and 12 rebounds per game. He was simply unstoppable last week, when his Timberwolves finally started showing some signs of progress in what has been a painful start to the rebuilding process.
The Wolves (8-35) have won three of four. In those three victories - at Golden State and against Phoenix and New Jersey - Jefferson averaged 33.3 points and 15.3 rebounds to earn Western Conference Player of the Week honors.
``Man, I knew Al was a good player and I knew he was going to become a great player,'' said point guard Sebastian Telfair, who played one year in Boston with Jefferson before coming to Minnesota with him in the trade. ``But seeing his growth right now, the way he's playing defense a lot better, he's rebounding the ball, becoming a leader on the court. He's just becoming a superstar right now.''
Which begs the question: Can a player on the team with the worst record in the league be an All-Star?
``I feel like the only thing that might keep me from making it is that we've only won eight games,'' Jefferson said with a shrug of his broad shoulders. ``But if I don't make it this year, I'll make it next year.''
Jefferson certainly is making a strong push for a trip to New Orleans. He is averaging 27 points and 13.5 rebounds in the last six games, and his Timberwolves have improved right along with him.
After losing 31 of their first 36 games, the Wolves are four points away from riding a five-game winning streak into Tuesday night's game at Chicago. They lost by three at Denver on Jan. 19 and by one to Garnett's Celtics in Boston on Friday, when Jefferson had his only ``quiet'' game of the stretch - 15 points and five rebounds.
He had 39 points and 15 rebounds in the win over the Suns on Wednesday, then topped that career high while fighting through double- and triple-teams against the Nets on Sunday. The 6-foot-10, 265-pounder had 40 points and 19 rebounds, and hit the game-clinching free throws, as the Wolves rallied from a 15-point fourth-quarter deficit to beat New Jersey.
``He's come a long way this year,'' coach Randy Wittman said. ``It's not easy coming from a situation where you might be the second or third option and now you're wanting to carry some of the load. He's handled that pretty good.''
And it's easy to forget that he's only 23 years old. In his fourth full season out of Prentiss High School in Mississippi, Jefferson's low-post game already rivals that of most players in the league.
Pair that with a voice so deep it makes Barry White sound like a soprano, and Telfair is left to wonder if Jefferson really is as young as he says he is.
``He's an alien. Al might be about 31,'' Telfair said playfully. ``I have to talk to his parents about that. That's why he don't carry a driver's license all the time. Al might be 31. He went to college in Mexico.''
Jefferson responds with a big chuckle that starts in his belly, rises through his shoulders and bellows out of his mouth as he tips his head back.
``I get that a lot. I got that a lot growing up, too,'' he said. ``You have to grow up fast in this league. Look at what LeBron James is doing at 23. You have to grow up real fast.''
Wittman is quick to point out that Jefferson still has a lot to learn, especially defensively. Yet it only seems like a matter of time before Jefferson becomes a fixture at the midseason showcase - right there with LeBron - and helps validate the trade that sent the beloved KG to Boston.
It could come sooner rather than later, when the All-Star reserves are chosen by the coaches later this week.
``It's up to the coaches,'' Jefferson said. ``If they get me in, I'll be happy. If not, I'll use that as motivation.''

subset: commoncrawl


text:
>Only 10 more days until Phantoms & Fantasies is released for sale.
>Ooo, that's excing for you! I remember how excited I was when I got my letter accepting Hunters of the Night for publication. I decided not to go with it right then because the book still needs work, but it was exciting all the same.
>Enjoy the countdown!!
Comments are closed.
Click HERE to subscribe to my newsletter, the Sizzle Report (infrequent posts)
A Short Story Collection
Tropical Heat Novella #1
Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email.
Join 2,093 other followers
Authors Helping Authors
Powered By Ringsurf
Super E-Reads
Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.


text:
MyHealth gives you secure, anytime access to your health information.
- Message your clinic
- View your lab results
- Schedule your next appointment
- Pay your bill
Guest Services
We are available to assist you whenever you need it. Give us a call at 650-498-3333 or email@example.com.
Have a question? We're here to help!
Call 1-866-742-4811
Monday - Friday, 8 a.m. - 5 p.m.
Fax 650-320-9443
Track your patients' progress and communicate with Stanford providers conveniently and securely.
The purpose of this study was to evaluate the diagnostic accuracy of biplane and multiplane transesophageal echocardiography in patients with suspected aortic dissection, including intramural hematoma.Transesophageal echocardiography is a useful technique for rapid bedside evaluation of patients with suspected acute aortic dissection. The sensitivity of transesophageal echocardiography is high, but the diagnostic accuracy of biplane and multiplane transesophageal echocardiography for dissection and intramural hematoma is less well defined.We studied 112 consecutive patients at a major referral center who had undergone biplane or multiplane transesophageal echocardiography to identify aortic dissection. The presence, absence and type of aortic dissection (type A or B, typical dissection or intramural hematoma) were confirmed by operation or autopsy in 60 patients and by other imaging techniques in all. The accuracy of transesophageal echocardiography for ancillary findings of aortic dissection (intimal flap, fenestration and thrombosis) was assessed in the 60 patients with available surgical data.Of the 112 patients, aortic dissection was present in 49 (44%); 10 of these had intramural hematoma (5 with and 5 without involvement of the ascending aorta). Of the remaining 63 patients without dissection, 33 (29%) had aortic aneurysm and 30 (27%) had neither dissection nor aneurysm. The overall sensitivity and specificity of transesophageal echocardiography for the presence of dissection were 98% and 95%, respectively. The specificity for type A and type B dissection was 97% and 99%, respectively. The sensitivity and specificity for intramural hematoma was 90% and 99%, respectively. The accuracy of transesophageal echocardiography for diagnosis of acute significant aortic regurgitation and pericardial tamponade was 100%.Biplane and multiplane transesophageal echocardiography are highly accurate for prospective identification of the presence and site of aortic dissection, its ancillary findings and major complications in a large series of patients with varied aortic pathology. Intramural hematoma carries a high complication rate and should be treated identically with aortic dissection.
View details for Web of Science ID A1996VE27300013
View details for PubMedID 8772749


text:
Get 4 FREE Issues of PEOPLE
From our blog's flash polls: See who you picked as cutest couple, best eye candy and more!
Credit: Mathew Imaging/WireImage
Updated: Monday Sep 21, 2009 | 01:00 AM EDT
More from PEOPLE
See More News
Sofia's red number, Claire's ivory stunner and more award-worthy gowns
See Photos
6 of 9
Heidi Klum by a landslide! With 76 percent of PEOPLE.com readers' votes, this Emmy nominee turned the red carpet into her own Project Runway – making pregnancy look better than ever in a body-hugging Marchesa gown.
Copyright © 2014 Time Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission is prohibited.


text:
The Confucius Institute at QUT seeks to promote the teaching and learning of Chinese language and culture in Queensland's schools through the delivery of professional development programs for teachers' of Chinese language.
The Confucius Institute at QUT also offers cultural and Chinese language programs to community and professional groups. All programs are taught by highly qualified teachers from Australia and China and supported by contemporary resources.
News and Events
- Kedron State High School Confucius Classroom – Opening Ceremony July 2014
- CIQ Director invited Judge at the 2014 International Chinese Language Competition in Beijing
- Queensland Chinese Speaking Competitions for School Students -31 May 2014 at QUT
- 2014 Central Queensland Chinese Speaking Competition for Schools -Rockhampton
- more news
Courses and Programs


text:
Study: Arrested Protesters Are Nearly All From N.C.
RALEIGH, N.C. (AP) — A Civitas Institute study of Moral Monday protesters finds that 98 percent of those arrested at the state legislature are from North Carolina.
Civitas president Francis DeLuca said the conservative think tank wanted to determine "who is really involved in these protests." Republican Gov. Pat McCrory recently characterized the protesters as "outsiders," while Sen. Thom Goolsby (R-New Hanover) described them as angry former hippies.
The Civitas review concluded 80 percent of the protesters are employed or retired, while 5 percent are students. More than half are members of the clergy or work in health care or education.
The review found 80 percent of those arrested at the protests organized by the state NACCP are white.
Seventy-seven percent are Democrats, with another 21 percent registered as unaffiliated. One percent are Republicans.
(© Copyright 2013 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.)


text:
Handmade is better. Nothing beats the love, meaning and care that come with a gift made by hand. A home decorated with hand-crafted items is unique. Besides, making stuff is a lot of fun.
The Fond du Public Library kick-starts the fun this fall with Crafternoons, a new program for adults and teens. From 1 p.m. to 3 p.m. every third Saturday, library staff and local crafters will host a different how-to, make-and-take fun project.
The slow turn from summer to fall sends all sorts of signals to our bodies and minds. Even if a person's back-to-school days are long gone, this can be a time when books and reading get extra attention. So it's a perfect time to consider a book club.
Both of the Fond du Lac Public Library's book clubs are accepting new members. Ladies of the Evening Book Group meets 6:30 p.m. to 8 p.m. the first Tuesday of the month, and the Afternoon Delight Book Group meets 1:30 p.m. to 3 p.m. the second Wednesday of the month.
Jon Mark Bolthouse, 47, is a technology expert, father of 11-year-old Ivy, husband to Monica Walk and, in his spare time, an accomplished (and busy) keyboard and guitar player for the Madison-based band Fuzzy Side Up. He took over as director of the Fond du Lac Public Library on July 23.
This Bright River is a thought-provoking read combining the two qualities of having a Wisconsin connection and being a "book club" type book.
The story begins with a prologue of a man hitting another man on the head with the intent to kill him. The significance of this is gradually revealed piece by piece as the story spans the years from the 1990s to 2011.
Back by popular demand. A team of experts from the Fond du Lac Best Buy store and the Fond du Lac Public Library will again present How to Use Tablets and E-readers at 6 p.m. Wednesday, August 15, at the library.
Veteran travelers Valerie and Wayne Graczyk will share their photos, memories and stories from a recent seven-day trip at Experience Alaska, at 6:30 p.m. Wednesday, August 22, at the Fond du Lac Public Library. The program is free. No registration required.
Rediscover how fun it can be to play outside at night in the summertime through the family-friendly phenomenon of geocaching.
Avid local geocachers Kyle Schmitz and Vanessa Theel will offer Intro to Geocaching at 6 p.m. Wednesday, August 8, at the Fond du Lac Public Library.
Low back pain is one of the most common physical ailments in our society. It interrupts our lives, interferes with our ability to work, disrupts our sleep and costs Americans billions of dollars each year.
It was a remarkable voyage – from birth on a Wisconsin dairy farm in 1887 to universal acclaim as an artistic original. In her 98 years, Georgia O'Keeffe defied convention, forged new territory and became an icon in her dramatic and surprising path through life.
Ken Hall will retire as director of the Fond du Lac Public Library on July 27, but before he goes, the public has an opportunity to wish him well at a reception 4:30 p.m. to 6 p.m. Tuesday, July 17, in the library gallery. Refreshments will be served.


text:
Utica Weather
Current Temp 46.0 °F
Partly Cloudy
Wind : East at 8.1 MPH (7 KT)
Humidity : 73 %
Pressure : 1015.7 mb
Mimi Lucielle Gossin
Happy 15th birthday to Mimi Gossin nicknamed Flip-Flops. She is our Collie/Greyhoundx. Mimi loves bunnies, her all-natural treats, all of her toys, and rides to North Star Orchards and Clinton, NY...along with walks at Proctor Park.
Mimi was born on October 27, 1997 in Poland,NY and has been raised in Utica, NY...she is also known by her nickname, Flip-Flops,and has her own collection of Willow Tree Angels. Happy birthday and God bless.
More On Demand mini
Most Popular
What's On


text:
Traffic and weather for your morning commute
Young Professionals
Economic Development
The official hunt to find a new tenant for the former 28 Lister Chophouse...
James van Riemsdyk had a pair of goals to lead the Toronto Maple Leafs to a...
Downtown church packed for funeral of guitarist Brian Griffith
Editorial cartoon for Thursday, Nov. 20, 2014, by Graeme MacKay, The...
It was yet another sunny morning in South Africa, the one hundred...
Former Hamilton journalist penned popular column during 54-year career
Councillor Brian McHattie says he'd like to see Hamilton follow in the footsteps of Toronto and declare this city a "sanctuary" to allow undocumented migrants to access services regardless of their immigration or refugee status.
Toronto became the first Canadian city to approve such a formal policy on Thursday, following 36 cities in the United States.
Now McHattie, a member of the Hamilton Immigration Partnership Council, said he will take steps to make it happen here.
"It's absolutely a good idea," he said. "Hamilton has a great reputation as a welcoming place for immigrants and refugees who come
to Canada."
He plans to speak with the city's community services department and include social services agencies and experts in the discussion.
Councillor Chad Collins, who represents a very large, diverse population in Ward 5, said he's never received complaints from residents who say they can't access city services because of their immigration or refugee status.
The services that do pose problems, such as housing and income support are regulated by the province and federal government, he added.
McHattie also said he believes all residents can already access most city-run services, unofficially, but the declaration is meaningful.
Councillor Jason Farr also said it sounded like a good idea.
Ines Rios, executive director of St. Joseph Immigrant Women's Centre, said she feels horrible when she is forced to deny people.
This happens upwards of 150 times a month, she said, adding that many more are afraid to ask for help because of recent federal immigration and refugee changes.
Rios said she hopes making a similar declaration in Hamilton could help open up services.
905-526-3199 | @NicoleatTheSpec
What do elite athletes know that the rest of us should know? Lots. And that's why Phil Jelinowski...
Montessori schools have grown in popularity, with more parents choosing to send their children to...
You work hard for the possessions you own, and that's why it's important to make sure that they are...
As we pick up a pen to write a to-do-list or tap out an email on a keyboard, we generally don't...


text:
The latest news in the Ruby and Rails communityGot some news to report? Send it in!
We cover async-rails, an event machine demo app; using factory_girl with Rails 3; Isolate, another gem dependency option; Zookeeper, a gem for distributed computing; Koala, a lightwieght Facebook API wrapper; and Fabio Akita's interviews from RailsConf 2010.
This episode is sponsored by New Relic. New Relic gives you performance monitoring, tracking, and reporting of your web applications.
RubyConf 2014 wrap-up, accelerating your Rails app, RubyGems.org gets redesigned, Heroku wants you to try HTTP Git, and new versions of Rails were released
This episode covers Ruby 2.1.5, the templating libraries Scribble and Curly, a statically-typed Ruby called Rubysierung and Minitest-Reporters.
Tail call optimizations, keeping migrations healthy, how raptor is so much faster, the psychology of SAAS products, and Ru for your CLI all in this episode of the Ruby5!
Command line utilities, autoload paths, a handful of Ruby and Rails releases, security analysis tools, and more on this episode of Ruby5.


text:
A character from Torchwood and some episodes of Doctor who. He is played by John Barrowman. He often fights Aliens from outer space. He has the inability to die, yet still ages. Some theories suggest that he is the younger version of The Face Of Boe.
Captain Jack Harkness can kick Captain Jack Sparrows ass!
dodane przez Angel Of Darkness kwiecień 05, 2008


text:
Miguel de Icaza Criticizes Plans for Gtk+ 3
At first, plans for Gtk+ 3 were considered unnecessary – the developers themselves considered the 2.x version mature enough – now, some developers are toying with the idea of developing Gtk+ 3. Gnome founder Miguel de Icaza comments on and criticizes the developments in his blog.
Miguel de Icaza doubts that work on the new release will be successful unless people take time to rethink the strategy. Just a couple of days after Gtk+ developer Kristian Rietveld revealed plans for a 3.0 version of the GUI toolkit and the desktop environment at the Gnome developer conference, Guadec, de Icaza fears a disaster. He says that the plans sound like a disaster, and that application developers were underrepresented when they were drafted. Icaza pleads for a clear roadmap and detailed definitions of the new features saying that it is not enough to mention features without explaining what they are.
At the same time, the Gnome founder and inventor of Mono criticizes plans for redeveloping the API. He fears multiple changes to the interfaces as there are currently no plans for reference implementations, not to mention working code. However, without this there could be no guarantees that changes would be compatible with applications and later releases would use a different API.
De Icaza is not entirely against the plans, but he does demand a clear roadmap, working code for the technologies, and above more discussions about the APIs in the developer community. On top of this, he sees the need for a transitional 2.x release that would give developers and distributors enough time to incorporate changes.
Issue 170/2015
Buy this issue as a PDF
TOR Network Isn't So Anonymous
A new study says it is possible to unmask 81% of TOR users.
.NET Goes Open Source
Redmond joins the revolution by turning the .NET Core Runtime into a GitHub project.
Drupal Advisory Unleashes a Torrent of Attacks
Users only had 7 hours to update before the intrusions started.
HTML5 Gets Promoted to a Standard
It's official: The new web arrives
Linus Addresses Criticism for Harsh Language
Kernel king admits his tone has alienated volunteers, but says the demands of the process require directness.
New SSL Attack Lets a Malicious Listener Steal Session Cookies
New flaw in an old encryption scheme leaves the experts scrambling to disable SSL 3
Leading Open Source Coder Rants about Rants
Lennart Poettering wants to change the way Linux developers talk to each other.
HP Splits into Two Companies
Enterprise giant frees itself from ink and home PCs (and visa versa).
Mozilla Labs Shuts Down
Mozilla's product think tank sinks silently into history.
Internet Giants Launch Collaboration to Improve Open Source
TODO group will focus on open source tools in large-scale environments.