text:
One-child policy
|One-child policy
A one-child Chinese family at a park in Beijing
|Traditional Chinese
|Simplified Chinese
|Literal meaning
|family planning policy
The one-child policy, officially the family planning policy,[1] was the population control policy of the People's Republic of China. Many demographers consider the term "one-child" a misnomer, as the policy allows many exceptions: for example, rural families may have a second child if the first child is a girl or is disabled and ethnic minorities are exempt. Families in which neither parent has siblings are also allowed to have two children.[2] Foreigners living in China and residents of the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau are also exempt from the policy. In 2007, approximately 35.9% of China's population was subject to the one-child restriction.[3] In November 2013, the Chinese government announced that it would further relax the policy by allowing families to have two children if one of the parents is an only child.[2][4]
The policy was introduced in 1979 to alleviate social, economic, and environmental problems in China.[5] Demographers estimate that the policy averted 200 million births between 1979 and 2009.[6] A 2008 survey undertaken by the Pew Research Center reported that 76% of the Chinese population supports the policy;[7] however, it is controversial outside China for many reasons, including accusations of human rights abuses in the implementation of the policy, as well as concerns about negative social consequences.[8] It has been implicated in allegations of forced abortions,[9] female infanticide, and under-reporting[10] of female births, and has been suggested as a possible cause behind China's sex imbalance.
The policy is enforced at the provincial level through fines that are imposed based on the income of the family and other factors. "Population and Family Planning Commissions" (计划生育委员会) exist at every level of government to raise awareness and carry out registration and inspection work.[11]
- 1 Overview
- 2 Effects
- 3 Criticism
- 4 Relaxation of policy
- 5 In Popular Culture
- 6 See also
- 7 References
- 8 Further reading
- 9 External links
|Population in China
|+ 313.6
|+ 257.6
|+ 73.9
|Source: Census of China
During the period of Chairman Mao's leadership in the People's Republic of China, the crude birth rate fell from 37 to 20 per thousand,[12] infant mortality declined from 227/1000 births in 1949 to 53/1000 in 1981, and life expectancy dramatically increased from around 35 years in 1949 to 66 years in 1976.[12][13] Until the 1960s, the government encouraged families to have as many children as possible[14] because of Mao's belief that population growth empowered the country, preventing the emergence of family planning programs earlier in China's development.[15] The population grew from around 540 million in 1949 to 940 million in 1976.[16] Beginning in 1970, citizens were encouraged to marry at later ages and have only two children.
Although the fertility rate began to decline significantly, the Chinese government observed the global debate over possible overpopulation catastrophe suggested by organisations such as Club of Rome and Sierra Club. While visiting Europe in 1978 one of top Chinese officials Song Jian got in touch with influential books of the movement, The Limits to Growth and A Blueprint for Survival. He found them so inspiring that he republished a compilation of both works in Chinese under his own name and without attributing original authors. With a group of mathematicians Song determined the "correct" population of China to be 700 million. Chinese Communist Party found this work attractive, as it presented a "scientific proof" that widespread poverty is not result of misrule and failed policies, but overpopulation. A plan was prepared to reduce the China's population to the desired level by 2080, where one child policy was one of the main instruments of social engineering.[17] In spite of limited criticism inside the party, the plan was officially appraised and mandated in 1979.[18][19][20]
The system of the work unit (Danwei) was crucial to implementing the one-child policy, as workers' reproductive behaviors could be monitored. As part of China's planned-birth policy, unit supervisors monitor the fertility of married women and may decide whose turn it is to have a baby. In 2003, it became possible to marry or divorce someone without needing authorization from the work unit.[21]
The policy was managed by the National Population and Family Planning Commission under the central government since 1981. The Ministry of Health of the People's Republic of China and the National Health and Family Planning Commission were made defunct and a new single agency National Health and Family Planning Commission took over national health and family planning policies in 2013. The agency reports to the State Council.
Current status[edit]
In rural areas, families are allowed two children without incurring penalties.[22] The one-child limit has mostly been enforced in densely populated urban areas, and implementation varies from location to location.[23] In most areas, families are allowed to apply to have a second child if their first-born is a daughter[24] or suffers from physical disability, mental illness, or intellectual disability.[25] Second children may be subject to birth spacing (usually 3 or 4 years). Children born in overseas countries are not counted under the policy if they do not obtain Chinese citizenship. Chinese citizens returning from abroad are allowed to have a second child.[26]
By one estimate there are now at least 22 ways in which parents can qualify for exceptions to the law.[22] As of 2007, only 35.9% of the population were subject to a strict one-child limit. 52.9% were permitted to have a second child if their first was a daughter; 9.6% of Chinese couples were permitted two children regardless of their sex; and 1.6%—mainly Tibetans—had no limit at all.[27]
Families having additional children beyond the region's family planning recommendation may incur a financial penalty in the form of the social fostering or maintenance fee (simplified Chinese: 社会抚养费; traditional Chinese: 社會撫養費; pinyin: shèhuì fǔyǎngfèi), sometimes called a "family planning fine" in the West, which is collected as a fraction of either the annual disposable income of city dwellers or of the annual cash income of peasants, in the year of the child's birth.[28] In 2007, the formula for figuring the amount of the fine for a "private enterprise boss" was as follows: For an income of 200,000 yuan per year, the maximum social child-raising fee would be 20,000 × 6 + (200,000 – 20,000) × 2 = 480,000 yuan (about US$63,763) and a minimum 20,000 × 3 + (200,000 – 20,000) × 1 = 240,000 yuan (US$31,884). Both members of the couple would need to pay a fine, although it was left unclear whether they both would pay the same amount.[29]
The one-child policy was designed from the outset to be a one-generation policy.[30] It is enforced at the provincial level and enforcement varies; some provinces have relaxed the restrictions. After Henan loosened the requirement, the majority of provinces and cities[31][32] permit two parents who were only children themselves to have two children. Beginning in 1987, official policy granted local officials the flexibility to make exceptions and allow second children in the case of "practical difficulties" (such as cases in which the father is a disabled serviceman) or when both parents are single children,[33] and some provinces had other exemptions worked into their policies as well.[34] Following the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, a new exception to the regulations was announced in Sichuan province for parents who had lost children in the earthquake.[35][36] Similar exceptions have previously been made for parents of severely disabled or deceased children.[37] People have also tried to evade the policy by giving birth to a second child in Hong Kong, but at least for Guangdong residents, the one-child policy is also enforced if the birth was given in Hong Kong or abroad.[38]
In accordance with China's affirmative action policies towards ethnic minorities, all non-Han ethnic groups are subjected to different laws and are usually allowed to have two children in urban areas, and three or four in rural areas. Han Chinese living in rural towns are also permitted to have two children.[39] Because of couples such as these, as well as urban couples who simply pay a fine (or "social maintenance fee") to have more children,[40] the overall fertility rate of mainland China is close to 1.4 children per woman.[41]
An April 2007 study taken by the University of California, Irvine, which claimed to be the first systematic study of the policy, found that it had proved "remarkably effective".[42] Other reports have shown population ageing and negative population growth in some jurisdictions.[43]
On 15 November 2013, the Chinese government announced that it would further relax the policy by allowing families to have two children if one of the parents is an only child.[2][44]
Reduction of the birthrate[edit]
After the introduction of the one-child policy, the fertility rate in China fell from 2.63 births per woman in 1980 (already a sharp reduction from more than five births per woman in the early 1970s) to 1.61 in 2009.[45] The Chinese government, quoting Zhai Zhenwu, director of Renmin University's School of Sociology and Population in Beijing, estimates that 400 million births were prevented by the one-child policy as of 2011. Zhai clarified that the 400 million estimate referred not just to the one-child policy, but includes births prevented by predecessor policies implemented one decade before, stating that "there are many different numbers out there but it doesn't change the basic fact that the policy prevented a really large number of births."[6] However, some demographers have argued that the policy itself is only partially responsible for the reduction in the total fertility rate.[46]
Sex-based birth rate disparity[edit]
China, like many other Asian countries, has a long tradition of son preference.[47] The commonly accepted explanation for son preference is that sons in rural families are more helpful in farm work. Both rural and urban populations have economic and traditional incentives, including widespread remnants of Confucianism, to prefer sons over daughters. Sons are preferred as they provide the primary financial support for the parents in their retirement, and a son's parents typically are better cared for than his wife's. In addition, Chinese tradition holds that daughters, on their marriage, become primarily part of the groom's family. Male-to-female sex ratios in the current Chinese population are high in both rural and urban areas.[46] The sex ratio at birth (between male and female births) in mainland China reached 117:100 and remained steady between 2000 and 2013, substantially higher than the natural baseline, which ranges between 103:100 and 107:100. It had risen from 108:100 in 1981—at the boundary of the natural baseline—to 111:100 in 1990.[48][unreliable source?] According to a report by the National Population and Family Planning Commission, there will be 30 million more men than women in 2020, potentially leading to social instability, and courtship-motivated emigration.[49] The correlation between the increase of sex disparity on birth and the deployment of one child policy would appear to have been caused by the one-child policy.
Other Asian regions also have higher than average ratios, including Taiwan (110:100) and South Korea (108:100), which do not have a family planning policy[50] and the ratio in South Korea was as high as 116:100 in the early 1990s but since then has moved substantially back toward a normal range, with a ratio of 107:100 in 2005.[51] Many studies have explored the reason for the sex-based birth rate disparity in China as well as other countries. A study in 1990 attributed the high preponderance of reported male births in mainland China to four main causes: diseases which affect females more severely than males; the result of widespread underreporting of female births; the illegal practice of sex-selective abortion made possible by the widespread availability of ultrasound; and finally, acts of child abandonment and infanticide.[10] The number of bachelors in China had already increased between 1990 and 2005, implying that China's lack of brides is not solely linked to the one-child policy, as single-child families were only enforced from 1979.[52]
In 2005, economist Emily Oster proposed a biological explanation for the sex imbalance in Asian countries, including China. Using data on viral prevalence by country as well as estimates of the effect of hepatitis on sex ratio, Oster claimed that Hepatitis B could account for up to 75% of the sex-ratio disparity in China.[53] Oster later retracted her claim in 2008.[54]
The same year, Monica Das Gupta showed that whether or not females "go missing" is determined by the existing sex composition of the family into which they are conceived. Girls with no older sisters have similar chances of survival as boys. Girls conceived in families that already have a daughter, experience steeply higher probabilities of being aborted or of dying in early childhood. Gupta claims that cultural factors provide the overwhelming explanation for the "missing" females."[55]
The disparity in the sex ratio at birth increases dramatically after the first birth, for which the ratios remained steadily within the natural baseline over the 20 year interval between 1980 and 1999. Thus, a large majority of couples appear to accept the outcome of the first pregnancy, whether it is a boy or a girl. If the first child is a girl, and they are able to have a second child, then a couple may take extraordinary steps to assure that the second child is a boy. If a couple already has two or more boys, the sex ratio of higher parity births swings decidedly in a feminine direction.[56]
This demographic evidence indicates that while families highly value having male offspring, a secondary norm of having a girl or having some balance in the sexes of children often comes into play. For example, a study based on the 1990 census found sex ratios of just 65 or 70 boys per 100 girls for births in families that already had two or more boys.[57] Another study found a similar pattern among both Han and non-Han nationalities in Xinjiang Province: a strong preference for girls in high parity births in families that had already borne two or more boys.[58] This evidence is consistent with the observation by another researcher that for a majority of rural families "their ideal family size is one boy and one girl, at most two boys and one girl".[59]:306
A 2006 review article[60] by the editorial board of Population Research (Chinese: 人口研究; pinyin: Rénkǒu Yánjiū), one of China's leading demography journals,[citation needed] argued that only an approach that makes the rights of women central can succeed in bringing down China's high male sex ratio at birth and improve the survival rate of female infants and girls. A section written by East China Normal University demography professor Ci Qinying argued that researchers must pay closer attention to gender issues and human rights issues in demographic research:
How a researcher approaches the question of the sex ratio at birth – from what point for view, considering whose rights – is critical. This depends upon the values of the researcher, the humanistic orientation of the researcher and the consciousness the researcher has about gender and gender discrimination. Protecting the right to exist, the right to reproduce, and the right to health of girls should be at the very core of policy and action measures to control sex ratio at birth. That is because females are the biggest victims of the rising sex ratio.[60]
The authors of another review article, which was presented at a 2005 conference supported by the United Nations Fund for Population Activities, concluded that:
The Chinese government has already set the goal of achieving a normal sex ratio at birth by 2010, and to achieve preliminary results in establishing a new cultural outlook on marriage and having children. The government is working to change the system, way of thinking and other obstacles to attacking the root of the problem. Only if equality of males and females is strongly promoted ... will the harmonious and sustainable development of society be possible.[61][62][63]
The one child policy has made it more expensive for parents with children to adopt, which may have had an effect upon the numbers of children living in state-sponsored orphanages. However, in the 1980s and early 1990s, poor care and high mortality rates in some state institutions generated intense international pressure for reform.[64][65]
In the 1980s, adoptions accounted for half of the so-called "missing girls".[66] Through the 1980s, as the one-child policy came into force, parents who desired a son but had a daughter often failed to report or delayed reporting female births to the authorities. Some parents may have offered up their daughters for formal or informal adoption. A majority of children who went through formal adoption in China in the later 1980s were girls, and the proportion who were girls increased over time.[66]
Twins sought[edit]
Since there are no penalties for multiple births, it is believed that an increasing number of couples are turning to fertility medicines to induce the conception of twins. According to a 2006 China Daily report, the number of twins born per year in China had doubled.[timeframe?][67]
Improvement in the provision of health care[edit]
It is reported that the focus of China on population control helps provide a better health service for women and a reduction in the risks of death and injury associated with pregnancy. At family planning offices, women receive free contraception and pre-natal classes that contributed to the policy's success in two respects. First, the average Chinese household expends fewer resources, both in terms of time and money, on children, which gives many Chinese more money with which to invest. Second, since young Chinese can no longer rely on children to care for them in their old age, there is an impetus to save money for the future.[68]
Chinese authorities thus consider the policy a great success in helping to implement China's current economic growth. The reduction in the fertility rate and thus population growth has reduced the severity of problems that come with overpopulation, like epidemics, slums, overwhelmed social services (such as health, education, law enforcement), and strain on the ecosystem from abuse of fertile land and production of high volumes of waste.[citation needed]
"Four-two-one" problem[edit]
As the first generation of law-enforced only-children came of age for becoming parents themselves, one adult child was left with having to provide support for his or her two parents and four grandparents.[69][70] Called the "4-2-1 Problem", this leaves the older generations with increased chances of dependency on retirement funds or charity in order to receive support. If personal savings, pensions, or state welfare fail, most senior citizens would be left entirely dependent upon their very small family or neighbours for assistance. If, for any reason, the single child is unable to care for their older adult relatives, the oldest generations would face a lack of resources and necessities. In response to such an issue, all provinces have decided that couples are allowed to have two children if both parents were only children themselves: By 2007, all provinces in the nation except Henan had adopted this new policy;[71][72] Henan followed in 2011.[73]
Some parents may over-indulge their only child. The media referred to the indulged children in one-child families as "little emperors". Since the 1990s, some people have worried that this will result in a higher tendency toward poor social communication and cooperation skills among the new generation, as they have no siblings at home. No social studies have investigated the ratio of these over-indulged children and to what extent they are indulged. With the first generation of children born under the policy (which initially became a requirement for most couples with first children born starting in 1979 and extending into the 1980s) reaching adulthood, such worries were reduced.[74] However, the "little emperor syndrome" and additional expressions, describing the generation of Chinese singletons are very abundant in the Chinese media, Chinese academy and popular discussions. Being over-indulged, lacking self-discipline and having no adaptive capabilities are adjectives which are highly associated with Chinese singletons.[75]
Some 30 delegates called on the government in the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in March 2007 to abolish the one-child rule, attributing their beliefs to "social problems and personality disorders in young people". One statement read, "It is not healthy for children to play only with their parents and be spoiled by them: it is not right to limit the number to two children per family, either."[76] The proposal was prepared by Ye Tingfang, a professor at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, who suggested that the government at least restore the previous rule that allowed couples to have up to two children. According to a scholar, "The one-child limit is too extreme. It violates nature's law. And in the long run, this will lead to mother nature's revenge."[76][77]
Birth tourism[edit]
Reports surfaced of Chinese women giving birth to their second child overseas, a practice known as birth tourism. Many went to Hong Kong, which is exempt from the one-child policy. Likewise, a Hong Kong passport differs from China mainland passport by providing additional advantages. Recently though, the Hong Kong government has drastically reduced the quota of births set for non-local women in public hospitals. As a result fees for delivering babies there have surged. As further admission cuts or a total ban on non-local births in Hong Kong are being considered, mainland agencies that arrange for expectant mothers to give birth overseas are predicting a surge in those going to North America.[78] As the United States practises birthright citizenship, children born in the US will be US citizens. The closest option (from China) is Saipan in the Northern Mariana Islands, a US dependency in the western Pacific Ocean that allows Chinese visitors without visa restrictions. The island is currently experiencing an upswing in Chinese births. This option is used by relatively affluent Chinese who often have secondary motives as well, wishing their children to be able to leave mainland China when they grow older or bring their parents to the US. Canada is less achievable as Ottawa denies many visa requests.[79][80]
Overstatement of the effect of the policy on birth reduction[edit]
The Chinese government, quoting Zhai Zhenwu, director of Renmin University's School of Sociology and Population in Beijing, estimates that 400 million births were prevented by the one-child policy as of 2011. Zhai clarified that the 400 million estimate referred not just to the one-child policy, but includes births prevented by predecessor policies implemented one decade before, stating that "there are many different numbers out there but it doesn't change the basic fact that the policy prevented a really large number of births."[6] This claim is disputed by Wang Feng, director of the Brookings-Tsinghua Center for Public Policy, and Cai Yong from the Carolina Population Center at University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, who put the number of prevented births from 1979 to 2009 at 200 million.[6] Wang claims that "Thailand and China have had almost identical fertility trajectories since the mid 1980s," and "Thailand does not have a one-child policy."[6]
According to a report by the US Embassy, scholarship published by Chinese scholars and their presentations at the October 1997 Beijing conference of the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population seemed to suggest that market-based incentives or increasing voluntariness is not morally better but that it is in the end more effective.[81] In 1988, Zeng Yi and Professor T. Paul Schultz of Yale University discussed the effect of the transformation to the market on Chinese fertility, arguing that the introduction of the contract responsibility system in agriculture during the early 1980s weakened family planning controls during that period.[82] Zeng contended that the "big cooking pot" system of the People's Communes had insulated people from the costs of having many children. By the late 1980s, economic costs and incentives created by the contract system were already reducing the number of children farmers wanted.
As Hasketh, Lu, and Xing observe:
[T]he policy itself is probably only partially responsible for the reduction in the total fertility rate. The most dramatic decrease in the rate actually occurred before the policy was imposed. Between 1970 and 1979, the largely voluntary "late, long, few" policy, which called for later childbearing, greater spacing between children, and fewer children, had already resulted in a halving of the total fertility rate, from 5.9 to 2.9. After the one-child policy was introduced, there was a more gradual fall in the rate until 1995, and it has more or less stabilized at approximately 1.7 since then.[46]
These researchers note further that China could have expected a continued reduction in its fertility rate just from continued economic development, had it kept to the previous policy.
A long-term experiment in a county in Shanxi Province where the family planning law was suspended, that suggested that families would not have many more children even if the law were abolished. [22] A 2003 review of the policy-making process behind the adoption of the one-child policy shows that less intrusive options, including those that emphasized delay and spacing of births, were known but not fully considered by China's political leaders.[83]
Unequal enforcement[edit]
Government officials and especially wealthy individuals have often been able to violate the policy in spite of fines.[84] For example, between 2000 and 2005, as many as 1,968 officials in central China's Hunan province were found to be violating the policy, according to the provincial family planning commission; also exposed by the commission were 21 national and local lawmakers, 24 political advisors, 112 entrepreneurs and 6 senior intellectuals.[84] Some of the offending officials did not face penalties,[84] although the government did respond by raising fines and calling on local officials to "expose the celebrities and high-income people who violate the family planning policy and have more than one child."[84] Also, people who lived in the rural areas of China were allowed to have two children without punishment. But, the family must wait a couple of years before having another child.[85]
Alleged human rights violations[edit]
The one-child policy has been challenged in principle for violating a human right to determine the size of one's own family. According to a 1968 proclamation of the International Conference on Human Rights, "Parents have a basic human right to determine freely and responsibly the number and the spacing of their children."[86][87]
According to an unsourced article in the right-wing UK newspaper The Daily Telegraph, a quota of 20,000 abortions and sterilizations was set for Huaiji County in Guangdong Province in one year due to reported disregard of the one-child policy. The article claimed that local officials were being pressured into purchasing portable ultrasound devices to identify abortion candidates in remote villages. The article also claimed that women as far along as 8.5 months pregnant were forced to abort, usually by an injection of saline solution.[9] A 1993 book by One-Child policy critic Steven W. Mosher made the claim that women in their ninth month of pregnancy, or already in labour, were having their children killed whilst in the birth canal or immediately after birth.[88] However, this book was based upon research undertaken between 1979-1980, thirteen years prior to its publication, and Mosher was expelled from Stanford for ethics violations associated with his research methods during this work.[89]
According to a 2005 news report by Australian Broadcasting Corporation correspondent, John Taylor, China outlawed the use of physical force to make a woman submit to an abortion or sterilization in 2002, but, according to him, it is not entirely enforced.[47] In 2012, Feng Jianmei, a villager from central China's Shaanxi province, was reportedly forced into an abortion by local officials after her family refused to pay the fine for having a second child. Chinese authorities have since apologized and two officials were fired, while five others were sanctioned. [90]
In the past China promoted eugenics as part of its population planning policies, but the government has backed away from such policies, as evidenced by China's ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which compels the nation to significantly reform its genetic testing laws.[91] Recent[when?] research has also emphasized the necessity of understanding a myriad of complex social relations that affect the meaning of informed consent in China.[92] Furthermore, in 2003, China revised its marriage registration regulations and couples no longer have to submit to a pre-marital physical or genetic examination before being granted a marriage license.[93]
The United Nations Population Fund's (UNFPA) support for family planning in China, which has been associated with the One-Child policy in the United States, led the United States Congress to pull out of the UNFPA during the Reagan administration,[94] and again under George W. Bush's presidency, citing human rights abuses[95] and stating that the right to "found a family" was protected under the Preamble in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[96] President Obama resumed U.S. government financial support for the UNFPA shortly after taking office in 2009, intending to "work collaboratively to reduce poverty, improve the health of women and children, prevent HIV/AIDS and provide family planning assistance to women in 154 countries".[97][98]
Alleged effect on infanticide rates[edit]
Sex-selected abortion, abandonment, and infanticide are illegal in China. Nevertheless, the US State Department,[99] the Parliament of the United Kingdom,[100] and the human rights organization Amnesty International[101] have all declared that China's family planning programs contribute to infanticide.[102][103][104] "The 'one-child' policy has also led to what Amartya Sen first called "Missing Women," or the 100 million girls "missing" from the populations of China (and other developing countries) as a result of female infanticide, abandonment, and neglect"[105]
Anthropologist G. William Skinner at the University of California, Davis and Chinese researcher Yuan Jianhua have claimed that infanticide was fairly common in China before the 1990s.[106]
Relaxation of policy[edit]
In November 2013, following the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, China announced the decision to relax the one-child policy. Under the new policy, families can have two children if one parent is an only child.[107] The coastal province of Zhejiang, one of China's most affluent, became the first area to implement this "relaxed policy" in January 2014.[108]
Nevertheless, Deputy Director Wang Peian of the National Health and Family Planning Commission said that "China's population will not grow substantially in the short term".[109] A survey by the commission found that only about half of eligible couples wish to have two children, mostly because of the cost of living impact of a second child.[110]
In Popular Culture[edit]
- Ball, David (2002). China Run. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0743227433. A novel about an American woman who travels to China to adopt an orphan of the one-child policy, only to find herself a fugitive when the Chinese government informs her that she has been given "the wrong baby."
- The prevention of a state imposed abortion during labor to conform with the one child policy was a key plot point in Tom Clancy's novel The Bear and the Dragon
See also[edit]
- Human population control
- Human rights in China
- Shidu (parents), denoting the loss of an only child
- Pledge two or fewer (UK family limitation campaign)
- Two-child policy
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- ^ Summary of Family Planning notice on how FP fines are collected
- ^ "Heavy Fine for Violators of One-Child Policy". Retrieved 2013-10-04.
- ^ Fong, Vanessa L. (2004). Only Hope: Coming of Age Under China's One-Child Policy. Stanford University Press. p. 179. ISBN 9780804753302.
- ^ "Regulations on Family Planning of Henan Province". Henan Daily. 5 April 2000. Archived from the original on 9 July 2008. Retrieved 29 October 2008.
- ^ (Chinese) "国务院专家:建议全面放开二胎". yaolan.com. 6 July 2012. Retrieved 17 July 2012. Article 13.
- ^ Scheuer, James (4 January 1987). "America, the U.N. and China's Family Planning (Opinion)". The New York Times. Retrieved 27 October 2008.
- ^ Sichuan, for example, has allowed exemptions for couples of certain backgrounds; see Articles 11–13, "Revised at the 29th session of the standing committee of the 8th People's Congress of Sichuan Province". United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. 17 October 1997. Archived from the original on 6 July 2008. Retrieved 31 October 2008.
- ^ Jacobs, Andrew Jacobs (27 May 2008). "One-Child Policy Lifted for Quake Victims' Parents". The New York Times. Retrieved 28 May 2008.
- ^ "Baby offer for earthquake parents". BBC. Retrieved 31 October 2008.
- ^ "China Amends Child Policy for Some Quake Victims". Morning Edition. NPR.
- ^ Tan, Kenneth (2012-02-09). "Hong Kong to issue blanket ban on mothers from the mainland?". Shanghaiist. Retrieved 2013-10-04.
- ^ Yardley, Jim (11 May 2008). "China Sticking With One-Child Policy". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 November 2008.
- ^ "New rich challenge family planning policy". Xinhua.
- ^ "The most surprising demographic crisis". The Economist. 5 May 2011. Retrieved 25 February 2013.
- ^ "First systematic study of China's one-child policy reveals complexity, effectiveness of fertility regulation". Today@UCI (University of California Irvine). April 18, 2007. Retrieved 2007-04-19.
- ^ "Wuhan sees negative population growth". People's Daily Online. 2005-03-02.
- ^ Ouyang, Yadan (19 November 2013). "China Chips Away at One-Child Policy". Science.
- ^ "World Development Indicators". Google Public Data Explorer. 2009-07-01. Retrieved 2013-10-04. Data from the World Bank.
- ^ a b c Hasketh, Therese; Lu, Li; Xing, Zhu Wei (September 15, 2005). "The effects of China's One-Child Family Policy after 25 Years". New England Journal of Medicine 353 (11): 1171–1176. doi:10.1056/NEJMhpr051833. PMID 16162890.
- ^ a b Taylor, John (2005-02-08). "China – One Child Policy". Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 2008-07-01.
- ^ Wei, Chen (2005). "Sex Ratios at Birth in China". Retrieved 2 March 2009.
- ^ "Chinese facing shortage of wives". BBC. 2007-01-12. Retrieved 2007-01-12.
- ^ "Sex ratio". The World Factbook. CIA.
- ^ "Where Boys Were Kings, a Shift Toward Baby Girls". The New York Times. December 24, 2007.
- ^ "The worldwide war on baby girls". The Economist. March 8, 2010. Retrieved May 4, 2010.
- ^ Oster, Emily (December 2005). "Hepatitis B and the case of the missing women". Journal of Political Economy 113 (5): 1163–1216. doi:10.1086/498588.[dead link]
- ^ Oster, Emily (December 2008). Hepatitis B Does Not Explain Male-Biased Sex Ratios in China.
- ^ Das Gupta, Monica (September 2005). "Explaining Asia's 'Missing Women'". Population and Development Review 31 (3): 529–535. doi:10.1111/j.1728-4457.2005.00082.x.
- ^ This tendency to favour girls in high parity births to couples who had already borne sons was also noted by Coale, who suggested as well that once a couple had achieved its goal for the number of males, it was also much more likely to engage in "stopping behavior", i.e., to stop having more children. See Coale, Ansley J. (1996). "Five Decades of Missing Females in China". Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 140 (4): 421–450. doi:10.2307/2061752. JSTOR 987286. PMID 7828766.
- ^ Yi, Zeng Yi; Ping, Tu; Baochang, Gu; Yi, Xu; Bohua, Li; Yongpiing, Li (June 1993). "Causes and Implications of the Recent Increase in the Reported Sex Ratio at Birth in China". Population and Development Review 19 (2): 283–302. doi:10.2307/2938438. JSTOR 2938438.
- ^ Anderson, Barbara A.; Silver, Brian D. (1995). "Ethnic Differences in Fertility and Sex Ratios at Birth in China: Evidence from Xinjiang". Population Studies 49 (July): 211–226. doi:10.1080/0032472031000148476. JSTOR 2175153.
- ^ Zhang, Weiguo (1 March 2006). "Child Adoption in Contemporary Rural China". Journal of Family Issues 27 (3): 301–340. doi:10.1177/0192513X05283096.
- ^ a b (Chinese) "China's Sex Ratio at Birth: From Doubts About its Existence to Looking for a Solution". Population Research (1). 2006. Archived from the original on 5 April 2008. "If we do pay more attention to the problem of the rising sex ratio, still the focus is on the rights of males such as the right to marry, and ignores women's rights such as the right to survive, the right to reproduce, the right to health, etc. This approach inflicts even more harm on women...Therefore, how a researcher approaches the question of the sex ratio at birth – from what point for view, considering whose rights – is critical. This depends upon the values of the researcher, the humanistic orientation of the researcher and the consciousness the researcher has about gender and gender discrimination. Protecting the right to exist, the right to reproduce, and the right to health of girls should be at the very core of policy and action measures to control sex ratio at birth. That is because females are the biggest victims of the rising sex ratio. The rising sex ratio is in fact robbing females of their right to exist and completely discriminates against females"
- ^ Shuzhuo, Li; Ya, Wei; Quanbao, Jian. "Female Child Survival in China: Past, Present, and Prospects for the Future".
- ^ Lerner, K. Lee. "Human Population". The Gale Encyclopedia of Science. Retrieved December 11, 2012.
- ^ (subscription required) Lerner, K. Lee and Brenda. "Human Population". The Gale Encyclopedia of Science. Retrieved December 11, 2012.
- ^ Human Rights Watch/Asia (1996). Death by Default:A Policy of Fatal Neglect in China's State Orphanages. New York. ISBN 1-56432-163-0.
- ^ Human Rights Watch/Asia (March 1996). Chinese Orphanages: A Follow-up.
- ^ a b Johansson, Sten; Nygren, Olga (1991). "The missing girls of China: a new demographic account". Population and Development Review (Population Council) 17 (1): 35–51. doi:10.2307/1972351. JSTOR 1972351.
- ^ "China: Drug bid to beat child ban". China Daily. Associated Press. 14 February 2006. Retrieved 11 November 2008.
- ^ Naughton, Barry (2007). The Chinese Economy: Transitions and Growth. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. ISBN 978-0262640640.
- ^ (Chinese) 李雯 [Li Wen] (5 April 2008). ""四二一"家庭,路在何方?" ['Four-two-one families', where is the road going?]. 云南日报网 [Yunnan Daily Online]. Archived from the original on 18 March 2011. Retrieved 31 January 2011.
- ^ (Chinese) "四二一"家庭真的是问题吗?" [Are 'four-two-one' families really a problem?]. 中国人口学会网 [China Population Association Online]. 10 October 2010. Archived from the original on 2011-07-07. Retrieved 31 January 2011.
- ^ "Rethinking China's one-child policy". CBC. October 28, 2009. Retrieved June 11, 2010.
- ^ (Chinese) "计生委新闻发言人:11%以上人口可生两个孩子" [Spokesperson of the one-child policy committee: 11% or more of the population may have two children]. Sina. 10 July 2007. Retrieved 7 November 2008.
- ^ "China's most populous province amends family-planning policy". People's Daily Online. 2011-11-25.
- ^ Deane, Daniela (July 26, 1992). "The Little Emperors". Los Angeles Times. p. 16.
- ^ "Chinese Singletons – Basic 'Spoiled' Related Vocabulary". Thinking Chinese. November 11, 2010.
- ^ a b "Consultative Conference: 'The government must end the one-child rule'". AsiaNews.it. 2007-03-16.
- ^ "Advisors say it's time to change one-child policy". Shanghai Daily. 2007-03-15.
- ^ "談天說地". review33. Retrieved 2013-10-04.[dead link]
- ^ Eugenio, Haidee V. "Birth tourism on the upswing". Saipan Tribune.
- ^ Eugenio, Haidee V. "Many Chinese giving birth in CNMI trying to get around one child policy". Saipan Tribune.
- ^ "PRC Family Planning: The Market Weakens Controls But Encourages Voluntary Limits". U.S. Embassy in Beijing. June 1988.
- ^ PRC journal Social Sciences in China [Zhongguo , January 1988][full citation needed]
- ^ Greenhalgh, Susan (2003). "Science, Modernity, and the Making of China's One-Child Policy". Population and Development Review 29 (June): 163–196. doi:10.1111/j.1728-4457.2003.00163.x.
- ^ a b c d "Over 1,900 officials breach birth policy in C. China". Xinhua. 8 July 2007. Archived from the original on 10 October 2008. Retrieved 11 November 2008. "But heavy fines and exposures seemed to hardly stop the celebrities and rich people, as there are still many people, who can afford the heavy penalties, insist on having multiple kids, the Hunan commission spokesman said...Three officials... who were all found to have kept extramarital mistresses, were all convicted for charges such as embezzlement and taking bribes, but they were not punished for having more than one child."
- ^ chan, peggy (2005). Cultures of the world China. New York: Marshall Cavendish International.
- ^ Freedman, Lynn P.; Isaacs, Stephen L. (Jan–Feb 1993). "Human Rights and Reproductive Choice". Studies in Family Planning (Population Council) 24 (1): 18–30. doi:10.2307/2939211. JSTOR 2939211. PMID 8475521. Retrieved 2007-12-08.
- ^ "Proclamation of Teheran". International Conference on Human Rights. 1968. Archived from the original on 2007-10-17. Retrieved 2007-11-08.
- ^ Mosher, Steven W. (July 1993). A Mother's Ordeal. Harcourt. ISBN 0-15-162662-6.
- ^ "Steven W. Mosher". Wikipedia. Retrieved 29 August 2014.
- ^ "Father in forced abortion case wants charges filed". My Way News. Associated Press.
- ^ (subscription required) "Implications of China's Ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities". China: an International Journal.
- ^ Sleeboom-Faulkner, Margaret Elizabeth (1 June 2011). "Genetic testing, governance, and the family in the People's Republic of China". Social Science & Medicine 72 (11): 1802–1809. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.03.052.
- ^ "Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China". Australia: Refugee Review Tribunal.
- ^ Moore, Stephen (1999-05-09). "Don't Fund UNFPA Population Control". CATO Institute.
- ^ McElroy, Damien (2002-02-03). "China is furious as Bush halts UN 'abortion' funds". The Telegraph (London).
- ^ Siv, Sichan (2003-01-21). "United Nations Fund for Population Activities in China". U.S. Department of State. Archived from the original on 19 February 2003.
- ^ "UNFPA Welcomes Restoration of U.S. Funding". UNFPA News. 29 January 2009. Archived from the original on 12 May 2013.
- ^ Rizvi, Haider (March 12, 2009). "Obama Sets New Course at the U.N.". IPS News. Inter Press Agency.
- ^ Associated Press. "US State Department position".[dead link]
- ^ "Human Rights in China and Tibet". Parliament of the United Kingdom.
- ^ Amnesty International. "Violence Against Women – an introduction to the campaign". Archived from the original on 9 October 2006.
- ^ Mosher, Steve (1986). "Steve Mosher's China report". The Interim.
- ^ "Case Study: Female Infanticide". Gendercide Watch. 2000.
- ^ "Infanticide Statistics: Infanticide in China". All Girls Allowed. 2010.
- ^ Steffensen, Jennifer. "Georgetown Journal's Guide to the 'One-Child' Policy". Retrieved 2013-09-30.
- ^ Lubman, Sarah (2000-03-15). "Experts Allege Infanticide In China 'Missing' Girls Killed, Abandoned, Pair Say". San Jose Mercury News (California).
- ^ China reforms: One-child policy to be relaxed. Bbc.co.uk (2013-11-15). Retrieved on 2013-12-05.
- ^ "Eastern Chinese province first to ease one-child policy". Reuters. 17 January 2014.
- ^ Burkitt, Laurie. (2013-11-17) China to Move Slowly on One-Child Law Reform. Online.wsj.com. Retrieved on 2013-12-05.
- ^ Dan Levin (25 February 2014). "Many in China Can Now Have a Second Child, but Say No". New York Times. Retrieved 26 February 2014.
Further reading[edit]
- Better 10 Graves Than One Extra Birth: China's Systemic Use Of Coercion To Meet Population Quotas. Washington, DC: Laogai Research Foundation. 2004. ISBN 1-931550-92-1.
- Goh, Esther C.L. (2011). "China's One-Child Policy and Multiple Caregiving: raising little suns in Xiamen". Journal of International and Global Studies (New York: Routledge).
- Greenhalgh, Susan (2008). 'Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng's China (Illustrated ed.). University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-25339-1.
External links[edit]
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Population policy in China.


text:
That's the 'Unnamed One' - the unrevealed Club Eternia exclusive figure - so far very little detail given. Its meant to be a surprise figure for subscribers.
I'm of the view that under the black cloth is just a lump of polystyrene!
Speculation is that it may be a God/Movie Skeletor - but just guesses so far.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Mountaineering around Ladakh
The most famous peaks of Zanskar are Nun (7135m) and Kun (7077m). For Nun, one would follow an interesting trekking trail from Leh – Lamayuru – Shilla – Yogmala – Kanjila – Mapolan – Ringdum -Panikhar and then to BC till you begin your climb. For Kun, one follows a similar route till Ringdum and then moves to Golmatongas and a two day trek gets one to the base camp.
Adjacent to them in the Shafat glacier are White Needle (6500m), Pinnacle (6930m), and Z1 (6400m). The Z peak series are around the nearby Durung Drung glacier off Pensi La. In the Ladakh region, it has Stok Kangri (6153m), Parcha Kangri (6065m) and Kang Yatse (6400m).
For Stok Kangri, you follow the very popular Markha valley trail till you begin your ascent. Leh – Lamayuru – Wanla – Hinju – Lanak – Chilling – Skiu – Markha– Thachunngtse – Nimaling – Chogdo – Shang – Shang Phu – Shang la –Yarlas – Stok Kangri glacier.
For climbing in the Eastern Karakoram area for which one needs to drive over the Khardungla Pass, getting close to the vicinity of the Siachen glacier, certain peaks are allowed on a joint Indo-Foreign expedition basis with a maximum of 7 members from each side. Peaks like Apsaras II (7200m), Chong Kumdan II (7004m), Siakangri II (7093m), Saltoro Kangri II (7005m), are some of the virgin peaks.
Climbing expeditions from overseas are obliged to pay a peak royalty depending on the height of the mountain.
I t i n e r a r y
Day 01: Early morning flight to Leh 11800 ft the capital of Ladakh. On arrival at Kushok Bakula Airport transfer to Hotel and full day at rest for high altitude acclimatization. Evening brisk walk to market. Overnight at the Hotel.
Day 02: After an early breakfast, proceed for a fullday Indus Valley tour includes visit to Shey Palace, Thiksey, Hemis and Stok Monasteries which are the among the historically most important and magnificent Buddhist Monasteries in Ladakh. Box lunch for the day. Evening free at the market in Leh. Overnight at the hotel.
Day 03: After an early morning drive from Leh to Martselang 11,200 ft / 3,414m), we start our trek to Shang village; on the we can enjoy the breath taking view of the Sakti and Cherry villages,enter to the gorge valley of Shang, we continue our trek along with the small beautiful village of Shang; Overnight at the camp
Day 04: After an early morning pack up and start our trek today we start with a gradual climb to the village is rewarded with a good view of the stone-walled fields and irrigation channels. Going down to the trail, start climbing slowly as the valley narrows. The trail becomes steeper as you make your way to the camps of Shang Phu (13,900 ft / 4,237m.) A clump of juniper trees with a small shrine marks the pasture. This is a typical Ladakhi pastoral setting with small stone-huts called phu-lu that serve as summer dwellings.
Day 05:Today we start our trek along with the valley on the right from the junction where you had pitched camp the day before. Climb up past scrubs and wild rose bushes. Leave the stream to climb up the side of the valley, to the top of Shang La (16,300 ft / 4,968m.) The ascent takes around three and a half hours. From the pass, the views open up, with the Stok and Matho La Kangri peaks in front and the summit of Parcha Kangri behind. This trails is tremendous.
Day 06: While enjoying a breathtaking view of the Indus valley we continue our trek and the trail stays high on the hill side. A three hour walk on an incline, crossing side streams, leads to the base of the Matho La (14,100 ft / 4,297 m.). As this has been a short day, you can go on a hike on the east slope of the Matho Kangri Massif. A steady climb can take you as high as 19,000 ft / 5,800 m as you do not encounter any ice or snow. Across the valley are the Ladakh range and the Khardung La and beyond that the lofty mountains of the eastern Karakoram Range.
Day 07: Start our trek with climb to the Pass begins just after camp. On the Pass (16,100 ft / 4,907m), the Stok Kangri looms up. Descend from the Pass to the pastures of Mankarmo next to a stream. Leave the main valley and climb up westward to the Stok Kangri (16,077 ft / 4,900m).
Day 08: Day take a much-needed rest before you try the summit of Stok Kangri. In mountaineering parlance, a trekking peak is the name given to a summit that does not require any technical knowledge for climbing or any equipment for the ascent. But 20,506 ft / 6,250 m does require fitness and stamina and mental conditioning.
Day 09: We start before the sun is up. Climb up, switch backing to the top of the ridge in front. A tough ascent on the mountainside for an hour from the ridge top takes you to the moraine coming down from the glacier. A grueling ninety-minute climb takes you to the summit. If you go in August or later, you will encounter no snow except on the summit. From the top you get a magical 360-degree view of the whole of Ladakh – the twin peaks of Nun (23,400 ft / 7,132m)) to the east, the Karakoram range to the north.
Day 10: of eighth turn left from the Mungkirmo pastures to follow the Mankyarmo river to its confluence with the Stok river. The trail follows the Stok river down to the Stok village. After the creditable feat of scaling a peak, you may want to look at some local history at the Stok palace;
Trek End
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text:
Every mixed martial arts (MMA) fan loves a good conversation about rankings. When phrases like "pound-for-pound" and "best all-around" start flying around, you can bet there will be controversy.
Such was the case on Thursday night (March 8, 2012) when the hosts of Spike TV's "MMA Uncensored Live" set out to decide who is currently the best 265-pounder in Ultimate Fighting Championship's (UFC) heavyweight division.
One of the hosts of the show, Mike Straka, had some interesting thoughts on who he believes may just be the best heavyweight fighter in the world:
"Well, I'm probably gonna take a lot of heat for this, but, after his last fight, Frank Mir is, by far, the best heavyweight out there, right now. He's unstoppable. He broke Nogueira's arm with a kimura. He looks fantastic, and like you said, Cain Velasquez hasn't been that healthy. I would not wanna be a guy, not 100 percent healthy, facing Frank Mir."
After the jump, we'll continue the discussion on which UFC heavyweight fighter should be considered number one:Only one man, Junior dos Santos, can lay claim to holding the belt, after he defeated the former champion, Cain Velasquez, with a quick and violent KO victory at UFC on Fox 1 on Nov. 12, 2011 in Anaheim, Calif. But does that cement his status as the best in the weight class?
"JDS" will have a chance to prove as much when he takes on former Strikeforce Heavyweight Champion Alistair Overeem at UFC 146 on May 26, 2012 in "Sin City."
Interestingly enough, the UFC 146 fight card is overflowing with amazing heavyweight match ups. With the UFC absorption of the Strikeforce heavyweight division, a lot of intriguing pairings just became available.
In addition to the championship bout, Junior dos Santos vs. Alistair Overeem, fans will also be treated to:
Not bad, eh?
Former UFC Middleweight Nate Quarry, now a co-host on the set of "MMA Uncensored Live," also weighed in with his opinion on who the best 265-pounder is:
"I don't know if he's the best or most well rounded, but Overeem is the scariest, by far. The way that he dismantled Lesnar...it was ridiculous."
Former UFC Lightweight Champion Frankie Edgar, who was making an appearance on the show, joined into the discussion as the voice of reason:
"I'm gonna go with dos Santos. He's got great boxing, fast hands for a big guy, moves his feet really well, comes out to 'Rocky' ... you can't beat it."
It certainly makes for an interesting conversation and adds an extra layer of anticipation to an already potentially thrilling night of fights at UFC 146.
We heard from the guys at "MMA Uncensored Live," but now we wanna hear from you Maniacs!
In the comment section, weigh in with your well-thought out argument for who is the best heavyweight in the UFC and why.
Bring it.


text:
Performance golf ball fitting focuses on finding the best ball for your game and lowering your score.
Be the first to hear about product introductions, surveys, promotions, and sweepstakes. Through Team Titleist News we will provide exclusive communication not available in any other forum.
Titleist offers the most precise club fitting experience in the game.
The full-set Titleist Golf Club Trial program provides golfers with an easy way to experience Titleist products on either the course or practice tee to help determine the right equipment for their game.
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Posted: July 14, 2014
After waiting and watching the final groups come in for more than hour at the RICOH Women's British Open, Titleist Pro V1 loyalist Mo Martin was finally able to let her accomplishment start to sink in as the newly crowned champion sat down for the post round interview.
"This is just unbelievable. It's literally a dream come true."
It was certainly a day to remember for Martin as she battled the windy conditions at Royal Birkdale to earn her first career LPGA victory and major title.
Martin was the only player to finish the tournament under par and she capped off her final round with a dramatic eagle on the 18th hole to take the clubhouse lead with a 1-under-par 287 total.
Faced with a long approach shot and a howling wind, Martin sent her Pro V1 golf ball soaring toward the green and watched as the shot of the day unfolded.
"The wind was coming pretty strong, so I aimed it very far left and hit it full. Held it up a little bit against the wind and when it was rolling on the ground I said sit and then I said go. It looked perfect, so I didn't have anything more to say and then it hit the pin," recounted Martin.
She then rolled in a six-foot eagle putt that proved to be the difference maker as her name remained atop the leaderboard.
Congratulations, Mo!
At the RICOH Womens British Open Titleist Pro V1 loyalist Mo Martin eagled the final hole to capture her first career win along with her first LPGA Major championship. Martin was the only player to break par for the championship, finishing at 1 under-par 287 total for a one-shot victory over two players, including Pro V1x loyalist Shanshan Feng.
On the Web.Com Tour, Pro V1x loyalist Andres Gonzales fired four consecutive rounds in the 60's, including a first round 9-under-par 62, to win the Utah Championship in wire-to-wire fashion. Gonzales posted a 21-under-par 263 victory total, four shots clear of three fellow Pro V1x golf ball loyalists – Adam Crawford, Sung Kang and Travis Bertoni.
At The Players Cup on the Canadian PGA Tour, Pro V1x Loyalist Timothy Madigan outlasted fellow Pro V1x golf ball loyalists Matt Hill and Ricky McDonald by one shot. Madigan closed with an even-par 71 to earn his first career win on the PGA Tour Canada, posting a 9-under-par 275 victory total.
To round out the week, Titleist Brand Ambassador Matthew Griffin closed with a 6-under-par 66 to win the KPGA Championship by three shots over Titleist Pro V1x golf ball loyalist KyongJun Moon.
With four more wins this week, Titleist's year-to-date victory count advances to 95. That's more than four times the nearest competitor with 22 and more than all competitors combined.
In total, 13,595 players have teed up Titleist golf balls in competition on the 2014 worldwide professional tours, more than six times the nearest competitor with 2,195 and more than all competitors combined.
THE TITLEIST LEADERBOARD | WEEK ENDING July 13, 2014
Posted: July 11, 2014
The PGA Tour heads to the Midwest this week for the John Deere Classic in Silvis, Illinois for the last stop before the season's next major - The Open Championship. Players will be looking to go low at TPC Deere Run and get their games into peak condition on the 7,258-yard layout.
And when it comes to shooting low scores, Titleist is the overwhelming golf ball of choice with 104 players in the field trusting a Pro V1 or Pro V1x golf ball for their success. That's more than six times the nearest competitor with 17 and more than all competitors combined.
Titleist was also the top choice among players in the sand, lob and approach wedge (151) and putter (59) categories.
Fast Fact: Titleist Brand Ambassador's have claimed victory at the John Deere Classic every year since 2009. Steve Stricker (2009-2011), Zach Johnson (2012) and Jordan Spieth (2013).
The 2014 Ricoh Women's British Open is underway at Royal Birkdale Golf Club where the best women golfers in the world will be looking to take on the challenging winds, terrain and layout to capture the prestigious championship.
And in this latest major test, Titleist is the overwhelming golf ball of choice with 100 players in the field trusting a Titleist Pro V1 or Pro V1x golf ball. That's more than nine times the nearest competitor with 11 and more than all competitors combined.
Titleist was also the top choice among players in the sand, lob and approach wedge (99) and putter (57) categories.
Good luck to all of #TeamTitleist this week.
Posted: July 9, 2014
The Scotty Cameron Gallery, a place for golfers to experience the Art of Putting, the same methodology and technology used by Master Craftsman Scotty Cameron in fitting the best players in the world, has opened its doors just north of San Diego.
The Gallery, located off Highway 101 in the quaint Southern California beach town of Encinitas, Calif., is described by Master Craftsman Scotty Cameron as "part retail space, part high-end product gallery, 100-percent putter fitting facility."
"Opening the Scotty Cameron Gallery is something I've dreamed about for a long time. I've always wanted to have a place open to the public where I can share the things that I have created and love,"said Cameron, whose Scotty Cameron by Titleist putters have been the choice of more players on the PGA Tour since 1997 and counting.
"But above all, the Gallery is a place where golfers can come to understand what is happening between the ball, the putter and the player –and how we get those three things to work in harmony."
Building on the success of Scotty Cameron putter fitting studios in Korea and Japan, the Gallery is home to Cameron's first public putter fitting studio in the United States.
It's an extension of Scotty's state-of-the-art research and development facility in nearby North County San Diego –the Scotty Cameron Putter Studio –where tour players from around the world visit regularly to get fit by Scotty and his team. At the Gallery, golfers will experience the same tour treatment, gaining the knowledge provided by Cameron's proprietary high-speed video putting stroke analysis tools, as well as the expertise of his highly trained fitters.
(Fittings are limited and booked by appointment only on the Gallery website, www.scottycamerongallery.com, or by calling 760-591-9720.)
The Gallery is also Cameron's first standalone retail venture, a concept store providing an experience like no other.
In true Southern California fashion, the space that now serves as the Scotty Cameron Gallery used to be a surf shop. After a full-scale remodel, with all of the building's fixtures created by Scotty, the Gallery embodies the putter maker's clean, modern, industrial design aesthetic.
Cameron enthusiasts can view and purchase an ever-changing array of rare Scotty Cameron tour putters and one-off creations found only at the Gallery. Luxury apparel personally selected by Cameron, and other items he finds intriguing –including surfboards hand-shaped especially for the Gallery by local surfing legend Rob Machado –will also be available.
"We will have things here that you won't see any place else in the world,"Cameron said. "When people come into the Gallery, we want them to feel the craftsmanship, the vibe, the experience. This is a place where you come to get fit and learn about your putting stroke, but also to get something that there's only one of in the world."
GALLERY ADDRESS: 927 S. Coast Highway 101, Suite E-100, Encinitas, CA, 92024
GALLERY INFORMATION: Visit www.scottycamerongallery.com, or call 760-230-6000
GALLERY HOURS: The Gallery is currently open Tuesday through Saturday (10:00 a.m. to 5 p.m.). Closed Sunday and Monday. Hours subject to change.
PUTTER FITTING BOOKINGS: Two-hour putter fittings are limited and available at 10 a.m. and 2 p.m., Tuesday through Saturday. A fitting session is $350. To book an appointment, golfers can visit www.scottycamerongallery.com or call John Pinney, Scotty Cameron Gallery Fitting Coordinator, at 760-591-9720.
ONLINE STORE: A selection of Scotty Cameron Gallery putters and creations will also be available for purchase on the Gallery website, www.scottycamerongallery.com.


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Software Details
|EEGLAB Toolbox Released
|Arnaud Delorme
|EEGLAB - Tools for advanced EEG data analysis under Matlab using ICA and time/frequency methods - has been released under the GNU public license for download from: http://sccn.ucsd.edu/eeglab/
EEGLAB is an integrated toolbox of 250 Matlab routines for analyzing and visualizing event-related EEG (or MEG) brain data. EEG, event, and channel location data can be read in a variety of formats. A graphic user interface allows users to explore their data interactively, while global data, event, and channel location structures, plus a command
history mechanism ease the transition to writing custom analysis scripts. An extensive .html tutorial and help messages allow users to learn to use all parts of the system. Matlab and binary routines for performing infomax and extended-infomax ICA are included, as is the
sample EEG data set used throughout the tutorial.
Principal authors: Arnaud Delorme & Scott Makeig
Swartz Center for Computational Neuroscience
Institute for Neural Computation
University of California San Diego
|Linguistic Field(s):
Cognitive Science
|LL Issue:
|Date Posted:


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Spotlight Article:
Calendar: July/August 2014
July 7–10 Intersolar North America 2014 San Francisco, California CONTACT: Semi Global Headquarters San Jose, CA 95134 July 24–25 Southeast Building Conference Orlando, Florida CONTACT: Lynne Edwards Florida Home Builders Association TEL: (800)261-9447, Ext. 109 E-MAIL: ledwards@fhba....
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If you are looking for a montreal entertainment district hotel then look no further! L'abri du Voyageur Hotel is a budget boutique hotel in the heart of Montreal's entertainment district, the Quartier des Spectacles. The area is currently undergoing gentrification and urban renewal and is the centre for Montreal's cultural events and festivals.
With a total area of almost a square kilometre, its boundaries are City Councillors Street, Berri Street, Sherbrooke Street and René Lévesque Boulevard, encompassing all of the district known as Montreal's Latin Quarter.
The area will be home to 30 performance halls totalling almost 28,000 seats, including the Place des Arts cultural complex, as well as international festivals, art galleries and centres for the exhibition and broadcast of alternative culture. The Quartier des Spectacles hosts nearly 8,500 jobs linked to cultural activities, from education and creation to production, exhibition and broadcasting.
Montreal Old Port
Stretching for over two kilometres along the St-Lawrence River in Old Montreal, the Old Port Of Montreal has been the social, economic and cultural soul of Montreal ever since early French fur traders used it as a trading post in 1611. It was here that the city and the port came to life more than 350 years ago
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Plateau Mont-Royal
The Plateau is characterized by brightly-coloured houses, cafés, book shops, and a laissez-faire attitude. It's the location of some famous attractions on Saint Laurent Boulevard, including Schwartz's Deli (famous for its Montreal smoked meat), and a weekend street fair during the summer that sees extremely crowded streets. In 1997, Utne Reader rated it one of the 15 "hippest" neighbourhoods in North America
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Montreal Jazz Festival
Ranked as the world's largest jazz festival by Guinness World Records, the Festival International de Jazz de Montréal has been synonymous with a passion for music for over three decades. Every year, North America's French-speaking metropolis welcomes global music fans to 10 days of jazzcentric celebration, where fans of all types of jazz-related music rub shoulders with aficionados of the genre in its purest form.
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Old Montreal
Old Montreal is a major tourist draw itself; with the oldest of its buildings dating to the 1600s, it is one of the oldest urban areas in North America. Historic European architecture and cobbled streets in Old Montreal have been maintained or restored to keep the look of the city in its earliest days as a settlement, and horse-drawn calèches help maintain that image.
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Montreal's Gay Village is located on Saint Catherine Street East, centered on Beaudry metro station. The Village runs approximately from Berri Street to De Lorimier Street, a distance of nearly two kilometres, making it the largest in North America.
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Montreal's Chinatown is a vibrant nightspot for locals and tourists alike thanks to a special regulation by Montreal's city officials which slates the sector as a tourist area, thus allowing it to continue operations well into the evening. Cantonese seafood, barbecue and dim sum restaurants and VietnamesePhở eateries are featured in Chinatown.
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Southland didymo pics
What lurks beneath?
Oreti River (@ less than 1 year)
Mararoa River (@ approx. 2 years)
RNZ reports:
The invasive alga didymo is continuing to spread through the South Island, with five new discoveries in catchments close to or previously affected by the pest.
Biosecurity New Zealand has confirmed that didymo is now in the: Upukerora River in the Te Anau catchment; the Gowan in the Buller catchment; the Twizel and Ohau Rivers in the Waitaki catchment; and the Fraser River in the Clutha catchment.
On the plus side, Biosecurity says a just-completed survey of North Island catchments shows didymo has not yet spread north.
Can you believe the spin? "On the plus side"! Their overwhelming negligence is in an early enough stage that it isn't in the North Island... yet! Biosecurity need to have a purge of the negligent staff who let this plague establish itself as a seemingly permanent fixture. Fire those fucking hopeless arseholes and the Ministers who blindly rubber stamp their shit. They are sabotaging the environment, fishing, tourism, lifestyle and heritage. What will the next generation inherit? Slime thick across every river system in the country.
Where was the immediate quarantine to start with? A series of little signs next to rivers saying people should clean everything - that's simply ridiculous. It only takes one to spread it. The attitude of responsibility transference (blame shift) present within that bureaucracy is that it is the people who don't pay attention to their bullshit little signs that have caused it all. No - it's Biosecurity's fault from go to woe. This is a disaster. How long until it catches a ride on Te Ika-a-Maui?
As I have consistently stated since December Biosecurity plans for it to spread - not to contain and eradicate. An immediate quarantine - a 100% no-go area should have been thrown up when first discovered and the kayaks that almost certainly brought it in should be thoroughly inspected at the borders, then that summer the affected rivers should have been damned and then flushed, sprayed, burnt - whatever it takes - to get rid of it. Then we wouldn't be in this situation.
And we'll keep our ears pricked for Russell Brown and his defeatist/apologist friends to come to Biosecurity's aid and claim once again that they've done a wonderful job and that my idea is wrong and impractical... So I'll have to say it again for those people because they just don't seem to get it:
1. This is an environmental catastrophy.
2. Didymo must be eradicated - not protected.
3. Quarantine must be thrown up and enforced completely.
4. The only way to eradicate is to "flush" the affected rivers.
5. We can re-stock the rivers afterwards.
6. Biosecurity is completely responsible for this mess..


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Dear Colleagues of the 1st International e-conference on Energies,
Thank you very much for your participation at this successful first edition of the e-conference.
For your convenience all papers and presentations are now available as zip download.
Welcome Address from the Chair of the e-Conference
Whither Energy Conversion? Present Trends, Current Problems and Realistic Future Solutions
This e-Conference on energies is another contribution by our Journal to the dissemination of knowledge in the field of energy sources, conversion, and final use. Let me first elaborate on its rationale and then provide some information about the possibilities that such a new form of knowledge dissemination offers.
The field of "Energy" is vast, and its importance is much stronger than claimed by some statisticians (according to which, since energy-related contribution to the GDP is—on a worldwide average—about 10%, this ought to be reflected in its relative ranking among the "strategic issues"). One does not need to be an expert in our field to see though that, quite on the contrary, the relevance of most energy-related topics for the survival of our species is immense and fundamental. What primary sources to tap and how, which conversion processes to adopt and how to combine them, how to improve the efficiency of the source-to-final use chain, how to correctly assess and mitigate the environmental impact, how to link an effective energy policy with a reasonably sustainable development, are all issues that impact not only the long-term survival of our species, but the "conservation"—as a life-harboring planet—of our Earth.
Thence the idea, proposed by our Editorial Office, to offer an international forum for discussion of all of the above topics. The goal is ambitious, and is that of publishing a collective compendium of assessments of the state of the art of current energy-related technologies and their known problems, to present original ideas as to the exploitation of novel sources or the better use of the existing ones.
The title we chose—after some internal debate—is indicative of the complexity of the task and of its importance, and conveys the idea that the issue is an open one and that future improvements can be attained only through careful study of the experience (including the failures!) of the past, the knowledge of the present… and some creative and educated engineering imagination!
We are looking for a response of the energy community commensurable with the importance of this goal and are sure that the e-Proceedings of the conference will constitute an important reference for the next generation of scholars, industrialists, and energy strategists.
The e-Conference is in fact a particular kind of Special Issue, in which manuscripts will be handled as if they were submitted to a physical conference: the topics are pre-selected, and only works relevant to the Conference Call will be considered for our review process. Published papers can thus be expected to be strongly related to each other, so that a complete view of each addressed issue will be presented to the readers.
In fact, articles will be enjoying the status of archival publications, within a Special Issue of Energies which, we hope, will be genuinely "special"!
I wish every success to this initiative and to all of the authors, reviewers and editors who will join us in this endeavor. On our part, we at Energies will spare no effort to make this e-Conference a long-lasting success.
Prof. Enrico Sciubba, Ph.D.
Chair of the 1st International e-Conference on Energies
Editor-in-Chief of the Journal Energies
Professor of Turbomachinery & Energy Systems,
Department of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering,
University of Roma Sapienza, Roma, Italy
Dr. Enrico Sciubba (M.Eng. Roma 1972, Ph.D. Rutgers, NJ 1981) is Professor of Turbomachinery and of Energy Systems at the Department of Mechanical & Aerospace Engineering of the University of Roma Sapienza. He has taught and/or is teaching courses on Turbomachinery, Thermo-fluid-dynamics of machines; Heat transfer; Turbulence; Energy Systems design; Energy Systems Diagnostics; Thermo-Economics & Sustainability—on these topics he is also active as a Lecturer at several international institutions. Dr. Sciubba has held industrial and academic positions in the US and Europe, was awarded two honorary Doctoral Degrees from foreign Universities, is the Faculty Coordinator for the ERASMUS exchange programs, and since 2009 is Director of the Summer School of Thermodynamics of Rome. He has authored or co-authored 4 books (2 in English) and over 200 scientific papers on exergy analysis, CFD-and Process simulation, and advanced turbomachinery design.
Professor Sciubba is an ASME Fellow, Editor-in-Chief of the Journal Energies, Co-Editor of the E3 Journal and Associate Editor for Energy, the International Journal of Thermodynamics, the International Journal of Energy Research, the International Journal of Exergy, the Sustainability Journal, the Journal of Environment, Energy and Ecology, and the Journal of Energy Resources Technologies.
For enquiries on this conference please contact us at email@example.com


text: But it wasn't just the match; it was the heart of the performers. The intensity Daniel Bryan had shown leading up to and in this contest was absolutely off the charts. John Cena went into the battle with a legitimate injury to his left arm. It was an unbelievably gritty performance. Punk and Lesnar might have had that as close to a perfect match as people can expect, but I feel that Cena and Bryan just had everything in their favor that night. And although, the aftermath wasn't what the fans ultimately wanted at that exact moment, at SummerSlam 2013, John Cena made Daniel Bryan THE MAN.


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Roosevelt grad Nikko Cataline (Class of 2008) makes his pro Mixed Martial Arts debut tonight at the Riverside Convention Center.
Cataline starred in three sports at Roosevelt, then accepted a wrestling scholarship to Cal State Bakersfield. After one year he transferred to Cal Baptist, but after another year of grappling elected to pursue MMA.
The 20-year-old is unique in that his parents, Michael and Stephanie Catline, are the wrestling coaches at Roosevelt where Nikko twice qualified for the state championships. He has been trained by them in martial arts and wrestling since he was 5.
Nikko's parents are licensed by the California State Athletic Commission and will corner their son tonight along with Romie Aram of Millenia MMA. Obviously, it's a unique situation and hopefully his folks won't make him go to bed without his supper if he falls short.
–John Murphy


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