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Front Page Titles (by Subject) I.: As to analogous changes of opinion in different spheres and also in the lives of individuals. - Lectures on the Relation between Law and Public Opinion in England during the Nineteenth Century (LF ed.)
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I.: As to analogous changes of opinion in different spheres and also in the lives of individuals. - Albert Venn Dicey, Lectures on the Relation between Law and Public Opinion in England during the Nineteenth Century (LF ed.) [1917]Edition used:Lectures on the Relation between Law and Public Opinion in England during the Nineteenth Century, edited and with an Introduction by Richard VandeWetering (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2008).
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I.As to analogous changes of opinion in different spheres and also in the lives of individuals.Let us here consider rather more fully a matter several times touched upon in the foregoing lectures, namely, the relation between legislative and theological opinion. The partial coincidence in point of time between the reign of Benthamism in the field of legislation and of Evangelicalism in the religious world is obvious. The influence of each was on the increase from the beginning of the nineteenth century, and reached its height about 1834–35. From that date until about 1860 utilitarian philosophy and Evangelical theology were each dominant in England. By 1870, however, it was manifest that Benthamism and Evangelicalism had each lost much of their hold upon Englishmen. This decline of authority, when once it became noticeable, was rapid. In the England of to-day the very names of Benthamites and of Evangelicals are forgotten. Their watchwords are out of date. Many ideas, it is true, which we really owe to Bentham and his followers, or to Simeon and his predecessors, exert more power than would be suspected from the current language of the time. But as living movements Benthamism and Evangelicalism are things of the past. Have they no real inter-connection or similarity? To this question many critics will reply with a decided negative. It appears at first sight a hopeless paradox to contend that the doctrines of Jeremy Bentham and James Mill had any affinity with the faith of Simeon, of Wilberforce, and of Zachary Macaulay. The political reformers were Radicals, or, in the language of their day, democrats; they were certainly freethinkers, and must sometimes in the eyes of Evangelicals have appeared infidels, if not atheists; they assuredly attached no value to any theological creed whatever; their only conception of church reform1 was to make the Church of England a fit instrument for the propagation of utilitarian morality. The Evangelical leaders, on the other hand, were Tories; they were men of ardent personal piety; to Bentham and his followers they must have seemed bigots; their efforts were directed to the revival, throughout the nation, of religious fervour. The only kind of church reform which enlisted their sympathy was the removal of all abuses, such as pluralism, which hindered the Church of England from being the effective preacher of what they held to be saving truth. Evangelicalism, in short, with its gaze constantly directed towards the happiness or terrors of a future life, might well be considered the direct antithesis of utilitarianism, which looked exclusively to the promotion in this world of the greatest happiness of the greatest number. The difference is nothing else than the gulf which severs religion from secularism. Yet as we can now see, Benthamism and Evangelicalism represented the development in widely different spheres of the same fundamental principle, namely, the principle of individualism.2 The appeal of the Evangelicals to personal religion corresponds with the appeal of Benthamite Liberals to individual energy. Indifference to the authority of the Church is the counterpart of indifference to the authoritative teaching or guidance of the State or of society. A low estimate of ecclesiastical tradition, aversion to, and incapacity for inquiries into the growth or development of religion, the stern condemnation of even the slightest endeavour to apply to the Bible the principles of historical criticism, bear a close resemblance to Bentham's contempt for legal antiquarianism, and to James Mill's absolute blindness to the force of the historical objections brought by Macaulay against the logical dogmatism embodied in Mill's essay on government. Evangelicals and Benthamites alike were incapable of applying the historical method, and neither recognised its value nor foresaw its influence.3 The theology, again, which insisted upon personal responsibility, and treated each man as himself bound to work out his own salvation,4 had an obvious affinity to the political philosophy which regards men almost exclusively as separate individuals, and made it the aim of law to secure for every person freedom to work out his own happiness. Nor from one point of view was Evangelical teaching opposed to the fundamental dogma of Benthamism. Paley's Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy, of which the publication5 preceded by four years the appearance of Bentham's treatise on the Principles of Morals and Legislation,6 was the extension of the greatest-happiness principle to the sphere of religion, and Paley was accepted by the religious world of England as the philosophic theologian of the age. Nor need this excite surprise. The preachers who, whether within or without the limits of the Church of England, aroused the consciences of Englishmen to a sense of religious and moral duty by appeals to the dread of hell-fire in the next world, and the thinkers who pressed upon Englishmen the necessity and wisdom of promoting in this world, in so far as law could accomplish the end, the greatest happiness of the greatest number, relied alike, in theory at least, upon the principle of utility, which bade every man to strive for the attainment, whether in this world or in any other, of the greatest possible happiness. Practically both the preachers and the philosophers appealed to much nobler feelings than the mere desire to avoid pain or to enjoy pleasure. Evangelical teachers and philosophic Radicals urged their disciples, though in very different ways, to lead better and nobler lives; they appealed, as regards matters of national concern, to the public spirit and to the humanity of Englishmen; they excited among all whom they could influence the hatred of palpable injustice, and felt themselves, and kindled among others, a special abhorrence for that kind of oppression which manifestly increased human suffering. Wesley on his death-bed wrote to encourage Wilberforce in his "glorious enterprise, in opposing that execrable villany [the slave trade] which is the scandal of religion, of England, and of human nature,"7 whilst Bentham in a later year wrote to express his sympathy with the exertions of Wilberforce "in behalf of the race of innocents, whose lot it has hitherto been to be made the subject-matter of depredation, for the purpose of being treated worse than the authors of such crimes are treated for those crimes in other places."8 It is indeed a coincidence that one can thus link together the names of Wesley and Bentham; but it is no mere coincidence. This community of feeling9 points to the humanitarianism which, during the latter part of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth century, was in England the noblest trait alike of religious and of philosophic reformers. In minor, though significant, characteristics the moral tone of Benthamism is akin to Evangelicalism. Bentham, says J. S. Mill, both wrote and felt as if the moral standard ought not only to be paramount (which it ought), but to be alone; as if it ought to be the sole master of all our actions, and even of all our sentiments; as if either to admire or like, or despise or dislike a person for any action which neither does good nor harm, or which does not do a good or a harm proportioned to the sentiment entertained, were an injustice and a prejudice. He carried this so far, that there were certain phrases which, being expressive of what he considered to be this groundless liking or aversion, he could not bear to hear pronounced in his presence. Among these phrases were those of good and bad taste. He thought it an insolent piece of dogmatism in one person to praise or condemn another in a matter of taste: as if men's likings and dislikings, on things in themselves indifferent, were not full of the most important inferences as to every point of their character; as if a person's tastes did not show him to be wise or a fool, cultivated or ignorant, gentle or rough, sensitive or callous, generous or sordid, benevolent or selfish, conscientious or depraved.10 May not this failing of Bentham, with some plausibility at least, be charged against the religious world of which Simeon was the hero and the saint?11 Evangelicals assuredly did not exaggerate the value of the aesthetic side of human nature, and the High Church movement, looked at from one side, was a revolt against that underestimate of taste which was common to the philanthropy and to the religion of 1834. Nor is the abhorrence of ardent utilitarians for declamation, sentiment, or vague generalities12 altogether unlike the distaste which may be observed in some of the ablest and best of Evangelical teachers for anything indefinite, vague, or mystical.13 However this may be, it can hardly be doubted that Benthamism and Evangelicalism each represent different forms of individualism, and to this owe much of their power.14 Hence the Church movements, which from one side or another have attacked and undermined the power of Evangelicalism have, as the assailants of individualism, been in the social or political sphere the conscious or unconscious allies of collectivism. Any movement which emphasises the importance of the Church as a society of Christians must, in the long run, direct men's thoughts towards the importance of the State as the great political and moral organism of which individual citizens are members. This is true of teachers whom no one would dream of placing among High Churchmen. Dr. Arnold and F. D. Maurice each brought into prominence the idea of a Christian's position as a member of the Church. Dr. Arnold carried this idea so far as to advocate a fusion between Church and State which should exclude from citizenship any man avowedly not a Christian, and Arnold, as we have seen, stood apart from the Liberals of his day by his denunciation of laissez faire and his opposition to the whole view of life and society represented by Benthamism. Maurice was so profoundly impressed with the evils of unrestricted competition that, at a time when socialists were decried throughout England, he and his disciples preached the doctrine, if they did not create the name, of Christian socialism. The High Church movement of 1834 was at its origin guided by Tories who supported authority in the State as well as in the Church. These leaders were occupied almost exclusively with questions of dogma or of church discipline. They took little interest in, and showed small sympathy with, the humanitarianism which commanded the ardent support of Evangelicals.15 Between 1830 and 1840 it might well seem that the Oxford movement would not tell upon the course of social reforms, but, as the century wore on, it became apparent that the new prominence given to the idea of churchmanship would directly, and still more indirectly, affect the course of philanthropic efforts. It may without unfairness be asserted, that partly under the influence of the High Church movement, zeal for the promotion of that personal humanitarianism—if the expression may be allowed—which meant so much to the reformers (whether Benthamites or Evangelicals) of an earlier generation has declined, but, on the other hand, men and especially ecclesiastics, anxious to promote the physical, as well as the moral welfare of the people, have of recent years exhibited towards the socialism of the wage-earners a sympathy as unknown to Bentham as to Wilberforce. This difference is one easier to perceive than to define. It is a change of moral attitude which is very closely connected with the reaction against individualism, and if stimulated by the High Church movement, is not confined to teachers of any one school or creed. Westcott,16 an Anglican bishop, and Manning, an English cardinal,17 have each composed, or attempted to compose, conflicts between the parties to a strike, and have been actuated therein by admitted sympathy with wage-earners. Nor is it a far-fetched idea that in certain circles, at least, the attacks made by Professor T. H. Green and other impressive teachers on the assumptions of utilitarianism and individualism may have facilitated the combination, not unnatural in itself, of church doctrine with socialistic sympathies.18 The attack on individualism, then, in any sphere means the promotion of a state of public feeling which fosters the growth of collectivism in the province of law. Politics are not the same thing as law, but in modern England any revolution in political ideas is certain to correspond with alterations in legislative opinion. If then we take care not to confound the accidental division of parties with essential differences of political faith,19 we discover a change in the world of politics which closely resembles, if it be not rather a part of, the transition, with which these lectures have been occupied, from individualism to collectivism. One example of this change in political opinion is to be found in the altered attitude of the public towards peace and economy. During the era of Benthamism "peace and retrenchment" were the watchwords of all serious statesmen.20 This formula has now fallen out of remembrance. The point to be noted is that this fact is significant of a very profound revolution in political belief. The demand for peace abroad and economy at home stood in very close connection with the passion for individual freedom of action which was a leading characteristic of Benthamite liberalism. Peace ought to mean light, and war certainly does mean heavy taxation, but heavy taxation whether justifiable, as it often is, or not, always must be a curtailment of each citizen's power to employ his property in the way he himself chooses. It is an interference, though in many cases a quite justifiable interference, with his liberty. The augmentation, moreover, of the public revenue by means of taxation is not only a diminution of each taxpayer's private income and of his power within a certain sphere to do as he likes, but also an increase in the resources and the power of the State; but to curtail the free action of individuals, and to increase the authority of the Government, was to pursue a policy opposed to the doctrine, and still more to the sentiment of Benthamite Liberals. Indifference to the mere lightening of taxation, as an end absolutely desirable in itself, is assuredly characteristic of a state of opinion under which men expect far more benefit for the mass of the people from the extension of the power of the State than from the energy of individual action. No doubt collectivists may hold that the proceeds of heavy taxes are wasted or are spent on the effort to attain objects in themselves undesirable; but the mere transference of the wealth of individuals to the coffers of the State cannot appear to a collectivist,21 as it did to the individualistic Radicals of 1830, to be in itself a gigantic evil. We may put side by side with the decline of the economic radicalism represented in the last generation by Joseph Hume,22 both the growth of imperialism, and the discredit which has fallen upon the colonial policy of laissez faire connected with the name of Cobden. For imperialism, whatever its merits and demerits, bears witness to a new-born sense among Englishmen of their membership in a great imperial State. From whichever side the matter be looked at, the changes of political show a close correspondence with the alterations of legislative opinion. Political economy and jurisprudence were between 1830 and 1850 little more than branches of utilitarianism. The dismal science denounced by Carlyle seemed to him and his disciples simply the extreme expression of a philosophy which in their eyes was based on selfishness. The notion, indeed, that enthusiastic philanthropists were guided by nothing but the dictates of self-interest, now needs no confutation. What is worth attention is that Malthus, Senior, and McCulloch, and the so-called orthodox economists, were in popular imagination, and not without reason, identified with the philosophic Radicals; whilst the dogmas of political economy were considered to be articles of the utilitarian creed. The economists were in truth strenuous individualists. A statement somewhere to be found in Bagehot's works, that every treatise on political economy which he read in his youth began with the supposition that two men were cast on an uninhabited island, means, in reality, that economical doctrines were then inferences drawn from the way in which the supposed "economical man" would act, if he and others were left each of them free to pursue his own interest. Economics were based on individualism. Whatever may be the soundness of deductions drawn from the possible conduct of imagined human beings placed, for the sake of argument, in an imaginary state of freedom, two things are pretty clear: the one (which has already been dwelt upon), that the habit of regarding men as isolated individuals was characteristic of the period of Benthamism; the other, that this mode of considering human beings apart from their relation to society has, in economics as elsewhere, gone more or less out of fashion. In economics, as in other spheres of thought, our tendency now is to regard human beings as members of society or persons who are by nature citizens. Jurisprudence was in the hands of Austin, as of James Mill and of Bentham, the application to existing legal conceptions of that analysis of current ideas to which Benthamites devoted their powers. The object of Austin's Province of Jurisprudence Determined is simply to analyse with accuracy "law," "sovereignty," "obligation," and other legal expressions, which ordinary Englishmen in a vague way understand, but to which until aided by careful definition they attach no very precise meaning.23 This analytical method, which was pursued by the Benthamites in every department of thought, and which characterises their ethical and economical speculations no less than their jurisprudence, has no connection with historical inquiry or research, which it practically discourages or excludes. Austin's Province of Jurisprudence Determined was published in 1832. It belongs in its whole tendency to the era of the Reform Act. It is a work of rare power, but when first published did not obtain any wide notice. The second edition appeared, after the author's death, in 1861,24 and then assuredly affected the thoughts of many readers. But by one of the curious paradoxes of which history is full, Austin's work produced its greatest effect just at the time when the power of the school to which he belonged was passing away. The second edition of his Jurisprudence was, by the date of its publication, placed in curious juxtaposition with another celebrated book which also appeared in 1861, and brought into fashion among Englishmen a new spirit of legal speculation. In Maine's Ancient Law: its Connectionwith the Early History of Society and its Relation to Modern Ideas—the full title of the book is very significant—you can still indeed trace the deep respect felt by him and his generation for Bentham. We may even doubt whether he distinctly realised the breach between his own theories and Benthamite doctrine.25 But though Maine may have looked from a legislative point of view with favour on the principle of utility, his Ancient Law and his other works have no more to do with utilitarianism than with any other ethical theory. Under his guidance we pass from the analysis to the history of legal ideas. We are introduced to the historical method. Let us now turn from alterations of view in different departments of thought to similar revolutions of beliefs recorded in the lives of known leaders of public opinion. This mode of looking at our subject has one great advantage: it affords protection against that fallacy of abstraction which consists in the delusion that abstract terms, such as optimism, individualism, Benthamism, collectivism, and the like, afford the explanation of facts, of which they are no more than the summary, and therefore always imperfect statement. Public opinion itself is, after all, a mere abstraction; it is not a power which has any independent existence; it is simply a general term for the beliefs held by a number of individual human beings. If we are not to become the dupes of abstract conceptions, we must individualise them and fix our attention upon the thoughts and beliefs of men who have lived and worked, and whose ideas are known to us through their conduct, their writings, or their biographies. We had far better think about Blackstone than about Blackstonianism, about Bentham or the two Mills than about Benthamism, about Sadler and Lord Shaftesbury than about the undeveloped socialism of the factory movement. The change, at any rate, from individualism to collectivism is best exemplified and explained by the lives of such leaders of thought or action. My meaning is well illustrated by the careers of Harriet Martineau, of Charles Dickens, and of John Mill. They all of them began life well imbued with the liberalism of their day. Before their lives came to an end, they had each of them deviated, more than they themselves probably perceived, from the creed of their youth, and had gone a good way along the path which led from the individualism of their early years towards the socialism of 1900. Harriet Martineau (1802–1876) was not in a technical sense a disciple of Bentham, but when she first came before the public she was the incarnation of the liberalism of 1832–1834. To her the Reform Act was the new birth of the nation; she belonged to the generation of Liberals who, to use her own words, "saw in the parliamentary reform of Lord Grey a noble beginning of a great work which it might take centuries to perfect, and in every stage of which the national mind would renew its strength and gain fresh virtue and wisdom." The Municipal Corporations Act, the reform of the Poor Law, the founding of Mechanics' Institutes, the cheapening of books and newspapers, the diffusion of useful knowledge, and, above all, the education of the common people in the tenets of sound political economy and Malthusianism, would, she firmly believed, regenerate the world. When all but daunted by the difficulty of finding, in 1831, a publisher for her Stories in Illustration of Political Economy, she kept up her courage by repeating to herself, "the people wanted the book, and they should have it." For to her and to the Liberals of the day these tales were no mere stories; they were the popularisation of a saving faith. The "tales" are now an unreadable mixture of fiction, founded on rapid cramming, with raw masses of the dismal science. They certainly show the true journalist's talent of turning hasty acquisitions to account. But they are chiefly remarkable as illustrations of the contemporary state of mind, when the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge testified to a sudden desire for popularising knowledge, and when the political economists of the school of Malthus, Ricardo, and James Mill were beginning to have an influence upon legislation. A revelation of their doctrine in the shape of fiction instead of dry treatises just met the popular mood. The "stern Benthamites," she says, thanked her as a faithful expositor of their doctrines.26 Thus writes in 1893 the not unfriendly and the ablest critic of utilitarianism: he describes with admirable clearness the way in which students of to-day must of necessity regard the didactic fiction of our authoress, and brings at the same time into the most vivid light the difference or the opposition between the sentiment of 1832 and the sentiment prevalent towards the end of the nineteenth century. He reminds us that Harriet Martineau began her career as the expositor and prophetess of the sternest Benthamism, and especially of its economic creed. She was, moreover, by nature a person of singular intellectual tenacity. To her mind has been applied the description, "wax to receive, and marble to retain." If ever there lived a teacher of whom we might have expected unswerving faith in the creed of her youth, by the preaching whereof she had gained her fame, it was Harriet Martineau. Yet her History of the Thirty Years' Peace, published in 1849, shows that, before the nineteenth century was half over, conceptions had intruded themselves upon her thoughts which were hardly reconcilable with the Benthamite individualism and the political economy of 1832. Whilst, for example, she on the whole still condemns the principles of the Factory Acts, she recognises with mixed sadness and perplexity that the tremendous labour question remains absolutely untouched—the question whether the toil of a life is not to provide a sufficiency of bread. No thoughtful man can for a moment suppose that this question can be put aside. No man with a head and a heart can suppose that any considerable class of a nation will submit for ever to toil incessantly for bare necessaries—without comfort, ease, or luxury, now—without prospect for their children, and without a hope for their own old age. A social idea or system which compels such a state of things as this, must be, in so far, worn out. In ours, it is clear that some renovation is wanted, and must be found.27 Have we not here a confession that, whilst old toryism was dead, philosophic radicalism had proved in her judgment inadequate to ensure the welfare of the nation? One fact points with even more certainty towards a subtle and noteworthy change of fundamental feeling or conviction. The writer whose fictitious but faithful and pragmatical exposition of economical truth had in 1832 delighted the most rigid of the Benthamites, published in 1853 an English rendering of Comte's Philosophie Positive; but Auguste Comte was assuredly a severe critic28 or formidable assailant of the economical doctrine whereof Harriet Martineau had been the preacher. Charles Dickens (1812–1870) was not, and hardly affected to be, a systematic thinker. Happily for his own reputation and for his effect on the world, he placed his trust not in any scheme of doctrine, but in his sense of humour, in his amazing power of observation, and in his insight into character. But, just because he was no systematiser, he reflected with the greater rapidity and truth the varying sentiment of the age in which he lived. The ideas with which Dickens started in life have been traced by an acute critic to Bentham. "It does not seem to me," writes Maine, a fantastic assertion that the ideas of one of the great novelists of the last generation may be traced to Bentham. . . . Dickens, who spent his early manhood among the politicians of 1832 trained in Bentham's school, hardly ever wrote a novel without attacking an abuse. The procedure of the Court of Chancery and of the Ecclesiastical Courts, the delays of the Public Offices, the costliness of divorce, the state of the dwellings of the poor, and the condition of the cheap schools in the North of England, furnished him with what he seemed to consider, in all sincerity, the true moral of a series of fictions.29 And if in this estimate there is to be found a touch of paradox, it contains a far greater amount of substantial and important truth. Dickens, in 1846, seemed to himself and his friends a Radical of the Radicals; he was in that year appointed the first editor of the Daily News, and the Daily News was established to advocate radicalism, and radicalism as understood by Cobden and Bright; yet in 1854 Dickens published Hard Times. This tale is from beginning to end a crude satire on what Dickens supposed to be the doctrines of the political economists. Consider the opening words of the novel: "Now, what I want," says Mr. Gradgrind, is Facts. Teach these boys and girls nothing but Facts. Facts alone are wanted in life. Plant nothing else, and root out everything else. You can only form the minds of reasoning animals upon Facts: nothing else will ever be of any service to them. This is the principle on which I bring up my own children, and this is the principle on which I bring up these children. Stick to Facts, sir!30 And Gradgrind is the honest though narrow-minded disciple of Malthus and McCulloch. This gross caricature of an economist's confession of faith strikes the key-note of the whole book. Dickens in 1846 was the editor of the organ of the Manchester school. In 1854 he has become the satirist and the censor of political economy and utilitarianism, and by this conversion earned for himself the vehement eulogy of John Ruskin. The essential value and truth of Dickens's writings have been unwisely lost sight of by many thoughtful persons, merely because he presents his truth with some colour of caricature. Unwisely, because Dickens's caricature, though often gross, is never mistaken. Allowing for his manner of telling them, the things he tells us are always true. I wish that he could think it right to limit his brilliant exaggeration to works written only for public amusement; and when he takes up a subject of high national importance, such as that which he handled in Hard Times, that he would use severer and more accurate analysis. The usefulness of that work (to my mind, in several respects, the greatest he has written) is with many persons seriously diminished because Mr. Bounderby is a dramatic monster, instead of a characteristic example of a worldly master; and Stephen Blackpool a dramatic perfection, instead of a characteristic example of an honest workman. But let us not lose the use of Dickens's wit and insight, because he chooses to speak in a circle of stage fire. He is entirely right in his main drift and purpose in every book he has written; and all of them, but especially Hard Times, should be studied with close and earnest care by persons interested in social questions. They will find much that is partial, and, because partial, apparently unjust; but if they examine all the evidence on the other side, which Dickens seems to overlook, it will appear, after all their trouble, that his view was the finally right one, grossly and sharply told.31 The literary value of the criticism which ranks Hard Times among the greatest of Dickens's novels may be open to doubt, but Ruskin's admiration assuredly bears witness to the changed attitude of a novelist who in early life had been indoctrinated with Benthamism. The alteration was, we take it, unconscious. The change thereby gains additional impressiveness as the record and even the anticipation of a revolution in the course of public opinion. Nor is the importance of this record diminished when one observes that in Hard Times an unmeasured attack on the economics and on the morality of individualism is accompanied by a vehement demand for freedom of divorce. Legislation which treats marriage mainly as a contract between husband and wife, and therefore dissolvable if it ceases to conduce to their happiness, harmonises with individualistic ideas; whether it will be found equally in harmony with the conviction that citizens are to be regarded primarily as parts of a social organism admits of discussion. The whole tone of Hard Times at any rate suggests that in 1854 Charles Dickens, with the sensitiveness of genius32 to the changes in the moral atmosphere of his age, combined beliefs which belonged to the still dominant Benthamism of the day, with sentiments appropriate to the approaching collectivism of the then coming time. John Mill (1806–1873) was at the time of his death the acknowledged representative of utilitarianism. Indeed if we read between the lines of the Autobiography, we may conjecture that James Mill formed the deliberate design of so educating his son John that he might become the adherent, the defender, and the propagator of the philosophical, moral, political, and social creed to which James Mill was himself devoted. The father's labours were crowned with a success which has rarely fallen to an educationalist. He developed in his son an unrivalled capacity for logical controversy and for the lucid statement of argument;33 he indelibly impressed on John's mind faith in the fundamentals of the utilitarian creed, whilst inspiring him with the noble conviction that the propagation of truth and the service of mankind were the only worthy objects of ambition. He, lastly, left to his son and disciple a freedom of mind which fitted John Mill to think for himself, and thus to become not only a soldier, but a general, in the army of philosophic Radicals. In Mill's early manhood, however, the influences of the reaction of the nineteenth century against the eighteenth came streaming in upon him.34 The more rigid members of the utilitarian sect feared or lamented a defection from the true faith. Place, like Mrs. Grote and the other sectarian Benthamites, was grievously disappointed at a certain tendency in John Mill's writings. "I think John Mill," Place wrote in 1838, "has made great progress in becoming a German metaphysical mystic,"35 whilst in 1837 Mrs. Grote called him, in a letter to Place, "that wayward intellectual deity." Neither the Westminster breeches-maker nor the sharp-tongued wife of George Grote were, it is true, discriminating critics, but Carlyle, with his keen insight into character, conjectured from some of Mill's writings that he was a mystic. In plain fact Mill was between 1830 and 1840 deeply moved by the changing sentiment of the age. He conceived that the dogmas in which he had been educated represented but half the truth. He would willingly have taken to himself Goethe's device of many-sidedness—a motto which, whatever its worth, was not applicable either to Bentham or to his followers. But when on his death-bed in 1873 Mill, according to current report, consoled some friend with the reflection, "I have done my work," he said what was palpably true, and meant, we may conjecture, that he had throughout his career remained the honest and the powerful defender and exponent of the truths handed down to him by his teachers. It is certain that to the end of his life Mill was and would have described himself as a utilitarian. Yet the true peculiarity of John Mill's position is that while to his dying day he defended principles derived from his father and from Bentham, he had to a great extent imbibed the sentiment, the sympathies, and the ideals of the later nineteenth century. The labour of his life was the reconciliation of inherited beliefs, from which he never departed, with moral and intellectual ideas and sympathies which, belonging to himself and to his time, were foreign, if not opposed, to the doctrines of his school. This double aspect of Mill's work can be discerned in his writings. His earliest literary task (1825) was the editing, which meant in fact the re-writing, of Bentham's Rationale of Judicial Evidence.36 Towards the close of his life (1869) he re-edited James Mill's Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind. In 1843 his System of Logic provided, for more than one generation of Englishmen, the logical foundation of Benthamism. This book, of which the last edition appeared in 1884, carried forward the traditional teaching of English philosophers on the lines originally laid down by Locke, whilst in 1861 the Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy constituted Mill's final reply to one whom he regarded as the chief representative of the intuitionists. His Principles of Political Economy—first published in 1848, and continually republished till 1865—was built on the foundations of Ricardo and of Malthus. In 1859 appeared his treatise On Liberty; it gives utterance to the essentially individualistic idea of freedom. It is in style the most perfect, as it was in respect of influence the most effective of Mill's writings. It revived the languishing enthusiasm of utilitarianism. It carried the crusade for liberty a stage farther than it had reached under the guidance of the older philosophic Radicals. They and the generation which followed their teaching had practically enforced the removal of almost all the checks placed by law on freedom of opinion. He went a step beyond this, and proclaimed a moral crusade against the bondage which, as he taught, social conventions imposed not only on freedom of opinion, but on freedom of conduct and on the free development of character. Laissez faire, under Mill's treatment, became for the youth of 1860 a war-cry urging on an assault upon a peculiarly insidious and, therefore, a specially dangerous form of oppression, and upon that tyranny of opinion which may exist as easily under the sovereignty of a democracy as under the despotism of a king. The appeal told immediately on the public to whom it was addressed; nor have its results been transient. It anticipated and fostered that absolute freedom of discussion37 as regards matters of politics, of religion, or of morality, which in England has marked the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Mill's Utilitarianism (1863) afforded a popular apology for the greatest-happiness principle taught by Bentham, whilst his Representative Government (1861) is, from one point of view, a restatement of the arguments in favour of democracy. So far John Mill is the Benthamite apologist. His short parliamentary career is consistent with this position. He never conservatised, as did many of the men who in their youth had been philosophic Radicals. To him Tories always remained the "stupid party." He told working men of their own faults with a manly freedom which excited the respect and applause of an audience of artisans, but he sympathised with every attempt to open the parliamentary suffrage to wage-earners, and, in rigid consistency with Benthamite doctrine, was specially eager to confer full political rights upon women. Mill, however, though he always remained the representative of Benthamism, had before the end of his life deviated a great way from the teaching of the earlier utilitarians. In 1838 he published his article on Bentham, and followed it up in 1840 with an article on Coleridge. They are clearly meant each to be the complement of the other. He placed both philosophers side by side as the two great seminal minds of England in their age.38 This of itself marks an extraordinary departure from the standard of criticism maintained among the school of Bentham. We may be certain that James Mill never wasted a compliment upon Coleridge, or upon Coleridge's philosophy. It is easy to discover an analogous change in John Mill's political creed. He remained indeed to his dying day a democrat. But his belief in democracy was very different in spirit from the confident democratic faith of his father. It was limited by the dread, inspired by Tocqueville, of the tyranny of the majority, and also by childlike trust in Hare's mechanical device for the representation of minorities. The democrat who holds that the majority ought to rule, but that wisdom is to be found mainly in minorities, and that every possible means ought to be adopted to prevent the ignorant majority from abusing its power, has retreated a good way from the clear, the confident, and the dogmatic Radicalism of 1830. Mill's Liberty should be read together with his Utilitarianism and his Subjection of Women. It no doubt rekindled enthusiasm for one side of the Benthamite creed, but it emphasised ideas, and still more sentiments, alien to the convictions of John Mill's teachers.39 An unskilful eulogist sometimes plays the part of a severe censor. Charles Kingsley wrote to Mill that the perusal of his Liberty "affected me in making me a clearer-headed, braver-minded man on the spot."40 Such praise must, one thinks, have suggested to Mill himself the conviction, or possibly the fear, that he had achieved success by just that kind of appeal to emotion or to moral rhetoric which would have excited derision among the philosophic Radicals of his youth. This tendency to address himself to the instinctive feelings of his readers is well illustrated by the one passage in the grave Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy which gained the attention and the sympathy of the general public. "I will call," he wrote, "no being good, who is not what I mean when I apply that epithet to my fellow-creatures; and if such a being can sentence me to hell for not so calling him, to hell I will go."41 These expressions excited the enthusiastic approval of thousands of young men who in 1865 revered Mill as their philosopher and guide. They elicited the sympathy of teachers so much opposed to utilitarianism as Maurice and James Martineau, but are we sure that James Mill might not have read his son's defiance of an unmoral deity with very dubious approval? Is it certain that he might not, with Mansel, have been amazed "at this extraordinary outburst of rhetoric"?42 With Mill's theology we need not concern ourselves except to note that the Three Essays on Religion are marked by the same transition from one school of thought or feeling to another which is traceable in his other writings. More to our purpose is the gradual change discoverable in his economical and social opinions. He built his economical views upon the foundations of Ricardo and Malthus, but Malthusian principles appeared to him not as a barrier to progress, but as showing the conditions by which progress could be achieved. "If he appears to the modern socialist as a follower of Ricardo, he would have been regarded by Ricardo's disciples as a socialist."43 Mill, it appears, says the same writer, "was [in the latter part of his life] well on the way to State Socialism."44 "In [Mill's] case," writes Henry Sidgwick, whose profound knowledge and absolute impartiality cannot be questioned, we have the remarkable phenomenon that the author of the book which became, for nearly a generation, by far the most popular and influential text-book of Political Economy in England, was actually—at any rate when he revised the third and later editions—completely Socialistic in his ideal of ultimate social improvement. "I look forward," he tells us, in his Autobiography, "to a time when the rule that they who do not work shall not eat will be applied not to paupers only, but impartially to all; and when the division of the produce of labour, instead of depending, in so great a degree as it now does, on the accident of birth, will be made by concert on an acknowledged principle of justice." Having this ideal, he "regarded all existing institutions and social arrangements as merely provisional, and welcomed with the greatest pleasure and interest all Socialistic experiments by select individuals." In short, the study planted by Adam Smith and watered by Ricardo had, in the third quarter of the nineteenth century, imbibed a full measure of the spirit of Saint-Simon and Owen,—and that in England, the home of what the Germans call "Manchesterthum." I do not mean to suggest that those who learnt Political Economy from Mill's book during this period went so far as their teacher in the adoption of Socialistic aims. This, no doubt, was far from being the case. Indeed—if I may judge from my own experience—I should say that we were as much surprised as the "general reader" to learn from Mill's Autobiography that our master, the author of the much-admired treatise "On Liberty," had been all the while looking forward to a time when the division of the produce of labour should be "made by concert."45 Note, too, that while Mill remains a utilitarian to the end of his life, utilitarianism itself undergoes in his hands a sort of transformation. The principle of utility, or the greatest-happiness principle, which was taken to be a maxim of self-interest, becomes a precept of self-sacrifice, and the doctrine which teaches that every man must of necessity pursue his own happiness is made to lead to the conclusion that a good man of heroic mould will be willing to serve the happiness of others by the absolute sacrifice of his own.46 Whether this conclusion can be justly drawn from utilitarian premises may be left for the discussion of moralists. Thus much is certain, that the principle of utility, as expounded by Mill, is somewhat difficult to grasp, and is a very different thing from the simple and absolutely comprehensible notion that every man is by his own nature impelled to pursue his own happiness, and that the intelligent pursuit by each man of his well-understood interest will inevitably secure the greatest happiness of the greatest number. One may well wonder whether Bentham would have recognised his own doctrine in the exposition of it provided by the most eminent and faithful of his disciples. Whether in this instance, and in others, Mill really succeeded in the attempt to reconcile principles, each of which he thought contained half the truth, may be doubtful. To some even of his admirers it may seem that he effected rather a juxtaposition or combination than a fusion or reconciliation of apparently opposed convictions. But however this may be, it is clear that John Mill was a teacher created for, and assured of a welcome in, an age of transition. The lucidity of his style, which may sometimes surpass the clearness of his thought, and the matchless skill in the arrangement of arguments, which occasionally disguises both from himself and from his readers a weakness in the links of his reasoning, his patent honesty, and his zeal for truth, constituted the intellectual foundation of his influence over the youth of 1860–1870. But other qualities of a different order enhanced his authority. His susceptibility to every form of generous emotion, combined, as it almost must be, with intense desire for, and appreciation of sympathy, made an author known to most Englishmen only by his writings something like the personal friend of his readers. His immediate influence is a thing of the past, but for the purpose of these Lectures it possesses a peculiar importance. The changes or fluctuations in Mill's own convictions, bearing as they do in many points upon legislative opinion, are at once the sign, and were in England, to a great extent, the cause, of the transition from the individualism of 1830–1865 to the collectivism of 1900. His teaching specially affected the men who were just entering on public life towards 1870. It prepared them at any rate to accept, if not to welcome, the collectivism which from that time onwards has gained increasing strength. [1. ]See pp. 228–229, ante. [2. ]"The Evangelical movement," writes Dr. Dale, "had its characteristic ἤθος or spirit, as well as its characteristic creed; and this ἤθος or spirit it is not hard to discover. Its supreme care in the days of its strength was not for any ideal of ecclesiastical polity; it contributed to the extinction among Congregationalists, and, I think, among Baptists and Presbyterians, of that solicitude for an ideal Church organisation which had so large a place in the original revolt of the Nonconformists against the Elizabethan settlement of the English Church. Nor were the Evangelical clergy zealous supporters of Episcopacy; their imagination was not touched by that great—though, as we believe false—conception of the Church which fired the passion of the leaders of the Tractarian Revival—a Church whose living ministers can claim to inherit, by unbroken succession, awful powers and prerogatives attributed to the original apostles. The Evangelical movement encouraged what is called an undenominational temper. It emphasised the vital importance of the Evangelical creed, but it regarded almost with indifference all forms of Church polity that were not in apparent and irreconcilable antagonism to that creed. It demanded as the basis of fellowship a common religious life and common religious beliefs, but was satisfied with fellowship of an accidental and precarious kind. It cared nothing for the idea of the Church as the august society of saints. It was the ally of individualism."—R. W. Dale, The Old Evangelicalism and the New, pp. 16, 17. [3. ]Note the account of Thomas Scott's theology given about the middle of the nineteenth century by a sympathetic critic. It is clear that while Scott's autobiography, published under the title of The Force of Truth, will retain a permanent place in religious literature as a record of personal experience, his mode of reasoning must be utterly unconvincing to a thinker of to-day. It is as much out of date as the argument of James Mill's Government. It could not now be written by a man of anything like Scott's intellectual power. See Sir J. Stephen, Ecclesiastical Biography, ii. p. 121, and following. [4. ]When Wesley refused, though earnestly requested by his father, to leave Oxford, he wrote: "'The question is not whether I could do more good to others there, than here; but whether I could do more good to myself, seeing wherever I can be most holy myself, there I can most promote holiness in others'" (cited Lecky, History of England, ii. p. 554, from Tyerman's Wesley, i. p. 96). "'My chief motive,' he wrote, when starting for Georgia, 'is the hope of saving my own soul. I hope to learn the true sense of the Gospel of Christ by preaching it to the heathen'" (cited Lecky, History of England, ii. p. 554, from Tyerman's Wesley, i. p. 115). [5. ]1785. [6. ]The first edition of this book was printed in the year 1780, and first published in 1789. [7. ]Stephen, Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography, ii. p. 282. [8. ]Ibid. p. 283. As to the relation between Wilberforce and Bentham see article by Burton, Westminster Review, xxxvii. (1842). [9. ]Robert Hall, the most eloquent preacher of his day, was deeply respected and greatly admired by Evangelicals. He condemned the absence of religion in the writings of Miss Edgeworth, and had no sympathy with the theological scepticism of Bentham, but he nevertheless avowed his intense admiration for Bentham as a legislative reformer. [10. ]J. S. Mill, Dissertations and Discussions, i. p. 388. [11. ]"This is one of the peculiarities of the English mind; the Puritan and the Benthamite have an immense part of their nature in common; and thus the Christianity of the Puritan is coarse and fanatical;—he cannot relish what there is in it of beautiful, or delicate, or ideal."—Arnold, Life, ii. p. 53. [12. ]Mill, Autobiography, p. 111. [13. ]See Venn Family Annals, p. 74. [14. ]They both appealed to the strength, though also to the weaknesses, of the middle class. This explains how it happened that they each reached the height of their power at the time when, under the reformed Parliament of 1832, the middle classes guided the public life of England. [15. ]Hurrell Froude excited the sympathetic admiration of the early Tractarians; his Remains were published in 1837, under the editorship of James Mozley, and with a preface by Newman; they were not afraid to publish without censure the following report of his feelings: "I have felt it a kind of duty to maintain in my mind an habitual hostility to the niggers, and to chuckle over the failures of the new system, as if these poor wretches concentrated in themselves all the Whiggery, dissent, cant, and abomination that have been ranged on their side." . . . "I am ashamed I cannot get over my prejudices against the niggers." . . . "Every one I meet seems to me like an incarnation of the whole Anti-Slavery Society, and Fowell Buxton at their head."—Sir J. Stephen, Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography, ii. pp. 188, 189. [16. ]Life and Letters of B. Foss Westcott, ii. p. 115. [17. ]See Dict. National Biography, xxxvi. pp. 66, 67. "On occasion of the strike of the London dock labourers in August 1889 [Manning] warmly espoused their cause, and materially contributed to bring about an adjustment of the dispute."—Ibid. [18. ]For the inclination of the Church party in France to favour a certain kind of socialism, see Pic, Traité Élémentaire de Législation Industrielle, ss. 354, 355. [19. ]See p. 126, ante. [20. ]Compare for the tone of English public life from 1830–1850, Martineau's History of the Thirty Years' Peace, and Walpole's History of England, published 1878–1886, which embodies the sentiment of the era of reform, though the book is written rather from the Whig than from the Radical point of view. [21. ]A sagacious collectivist may, indeed, look to some system of taxation as the best means for achieving that gradual transfer to the community of the wealth of individuals which, though it involves an immense inroad on personal freedom, might realise the ideals of socialism. [22. ]No politician was a more typical representative of his time than Joseph Hume. He was a utilitarian of a narrow type; he devoted the whole of his energy to the keeping down or paring down of public expenditure. Even at the period of his greatest influence (1820–1850) his passion for economy met with as much derision as admiration. Still in his day, though he was never a popular hero, he commanded some real and more nominal support. He has left no successor; no member of Parliament has taken up Hume's work. Could a politician who avowedly wished to follow in Hume's steps now obtain a seat in the House of Commons? [23. ]Jurisprudence was also in the minds of Benthamites most intimately connected with the doctrine of utility. This fact explains a peculiarity which often perplexes readers of Austin's Jurisprudence. The whole line of his general argument is illogically broken by an interesting but long and irrelevant disquisition on the principle of utility. See Austin, Jurisprudence, Lects. III. and IV. [24. ]In this edition the greater part of his lectures appeared not for the second but for the first time. [Editor's note: This footnote was added in the second edition.] [25. ]See Maine, Early History of Institutions, Lect. xii. p. 342. It is difficult, for example, to say whether Maine does or does not accept Austin's analysis of sovereignty as sound, if it be taken as an account of the fully developed idea of sovereignty, as it exists in a modern civilised state such as England; but it is quite clear that he attaches an importance to the historical growth of conceptions, such as sovereignty or law, which was unknown to Austin, and to the school of Bentham. [26. ]Martineau, Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xxxvi. pp. 310, 311, article by Leslie Stephen. [27. ]Martineau, Thirty Years' Peace, iv. (ed. 1878), p. 454. This is part of a passage which should be read as a whole. [28. ]See Comte, Cours de Philosophie Positive, iv. Leçon 47, and pp. 263–286. [29. ]Maine, Popular Government, p. 153. [30. ]Dickens, Hard Times, p. 1. [31. ]Ruskin, Unto This Last (2nd ed. 1877), pp. 14, 15 (n.), published 1860. [32. ]In 1857 Dickens satirised in Little Dorrit the inefficiency of Government offices, i.e. attacked the action of the State as compared with that of individuals, and rendered his satire memorable by the invention of the term "circumlocution office." [33. ]Critics who perceive that this was the one object of James Mill's educational efforts will regard with comprehension, if not with sympathy, his harsh and also absurd indignation when John, as a mere child, stated that something might be true in theory but not in fact. The least blunder in the boy's logic threatened James Mill's design with total failure. [34. ]Autobiography, p. 161. [35. ]Wallas, Life of Francis Place, p. 91. [36. ]Autobiography, pp. 114–116. [37. ]See p. 307, post. [38. ]Dissertations, i. p. 331. Both articles were published after the death of James Mill. [39. ]Sir J. F. Stephen's Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity is a strenuous assault on the fundamental ideas of the treatise, On Liberty, but this forcible attack is little more than a vehement criticism of Mill from the point of view of the older utilitarians, and certainly shows that Mill had diverged considerably from Bentham. See Leslie Stephen, English Utilitarians, iii. p. 244. [40. ]Life of Kingsley, ii. p. 88. [41. ]Examination, p. 129. [42. ]English Utilitarians, iii. p. 430. [43. ]John Mill, Dict. of Nat. Biog. xxxvii. p. 398. [44. ]English Utilitarians, iii. p. 230. "Sir Louis Mallet reports a conversation with him only a few days before his death, in which Cobden said with peculiar earnestness: 'I believe that the harm which Mill has done to the world by the passage in his book on Political Economy in which he favours the principle of Protection in young communities has outweighed all the good which may have been caused by his other writings.'" "Quoted in a letter of Sir Louis Mallet, given in the Appendix to Mr. Gowing's admirable Life of Richard Cobden (Cassell & Co.)." See Armitage Smith, The Free Trade Movement and its Results (1898 ed.), p. 153. [45. ]Sidgwick, Miscellaneous Essays and Addresses, pp. 241, 242. Compare particularly L. Stephen, English Utilitarians, iii. pp. 224–237. [46. ]Utilitarianism, p. 23. |


text: To keep up on Trillium's news, including special events, artisan success stories, press features, and upcoming art and craft shows, please follow us on facebook and twitter. Store hours: Tuesday - Friday: 10:30 am - 5:30 pm Saturday: 10:30 am - 3:30 pm Closed Sunday and Monday Please note, our store at SE 92nd and Foster Road is now closed. |

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Wednesday - 10/17/2012, 2:25am  ET
WASHINGTON (AP) - A Maryland woman has pleaded guilty to attempted sexual abuse of a 17-year-old boy whom she met while she worked in a youth employment program.
Thirty-year-old Loni Haggins of Bowie, Md. entered the plea Friday. She faces a year in prison at sentencing in December and must register as a sex offender for 10 years.
According to government evidence, Haggins worked as a supervisor for a Summer Youth Employment Program in Washington, in which the victim was a participant. Prosecutors say beginning in August 2010, Haggins engaged in sex acts with the youth.
Prosecutors say Haggins gave birth to the youth's child. She was arrested last month.
(Copyright 2012 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.)


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Asus Eee PC 1025C Flare review
The Asus Eee PC 1025C offers astounding battery life, but it's let down by poor performance and an unimpressive screen. Read more
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The Asus Eee PC Lamborghini VX6 might resemble its supercar namesake, but sadly it's not got as much oomph. It's faster than most netbooks, but as it costs as much as a normal laptop, it's hard to recommend splashing out. Read more
16 March 2011 by Luke Westaway
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The 8.9-inch Eee PC T91 stands out from the netbook crowd by offering a rotating touchscreen that allows it to function in tablet PC mode. Its performance won't melt your brain, but it's extremely portable, sports very good wireless connectivity and offers impressive battery life Read more
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Justin Leslie, MBAInstructor of Physical EducationHead Coach, Men's Basketball |
Phone: (626) 815-5082 Email: firstname.lastname@example.com |
M.BA. - Master's in Business Administration, Azusa Pacific UniversityB.S. - Marketing, Azusa Pacific University
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I got it, dripping like water.
I jus dont get it.That's because you're literally stupid. It's unique because it's unique. The entire thing is quite literal.
buy my stuff: http://hypebeast.com/forums/apparel/208108
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As of 2/26/14: Size M Navy Arabic Hoodie for Sale.
be careful what you pretend to be
because life is about experiences my dude, from big things to things as small as personalizing your denim. it all adds up to the human experiencebruh bruh come on now are you going to try to get metaphysical about denim


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text:
Category: Violence Against Women
NOW President Terry O'Neill quoted in this POLITICO article about the House Republican version of the Violence Against Women Act: "The agenda that is being promoted by the Adams bill is racist and homophobic and leaves women behind, and it's not OK."
Read More...NOW President Terry O'Neill was a guest panelist on The Diane Rehm Show discussing the reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act. The landmark domestic violence bill passed the Senate on April 26 after many rounds of haggling. But as it heads to the House, it could be held up by a fight over politics.
Read More...The Editorial Board of The Washington Post writes: "The impact of this landmark law, as Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.), chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, said last week in urging its passage, has been 'remarkable,' with the annual incidence of domestic violence decreasing by more than 50 percent since its passage."
Read More...Janice Raymond writes for The Guardian: "Those working against the commercial sexual exploitation of women and children know that 'tolerance zones' in countries that have legalized prostitution -- which is actually legalization of brothels and pimping -- are magnets for traffickers."
Read More...Mallary Jean Tenore writes for Poynter: "[Sara] Ganim started covering Penn State's sex abuse scandal as a 22-year-old, long before it became a national story. She broke the story that a grand jury was investigating Penn State Assistant Football Coach Jerry Sandusky for sexual abuse allegations, and has received numerous awards for her ongoing coverage."
Read More...Karen Finney writes for The Hill: "Recently, some Democrats have backtracked on the phrase 'war on women.' They shouldn't. This is not the time to make a political calculation about terminology out of concern some voters view the word 'war' as too harsh. Those same voters respect honesty and conviction."
Read More...Ruth Marcus writes in The Washington Post: "The Mommy Wars are a conflict that is never really extinguished. It doesn't take much, as Hilary Rosen discovered, for the embers to erupt. This mommy, for one, is tired of the stale debate over Who Made The Right Choice and Whose Job Matters More. There is no universally correct answer."
Read More...Adam Liptak reports for The New York Times: "The Supreme Court on Monday ruled by a 5-to-4 vote that officials may strip-search people arrested for any offense, however minor, before admitting them to jails even if the officials have no reason to suspect the presence of contraband."
Read More...Eesha Pandit writes on Feministing: "When faced with report after report that recounts the inhumane conditions at ICE detention centers, some Republican lawmakers are arguing that remedying these horrific conditions is unnecessary."
Read More...Laura Bassett writes on Huffington Post: "As part of her floor speech pushing to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) on Wednesday, Rep. Gwen Moore (D-Wis.) told the story of her own history of being sexually assaulted during her childhood and then raped as a young woman." (Video included)
Read More...From Women's Media Center: To reduce bullying and its deadly consequences, argues Jessie Klein, author of the "Bully Society," schools must make the gender connection.
Read More...The editors of The New York Times write: "The rate of sexual assaults on American women serving in the military remains intolerably high."
Read More...The editorial board of The Washington Post writes: "[T]he Virginia legislation is supremely pointless. It substitutes a mandate for a doctor's judgment, so that the government will require ultrasounds even though they already take place in most instances. The main difference is that the state will now make no allowance for a doctor's discretion."
Read More...Petula Dvorak writes in The Washington Post: "'All across the globe, our stories are the same,' said Berline Vaita, the Kenyan abuse survivor who was attending the World Conference of Women's Shelters at National Harbor on Monday."
Read More...NOW President Terry O'Neill was a guest panelist on NPR/WAMU's The Diane Rehm Show discussing the importance of reauthorizing the Violence Against Women Act.
Read More...


text:
Welcome to #ArtsTechPhilly!
Recent Meetups
February 7 · 6:00 PM
InLiquid Benefit Networking Reception {ArtsTechPhilly}Greetings ArtsTechies, ArtsTechPhilly will be a hosting a table at this years Inliquid Benefit Networking Reception. Come out for fun food, drinks and a chance to... Learn more -
October 11, 2013 · 6:00 PM
ArtsTechPhilly Fall Launch with FAST FORWARD PHILLY -A Design Philadelphia EventWelcome back ArtsTechPhilly Friends ! To kick off the fall ArtsTech is presenting at this years Fast Forward Philly's Design Philadelphia event. The evening consists of... Learn more -
April 26, 2013 · 6:00 PM
{ArtsTechPhilly} Presents The Art Of Fashion Meets Technology Panel #PTW13This month in our celebration of Philly Tech Week we have teamed up with Fashion|Tech|PHL and several local innovators in the field of fashion and tech to curate a panel... Learn more -
April 23, 2013 · 6:30 PM
ArtsTechPhilly & YAF Present Arch Eric Corey Freed: Attack Of the Dodo SapiensArtsTech Philly, in collaboration with Young Architects Forum Presents "Attack of the Dodo Sapiens: Innovative New Models for Sustainable Development", a talk by Eric... Learn more -
February 19, 2013 · 7:00 PM
{ArtsTechPhilly} Presents Foodie Vs. Techie A Demo DayWelcome Back ArtsTechPhilly Friends, To start the new year off we are presenting a Demo Day discussing the intersection of food and technology. In the past several years... Learn more


text:
the barbara and patrick roche center for catholic education
Patricia Weitzel-O'Neill, Ph.D.
Executive Director
Patricia Weitzel-O'Neill joined the Roche Center for Catholic Education the summer of 2010 after serving as Superintendent of Schools for the Archdiocese of Washington and the Vice President for Academic Affairs at Trinity Washington University in Washington, DC.
As the Executive Director of the Roche Center, she is responsible for the oversight and management of Center personnel, professional development for leadership teams in Catholic education, advocacy work, and facilitating applied research on behalf of the Lynch School of Education and the Catholic school community, both locally and nationally. Currently, Dr. Weitzel-O'Neill is continuing her partnership with Loyola University Chicago and the National Catholic Educational Association (NCEA) as they advance and support the implementation of the National Standards and Benchmarks for Catholic Elementary and Secondary Schools. An advocate for Catholic schools, she presents frequently at conferences and serves on various boards and councils and is on the Editorial Board for the Journal of Catholic School Studies, Australian Catholic University.
As Superintendent of Schools for the Archdiocese of Washington, Dr. Weitzel-O'Neill was responsible for 29,000 students in 96 early learning, elementary, and secondary schools. During her eight-year tenure, she was credited with strengthening school academic programs, introducing a standards-based curriculum, and enhancing professional development standards. In addition, she was instrumental in the efforts to secure the DC Opportunity Scholarship Program, a federal initiative that enabled thousands of low-income children to attend parochial schools.
Prior to serving as superintendent, Dr. Weitzel-O'Neill worked with Trinity Washington University as Vice President of Academic Affairs, Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences, and an associate professor of sociology. She is a graduate of Wheeling Jesuit University and holds an M.A. and a Ph.D. in sociology from St. Louis University.
Charles Cownie
Director, The Urban Catholic Teacher Corps
Charlie joined the Roche Center for Catholic Education in 2012 as the Director of the Urban Catholic Teacher Corps of Boston College (UCTC). Prior to arriving at Boston College, Charlie was an Associate Director of Campus Ministry at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles. Previously, he was also a member of the Educational Partners in Catholic Schools Program (EPICS) at Seton Hall University, which provided him the opportunity to teach in a Catholic high school in New Jersey while also earning an M.Ed. Charlie graduated with a B.A. from Santa Clara University and also received a J.D. from Loyola Law School.
Email: firstname.lastname@example.com
Derek Hoy
Office Administrator
Derek joined the Roche Center for Catholic Education in the fall of 2013 and supports center operations and finance, as well as general research and programmatic initiatives. Derek is completing a dual-degree M.A./MBA in the Higher Education Administration Catholic University Leadership program in the Lynch School of Education and the Carroll School of Management. Prior to arriving at Boston College, Derek worked internationally in Catholic higher education and served for two years on an inaugural team that established a branch campus for St. John's University (New York) in Paris, France. Derek received a B.S. in business management from St. John's University in 2008.
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Kristin Melley
Associate Director, Professional Development
Kristin joined the Roche Center for Catholic Education in the fall of 2011 as an Associate Director focusing on professional development and brings 13 years of education experience, as both a classroom teacher and administrator, to her position. For six years she served as the director of a national center for Catholic schools and students. She is passionate about serving the mission of Catholic schools and empowering Catholic school leaders to excel in the many roles they hold. Kristin holds a B.A. from Wheaton College in Norton, MA and an M.A. in theology from Harvard University.
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Martin Scanlan, Ph.D.
Visiting Associate Professor
Martin joined the Lynch School of Education in the fall of 2013 as a visiting associate professor assigned to the Roche Center for Catholic Education. He works on the Two-Way Immersion Network for Catholic Schools (TWIN-CS) and has been a member of the faculty design team since the inception of the initiative. He comes to the Roche Center as an assistant professor with the School of Education at Marquette University. Dr. Scanlan received an undergraduate degree from the Catholic University of America, an M.A. in elementary education from Trinity College (Washington D.C.) and his Ph.D. in Educational Leadership and Policy Analysis from the University of Wisconsin, Madison.
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Meghan Scheffler
Program, Events, and Media Administrator
Meghan has been with the Roche Center for Catholic Education since June of 2007. Meghan coordinates and plans all Roche Center events and conferences and also maintains and updates all of the Center's media outlets. She also has led several educational programs for the Roche Center, including the Stand Up, Speak Out student leadership conference for Catholic middle school students. Meghan previously worked with the Urban Catholic Teacher Corps (UCTC) for five years, where she worked with many principals from the Archdiocese of Boston and also mentored and supported the UCTC teachers. Meghan graduated with a B.A. in History from Boston College.
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Jenny L. Small, Ph.D.
Research Coordinator
Jenny joined the Roche Center for Catholic Education in the spring of 2012. Jenny holds a Ph.D. from the Center for the Study of Higher and Postsecondary Education at the University of Michigan, an M.A. from Teachers College, Columbia University, and a B.A. from Brandeis University. Her research has focused on the spiritual lives of religiously diverse college students and how students use language to define their identities. Her first book, entitled Understanding College Students' Spiritual Identities: Varied Faiths, Different Worldviews, is available from Hampton Press. She currently serves as the Chair of he ACPA Commission for Spirituality, Faith, Religion, and Meaning.
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Graduate and Doctoral Students
Mary Bridget Burns
Doctoral Student
Mary Bridget is a doctoral student in the Curriculum and Instruction program in the Lynch School of Education at Boston College. She has been assisting the Two-Way Immersion Network of Catholic Schools since the Fall of 2012. Her research and academic interests include marginalized students and bilingual education, as well as literacy and language development. Mary Bridget has a B.A. from Northwestern University and a MAT from Miami University. She also has conducted research and taught overseas as a Fullbright Grantee.
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Molly Cummings
Doctoral Student
Molly is a doctoral student in Curriculum and Instruction at the Lynch School of Education. She assists in the Jesuit High School Spirituality Research Study through the Roche Center for Catholic Education. Molly earned her B.A. in English from the University of Notre Dame and Ed.M. in Secondary Education from Harvard University. Prior to arriving to Boston College, Molly taught in the Boston Public Schools.
Email: firstname.lastname@example.com
Matthew Keppel
Graduate Student
Matt is a master's student in Theological Studies in the School of Theology and Ministry. As the graduate assistant for the Urban Catholic Teacher Corps, Matt supports the work of the Roche Center for Catholic Education in PreK-12 education in the greater Boston area. Prior to arriving at Boston College, Matt worked for two years as a junior high math and religion teacher. Matt received a B.A. from Loyola Marymount University in 2009.
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Minsong Kim
Doctoral Student
Minsong is a doctoral student in the Education Research, Measurement, and Evaluation program and is currently working with the Two-Way Immersion Network for Catholic Schools (TWIN-CS). He also works with the Center for the Study of Testing, Evaluation, and Educational Policy (CSTEEP) at the Lynch School of Education. Prior to arriving at Boston College, Minsong taught mathematics and physics in Guam and served as an educational consultant in Seoul, Korea before serving a three-year term as a Policy Program Analyst at Mathematica Policy Research in Princeton, NJ. Minsong graduated from Cornell University in 2001 with a B.S. and received an Ed.M in Education Policy and Management from Harvard University in 2007.
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Caroline Vuilleumier
Doctoral Student
Caroline is a doctoral student in the Education Research, Measurement, and Evaluation program and is currently working with the Two-Way Immersion Network for Catholic Schools (TWIN-CS). Caroline graduated from Boston College in 2007 with a B.A. and completed an M.Ed in Curriculum and Instruction a year later. She spent the past four years teaching high school mathematics in a suburb of Boston.
Email: firstname.lastname@example.com


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It has been suggested that Subartu (Amarna letters corpus) be merged into this article. (Discuss) Proposed since May 2011. |
The land of Subartu (Akkadian Šubartum/Subartum/ina Šú-ba-ri, Assyrian mât Šubarri) or Subar (Sumerian Su-bir4/Subar/Šubur) is mentioned in Bronze Age literature. The name also appears as Subari in the Amarna letters, and, in the form Šbr, in Ugarit.
Subartu was apparently a polity in Northern Mesopotamia, at the upper Tigris. Most scholars accept Subartu as an early name for Assyria proper on the Tigris, although there are various other theories placing it sometimes a little farther to the east, north or west of there. Its precise location has not been identified. From the point of view of the Akkadian Empire, Subartu marked the northern geographical horizon, just as Martu, Elam and Sumer marked "west", "east" and "south", respectively.
The Sumerian mythological epic Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta lists the countries where the "languages are confused" as Subartu, Hamazi, Sumer, Uri-ki (Akkad), and the Martu land (the Amorites). Similarly, the earliest references to the "four quarters" by the kings of Akkad name Subartu as one of these quarters around Akkad, along with Martu, Elam, and Sumer. Subartu in the earliest texts seem to have been farming mountain dwellers, frequently raided for slaves.
Eannatum of Lagash was said to have smitten Subartu or Shubur, and it was listed as a province of the empire of Lugal-Anne-Mundu; in a later era Sargon of Akkad campaigned against Subar, and his grandson Naram-Sin listed Subar along with Armani (Armenians), -which has been identified with Aleppo-,[1] among the lands under his control. Ishbi-Erra of Isin and Hammurabi also claimed victories over Subar.
Three of the 14th century BC Amarna letters, Akkadian cuneiform correspondence found in Egypt, mention Subari as a toponym. All are addressed to Akenaten; in two (EA 108 and 109), Rib-Hadda, king of Byblos, complains that Abdi-Ashirta, ruler of Amurru, had sold captives to Subari, while another (EA 100), from the city of Irqata, also alludes to having transferred captured goods to Subari.
There is also a mention of "Subartu" in the 8th century BC Poem of Erra (IV, 132), along with other lands that have harassed Babylonia.[2] In Neo-Babylonian times (under Nabopolassar, Nebuchadrezzar II and Nabonidus), Subartu was used as a generic term for Assyria. The term was still current under Cambyses II, who mentions Subarian captives.
This section requires expansion. (May 2012) |
Subartu may have been in the general sphere of influence of the Hurrians.[3] There are various alternate theories associating the ancient Subartu with one or more modern cultures found in the region, including Armenian[4][5] or Kurdish tribes. Some scholars, such as Harvard Professor Mehrdad Izady, claim to have identified Subartu with the current Kurdish tribe of Zibaris inhabiting the northern ring around Mosul up to Hakkari in Turkey.[6]
See also[edit]
- Arthur Ungnad, Die ältesten Völkerwanderungen Vorderasiens. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und Kultur der Semiten, Arier, Hethiter und Subaräer. Kulturfragen 1, 1923, 4-8.
- Arthur Ungnad, Subartu, Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte und Völkerkunde Vorderasiens (Berlin/Leipzig 1936).
- Moran, William L. The Amarna Letters. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987, 1992. (softcover, ISBN 0-8018-6715-0)
- Wuerthrich, Bernice (19 May 2000). "Peering Into the Past, With Words". Science 288 (5469): 1158. doi:10.1126/science.288.5469.1158.
- ^ Wayne Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, Eisenbrauns 1998, ISBN 0-931464-99-4
- ^ BOTTERO Jean, KRAMER Samuel Noah, Lorsque les dieux faisaient l'homme, Gallimard, Paris, 1989, p.704.
- ^ Finkelstein J.J. (1955), "Subartu and Subarians in Old Babylonian Sources" (Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Vol 9, No.1)
- ^ Cambridge Ancient History p.276
- ^ Armenians article, Great Soviet Encyclopedia
- ^ Izady, Mehrdad R (1992). The Kurds: A concise handbook. ISBN 978-0-8448-1727-9.


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Pull List; seems to be too long to fit in my sig...
There's nothing about the new Wonder Girl that I find even the least appealing or that reminds me of the classic Teen Titans comic, which I read loyally for the better of a decade. It unnerves me that the name 'Wonder Girl' will be wasted on her, ..some neurotic, little tail-switcher, who sleeps with the wrong men and isn't nearly as charming as the tomboyish Cassie that John Byrne created.
Can't hold a candle to Donna Troy, either.
She should, I think. The new Wonder Girl, if not an homage to the original, should be better, at least, than the last. The trick, million dollar question here is, "What was wrong with the Wonder Girl we had, in the first place? Who ordered the new Wonder Girl?" Not me.
I read the last Titans comic - the new Wonder Girl's origin - and it just depressed me, because the spirit of the character wasn't there, and the story is coming from the wrong place, ..written by someone, who's never read the comic and doesn't give a damn. Putting Teen Titans and Wonder Girl in the rear-view, now.
Moving on.
Last edited by MelDyer; 11-06-2012 at 01:52 PM. Reason: clarity
"I collect beings like him and cut them open--so I can hold in my hand what makes them tick."
Cassandra on Orion of the New Gods (Wonder Woman #26)
You are so right that this character can't hold a candle to Donna Troy.
It is sad that a "Wonder" character has nothing to do with Wonder Woman any more. Cassie was introduced in the Wonder Woman book. She was created in another book originally so I'm suprised that DC is unlinking her to Wonder Woman.
But to be honest I'm still hoping that Donna Troy will come back and be Diana's sister and be a supporting character in Wonder Woman. I know it is unlikely but I can always hope.
I thought the same thing! That would have FINALLY tied Wonder Girl to Wonder Woman AND been a really cool and bold statement, making Ares a formidable character in another title... But NOPE! They decided that Wonder Girl's origin should have NOTHING to do with Wonder Woman... Because, you know, why would it?
I never cared for Cassie so I'm fine with her being taken out of wonder woman's world.
Yes, I assumed Cassie was actually going to be connected to the WW mythos in some way till all this.
I'm... a bit flabbergasted that the preview for the next issue suggests that in the new DCU, the idea of the Christian Trinity (as well as various other groups of three in various religions) came from the evil demon Trigon. I don't expect my comics to match my own theology, but this has reached the point of being genuinely offensive. (The whole Phantom Stranger=Judas nonsense is problematic, but not as nasty as this.)
I'm not sure whether Lobdell was trying to be deliberately provocative here or just tossing around half-remembered names he once heard or read. He also refers to Kabbalah as the product of "Israeli pagan gnostics", which at least in the non-fictional universe is profoundly clueless. At least we can say with a high degree of confidence that Lobdell does not imagine that he can practice 'chaos magic'.
Superhero comic books only become art to the extent that their banal, unrealistic fantasy and garish styles go too far and become interesting. Attempts to ground them in reality can only ruin them.
Tim mentionens it's a theory that all the Trinities he mentions all have the same source, which is apparently Trigon, but the thing is that most religions as we know them today are all built on hundreds of smaller religions and myths that's been absorbed and adopted over the years.
So basically it is just the idea of a Trinity that's supposedly come from Trigon, but all the religions employing the idea do not.
Btw the PS thing was always leaning on the possibility he was Judas, only thing that's changed is that DC has confirmed it.
Also, it's said that conspiracy theorists think that it comes from Trigon, not that it does. Conspiracy theorists think all sorts of weird things.
I like the new origin. I hope they will connect it to Wonder Woman somehow in the next issue, but it's possible the Wonder Woman writers did not want them to be connected.
I don't have a problem with Cassie's new origin. She's keenly aware that she has nothing to do with Wonder Woman and has often resisted being called "Wonder Girl". It's the press that gave her that name.
"A man can be happy with any woman as long as he does not love her."
Oscar Wilde
The problem with that, imo, is why bother to call her 'Wonder Girl?' She looks nothing like Wonder Woman, has no connection with Diana or the Amazons, and never asked for the title. There's absolutely no reason that I can see that the press would dub her with that name.
Add to that the fact that Diana's had both 'Wonder Girls' stripped from her continuity (while we still have Superboy, Supergirl, multiple Robins, Batgirl and Batwoman) and it seems a bit excessive. I'm really hoping that somehow they eventually tie the two back together as I think after 70 years, Diana deserves a young sidekick of her own and shouldn't have the only one remaining to her name separated in such a ridiculous fashion.
First of all where's the rule that you absolutely have to be associated with Wonder Woman or the Amazons to be called "Wonder Girl"?
The media saw a girl with great strength, bracelets, and a lasso and immediately associated her with another woman who has a similar aesthetic.
That's understandable. Personally, I'm having a much better time getting to know Diana's new siblings and familial relationships, so I don't feel the need for Wonder Girls (brunette or blonde) to come crashing in and getting lost in the shuffle.Add to that the fact that Diana's had both 'Wonder Girls' stripped from her continuity (while we still have Superboy, Supergirl, multiple Robins, Batgirl and Batwoman) and it seems a bit excessive. I'm really hoping that somehow they eventually tie the two back together as I think after 70 years, Diana deserves a young sidekick of her own and shouldn't have the only one remaining to her name separated in such a ridiculous fashion.
"A man can be happy with any woman as long as he does not love her."
Oscar Wilde


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First things first: How to improve his sperm count.
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Read more tips on how to get pregnant fast faster HERE.


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by Xfinity Sports | March 5, 2014 at 2:00 AM | #5ToFollow, College Basketball, ESPN, NBC, NBC Sports, NBC Sports Network, Soccer
Vance McCullough, the voice of @XFINITYSports, delivers his analysis of the five key games to watch online, paired with five Twitter follows to give you insider information on the matchup. Have a matchup that you'd like Vance to feature? Tweet @XFINITYSports with the hashtag #5ToFollow.
1. South Africa vs. Brazil |
Details: Wednesday, March 4 @ 12:00 PM ET – FNB Stadium – Nasrec, Johannesburg
Watch Here: beIN Sports on XFINITY
Why Watch? The 2014 World Cup host country travels to Johannesburg for a friendly with South Aftrica, and beIN will be there to cover it all! Get ready for 90 plus minutes of action and see if Brazil is ready to make a run at the Cup title. South Africa will have the home crowd, but will that give them the advantage over Neymar and Oscar? Tune in to beIN and see two of the top countries in the world hit the pitch Wednesday afternoon.
#5ToFollow Insider: beIN Sports
Make sure you're following the network bringing you the host country's friendly, Brazil at South Africa. You can stream beIN Live on the XFINITY TV Go app!
2. United States vs. Ukraine |
Details: Wednesday, March 4 @ 2:00 PM ET – Antonis Papadopoulos – Larnaca, Cyprus
Watch Here: ESPN2 on XFINITY
Why Watch? FiFA's only fixture day before may is full of World Cup tuneups and the No. 13 ranked USMNT will be in Cyprus to square off with the Ukraine. The location changed due to the current unrest in the country, but the stakes on the pitch remain the same. The Men's National Team will be out to earn their first victory against Ukraine (0-2-1) and will play with a chip on their shoulder. Look for the boys in red, white, and blue to don their new kit and open the calendar year with their first win against the 18th seeded Ukraine on Wednesday!
#5ToFollow Insider: Paul Carr
Paul Carr is the most informative soccer blogger out there and is ESPN's encyclopedia of soccer stats. If you haven't clicked follow already, now is the time!
3. Capitals vs. Flyers |
Details: Wednesday, March 4 @ 8:00 PM ET – Wells Fargo Center – Philadelphia, PA
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Why Watch? We are all watching, hoping that the nail-biting, edge of your seat action the Caps and Flyers brought to the ice on Sunday, can be rekindled in Philly Wednesday night! The Capitals took a 4-2 lead into the third period, and the Broad Street Bullies overcame the deficit for a shocking 5-4 victory in OT! Can Captain Claude Giroux bring Philly their third straight win on Wednesday, or will the NHL's league leader in goals – Alexander Ovechkin (43) – give Washington a revenge win on Broad Street?
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Baicker is brilliant with her #FlyersTalk. Funny, informative, and an expert at all things on ice – follow @sbaickerCSN before the puck is dropped for Caps vs. Flyers on Hump Day!
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5. Alabama vs. Kentucky |
Details: Thursday, March 4 @ 9:00 PM ET – Breslin Center – East Lansing, MI
Watch: ESPN on XFINITY
Why Watch? The rematch is here! January 28th, these teams went to overtime and the Spartans left Iowa City with a thrilling road victory. On Thursday, the Hawkeyes will come into East Lansing looking to return the favor. These sensational #B1G teams will both be dancing in March, and that's due to their stellar starting five and bench depth. The Spartans star off the pine is Travis Trice, who's 3-point shooting has led Sparty to an 11-1 record when he scored seven or more this season! Iowa will look to answer with their backup big body, Gabriel Olaseni. When Olaseni pulls down seven or more boards, the birds are 7-0. Keep these stats in the back of year head while two of the Big Ten's best tip-off Thursday night!
#5ToFollow Insider: Jon Rothstein
Rothstein is a CBS college basketball insider and will be all over this big game in the Big Ten. Follow for bubble talk, who's in and who's out, and analysis of this Top 25 matchup Thursday night.


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Subject: | Re: Jane Cecilia |
Author: | erb816 (Authenticated as erb816) |
Date: | October 8, 2012 at 11:37:49 AM |
Reply to: | Jane Cecilia by hyacinthus |
This is a lovely name! So far my stock Jane combo has been Jane Mallory, but I think I like Jane Cecilia better, actually. Very pretty to read and say.
Please rate my personal short name lists (the latter includes combos):
Because this message is archived you cannot respond to it. |
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The moment we walked aboard we realised this was nothing like described in the Thomson brochure. We paid additional for an upgradwd cabin to Delux, when we entered the room it was boiling hot so I turned down the dial to cold. On returning later the room was stifling and it was clear the air con was defective. This took over 3 days to repair having had to complain numerous times.
This is the longest 2 weeks we can remember spending anywhere and describing this cruise as a nightmare is no exaggeration I can assure you. Below is a list of some of the things we had to put up with daily.
Deck 5 Strong smell of diesel oil which pervaded up through lift shafts and stairwells on most days.
Deck 5 Strong smell of sewage on several days.
Gray water from cabin taps and shower (Occasional)
Cabin water smelt of strong chemical.
Tv in cabin was held together with gaffe tape, dangerous when touched it went off
Food for the first 4 days was cold and below safe temperatures to eat.
For the first 5 days suffered long queues for food.
In no way was food of 4 star quality, more like works canteen food.
No enforcement of hygienic hand wipe when entering food areas.
Air conditioning throughout the ship was inadequate.
Ships overall condition was poor, far from what's described in brochure.
Free Ice cream machine broke down day 7 never repaired or worked again
Self service coffee diabolical, unhygienic use of milk jugs in icy water.
Tables not cleared quickly for reseating.
No fruit juices free after 11am not even dilutung juices.
Ruined T-shirt due to painters not leaving adequate warning signs of wet varnish on stern deck rail. £8.00
Swimming pools in poor condition many tiles missing leaving sharp edges.
Jacuzzis inoperative throughout the cruise.
Long queues at reception due to the amount of complaints overall from other cruisers.
All beers served were short measures way less than 1 pint. Continually had to request it filled correctly.
The staff were very good though, although continually having to say sorry to so many complaints becomes an art after time.
Keep well clear of this boat, it would take a complete refit to get this ship anywhere near the standard of a modern cruis ship.
Some people paid 3k for this cruise, we paid £1800 and some paid as little as £550 Even if we had paid only £550 we would still have been extremely disappointed.


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Definición de primo uomo en inglés:
primo uomo
Saltos de línea: primo uomoPronunciación: /ˌpriːməʊ ˈʊəʊməʊ
, ˌprimo ˈwomo/
( plural primi uomini or primo uomos)
- The principal male singer in an opera or opera company.Más ejemplos en oraciones
- From the late seventeenth century the central male operatic role (primo uomo) in opera seria was sung by a castrato.
- In another time he would have plotted with the primo uomo to sing badly and ruin one of my operas, or with others of his ilk to spread rumors about me.
- The prima donna and primo uomo (the hero, generally a castrato) each had at least one large-scale display aria in every act, followed by an exit.
Italian, literally 'first man'.
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Is this a great "break-up" song or what?
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