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Front Page Titles (by Subject) chapter 63: Rings and Bosses - The American Commonwealth, vol. 2
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chapter 63: Rings and Bosses - Viscount James Bryce, The American Commonwealth, vol. 2 [1888]Edition used:The American Commonwealth, with an Introduction by Gary L. McDowell (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1995). Vol. 2.
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chapter 63Rings and BossesThis is the external aspect of the machine; these the phenomena which a visitor taken round to see a number of primaries and nominating conventions would record. But the reader will ask, How is the machine run? What are the inner springs that move it? What is the source of the power the committees wield? What force of cohesion keeps leaders and followers together? What kind of government prevails among this army of professional politicians? The source of power and the cohesive force is the desire for office, and for office as a means of gain. This one cause is sufficient to account for everything, when it acts, as it does in these cities, under the condition of the suffrage of a host of ignorant and pliable voters. Those who in great cities form the committees and work the machine are persons whose chief aim in life is to make their living by office. Such a man generally begins by acquiring influence among a knot of voters who live in his neighbourhood, or work under the same employer, or frequent the same grog shop or beer saloon, which perhaps he keeps himself. He becomes a member of his primary, attends regularly, attaches himself to some leader in that body, and is forward to render service by voting as his leader wishes, and by doing duty at elections. He has entered the large and active class called, technically, "workers," or more affectionately, "the boys." Soon he becomes conspicuous in the primary, being recognized as controlling the votes of others—"owning them" is the technical term—and is chosen delegate to a convention. Loyalty to the party there and continued service at elections mark him out for further promotion. He is appointed to some petty office in one of the city departments, and presently is himself nominated for an elective office. By this time he has also found his way on to the ward committee, whence by degrees he rises to sit on the central committee, having carefully nursed his local connection and surrounded himself with a band of adherents, who are called his "heelers," and whose loyalty to him in the primary, secured by the hope of "something good," gives weight to his words. Once a member of the central committee he discovers what everybody who gets on in the world discovers sooner or later, by how few persons the world is governed. He is one of a small knot of persons who pull the wires for the whole city, controlling the primaries, selecting candidates, "running" conventions, organizing elections, treating on behalf of the party in the city with the leaders of the party in the state. Each of this knot, which is probably smaller than the committee, because every committee includes some ciphers put on to support a leader, and which may include one or two strong men not on the committee, has acquired in his upward course a knowledge of men and their weaknesses, a familiarity with the wheels, shafts, and bands of the party machine, together with a skill in working it. Each can command some primaries, each has attached to himself a group of dependents who owe some place to him, or hope for some place from him. The aim of the knot is not only to get good posts for themselves, but to rivet their yoke upon the city by garrisoning the departments with their own creatures, and so controlling elections to the state legislature that they can procure such statutes as they desire, and prevent the passing of statutes likely to expose or injure them. They cement their dominion by combination, each placing his influence at the disposal of the others, and settle all important measures in secret conclave. Such a combination is called a ring. The power of such a combination is immense, for it ramifies over the whole city. There are, in New York City, for instance, more than forty thousand persons employed by the city authorities (without counting the eleven thousand school teachers), the large majority dismissible by their superiors at short notice and without cause assigned. Of the large number employed by the national government in the customhouse, post office, and other branches of the federal service,1 many are similarly dismissible by the proper federal authority; and there are also state servants, responsible to and dismissible by the state authority. If the same party happens to be supreme in city politics, in the federal government, and in the state government, all this army of employees is expected to work for the party leaders of the city, in city primaries, conventions, and elections, and is virtually amenable to the orders of these leaders.2 If the other party holds the reins of federal government and state government, then the city wire-pullers have at any rate their own ten thousand or more, while other thousands swell the army of "workers" for the opposite party. Add those who expect to get offices, and it will be seen how great and how disciplined a force is available to garrison the city and how effective it becomes under strict discipline. Yet it is not larger than is needed, for the work is heavy. Tantae molis erat Romanam condere gentem. In a ring there is usually some one person who holds more strings in his hand than do the others. Like them he has worked himself up to power from small beginnings, gradually extending the range of his influence over the mass of workers, and knitting close bonds with influential men outside as well as inside politics, perhaps with great financiers or railway magnates, whom he can oblige, and who can furnish him with funds. At length his superior skill, courage, and force of will make him, as such gifts always do make their possessor, dominant among his fellows. An army led by a council seldom conquers; it must have a commander in chief, who settles disputes, decides in emergencies, inspires fear or attachment. The head of the ring is such a commander. He dispenses places, rewards the loyal, punishes the mutinous, concocts schemes, negotiates treaties. He generally avoids publicity, preferring the substance to the pomp of power, and is all the more dangerous because he sits, like a spider, hidden in the midst of his web. He is a boss. Although the career I have sketched is that whereby most bosses have risen to greatness, some attain it by a shorter path. There have been brilliant instances of persons stepping at once on to the higher rungs of the ladder in virtue of their audacity and energy, especially if coupled with oratorical power. The first theatre of such a man's successes may have been the stump rather than the primary; he will then become potent in conventions, and either by hectoring or by plausible address, for both have their value, spring into popular favour, and make himself necessary to the party managers. It is of course a gain to a ring to have among them a man of popular gifts, because he helps to conceal the odious features of their rule, gilding it by his rhetoric, and winning the applause of the masses who stand outside the circle of workers. However, the position of the rhetorical boss is less firmly rooted than that of the intriguing boss, and there have been instances of his suddenly falling to rise no more. A great city is the best soil for the growth of a boss, because it contains the largest masses of manageable voters as well as numerous offices, and plentiful opportunities for jobbing. But a whole state sometimes falls under the dominion of one intriguer. To govern so large a territory needs high abilities; and the state boss is always an able man, somewhat more of a politician, in the European sense, than a city boss need be. He dictates state nominations, and through his lieutenants controls state and sometimes congressional conventions, being in diplomatic relations with the chief city bosses and local rings in different parts of the state. His power over them mainly springs from his influence with the federal executive and in Congress. He is usually, almost necessarily, a member of Congress, probably a senator, and can procure, or at any rate can hinder, such legislation as the local leaders desire or dislike. The president cannot ignore him, and the president's ministers, however little they may like him, find it worth while to gratify him with federal appointments for persons he recommends, because the local votes he controls may make all the difference to their own prospects of getting some day a nomination for the presidency. Thus he uses his congressional position to secure state influence, and his state influence to strengthen his federal position. Sometimes, however, he is rebuffed by the powers at Washington and then his state thanes fly from him. Sometimes he quarrels with a powerful city boss, and then honest men come by their own. It must not be supposed that the members of rings, or the great boss himself, are wicked men. They are the offspring of a system. Their morality is that of their surroundings. They see a door open to wealth and power, and they walk in. The obligations of patriotism or duty to the public are not disregarded by them, for these obligations have never been present to their minds. A state boss is usually a native American and a person of some education, who avoids the grosser forms of corruption, though he has to wink at them when practised by his friends. He may be a man of personal integrity.3 A city boss is often of foreign birth and humble origin; he has grown up in an atmosphere of oaths and cocktails. Ideas of honour and purity are as strange to him as ideas about the nature of the currency and the incidence of taxation. Politics is merely a means for getting and distributing places. "What," said an ingenuous delegate at one of the national conventions at Chicago in 1880, "what are we here for except the offices?" It is no wonder if he helps himself from the city treasury and allows his minions to do so. Sometimes he does not rob, and like Clive, wonders at his own moderation. And even the city boss improves as he rises in the world. Like a tree growing out of a dust heap, the higher he gets, the cleaner do his boughs and leaves become. America is a country where vulgarity is sealed off more easily than in England, and where the general air of good nature softens the asperities of power. Some city bosses are men from whose decorous exterior and unobtrusive manners no one would divine either their sordid beginnings or their noxious trade. As for the state boss, whose talents are probably greater to begin with, he must be of very coarse metal if he does not take a polish from the society of Washington. A city ring works somewhat as follows. When the annual or biennial city or state elections come round, its members meet to discuss the apportionment of offices. Each may desire something for himself, unless indeed he is already fully provided for, and anyhow desires something for his friends. The common sort are provided for with small places in the gift of some official, down to the place of a policeman or doorkeeper or messenger, which is thought good enough for a common "ward worker." Better men receive clerkships or the promise of a place in the customhouse or post office to be obtained from the federal authorities. Men still more important aspire to the elective posts, seats in the state legislature, a city aldermanship or commissionership, perhaps even a seat in Congress. All the posts that will have to be filled at the coming elections are considered with the object of bringing out a party ticket, i.e., a list of candidates to be supported by the party at the polls when its various nominations have been successfully run through the proper conventions. Some leading man, or probably the boss himself, sketches out an allotment of places; and when this allotment has been worked out fully, it results in a slate, i.e., a complete draft list of candidates to be proposed for the various offices.4 It may happen that the slate does not meet everybody's wishes. Some member of the ring or some local boss—most members of a ring are bosses each in his own district, as the members of a cabinet are heads of the departments of state, or as the cardinals are bishops of dioceses near Rome and priests and deacons of her parish churches—may complain that he and his friends have not been adequately provided for, and may demand more. In that case the slate will probably be modified a little to ensure good feeling and content; and it will then be presented to the convention. But there is sometimes a more serious difficulty to surmount. A party in a state or city may be divided into two or more factions. Success in the election will be possible only by uniting these factions upon the same nominees for office. Occasionally the factions may each make its list and then come together in the party convention to fight out their differences. But the more prudent course is for the chiefs of each faction to arrange matters in a private conference. Each comes wishing to get the most he can for his clansmen, but feels the need for a compromise. By a process of "dickering" (i.e., bargaining by way of barter), various offers and suggestions being made all round, a list is settled on which the high contracting parties agree. This is a deal, or trade, a treaty which terminates hostilities for the time, and brings about "harmony." The list so settled is now a slate, unless some discontented magnate objects and threatens to withdraw. To do so is called "breaking the slate." If such a "sorehead" persists, a schism may follow, with horrible disaster to the party; but usually a new slate is prepared and finally agreed upon. The accepted slate is now ready to be turned by the machine into a ticket, and nothing further remains but the comparatively easy process of getting the proper delegates chosen by packed primaries, and running the various parts of the ticket through the conventions to which the respective nominations belong. Internal dissension among the chiefs is the one great danger; the party must at all hazards be kept together, for the power of a united party is enormous. It has not only a large but a thoroughly trained and disciplined army in its officeholders and office-seekers; and it can concentrate its force upon any point where opposition is threatened to the regular party nominations.5 All these officeholders and office-seekers have not only the spirit of self-interest to rouse them, but the bridle of fear to check any stirrings of independence. Discipline is very strict in this army. Even city politicians must have a moral code and moral standard. It is not the code of an ordinary unprofessional citizen. It does not forbid falsehood, or malversation, or ballot stuffing, or "repeating." But it denounces apathy or cowardice, disobedience, and above all, treason to the party. Its typical virtue is "solidity," unity of heart, mind, and effort among the workers, unquestioning loyalty to the party leaders, and devotion to the party ticket. He who takes his own course is a kicker or bolter; and is punished not only sternly but vindictively. The path of promotion is closed to him; he is turned out of the primary, and forbidden to hope for a delegacy to a convention; he is dismissed from any office he holds which the ring can command. Dark stories are even told of a secret police which will pursue the culprit who has betrayed his party, and of mysterious disappearances of men whose testimony against the ring was feared. Whether there is any foundation for such tales I do not undertake to say. But true it is that the bond between the party chiefs and their followers is very close and very seldom broken. What the client was to his patron at Rome, what the vassal was to his lord in the Middle Ages, that the "heelers" and "workers" are to their boss in these great transatlantic cities. They render a personal feudal service, which their suzerain repays with the gift of a livelihood; and the relation is all the more cordial because the lord bestows what costs him nothing, while the vassal feels that he can keep his post only by the favour of the lord. European readers must again be cautioned against drawing for themselves too dark a picture of the boss. He is not a demon. He is not regarded with horror even by those "good citizens" who strive to shake off his yoke. He is not necessarily either corrupt or mendacious, though he grasps at place, power, and wealth. He is a leader to whom certain peculiar social and political conditions have given a character dissimilar from the party leaders whom Europe knows. It is worth while to point out in what the dissimilarity consists. A boss needs fewer showy gifts than a European demagogue. His special theatre is neither the halls of the legislature nor the platform, but the committee-room. A power of rough and ready repartee, or a turn for florid declamation, will help him; but he can dispense with both. What he needs are the arts of intrigue and that knowledge of men which teaches him when to bully, when to cajole, whom to attract by the hope of gain, whom by appeals to party loyalty. Nor are so-called social gifts unimportant. The lower sort of city politicians congregate in clubs and barrooms; and as much of the cohesive strength of the smaller party organizations arises from their being also social bodies, so also much of the power which liquor dealers exercise is due to the fact that "heelers" and "workers" spend their evenings in drinking places, and that meetings for political purposes are held there. Of the 1,007 primaries and conventions of all parties held in New York City preparatory to the elections of 1884, 633 took place in liquor saloons.6 A boss ought therefore to be hail fellow well met with those who frequent these places, not fastidious in his tastes, fond of a drink and willing to stand one, jovial in manners, and ready to oblige even a humble friend. The aim of a boss is not so much fame as power, and not so much power over the conduct of affairs as over persons. Patronage is what he chiefly seeks, patronage understood in the largest sense in which it covers the disposal of lucrative contracts and other modes of enrichment as well as salaried places. The dependants who surround him desire wealth, or at least a livelihood; his business is to find this for them, and in doing so he strengthens his own position.7 It is as the bestower of riches that he holds his position, like the leader of a band of condottieri in the fifteenth century. The interest of a boss in political questions is usually quite secondary. Here and there one may be found who is a politician in the European sense, who, whether sincerely or not, purports and professes to be interested in some principle or measure affecting the welfare of the country. But the attachment of the ringster is usually given wholly to the concrete party, that is to the men who compose it, regarded as officeholders or office-seekers; and there is often not even a profession of zeal for any party doctrine. As a noted politician once happily observed, "There are no politics in politics." Among bosses, therefore, there is little warmth of party spirit. The typical boss regards the boss of the other party much as counsel for the plaintiff regards counsel for the defendant. They are professionally opposed, but not necessarily personally hostile. Between bosses there need be no more enmity than results from the fact that the one has got what the other wishes to have. Accordingly it sometimes happens that there is a good understanding between the chiefs of opposite parties in cities; they will even go the length of making a joint "deal," i.e., of arranging for a distribution of offices whereby some of the friends of one shall get places, the residue being left for the friends of the other.8 A well-organized city party has usually a disposable vote which can be so cast under the directions of the managers as to effect this, or any other desired result. The appearance of hostility must, of course, be maintained for the benefit of the public; but as it is for the interest of both parties to make and keep these private bargains, they are usually kept when made, though of course it is seldom possible to prove the fact. The real hostility of the boss is not to the opposite party, but to other factions within his own party. Often he has a rival leading some other organization, and demanding, in respect of the votes which that organization controls, a share of the good things going. The greatest cities can support more than one faction within the same party; thus New York has long had three Democratic organizations, two of which are powerful and often angrily hostile. If neither can crush the other, it finds itself obliged to treat, and to consent to lose part of the spoils to its rival. Still more bitter, however, is the hatred of boss and ring towards those members of the party who do not desire and are not to be appeased by a share of the spoils, but who agitate for what they call reform. They are natural and permanent enemies; nothing but the extinction of the boss himself and of bossdom altogether will satisfy them. They are moreover the common enemies of both parties, that is, of bossdom in both parties. Hence in ring-governed cities professionals of both parties will sometimes unite against the reformers, or will rather let their opponents secure a place than win it for themselves by the help of the "independent vote." Devotion to "party government," as they understand it, can hardly go farther. This great army of workers is mobilized for elections, the methods of which form a wide and instructive department of political science. Here I refer only to their financial side, because that is intimately connected with the machine. Elections need money, in America a great deal of money. Where, then, does the money come from, seeing that the politicians themselves belong to, or emerge from, a needy class? The revenues of a ring, that is, their collective, or, as one may say, corporate revenues, available for party purposes, flow from five sources. I. The first is public subscriptions. For important elections such as the biennial elections of state officers, or perhaps for that of the state legislature, a "campaign fund," as it is called, is raised by an appeal to wealthy members of the party. So strong is party feeling that many respond, even though they suspect the men who compose the ring, disapprove its methods, and have no great liking for the candidates. II. Contributions are sometimes privately obtained from rich men and especially from corporations (though statutes are now attempting to prevent this) who, though not directly connected with the ring, may expect something from its action. Contractors, for instance, have an interest in getting pieces of work from the city authorities. Railroad men have an interest in preventing state legislation hostile to their lines. Both, therefore, may be willing to help those who can so effectively help them. This source of income is only available for important elections. Its incidental mischief in enabling wealth to control a legislature through a ring is serious. III. An exceptionally audacious ring will sometimes make an appropriation from the city or (more rarely) from the state treasury for the purposes not of the city or the state, but of its own election funds. It is not thought necessary to bring such an appropriation into the regular accounts to be laid before the public; in fact, pains are taken to prevent the item from appearing, and the accounts have often to be manipulated for that purpose. The justification, if any, of conduct not authorized by the law, must be sought in precedent, in the belief that the other side would do the same, and in the benefits which the ring expects to confer upon the city it administers. It is a method of course available only when ring officials have the control of public funds, and cannot be resorted to by an opposition. IV. A tax used to be levied upon the officeholders of the party, varying from one to four or even five per cent upon the amount of their annual salaries. The aggregate annual salaries of the city officials in New York City amounted to $11,000,000, and those of the two thousand five hundred federal officials, who, if of the same party, might also be required to contribute,9 to $2,500,000. An assessment at two per cent on these amounts would produce over $220,000 and $50,000 respectively, quite a respectable sum for election expenses in a single city.10 Even policemen in cities, even office boys and workmen in federal dockyards, have been assessed by their party. As a tenant had in the days of feudalism to make occasional money payments to his lord in addition to the military service he rendered, so now the American vassal must render his aids in money as well as give knightly service at the primaries, in the canvass, at the polls. His liabilities are indeed heavier than those of the feudal tenant, for the latter could relieve himself from duty in the field by the payment of scutage, while under the machine a money payment never discharges from the obligation to serve in the army of "workers." Forfeiture and the being proclaimed as "nithing," are, as in the days of the Anglo-Norman kings, the penalty for failure to discharge the duties by which the vassal holds. Efforts which began with an order issued by President Hayes in 1877 applying to federal offices have been made to prevent by administrative action and by legislation the levying of this tribute on federal officials, but it is believed that the evil has not yet been extirpated. Indeed, some officials do not wait to be "assessed," but think they "earn merit" (as the Buddhists say) by sending in their contributions ultroneously before any suggestion reaches them. V. Another useful expedient has been borrowed from European monarchies in the sale of nominations and occasionally of offices themselves.11 A person who seeks to be nominated as candidate for one of the more important offices, such as a judgeship or a seat in the state Senate, or in Congress, is often required to contribute to the election fund a sum proportioned to the importance of the place he seeks, the excuse given for the practice being the cost of elections; and the same principle is occasionally applied to the gift of nonelective offices, the right of appointing to which is vested in some official member of a ring—e.g., a mayor. The price of a nomination for a seat in the state legislature is said to run from $500 up to $1,000, and for one of the better judgeships as high as $5,000; but this is largely matter of conjecture.12 Of course much less will be given if the prospects of carrying the election are doubtful: the prices quoted must be taken to represent cases where the party majority makes success certain. Naturally, the salaries of officials have to be raised in order to enable them to bear this charge, so that in the long run it may be thrown upon the public; and an eminent boss of New York City defended, before a committee of the legislature, the large salaries paid to aldermen, on the ground that "heavy demands were made on them by their party."13 [1] The state of things under which rings first developed was worse, because then everybody was dismissible. Now many federal posts and (in some places) some city posts have been brought under civil service rules, but there are still a great many officials who are expected to work for the party. [2] Assuming, as one usually may, that the city leaders are on good terms with the federal and state party managers. Federal statutes and civil service rules made under them now provide that no person in the public service shall be compelled to contribute service or money for political purposes; and that persons in the competitive service shall take no active part in political campaigns, or use official authority or influence for the purpose of interfering with an election or controlling the result thereof. These rules, however, do not cover the whole field, and it is believed that they are not always observed. [3] So too a rural boss is often quite pure, and blameworthy rather for his intriguing methods than for his aims. [4] A pleasant story is told of a former boss of New York State, who sat with his vassals just before the convention, preparing the slate. There were half a dozen or more state offices for which nominations were to be made. The names were with deliberation selected and set down, with the exception of the very unimportant place of state prison inspector. One of his subordinates ventured to call the attention of the boss to what he supposed to be an inadvertence, and asked who was to be the man for that place, to which the great man answered, with an indulgent smile, "I guess we will leave that to the convention." [5] As for instance by packing the primaries with its adherents from other districts, whom a partisan chairman or committee will suffer to come in and vote. These remarks all refer to the old-fashioned primaries. The new statutory primary, as already observed, is a different thing, whose defects, as well as its merits, are different. [6] Where primary laws are in force, primaries are no longer held in saloons. [7] "A Boss is able to procure positions for many of his henchmen on horse railroads, the elevated roads, quarry works, etc. Great corporations are peculiarly subject to the attack of demagogues, and they find it greatly to their interest to be on good terms with the leader in each district who controls the vote of the assemblyman and alderman; and therefore the former is pretty sure that a letter of recommendation from him on behalf of any applicant for work will receive most favourable consideration. The leader also is continually helping his supporters out of difficulties, pecuniary and otherwise: he lends them a dollar now and then, helps out, when possible, such of their kinsmen as get into the clutches of the law, gets a hold over such of them as have done wrong and are afraid of being exposed, and learns to mix bullying judiciously with the rendering of service."—Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, in an article in the Century magazine for November 1886. [8] In one great state it was recently well understood that the Democratic boss of the chief city and the Republican boss of the state were in the habit of trading offices with one another. [9] Federal officials would, as a rule, contribute only to the fund for federal elections; but when the contest covered both federal and city offices, the funds would be apt to be blended. The totals of salaries of officials now are of course far larger, but as it is impossible to ascertain today on how much of them an assessment is paid, the figures in the text have been allowed to stand. [10] To make the calculation complete we should have to reckon in also the (comparatively few) state officials and assessments payable by them. [11] As judicial places were sold under the old French monarchy, and commissions in the army in England till 1872. [12] "A judgeship," said (writing in 1883) Mr. F. W. Whitridge, "costs in New York about $15,000; the district attorneyship the same; for a nomination to Congress the price is about $4000, though this is variable; an aldermanic nomination is worth $1500, and that for the Assembly from $600 to $1500. The amount realized from these assessments cannot be exactly estimated but the amount raised by Tammany Hall, which is the most complete political organization, may be fixed very nearly at $125,000 (£25,000). This amount is collected and expended by a small executive committee who keep no accounts and are responsible only to each other."—Article "Assessments" in Amer. Cyclop. of Political Science. In 1887, the City Chamberlain of New York estimated the average minimum assessment levied on a candidate for mayor at $20,000, for comptroller at $10,000, for district attorney at $5,000. However, in 1887 the Democratic rings in New York City demanded $25,000 for the nomination to the comptrollership, and $5,000 for that to a state senatorship. The salary of the comptroller is $10,000 for three years, that of Senator $1,500 for two years, i.e., the senatorial candidate was expected to pay $2,000 more than his total salary, a fact suggestive of expectations of gain from some other source. [13] "Before a committee of the New York legislature the county clerk testified that his income was nearly $80,000 a year, but with refreshing frankness admitted that his own position was practically that of a figurehead, and that all the work was done by his deputy on a small fixed salary. As the county clerk's term is three years, he should nominally receive $240,000, but as a matter of fact two-thirds of the money probably goes to the political organizations with which he is connected."—Mr. T. Roosevelt in Century magazine for November 1886. A county officer answered the same committee, when they put what was meant to be a formal question as to whether he performed his public duties faithfully, that he did so perform them whenever they did not conflict with his political duties(!), meaning thereby, as he explained, attending to his local organizations, seeing politicians, "fixing" primaries, bailing out those of his friends who were summoned to appear before a justice of peace, etc. |


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Will Abbas's rising clout be hurt by Netanyahu meeting?
Palestinian polls show Abbas gaining significant support in recent months over Hamas, which harshly criticized his willingness to meet the Israeli leader without a settlement freeze in place.
(Page 2 of 2)
The organization says the shift is likely due to the popular Fatah congress held in Bethlehem in August and improving security conditions in the West Bank. There is also a "noticeable decrease in public perception of the existence of corruption in PA institutions under Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad," the PCPSR said in its report on the August survey.
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The survey included Palestinians from Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem, and their numbers roughly reflected the proportion of Palestinians in each of those areas. All surveys were done in person.
Palestinian opinion hard to categorize
But looking at the bigger picture, there's an overwhelming pessimism among Palestinians about the ability of their leaders to get to a peace deal with Israel. Sixty-nine percent of those polled, including West Bankers and Gazans, said they believe that the chances for establishing an independent Palestinian state next to Israel in the next five years are slim or nonexistent.
Moreover, some of the positions that Israel and the US are asking Abbas to adopt will be hard to sell to the Palestinian public. For example, only about half of Palestinians say they will accept a mutual recognition of Israel as the state for the Jewish people and Palestine as the state for Palestinian people. A majority of those polled – 61 percent – say they oppose a peace deal based on "the Clinton parameters and the Geneva Initiative."
The reference is to talks under former President Bill Clinton in 1999 and 2000 and to an unofficial blueprint for peace developed by prominent Israelis and Palestinians, including former negotiators in the Oslo peace process.
Both drafts presented similar solutions to a variety of difficult issues, including Jerusalem, refugees, and borders. A large number of Palestinians expressed opposition to those plans because of their dislike of solutions presented on individual issues. For example, only 24 percent of Palestinians say they would support the idea of a Palestinian state with no army, a drop from the 36 percent figure when the poll was first held in 2003.
The polls show how hard it is to categorize the Palestinian public's views. On some matters, Palestinians remains closer to the viewpoint of Hamas than that of Abbas, explains Dr. Shikaki, referring to the Palestinian leader by his nom de guerre, Abu Mazen.
"On the question of violence, most Palestinians are with the Hamas position and not Abu Mazen's," adds Shikaki. "They believe that violence has been helpful in achieving their national rights. But on the issue of two-state solution, they do take a position that is closer to Abu Mazen."
Arabs criticize Obama, too
Mr. Obama has come under fire from Arab commentators for pressuring Abbas to attend the meeting despite US envoy George Mitchell's failure to secure promises of a settlement freeze from Israel.
"Obama bent down to all of Netanyahu's pressures and withdrew from the battle of the settlements that he had engaged in the last period," wrote Abed-El-Bari Utwan, the longtime editor in chief of the Al-Quds Al-Arabi newspaper in London. "Obama put [Abbas] in an embarrassing situation by making him attend a meeting with Netanyahu after having announced to his people that he would only do such a thing after Israel commits itself to the settlement freeze."
They left Philadelphia to live in the West Bank?The Allons simply wanted more space at the right price. Read about how they and other Israeli settlers see their decision to live at the center of a global dispute. Read more.

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SAP Warehouse Management (WM) Jobs in England |
Jobs 1 to 8 of 8SAP SD Consultant - contract
North West England -
Progressive Recruitment
This client is looking for an experienced SAP SD Consultant to come on board and provide some expertise for their current project. This Consultant MUST also have configuration experience with either SAP MM OR SAP WM... 4+ years of experience within SAP SD At least 3 full life cycles. Experience...
Posted: 20 days ago
SAP WM Consultant - FTSE 100
West London -
McGregor Boyall
Our client is a FTSE 100 company and is looking for a SAP WM Consultant to join the team on a permanent basis. You will play a key role in developing solutions within the organisations SAP team. You will be involved in the design, deployment and support of the global...
Salary: £65000 per annum
Posted: 4 days ago
SAP Logistics Advisory Consultant
Manchester -
Claremont Consulting Limited
I currently have a requirement for a well established consultancy who are looking for a skilled SAP Logistics Advisory Consultant to join there Consulting capability. Successful candidates will have expertise in at least one of SAP SD and/or SAP MM along with experience and exposure to the surrounding and...
Salary: £55000 - £64000 per annum + + corporate package
Posted: 4 days ago
SAP WM Consultant
London -
Enterprise Partners - Posting Only
Enterprise Partners is currently looking for experienced SAP WM Functional Consultant to join an exciting company based in London. SAP profile required: - 5 years extensive SAP Supply chain experience. - Extensive experience with WM. - Completed 3 full lifecycle implementations. - Strong stakeholder engagement.
Posted: 15 days ago
Senior Consultant - SAP WM
City, London -
Role: Montash are seeking an accomplished Senior Consultant - SAP WM Lead for a global organization to provide experienced consultancy to illustrate drive and deliver standard processes. Taking responsibility of the Warehouse Management the individual will be required to have a strong level of hands on knowledge of all aspects of...
Salary: £55000 - £60000 per annum + Benefits
Posted: 5 days ago
SAP WM/PP Consultant - World leading Retailer
Hatfield, Hertfordshire -
Nicoll Curtin
Leading UK Household brand are in the early stages of a major SAP upgrade programme and are looking to build a centre of excellence near Hatfield. Reporting into a Senior SAP Project Manager you will be tasked with the following - - Design, Maintenance and Development of a number of new business...
Salary: £50000 - £65000 per annum + bens
Posted: 5 days ago
SAP SD With MM/WM Consultant
Crewe -
Progressive Recruitment
Senior SAP WM/SD Consultant, Circa £50,000 + Excellent Benefits Package, Crewe... The SAP WM/SD Consultant will be responsible for configuring and analysing SAP System, in particular SAP WM and SD modules. They will also be responsible for working closely with Business Units in the company to carry out...
Salary: £50000 - £51000 per annum + Excellent Comapny Car Scheme
Posted: 20 days ago
SAP WM Consultant
London -
Montash has been engaged by a leading organisation to source and secure an experienced SAP WM Consultant. The SAP WM Consultant will be responsabile for leading various parts of the SAP WM Consultant implementation, including defining the stratergy, design, development, configuration, testing and training... Strong stakeholder engagement... Understanding of Data /...
Rate: £450 - £550 per annum + Negotiable
Posted: 2 days ago


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Sponsored by: Brakes Plus
Posted: Aug 9, 2012 5:00 AM by Diana Kohnle
(HealthDay News) -- Expectant moms and their growing babies are more susceptible to the dangers of food poisoning.
The Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics says pregnant women should avoid these foods to help reduce their risk:
Copyright © 2012 HealthDay. All rights reserved.
Copyright (c) 2012 HealthDay. All rights reserved.


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By Chris,
April 3 2011
The South Wales Scorpions failed to build on last week's win over Gateshead, suffering defeat at Workington Town. Despite a brace of tries from Harri Greville and scores from Ashley Bateman and Andrew Gay, the Cumbrian hosts beat their Welsh visitors 38-24.
Workington ran over seven tries in the 1pm kick-off
at Derwent Park.
Jarrad Stack ran over two of the home side's seven tries as they bagged their
second win of the new campaign.
Mark Rowley's Scorpions have now lost four of their five competitive outings
this season and will struggle to improve that record against league leaders
Swinton in a fortnight's time.
Full Time – Workington Town RLFC 38-24 South
Wales Scorpions
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Get help. Give help.
The annual 2014 SAFE Fundraising Party will be held on Thursday, April 3rd on the Rooftop Lounge at Andaz, 600 F Street Downtown. For sponsorship opportunities please e-mail firstname.lastname@example.com
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A peanut-butter smell test could help diagnose the neurodegenerative disease in its early stages.
A peanut-butter smell test could help diagnose the neurodegenerative disease in its early stages.
Researchers apply a 3-D printing technique to structure populations of bacteria in a three-dimensional environment.
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An impaired sense of smell is one of the earliest symptoms of Alzheimer's, Parkinson's, and some other neurodegenerative diseases. Could it be a useful diagnostic tool?
Antibiotic cycling makes a comeback in the lab; how life scientists can learn from astronauts; napping to conquer fears; deconstructing the cancer R&D crisis
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Dealing with anonymous misconduct allegations; efficiently generating iPSCs; distinguishing viral infections from non-viral; imaging tau in vivo
A patient response-based gene expression signature can distinguish respiratory infections caused by viruses from those of bacterial or fungal origin.
The agency estimates that at least 23,000 people in the U.S. die each year as a result of antibiotic-resistant infections.


text:
Definition of erigeron in English:
Line breaks: erig|eronPronunciation: /ɪˈrɪdʒərɒn
, ɛ-/
- A widely distributed herbaceous plant of the daisy family, which is sometimes cultivated as an ornamental.
- Genus Erigeron, family Compositae
More example sentences- Mine flowered a little later this year but is still going strong, having outlived the penstemon and erigeron it is planted with.
- Erigeron Spindrift makes growing ordinary karvinskianus pointless!
- The steam-distilled fraction of the aerial parts of Erigeron speciosus was tested for activity against strawberry plant pathogenic fungi.
modern Latin, from Latin, 'groundsel' (the original sense in English), from Greek ērigerōn, from ēri 'early' + gerōn 'old man' (because the plant flowers early in the year, and some species bear grey down).


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Eru Arukon - Taka
MT Rating: 32.853 (Rank: 8120) |Series Added: 2010-04-30
Type: Manga
Artist(s): AOIKE Yasuko
Status in Home Country: Complete - 2 Volumes
Scanslation Status: Dropped
Summary Updated: 2010-12-07| Last File Added: 2010-04-30
Genre(s) : Action, Adventure, Drama, Historical, Psychological, Shoujo
- El Halcon
- El Halcon -The Falcon-
El Halcon is a prequel series to Nanatsu no Umi Nanatsu no Sora. Set from 1581 to 1586 with flashbacks further into the past, this is the story of Tyrian Persimmon. Born to a Spanish mother with an English husband in this era of conflict between the two contries, Tyrian favors Spain. His father suspects that Tyrian is not his son because he doesn't look like the man at all, and regularly beats him. His mother's lover is discovered to be a Spanish spy and flees the country. Tyrian is determined to join the navy and eventually rejoin Geraldo.
At the age of 19 he begins to make his ruthless way up the ranks of the English navy. (Translated Treasures)
Eroica Yori Ai wo Komete (Alternate Story)
Nanatsu no Umi Nanatsu no Sora (Sequel)
Scan Groups : The Pink Panzer
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Umi ni Nemuru Hana |
33.56 (1967)
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Soong May-ling
Soong May-ling 宋美齡 |
Soong May-ling | |
First Lady of the Republic of China | |
In office May 20, 1948 – April 5, 1975 |
President | Chiang Kai-shek |
Succeeded by | Faina Ipat'evna Vakhreva |
Personal details | |
Born | [1] Shanghai, Qing Empire[2] |
March 5, 1898
Died | October 23, 2003 New York City, United States |
(aged 105)
Nationality | Chinese American |
Political party | Kuomintang (KMT) |
Spouse(s) | Chiang Kai-shek |
Relations | Charlie Soong (father) and Ni Kwei-tseng (mother) |
Children | Chiang Ching-kuo (step-son) Chiang Wei-kuo (adopted) |
Alma mater | Wesleyan College, Wellesley College |
Occupation | First Lady of the Republic of China |
Religion | Methodist |
Signature |
Soong May-ling or Soong Mei-ling, also known as Madame Chiang Kai-shek or Madame Chiang (traditional Chinese: 宋美齡; simplified Chinese: 宋美龄; pinyin: Sòng Měilíng; March 5, 1898[1] – October 23, 2003) was a First Lady of the Republic of China (ROC), the wife of Generalissimo and President Chiang Kai-shek. She was a politician, painter and the chairman of Fu Jen Catholic University. The youngest and the last surviving of the three Soong sisters, she played a prominent role in the politics of the Republic of China and was the sister-in-law of Sun Yat-sen, the leader of the Republic of China preceding her husband.
Childhood and Education[edit]
She was born in Hongkou District, Shanghai, China, on March 5, 1898, though some biographies give the year as 1897, since Chinese tradition considers one to be a year old at birth.[3] She was the fourth of six children of Charlie Soong, a wealthy businessman and former Methodist missionary from Hainan, and his wife Ni Kwei-tseng. May-ling's siblings were sister Ai-ling, sister Ching-ling, older brother T. V. and younger brothers T.L. and T.A.[4]
In Shanghai, May-ling attended the McTyeire School for Girls with her sister, Ching-ling. Their father, who had studied in the United States, arranged to have them continue their education in the US in 1907. May-ling and Ching-ling attended a private school in Summit, New Jersey. In 1908, Ching-ling was accepted by her sister Ai-ling's alma mater, Wesleyan College, at age 15 and both sisters moved to Macon, Georgia, to join Ai-ling. However, May-ling could not get permission to stay on campus as a family member nor could she be a student because she was too young. May-ling spent the year in Demorest, Georgia, with Ai-ling's Wesleyan friend, Blanche Moss. Mrs. Moss enrolled May-ling as an 8th grader at the Piedmont College. In 1909, Wesleyan's newly appointed president, William Newman Ainsworth, gave her permission to stay at Wesleyan and assigned her tutors. She briefly attended Fairmount College in Monteagle, Tennessee in 1910.[5][6] May-ling was officially registered as a freshman at Wesleyan in 1912 at the age of 15. She then transferred to Wellesley College a year later to be closer to her older brother, T.V., who, at the time, was studying at Harvard. By then both her sisters had graduated and returned to Shanghai. She graduated from Wellesley as one of the 33 Durant Scholars on June 19, 1917, with a major in English literature and minor in philosophy. She was also a member of Tau Zeta Epsilon, Wellesley's Arts and Music Society. As a result of being educated in English all her life, she spoke excellent English, with a pronounced Georgia accent which helped her connect with American audiences.[7]
Madame Chiang[edit]
Soong May-ling met Chiang Kai-shek in 1920. Since he was eleven years her elder, already married, and a Buddhist, May-ling's mother vehemently opposed the marriage between the two, but finally agreed after Chiang showed proof of his divorce and promised to convert to Christianity. Chiang told his future mother-in-law that he could not convert immediately, because religion needed to be gradually absorbed, not swallowed like a pill. They married in Shanghai on December 1, 1927.[8] While biographers regard the marriage with varying appraisals of partnership, love, politics and competition, it lasted 48 years. The couple never had any children.
In 1928 she was made a member of the Committee of Yuans by Chiang.[9]
Madame Chiang initiated the New Life Movement and became actively engaged in Chinese politics. She was a member of the Legislative Yuan from 1930 to 1932 and Secretary-General of the Chinese Aeronautical Affairs Commission from 1936 to 1938. In 1945 she became a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang. As her husband rose to become Generalissimo and leader of the Kuomintang, Madame Chiang acted as his English translator, secretary and advisor. She was his muse, his eyes, his ears, and his most loyal champion. During World War II, Madame Chiang tried to promote the Chinese cause and build a legacy for her husband on a par with Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin. Well versed in both Chinese and western culture, she became popular both in China and abroad. Her prominence led Joseph Stilwell to quip that she ought to be appointed minister of defense.
In 1931, Soong May-ling had a villa built for her on the east side of Nanjing. Located a few hundred meters east of the Sifangcheng Pavilion of the Ming Xiaoling Mausoleum, the villa still exists, and is commonly known as Meilinggong (美龄宫), "May-ling Palace".[10]
Though Soong May-ling initially avoided the public eye after marrying Chiang, she soon began an ambitious social welfare project to establish schools for the orphans of Nationalist soldiers. The children of Communist soldiers were not welcome. The orphanages were unusually well-appointed: with playgrounds, swimming pools, a gymnasium, model classrooms, and dormitories. Soong May-ling was deeply involved in the project and even picked all of the teachers herself. There were two schools- one for boys and one for girls—built on a thousand acre site at the foot of Purple Mountain, in Nanjing. She referred to these children as her "warphans" and made them a personal cause.[11] The fate of the children of fallen soldiers became a much more important issue in China after the beginning of the war with Japan in 1937. In order to better provide for these children she established the Chinese Women's National War Relief Society.[12] She made frequent mention of her "warphans" in her many campaigns for foreign military aid.
Alleged tryst with Wendell Willkie[edit]
After losing to President Franklin Roosevelt in the 1940 US election, Republican candidate Wendell Willkie set out to travel the world in service to the US. During his visit to China, Madame Chiang Kai-Shek and Willkie took an interest in each other.
According to recollections by publisher Gardner Cowles, Willkie's visit to China involved an episode where Soong May-ling seduced Willkie and took him to one of her hideaway apartments in Chungking. At 4am, Cowles noted
"a very buoyant Willkie appeared, cocky as a young college student after a successful night with a girl. After giving me a play-by-play account of what had happened between him and Madame, he concluded that he had invited Madame to return to Washington with us."
But the next day, Willkie had Cowles tell Madame that she could not travel to Washington with him after all. "She reached up and scratched her long fingernails down both my cheeks so deeply that I had marks for about a week," Cowles wrote.[13]
Soong May-ling wasn't deterred for long, making it to the United States the next year. While in her suite at the Waldorf, she said to Cowles: "You know, Mike, if Wendell could be elected, then he and I would rule the world. I would rule the Orient and Wendell would rule the Western world." She asked that he use whatever means necessary to secure the Republican nomination for Willkie, even if it required using China's wealth.[14]
Cowles's account "raises questions," wrote Jay Taylor in his biography of Chiang. Many Chinese in gossip-hungry Chungking would have known of their time alone and rumors would have spread quickly. In 1974, when a shorter version of the story appeared, a suit was brought on behalf of Mayling, and Cowles testified (perhaps to protect Willkie) that the affair was "impossible." Taylor speculates that Willkie, who had several drinks when he talked to Cowles, had exaggerated or misled his young friend who had imagined the rest.[15] In any case, none of the biographies mention even rumors of other sexual indiscretions.
Visits to the US[edit]
Soong May-ling made several tours to the United States to lobby support for the Nationalist's war effort. She drew crowds as large as 30,000 people and in 1943 made the cover of TIME magazine for a third time. She had earlier appeared on the October 26, 1931 cover alongside her husband and on the January 3, 1937 cover with her husband as "Man and Wife of the Year"[16][17] Both husband and wife were on good terms with Time Magazine senior editor and co-founder Henry Luce, who frequently tried to rally money and support from the American public for the Republic of China. On February 18, 1943, she became the first Chinese national and the second woman to address both houses of the US Congress.
After the defeat of her husband's government in the Chinese Civil War in 1949, Madame Chiang followed her husband to Taiwan, while her sister Soong Ching-ling stayed on the mainland, siding with the communists. Madame Chiang continued to play a prominent international role. She was a Patron of the International Red Cross Committee, honorary chair of the British United Aid to China Fund, and First Honorary Member of the Bill of Rights Commemorative Society. Through the late 1960s she was included among America's 10 most admired women.
Later life[edit]
This section does not cite any references or sources. (April 2012) |
After the death of her husband in 1975, Madame Chiang assumed a low profile. Chiang Kai-shek was succeeded to power by his eldest son Chiang Ching-kuo, from a previous marriage, with whom Madame Chiang had rocky relations. In 1975, she emigrated from Taiwan to her family's 36 acre (14.6 hectare) estate in Lattingtown, Long Island, New York, US, where she kept a portrait of her late husband in full military regalia in her living room. She also kept a residence in Wolfeboro, NH where she vacationed in the summer.
Madame Chiang returned to Taiwan upon Chiang Ching-kuo's death in 1988, to shore up support among her old allies. However, Chiang's successor as president, Lee Teng-hui, proved to be more adept at politics than she was, and consolidated his position. As a result, she again returned to the US.
Madame Chiang made a rare public appearance in 1995 when she attended a reception held on Capitol Hill in her honor in connection with celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II. Madame Chiang also made her last visit to Taiwan in 1995.
In the 2000 Presidential Election on Taiwan, the Kuomintang produced a letter from her in which she purportedly supported the KMT candidate Lien Chan over independent candidate James Soong (no relation). James Soong himself had never disputed the authenticity of the letter.
Soong sold her Long Island estate in 2000 and spent the rest of her life in a Gracie Square apartment on the Upper East Side of Manhattan owned by her niece. An open house viewing of the estate drew many Taiwanese expatriates.
When Madame Chiang was 103 years old, she had an exhibition of her Chinese paintings in New York. To this date her work is not for sale.
Soong died in her sleep in New York City, in her Manhattan apartment on October 23, 2003, at the age of 105,[18] her life having extended into three centuries. Her remains were interred at Ferncliff Cemetery in Hartsdale, New York, pending an eventual burial with her late husband who was entombed in Cihu, Taiwan. The stated intention is to have them both buried in mainland China once political differences are resolved.
Upon her death, The White House released a statement:
" | Madame Chiang was a close friend of the United States throughout her life, and especially during the defining struggles of the last century. Generations of Americans will always remember and respect her intelligence and strength of character. On behalf of the American people, I extend condolences to Madame Chiang's family members and many admirers around the world.[19] | " |
-Official statement upon her death
Appraisals by international press[edit]
The New York Times:
As a fluent English speaker, as a Christian, as a model of what many Americans hoped China to become, Madame Chiang struck a chord with American audiences as she traveled across the country, starting in the 1930s, raising money and lobbying for support of her husband's government. She seemed to many Americans to be the very symbol of the modern, educated, pro-American China they yearned to see emerge—even as many Chinese dismissed her as a corrupt, power-hungry symbol of the past they wanted to escape.[20]
- Life magazine called Madame the "most powerful woman in the world."
- Liberty magazine described her as "the real brains and boss of the Chinese government."
- Clare Boothe Luce compared her to Joan of Arc and Florence Nightingale.
- Ernest Hemingway, called her the "empress" of China.[21]
In popular culture[edit]
The apocryphal tale that the large pearl on Empress Dowager Cixi's crown ended up on Madame Chiang's gala shoes is described in Bertolucci's film The Last Emperor.
A movie was produced in 1997 about Soong May-Ling and her sisters The Soong Sisters (1997).
Madame Chiang appears as a minor character in the 2012 novel The Hundred-Year-Old Man Who Climbed Out the Window and Disappeared by Swedish author Jonas Jonasson.
The historical novel Mayling (2012) by Dutch author Lucas Zandberg portrays the life of Madame Chiang from a first-person perspective.
Actress Joan Chen portrays Madame Chiang in the HBO film Hemingway and Gellhorn (2012), which starred Clive Owen as Ernest Hemingway and Nicole Kidman as Martha Gellhorn.
Madame Chiang's visit to Washington D.C. in 1943 is central to the plot of Elliott Roosevelt's 1998 (published posthumously) murder mystery novel Murder in the Map Room.
Soong giving a bandage to an injured Chinese soldier (c. 1942)[22]
Soong stitching uniforms for National Revolutionary Army soldiers.
1943 Wellesley College speech poster.
1942 Chiang, Soong and Joseph Stilwell in Burma.
1943 Soong in the White House Oval Office to conduct a press conference.
Soong sitting close to Chiang opposite Claire Lee Chennault.
Internet video[edit]
- 1937 video-cast of Soong May-ling address to the world in English
- 1943 Soong Mai-ling address to the American Congress
- (Chinese)Soong May-ling and the China Air Force
- 1995 US senators held a reception for Soong May-ling in recognition of China's role as a US ally in World War II.
See also[edit]
- Second Sino-Japanese War
- Xi'an Incident
- History of the Republic of China
- Military of the Republic of China
- President of the Republic of China
- Politics of the Republic of China
- Claire Lee Chennault
- Flying Tigers
- Chiang Fang-liang
- National Revolutionary Army
- Sino-German cooperation (1911–1941)
- Address to Congress - The full text of her 1943 address
- The Last Empress: Madame Chiang Kai-shek and the Birth of Modern China - A 2009 biography of Soong May-ling
- ^ a b While records at Wellesley College and the Encyclopaedia Britannica indicate she was born in 1897, the Republic of China government as well as the BBC and the New York Times cite her year of birth as 1897. The New York Times obituary includes the following explanation: "some references give 1897 as the year because the Chinese usually consider everyone to be one year old at birth." cf: East Asian age reckoning. However, early sources such as the Columbia Encyclopedia, 1960, give her date of birth as 1896, making it possible that "one year" was subtracted twice.
- ^ The New York Times gives her place of birth as Shanghai, while the BBC and Encyclopædia Britannica give it as Wenchang, Hainan island (which was then part of Guangdong Province).
- ^ Faison, Seth (October 24, 2003). "Madame Chiang Kai-shek, a Power in Husband's China and Abroad, Dies at 105". New York Times. Retrieved 2008-06-27.
- ^ Tyson Li, Laura (2007). Madame Chiang Kai-shek: China's eternal First Lady. New York: Grove Press. p. 5.
- ^ "Southeast Tennessee Tourist Association". Southeast Tourist Tourist Association. Retrieved 9 July 2011.
- ^ Chitty, Arther and Elizabeth, Sewanee Sampler, 1978, p. 106, ISBN 0-9627687-7-4
- ^ http://www.wellesley.edu/Anniversary/chiang.html
- ^ "CHINA: Soong Sisters". TIME. Dec 12, 1927. Retrieved May 22, 2011.
- ^ "CHINA: Potent Mrs. Chiang". TIME. Nov 26, 1928. Retrieved May 22, 2011.
- ^ Meiling Villa
- ^ Tyson Li, Laura (2006). Madame Chiang Kai-shek. New York: Grove Press. pp. 87–88.
- ^ Scott Wong, Kevin (2005). American's first: Chinese Americans and the Second World War. Harvard University Press. p. 93.
- ^ Laura Tyson Li, Madame Chiang Kai-Shek : China's Eternal First Lady (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press : 2006), pp. 184–86
- ^ Hannah Pakula, The Last Empress: Madame Chiang Kai-Shek and the Birth of Modern China (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2009), pp. 410–11.
- ^ Jay Taylor, The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-Shek and the Struggle for Modern China (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009), pp. 217–18
- ^ TIME Magazine cover
- ^ Karon, Tony (October 24, 2003). "Madame Chiang Kai-Shek, 1898-2003". Time.com. Retrieved 27 July 2011.
- ^ Faison, Seth (October 24, 2003). "Madame Chiang, 105, Chinese Leader's Widow, Dies". New York Times. Retrieved 2008-06-27. "Madame Chiang Kai-shek, a pivotal player in one of the 20th century's great epics – the struggle for control of post-imperial China waged between the Nationalists and the Communists during the Japanese invasion and the violent aftermath of World War II – died on Thursday in New York City, the Foreign Ministry of Taiwan reported early Friday. She was 105 years old."
- ^ "President's Statement on the Death of Madame Chiang Kai-shek". The White House. Retrieved 4 July 2011.
- ^ SETH FAISON (25 Oct 2003). "Madame Chiang Kai-shek, a Power in Husband's China and Abroad, Dies at 105". The New York Times. Retrieved 2009-05-20.
- ^ http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703574604574500412440365156.html China's Mystery Lady The troubled times and varied ambitions of Madame Chiang Kai-shek
- ^ Fenby, Jonathan (2009), Modern China, p. 279
- Laura Tyson Li, Madame Chiang Kai-Shek : China's Eternal First Lady (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2006).
- Samuel C. Chu, ed., Madame Chiang Kai-Shek and Her China (Norwalk, CT: EastBridge, 2004).
- Hannah Pakula, The Last Empress: Madame Chiang Kai-Shek and the Birth of Modern China (London, Weidenfeld, 2009). ISBN 978-0-297-85975-8
External links[edit]
Find more about Soong May-ling at Wikipedia's sister projects | |
Definitions and translations from Wiktionary | |
Media from Commons | |
Quotations from Wikiquote | |
Source texts from Wikisource | |
Textbooks from Wikibooks | |
Learning resources from Wikiversity |
- Audio of her speaking at the Hollywood Bowl, 1943 (3 hours into program)
- Text of her address to the US Congress, 1943
- Wellesley College biography
- Time magazine's "Man and Wife of the Year," 1937
- Madame Chiang Kai-Shek, 1898–2003
- Life in pictures: Madame Chiang Kai-shek
- Guardian report
- Voice of America obituary
- CNN: Madame Chiang Kai-shek dies
- Song Meiling's Villa
Honorary titles | ||
Preceded by None |
First Lady of the Republic of China 1948–1975 |
Succeeded by Liu Chi-chun |
- 1898 births
- 2003 deaths
- Republic of China politicians from Shanghai
- Alumni of women's universities and colleges
- Burials at Ferncliff Cemetery
- Chinese anti-communists
- Chinese centenarians
- Chinese Methodists
- Chinese people of World War II
- Chiang Kai-shek family
- Sun Yat-sen family
- First Ladies of the Republic of China
- Chinese Hakka people
- Wellesley College alumni
- Women leaders of China
- Kuomintang politicians in Taiwan
- Chinese women
- Women in China


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Dr. King laid down a challenge, one which we have yet to meet all the way. Today, there are those in the Republican party who would like nothing more than to drag our country back to the good old days of the 1960′s. We need to take up Dr. King's challenge once again, and fight for equality, fight for justice, fight for jobs, and fight for the right of all Americans to vote, without the need for a government issued id.
Tag Archive for Barack Obama
TOON: Boston Marathon
by Mike Lawson •
Note to Register Opinion Writers: Democrats are Pro-Freedom too
by Dan Chmielewski •
Late last year, I had an interesting exchange on LinkedIn of all places with someone from the Register trying to entice me into subscribing to the paper citing all the new changes. But when it comes to the editorial pages now run by Brian Calle, there is little change. The Register peeps insisted there was…
Math vs. Romney's Irrational Exuberance
by Chris Prevatt •
Romney's Failed Libya Moment
by Chris Prevatt •
Romney likes to fire people, and Big Bird too!
by Chris Prevatt •
DNC2012 Thursday Agenda
by Chris Prevatt •
Tonight is the final night of the 2012 Democratic National Convention. Tonight, we'll hear about the fundamental American values that drive President Obama's decisions: that hard work and responsibility should be rewarded, that everyone should play by the same rules and everyone has a fair shot and a fair shake. Civil rights hero Congressman John…


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1973 Camaro Parts For Sale - 73 Camaro Parts
Search Term: 'All Parts'
Category: 'Fuel Systems'
Vehicle: '1973 CHEVY CAMARO'
Rick's Camaros is your one-stop shop for 1973 Camaro parts. The 1973 Camaro was a Second Generation F-Body Camaro, spanning from years 1970-1981. 1973 included the Z28 Coupe, Type LT Coupe, Rally Sport Coupe, and Standard Coupe. 1973 saw the introduction of the Type LT, which could be combined with the Z28, Rally Sport, or both. With more stringent front collision requirements, stronger mounting brackets were added to Rally Sport bumpers, while other models had rubber-faced vertical bumper guards, stronger mounting brackets, tubular reinforcing braces, and a support bar behind the bumper. Power windows also became available for the first time since 1969. Full foam rear seats replaced the spring style of earlier years, door impact beams were made stronger for increased side impact protection, and recovery systems were added to prevent expansion coolant loss. 1973 also made previously optional sport steering wheels standard equipment, and improved seat belts by included new buckles with reduced release effort and a positive attachment latching sound. In addition to carrying 2nd Generation 1973 Camaro parts, Rick's Camaros has parts for all Camaro models available. We have all the parts and accessories you need to help restore your Generation Two 1973 Camaro, at the best prices! Trust Ricks for all of your restoration and replacement needs for your racer, show car, street rod, or daily driver.
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Camaro Original Equipment Steel Fuel Lines, Show Correct, 1967-1992 Part # MS-1963
Camaro Stainless Steel Fuel Lines, Repair Approved, 1967-1992 Part # MS-1962
Camaro Fuel Pump, 302 & 350ci, Delco Replacement Style, 1969-1981 Part # FT-22
Camaro Gas Tank Mounting Straps, Stainless Steel, 1970-1973 Part # 729379
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$32.99 ea.
$49.99 pr.
Camaro Pedal Pad & Trim Kit, For Cars With Front Disc Brakes & Automatic Transmission, 1969-1981 Part # PT-72
Camaro Gas Tank Sending Unit, Detroit Speed & Engineering (DSE), Part # DS-52
Camaro Pedal Pad & Trim Kit, For Cars With Drum Brakes & Automatic Transmission, 1969-1981 Part # PT-73
Camaro Fuel Pump, Small Block, With 1/4" EEC Return, 1970-1981 Part # 729117
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$30.99 Set
$39.99 ea.
Camaro Carburetor Rebuild Kit, Holley, Major, 1970-1981 Part # 718897
Fuel Tank Repair Kit Part # 88-3440-3
Camaro Fuel Pump, 6-Cylinder, 1970-1974 Part # 729114
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$49.99 Kit
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Product group
All product groups
Home furniture
Kid's room furniture
Kids chairs
Infant's highchairs
Kids stools
Infant's armchairs / sofas
Infant's benches
Changing tables
Kids tables
Sofa beds
Infant's beds
Cabin beds
Bunk beds
Wall beds
Infant's wardrobes
Storage furniture
Play furniture
Decorative items
Furniture fittings
Infant's armchairs / sofas
The selection of high-end kids' armchairs and sofas is modest, but still displays diversity and offers ample options for the design-conscious consumer.
It is perhaps fitting that the children-sized design classics in this product group are represented by the bold organic shapes of the cheerful and colourful 'Orange Slice Junior' and 'Mushroom Junior', designed by Pierre Paulin for Artifort in 1960. A more restrained design, the sober 'Daybed', designed by Dorothée Hackethal and André Wilps and manufactured by Living Jewels, emulates the modernist designs of the 1920s.
A popular leitmotif for infant's armchairs is the rocking chair. Monte Design's 'Joya Rocker' is a pared-down version of the classical rocking armchair, while the Format-designed 'Grand Prix rocking chair' is a bold, sculptural object, upholstered in cheerful fabric. The latter design is also modular, so it can be extended into a sofa through addition of further modules. Even though both designs are actually adult-sized, they are low, and safe enough to be used to children as well.
Another pair of rocking chairs, Eero Aarnio's Magis-manufactured 'Trioli' and Jonas Jurgaitis's 'Ops junior', manufactured by Sedes Regia, are both designed specifically for children. Additionally, the former design can be turned on its side and offer two different seating heights as an infant's armchair, while the latter can be decomposed into its constituent elements, consisting of an upholstered arch and pillows, which can be used as play furniture.
'do_linette Childrens chair', designed by Gessaga Hindermann for Designheiten, is an upholstered children's sofa, with rounded, soft edges, whose two constituent halves can also be used independently as kids' armchairs. Lastly, the wooden frame of 'Bloomington' infants' sofa, designed for Riva 1920 by Terry Dwan, is actually a repurposed cot, the bars from one of its sides removed, now filled with comfortable cushions.
Filter manufacturer
All manufacturers
Living Jewels
Riva 1920
Sedes Regia
Spot On Square
Filter designer
All designers
Aarnio, Eero
Dahlström, Björn
Dwan, Terry
Gessaga Hindermann
Hackethal, Dorothée
Jurgaitis, Jonas
Paulin, Pierre
Wilps, André
Hits 13
Ops junior
Sedes Regia
Jonas Jurgaitis
Orange Slice Junior
Pierre Paulin
Mushroom Junior
Pierre Paulin
do_linette Childrens chair
Gessaga Hindermann
My House
Björn Dahlström
Grand Prix rocking chair
Hiya Rocker
Spot On Square
Riva 1920
Terry Dwan
Living Jewels
Dorothée Hackenthal
André Wilps
Eero Aarnio
Riva 1920
Terry Dwan
Joya Rocker
monte design
Joya Rocker
monte design
an editorial intern based in our Berlin office.
zur Verstärkung unseres Verkaufsteams in Deutschland einen top motivierten Sales Representative (w/m) für das Verkaufsgebiet zwischen Köln und Hamburg.
a Client Relations Manager (to start with us immediately or on an agreed date) with strong communication and graphic-design skills to handle our Italian-, English- and German-speaking clients.
Light+Building 2014 Architonic Guide
For the light+building in Frankfurt, taking place from the 30th March to 4th April, we have compiled the handy Architonic Guide for you. Guiding you through the fair jungle reliable and with a sense of style.
Download Guide


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Zynga Poker - Texas Holdem
By Zynga Inc.
Open iTunes to buy and download apps.
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Zynga provides a variety of levels for every skill level. I enjoy the challenges and competition levels. Sometimes it does take time to fill a table but the wait time is less than 30 to 60 seconds, in my personal experience. You can disable chat for certain players or, for all. It's also easy to report the jerks who annoy not just you, but everyone at the table, but surprisingly, I have not had to use it.
5 stars out of 5.
Good but annoying
The interface is nice as well as the overall features of the app. It's starts to get extremely frustrating though when you want to play a certain level sit and go or table and it puts you into a lower one repeatedly. Such as, sorry there are no million dollar buy ins right now but instead they put you in a 50k buy in. It takes about 10-15 attempts to get the game or table level you want. Why can't I just pick the level I want and if I'm the only one just have it be me at the table and I'll wait for others to join? This is how every other poker app and website works. I don't get why zynga can't get with the program on this!
Getting a table is frustrating
Severely annoying that it sometimes takes 20 tries or more to get in a tournament at my requested denomination. Really needs improvement in that area. I can ask for a 500k table and it sticks me in 25k.
Also annoying that I can't seem to remove anyone from 'buddies'. I accidentally accepted someone's invite and now can't seem to remove them.
Gameplay is good though. Many whiners out there, but I suppose you'll get that anywhere.
- Free
- Category: Games
- Updated: Mar 06, 2014
- Version: 11.40
- Size: 51.9 MB
- Languages: English, French, German, Indonesian, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Portuguese, Simplified Chinese, Spanish, Traditional Chinese, Turkish
- Seller: Zynga Inc.
- © 2012 Zynga Inc.
Compatibility: Requires iOS 4.3 or later. Compatible with iPhone, iPad, and iPod touch. This app is optimized for iPhone 5.
Top In-App Purchases
- pack of 5 Golden Scratchers$0.99
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- Small Case$9.99
- Small Bag$1.99
- Big Bag$4.99
- Small Vault$49.99


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Most Popular This Week
Popular content
Today's Top News
Obama Sends US Combat Troops to Uganda
US president says he is deploying 100 combat troops to Uganda to help efforts against Lord's Resistance Army rebels.
US President Barack Obama has announced he is deploying 100 "combat-equipped" troops to Uganda to help efforts against rebels of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), who Washington accuse of grievous human rights abuses.
The US troops, subject to the approval of national authorities, could also deploy from Uganda into South Sudan, the Central African Republic and Democratic Republic of the Congo, Obama said in a message to Congress.
LRA rebels are accused of murdering, raping and kidnapping thousands of people in the four nations.
Tens of thousands of people have died in their 20-year war with security forces in northern Uganda.
"These forces will act as advisors to partner forces that have the goal of removing from the battlefield Joseph Kony and other senior leadership of the LRA," Obama said, but warned they would not lead the fighting themselves.
"Although the US forces are combat-equipped, they will only be providing information, advice, and assistance to partner nation forces.
"They will not themselves engage LRA forces unless necessary for self-defence. All appropriate precautions have been taken to ensure the safety of US military personnel during their deployment."
The president said a small group of troops deployed on Wednesday and that additional forces will deploy over the next month.
Kony is accused of war crimes and wanted by the International Criminal Court.
The civil war effectively ended in 2006 when a peace process was launched, but Kony and his top commanders continue to commit atrocities in remote areas of neighbouring countries.
General Carter Ham, the head of US Africa Command, said last week that his best estimate was that Kony was probably in the Central African Republic.
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I think I read today Archage got picked up by Trion. It now has a publisher this side now.
archage is OMFG massiveI'm hoping, really hoping, its F2P, and translates well to NA!
»www.amazon.com/Deer-Antler-Velve···er+sprayCalm down. Go buy some deer spray.
I only use that when I M people at superbowl parties!and hide my pimp suit in fast food dumpsters
I might just order some. I bet Amazon is getting a flood of orders.
gonna spray that in the pants... watch out wifey!


text:
Homework Help
Better Students Ask More Questions.
U have $100,000 to invest & wish to double that amount. Using the CIF, find the the...
Topic: Math
U have $100,000 to invest & wish to double that amount. Using the CIF, find the the years it take to double at rate of 12% p.a. Determine to the nearest whole number of years, the length of time it will take to do this using the CIF. (CIF)stands for 'Compound interest formula': A=P(1+R/100)^N Amount(A) Principal(P) Rate of interest(R) Periods(N)1 Answer | add yours
Solving for an exponent... time to break out the logs!
log 2 = log (1.12^N) = N log 1.12
Did you remember that log rule? `logA^x=xlogA`
N = log 2 / log 1.12 = 6.12 yrs (so 7 years).
Posted by nathanshields on February 15, 2012 at 7:16 PM (Answer #1)
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text:
Park Closings
Visitors should call 315-568-0024 before visiting the park during the winter months. Due to inclement weather, the park may close with short notice.
Days of Operation
Beginning on December 30, 2013 the park will be closed on Mondays and Tuesdays. The park will be open Wednesday-Sunday from 9 am to 5 pm
Women's Rights National Historical Park to Offer Guided Kayak Tours
Contact: Jonathan Ewanyk, 315 568-0024 Seneca Falls, NY--Women's Rights National Historical Park will offer Ranger guided kayak tours of the Cayuga-Seneca Canal on August 31, September 7, and September 14.The tours will meet at the Women's Rights National Historical Park Visitor Center at 10 am. As a part of Michelle Obama's Let's Move Outside initiative, the park is offering kayak tours to encourage our visitors to enjoy the outdoor resources within our park. The kayak tours are suitable for both advanced and beginner kayakers and offer an excellent opportunity for both adults and children to explore the region's waterways. "The kayak tours are a great way to expand our tours here at the park by observing the natural resources in the park and learning history simultaneously," said Superintendent Ami Ghazala."It is a great way to view everything our park has to offer while taking in the natural beauty of the Finger Lakes region," added Chief of Interpretation David Malone. Kayak tours will depart from the Seneca Falls Rec. Center at 10:15 a.m. after a short briefing about water safety from the rangers. Tours will travel east along the Cayuga-Seneca Canal into Lake Van Cleef, where kayakers can travel through locks 2 and 3, or explore the home of Elizabeth Cady Stanton. If rentals of kayaks or canoes are needed, please contact Fuzzy Guppies or Canal Side Experiences, which are both are located in Waterloo, NY. For more information, please visit our website at www.nps.gov/wori or call (315) 568-0024.You can also follow the park's social media sites for Facebook (http://www.facebook.com/womensrightsnps) and Twitter (http://twitter.com/#!/WomensRightsNPS) to learn more about our upcoming programs. To request email announcements of all park programs, contact firstname.lastname@example.com or call 315.568.0024. |
Did You Know?
Did you know that the First Women's Rights Convention in America was held in Seneca Falls, New York in 1848? More...


text:
Green Deal and ECO: Operational Issues – A View from the Industry
Purpose of this paper
The genesis of this paper was the speech made by the Secretary of State for Energy & Climate Change, the Rt Hon Edward Davey MP, at a reception on the Terrace of the House of Commons on September 3 hosted by this Association.
In his speech, he challenged the Association, on behalf of our industry, to put forward recommendations as to how the effectiveness of the Green Deal/ECO programmes might be improved immediately. This paper sets out a series of practical proposals regarding ways in which a series of operational issues should be addressed.


text:
A documentary on transgendered immigrants seeking political asylum in the United States due to abuses inflicted upon them in Mexico.
Crossing Over is the story of three transgendered immigrants from Mexico seeking political asylum in the United States from the physical, emotional, and sexual abuse inflicted on them in their homeland.
Stigmatized by religious and patriarchal powers within their community, transgendered people in Mexico find acceptance elusive and jobs nonexistent. Francis Murillo, Brenda Gonzalez, and Abigail Madariaga – the three women who let us into their lives for Crossing Over – have been denied work because of their refusal to hide who they are. They have been sexually abused by police, neighbors, and by their own family members.
It's difficult enough for undocumented immigrants to find safe work and a living wage once they arrive in the United States – but the transgendered men and women among them have an even harder time. Many resort to working in the sex industry, where their chances of being exposed to HIV and developing drug addictions greatly increase. Abigail became addicted to drugs while working as a prostitute, and Brenda contracted HIV. Both women have been more successful finding treatment since being granted political asylum 2008.
With the support of organizations and legal assistance, Francis, Brenda and Abigail now have safe, stable jobs.
Francis has yet to receive asylum. Her final hearing is scheduled for February 13, 2012, and will determine whether or not she is eligible to stay in the United States. If she is denied, she will be deported and sent back to Mexico.
With your help, we will continue to film Abigail and Brenda's lives and document Francis' asylum process.
Have a question? If the info above doesn't help, you can ask the project creator directly.
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