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Serve in aCoupe glass
Lime wedge on rim
How to make:
SHAKE first three ingredients with ice and fine strain into chilled glass. FLOAT spoon of kirsch eau de vie on surface of drink.
|2 1/3 fl oz
|Bacardi Carta Blanca light rum
|3/4 fl oz
|Lime juice (freshly squeezed)
|1/2 fl oz
|Sugar syrup 'rich' (2 sugar to 1 water, 65.0°brix)
|1/3 fl oz
|Chilled water
|1/6 fl oz
|Kirschwasser (cherry) eau-de-vie
Read about cocktail measures and measuring.
A float of Kirsch eau-de-vie adds wonderfully fruity aromatics to an otherwise classic Natural Daiquiri.
This adaptation of a Natural Daiquiri was discovered by Joerg Meyer in 2011 in the 1948 edition of the Cuban Cantinero bartender's own journal, El Arte del Cantinero Los Vinos Y Los Licores.
Daiquiri cocktail history
One serving of Santa Marta Daiquiri contains 207 calories.
Alcohol content:
- 1.6 standard drinks
- 18.76% alc./vol. (37.52° proof)
- 23 grams of pure alcohol
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subset: commoncrawl


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Series: Recalibrate | Week 2: Don't Bow to the Counterfeit
Day Four Romans 2:1-4Pray: Invite God into your time and ask Him to speak to you, then read the passage.2 You may think you can condemn such people, but you are just as bad, and you have no excuse! When you say they are wicked and should be punished, you are condemning yourself, for you who judge others do these very same things. 2 And we know that God, in his justice, will punish anyone who does such things. 3 Since you judge others for doing these things, why do you think you can avoid God's judgment when you do the same things? 4 Don't you see how wonderfully kind, tolerant, and patient God is with you? Does this mean nothing to you? Can't you see that his kindness is intended to turn you from your sin? – Romans 2:1-4 (NLT)Discover: Use the Discover section of your Recalibrate journal to write down your answers to the following observation and interpretation questions.1. What is the difference between humanity's judgment and God's judgment?2. What does Paul say the judging person is guilty of (verses 1 and 3)?3. Why is God so wonderfully kind (verse 4)?Respond: Use the Respond section of your journal to answer the following application prompts.1. What does this passage teach me about God?2. How does this aspect of His character change my view of self and others?3. What should I do in response and when?For Further Reading:How does kindness lead people to repentance? Read more about the meaning of Romans 2:4 here.For Families with Kids at Home:Oftentimes we can view some people as bad and some as good, but the truth is that all of us have done bad things, and we all deserve to be separated from God. But the Good News is that God is so loving and patient with us that He sent Jesus to make a way to be with Him, despite all the bad things we've done! Take time to pray with your kids and thank God for how patient and loving He is with us, and for sending Jesus to make a way to be friends with God again!*If you don't have a Recalibrate journal, you can use any journal available to you to write down your responses.**TPCC does not necessarily endorse all For Further Reading/Learning sources. They are simply meant to be a helpful tool.


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If you want to introduce yourself, or answer the question "What do you do?" in Hebrew, a list of jobs in Hebrew will come in handy. This is because you can use personal pronouns to accompany nouns. You can even choose another topic to browse – and see a list of jobs in another language. Here are some examples:
Job is a man who endures hardship
The story of Job is the story of a man who experiences severe difficulties and challenges. The book begins with the plight of Job's friends, who ridicule his wisdom and question his lack of fear of God. Despite all of this, Job remains confident, questioning why God allows him to suffer. He wonders if God is judging him or judging his friends based on his actions. Job questions how he can appease God or court his justice without directly addressing him. In the end, Job concludes that he will not be able to convince God by his words alone.
The Book of Job describes the life of Job, a patriarchal family head. Job was wealthy and had livestock and a great deal of spiritual meaning to him. Yet, he did not mention the Law or Exodus or the judgment of Sodom. His wealth was measured in livestock, and he prayed for God to forgive him for his sins. Job was a good man, despite his difficult situation, and he searched for the cause of his suffering. He could not understand why people were suffering when they had done nothing wrong.
In spite of his terrible circumstances, Job remained steadfast and did not allow himself to be swayed by fear. He was not a victim of Satan's attacks. He resisted the temptation to give in to his fears and to blame God for his misfortune. His faith in God did not allow him to fall into despair or anger. Instead, he chose to view his suffering in terms of eternity.
His suffering was brought upon him by Satan, who worked through fallen men. This is the story of his life and the life of his friends. Job wishes that God would send Satan, who is a fallen angel, to Sheol, the deep place of the dead. But, God has other plans for him. If Job wants to be free of pain, he should seek his happiness in his life.
The name 'Job' means 'he who weeps' in Hebrew. Job appears to be an Israeli male and is a character in the Bible who is tested in his faith. The book is a masterpiece of Hebrew biblical literature. It is considered the most profound book of the Hebrew bible. It depicts Job's faith in God despite the hard circumstances he faces. The evil spirit, satan, is an agent of Satan who undermines Job's piety and faith.
Job's piety and worship were also notable. Even in his mourning, he worshipped God in an unselfish manner, greatly praising the God who had created him. Although Job will later turn away from worship, his initial reaction shows the heart of a man. This is not to say that Job didn't feel sorrow or despair, but he was aware of his condition and it affected his faith.
He is a god of goodness
The phrase "He is a god of goodness" is a biblical concept, and it has many interpretations. In the Old Testament, goodness is associated with the covenant between God and his people. God appeals to people through his law of simple goodness. In the New Testament, goodness is a spiritual virtue, and it is defined as the fruit of the Spirit. Moral excellence is one step of the virtue ladder.
Unlike modern society, the Bible is more strict about applying the term "good." Biblical Hebrew's word for "good" is leb SHome (translated: "understanding mind"). The literal translation is "hearing heart."
The term "merciful" is not a direct translation of the word chesed, but it comes close. Hebrew chesed is a broader term. It is associated with God's abundant goodness, including mercy, forgiveness, and justice. This means that God is compassionate and loving toward his people. In His dealings with Israel, He must be a god of mercy, and He must treat his people with love.
To understand how the phrase "He is a god of goodness" is used, it is important to understand the Greek word oudeis, which means no one. This term refers to God, and it also means "not one." The word ouseis, in the Bible, means "not even one." In this way, Yeshua includes himself in the category of good, even though he is fully Man.
The Hebrew word hessed (or hesed) is another name for God. This means "the Lord is there." It appears in the Old Testament and is a description of the presence of God in a millennial kingdom. A study of the book of Ezekiel will explore the restoration of the nation of Israel and the return of His presence to Jerusalem. He is the God of mercy, slow to anger, and rich in unfailing love.
The Septuagint translates racham as "agapao." The word agapao means unconditional love. When translating Isaiah 9:17, the Septuagint uses racham as "agapao," which relates to God's unconditional love. Isaiah 9:17 is a good example of this concept. The Northern Kingdom has allied itself with the pagan Syrians, and God does not take pleasure in such an alliance. Therefore, he does not take pleasure in the Northern Kingdom's piety. Every Northern Kingdom is an evildoer and speaks foolishly.
He is the object of God's criticism
Often the object of God's wrath and criticism is overlooked, but it does exist. Scripture refers to God's wrath and criticism many times, but rarely names the object. One place where the object of God's wrath is specifically mentioned is Romans 1:18, though other passages mention evildoers and perpetrators. But the object of God's criticism is generally not the sinner. Rather, God's wrath is an active punishment, which he delivers to those who deserve it.


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How To: Maintain a Pool
A filthy pool is unappealing and unsafe. Knowing how to maintain a pool is the key to enjoying crystal clear pool water anytime.
Enjoying a cool dip in the backyard pool is the ultimate reward after a long day. The last thing you want is to jump into murky pool water with a foul odor. Keeping a pool clean and clear takes more than just tossing a few chemicals into the pool every once in a while. Balancing the pH, skimming debris from the surface, and performing shock treatments are just a few tasks pool owners need to do regularly. To avoid that disappointing halt to a dive into the deep end, follow these steps for how to maintain a pool so you can relax or play anytime.
Time required: 30 minutes to 24 hours
Difficulty: Beginner to intermediate
Estimated cost: $60 to $150
Before You Begin…
DIY pool maintenance can be tricky and involves keeping chemicals properly balanced and preventing murky or algae-filled water. Microscopic elements blow into the pool, trees drop pollen and leaves, storms bring heavy rains, humans introduce oils, and frogs or birds enjoy taking a dip in the pool. All of these situations can quickly alter the pH level or chemical balance of a pool. Without the proper testing kits or tools to clean the pool, it can be challenging to identify how to maintain the pool and how to raise pH in the pool to bring back clean water. Additionally, broken pumps or filters will need to be repaired or replaced by pool service companies to get the pool back on track.
Tips for How to Maintain a Pool
- Establish daily, weekly, monthly, and yearly schedules for cleaning or treating the pool and replacing old parts.
- Keep all chemicals on hand so you can quickly treat a problem.
- Run the pool filter for at least 8 hours each day to keep the water circulating and prevent algae buildup.
- Clean the filter twice a year and replace it every 1 or 2 years.
Safety Considerations
- Use gloves and safety glasses when handling pool chemicals to avoid skin irritation.
- Wear nonslip shoes when cleaning the pool to avoid accidentally falling in.
- Adhere to pool chemical dosage recommendations to prevent skin burns in the pool.
- Store chemicals according to manufacturers' recommendations.
- Avoid mixing pool, spa, and household chemicals.
STEP 1: Get rid of debris from the water's surface and the filter.
Skimming debris from the pool is the most straightforward and most frequent pool maintenance task. Fallen leaves, dead insects, and even living creatures are often found in pools but are relatively easy to remove with a long-handled skimmer net. In some cases, the filter may have sucked in debris, which means the filter will need to be opened to remove the debris. Make sure the filter is not operating while doing regular pool cleaning.
STEP 2: Brush the sides of the pool to remove algae and sediment.
Despite efforts to keep the pump running often enough, scum, algae, and sediment will build up on the edges of a vinyl or concrete pool. On the upper edges of the pool, use a pool brush to clean off any sediment or chemical buildup that may occur. With the long handle attached to the brush, reach down into the bottom of the pool and scrub any dirty or scummy spots. Be sure to complete this step before doing any testing or chemical treatments.
STEP 3: Vacuum the pool.
Once per week—or after a heavy storm or wild party—pool owners may notice a lot of debris settled on the bottom of the pool that the skimmer can't get. That's when it's time to haul out the pool vacuum. There are manual vacuums available that pull out water and debris from the pool. Robotic vacuums automatically clean the pool, and suction vacuums work with the filtration system to collect debris into the built-in skimmer basket. Or avoid the weekly hassle of hauling out a pool vacuum altogether by using a local pool service company to do the job for you.
STEP 4: Test the water and adjust chemical amounts.
Now that most of the debris is removed and the walls are free from scum and sediment, it's time to test the water's pH balance and chemical content. Here are the ideal ranges a pool service company would test for: pH between 7.2 and 7.6, alkalinity between 100 and 150 ppm (parts per million), and free chlorine between 1.0 and 3.0 ppm. Use a pH balancer to adjust pH levels to maintain the appropriate range. Add sanitizer or a chlorine shock treatment per the pool manufacturer's recommendation. In hot, humid climates, adding a small amount of algaecide each week can prevent a buildup.
STEP 5: Backwash the filter and clean the pump filter.
Backwashing a filter is a regular task that helps push all the built-up sediments out through the waste line and drain, so they don't remain in the filter. A good rule of thumb is to do this weekly for high-use pools or as often as the filter reads 8 to 10 psi higher than usual. That's an indication that significant buildup has occurred and needs to be flushed. If the pump filter looks dirty, use a filter cleaner to remove the scum or replace it every year or two.
STEP 6: Call a professional if you encounter any issues or are unsure about how to maintain a pool.
Getting the proper chemical balance when the pool has gone green or murky isn't always an easy process. In some cases, you might add too many chemicals, and the pool may need to be partially drained and refilled to restore safe levels. A pool that is used regularly needs more maintenance than pools used once a week or less. These are all tasks that a pool service company is more than willing to handle to alleviate the burden of DIY swimming pool maintenance.
Regular pool maintenance is the price pool owners must pay to enjoy the fun and relaxing benefits that a backyard pool can offer. Staying on top of debris and scum is key to preventing most major pool contamination problems. Weekly testing and regular pool maintenance can keep your pool filled with crystal clear water. Pool service companies can quickly identify serious pool problems that caused an algae overgrowth or broken pump, especially when they are already familiar with the history of the pool's use and maintenance schedule.


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The art takes up little or no time and investment, with the limited are: First and foremost, select the plantation site, that is, plan the garden layout. Its leaves have a higher level of carbon content as compared to other trees, so when they fall, the soil is tilled and prepared before large-scale cultivation of crops. Moreover, the pots should be well-drained so that there is no water logging utilized Biodynamic and French intensive methods for organic farming. All weeds should be pulled out before planting, and it should garden, there is a lot you can do to accentuate it even further. According to this concept, synthetic fertilizers and pesticides are replaced with organic root nodules, which establish a symbiotic relationship between plants. And yes, a very important point you need to consider here is and this can be done with the addition of compost and mulching in the soil.


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Choosing ponytail hairstyles is the simplest way to brush your hair off your face for a straightforward and sensible style. However, a ponytail doesn't have to be compelled to be boring and easy – you'll produce a variety of fully lovely appearances that is excellent for the daytime or the getting dark too, all by adding a novel twist to your ponytail.
There are many ways to style a ponytail, and people find it very versatile. For example, you can make the texture straight, high, low, etc. according to your needs. But everyday mundane ponytails are boring and popular. So there is a list of some colorful, sophisticated, and fun last-minute hairstyles for short, medium, and long hair. When you want a nicer ponytail, you can try it at home.
Cute and Easy Ponytail Hairstyles
Ponytails are still the classic hairstyle for women around the world. It's a good point that you can arrange it in different styles to suit your clothes, mood, and situation. All you need is a little creativity to make a simple ponytail stand out. 30 ponytail hairstyles you want to try at home!
#1: Ponytail with Curtain Bangs
Angled, blunt, or curtain bangs can add beautiful details to a ponytail. The ponytail with bangs has a cute and casual feel, which looks great no matter where you wear it. Just make sure the texture of your pony matches the texture of your ponytail. For this wavy ponytail, brush your hair off with your hands, fix it with a hairpin, then use your fingers to loosen your bangs and curl your ponytail. If your hair needs styling, you can add more styling spray.
#2: Sleek Low Ponytail Hairstyles
This simple and eye-catching look completes this gorgeous long, wavy platinum blonde hair, creating a style that is perfect for going out. You should comb your cute hair back to add a lot of volume to this gorgeous look, and then comb your hair back into a low ponytail behind your head.
#3: Wrap-Around Ponytail
The secret of this ponytail hairstyle is that it looks complicated. Although simple, it looks elegant enough for special occasions or large gatherings. First, separate the hair from the middle. Separate the front two parts of hair, each front. Tie the rest of the hair into a ponytail on both sides of the part, and fix it with hair elastic bands. Then take one part, wrap it around the root of the ponytail, and pull it back. A pen. Repeat on the other side. In order to increase the appeal, lift the ponytail up and comb the other side to add unexpected volume to create a fluffy ponytail.
#4: Braided Side Ponytail Hairstyles
If you think of the 80s when you think of side ponytails, read on, because this is not the case. Today's side ponytails are thinner, smoother, and easier to wear anytime, anywhere. At the ear level: likable and modern at the same time. Separate the hair to one side, and then pull it back to the other side of the buckle (it should be on one side, but still at the back of the head and ear height). Secure with a headband. Finally, spray a few more hair sprays. The side ponytail hairstyle couldn't be easier.
#5: Wavy Ponytail Hair
Appeal to all minimalists! It sounds simple, but there is a reason for this classic ponytail style-it is impossible to mix soft hair and loose waves. It is basically a hairstyle that conforms to the trend of casual sports. Use a round brush to dry your hair, adding fluffy and slight frizz on the tip. Pull your hair back and you are done.
#6: Bubble Ponytail Hairstyles
Bubble ponytails look very complicated and confusing, but it is guaranteed that they are easier to master than they seem. Start with the classic high ponytail, then tie a ponytail every few inches braid, and pull each one gently.
#7: Braided Ponytail Hair
Tie your hair into a low ponytail to achieve this style. Pro tip: Use a natural bristle brush (such as wild boar bristles) to smooth it out to get a very smooth and clean top. Braid the fishtail lengthwise and tie it with a small elastic band.
#8: Short Ponytail Hairstyles
The classic ponytail is long and loose, but short hair is also suitable for this style. Although short hair cannot be tied into a high ponytail, a low ponytail will accentuate your hairstyle and give you a new look in seconds. Texture and loose ponytails for best results. Combined with bangs, it looks more beautiful, creating a stylish French look.
#9: Long Ponytail Hair
If you have thick long hair, then you are lucky: The classic ponytail is your easy choice! It is very versatile because you can wear this style anywhere in the gym, at lunch, or party. Straight or wavy, long ponytails will never go out of style. For the best look, make sure that your curls last through regular care and haircuts. For those who like this style but have very fine hair, clip-on hair extensions are a good way to imitate it.
#10: Two Ponytail Hairstyles
What is more beautiful than a ponytail? Two! It is difficult to do this because it will make you look like a schoolgirl. To turn it into a fun and wonderful hairstyle at night, add a lot of volume to the curls and add body and movement to the beach waves. Attention to detail is also very important-use a strand of hair to hide the elasticity in the hair, pull up a straight ponytail, and let a few strands of hair outline your face.
#11: Multi-Braided Ponytail Hair
If you know how to braid a simple French braid, you can use multiple braids to braid this ponytail. This is one of the best ponytail hairstyles for long hair, but this look is the same as the most fashionable medium-length hairstyles. Your hair is more shiny and textured than a hair dryer, so prepare your hair for anti-frizz first, then air dry it, and then separate it from the middle. Braid a strand of hair all the way to the ends and fix it at each end. Then, tie your hair into a ponytail, including two braids and a loose part.
#12: High Ponytail
When you tie your hair during a high ponytail hairstyle, you should find yourself trying such as if you had no time to vogue your hair. The secret is to urge simply the proper quantity of messiness. If you wish to comb your hair and gather it at the crown, secure your ponytail tightly with a hair tie, then loosen it a tad. Spray hairspray over it to stay the hairstyle intact.
#13: Pineapple Ponytail
Use a curl and clogging detector to prepare damp hair and let it air dry. If you want expressive curls like Yara Shahidi, remember to stay away from touching. When your hair is 100% dry, fix it on the top of your head so that the curls protrude from the edges.
#14: Easy Ponytail
Nothing is easier than straightening a ponytail every day. First, cover the bottom of the ponytail with an elastic band. Take a strand of hair, wrap it around an elastic band, and fix it in place. You can use a hair clip, but a cute hair clip will add a bit of personality to your simple ponytail and make your hair look more delicate.
#15: Middle Ponytail
Pull the hair into a medium ponytail. Be sure to curl the ends of your hair into a fuller, more elastic ponytail. Use hairspray to keep your hair smooth. Especially with small hairpins, your hair will look more attractive and beautiful.
#16: Medium-Length Ponytail
Medium-length hair is usually shoulder length, which means it is long enough to turn into a fashionable mid-high ponytail. If your curly hair grows back or your hair is good, this is a great option to make your hair look thicker and longer. Keep this ponytail soft and wavy, because the fashionable ponytail only emphasizes length and sophistication.
#17: Prom Ponytail Hair
As we all know, the ponytail is a daily hairstyle. However, it looks great in more formal events such as prom. Pick up the roots of the hair from below to make the top look smooth and smooth. Ponytail, use curling irons to create soft waves. Finally, wear a ribbon around the hair to make your ponytail look perfect. You need long and thick hair to create this style.
#18: Urban Ponytail
The urban ponytail is a super fashionable high ponytail with baby hair. You can use real human hair to achieve this look because it can be heat set like normal hair. Urban ponytails have been popular for many years because they not only attract people's attention but also draw attention to your face. When choosing this style, gorgeous makeup is essential, even with streetwear or sportswear.
#19: Formal Ponytail
For formal occasions like weddings, ponytails may be a perfect choice, both discreet and elegant. Make sure your hair is completely straight and not loose, as this is a simple hairstyle. Then add some subtle, loose waves. The surface should be elastic and natural, but not wavy or stranded. Leave a few strands of hair on your face, then tie the rest of the hair into a ponytail. Add luxurious hair accessories to complete the look, such as velvet ribbons, pearl buckles, or flowers.
#20: 80s Ponytail Hair
The ponytail of the 80s is height and the most important accessory of that era: a hair band. Whether you tie up your ponytail or tie it aside, you will see what it looked like in the 80s. For a modern style, curl a small part of the ponytail instead of the entire ponytail. In addition, choose a hair band in a neutral color instead of a neon color.
#21: 50s Ponytail Hair
The 1950s was the era of the female tail. Although the hair is neatly combed, there are waves inside. You can use pliers or some other heat to create the ponytail. The last major element of hairstyles in the 1950s was hair bangs. If you already have bangs, make sure to curl them to match the rest of your hairstyle.
#22: Ponytail Hairstyles for Work
This is an improved ponytail that can be made on curly and straight hair. Create two tails, one at the bottom and one at the top, to provide your ponytail with longer layers and a fuller body. You can straighten your hair first. Increase the volume at the top, tuck it in a ponytail and fasten it with a headband. Then you can comb the bottom into another ponytail as needed. After that, you can toss the ponytail from the top down and hide the next set of hairs. Finally, you can apply some hairspray to get the best results.
#23: Ponytail Bow Hair
This cute bow on the ponytail adds fun and freshness to the ordinary ponytail. First, you need to style your hair into a normal ponytail. Then, take a large section of hair from the back of the ponytail and wrap it around the ponytail to hide the elastic band. Then, take another strand of hair to form a loop on the ponytail. Use a hairpin to hold it longer and better.
#24: Chignon Ponytail Hair
Beautiful and elegant ponytail, perfect for parties or other important events. In other parts of the world, tie your hair into a ponytail and wrap a strand of hair around it. If necessary, use hairpins. Use hairspray to straighten loose hair.
#25: Rope Ponytail Hair
This rope ponytail looks soft and cool. If you want to create one, you can braid your hair into a high ponytail first, then divide the ponytail into two equal parts and twist each other until the hair is complete. For this, use hair bands.
#26: Twisted Ponytail Hair
The twisted ponytail looks relaxed and sweet and can be used for medium and long hair. You can straighten your hair first. Then separate the top hair and divide the rest of the hair into two equal parts. Comb the top and secure it in place, then loosely through the two lower parts. Use a hairpin to secure it.
#27: Parted Ponytail Hairstyles
Increase your interest in classic ponytails by trying cool parts. Use styling gel to keep the part smooth and really bring out the details. Comb your hair thoroughly to remove any knots and keep it straight. Make a deep edge part, the deeper the better. If you have bangs, that's great. You can use additional products such as hair spray to stay fashionable. Comb your hair into a soft ponytail. You can do this at the height you want.
#28: Drawstring Ponytail Hair
A drawstring ponytail is a hair extension method that allows you to get a beautiful ponytail in a few seconds. However, you need to prepare your natural hair before fixing to give it a super stylish and modern look. Your hair is softened by a high ponytail or bun. Like most ponytail extensions, the tip will hang on your real hair. You can choose the hair texture you want, from round and smooth to tight curls and spirals.
#29: Crochet Ponytail
Crochet braids are becoming more and more popular because they allow you to easily get the hair of your dreams without having to spend hours in a barber chair. First of all, your hair is braided, and the tension is not as tight as the normal braid in front of your hair. The extensions are threaded and crocheted, rather than sewn together like fabric. If you want to braid braids, you can have any hair texture.
#30: Fish Tail Ponytail Hairstyles
Tie all your hair into a ponytail and tie it up with a headband. Start knitting! Take a small piece from the left and move it to the right. Repeat the same operation for the right side, taking a small part and passing through it. Repeat through the small part until the end of the braid. When the braid reaches the end, turn the braid over and pull the edge to make the braid wider and fuller. Then tie up the braid with a very thin elastic band.


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Education Week investigates food served in America's school cafeterias and the particular challenge of feeding middle-school-age children. School cafeteria cooks are given the task of trying to please students with healthy but often tasteless food provided in mass quantities by the government. (May 1, 1996)
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by Timothy Charles Holmseth on May 15, 2020 at 11:57 P.M.
On May 4, 2020 General Flynn's digital army was asked to activate.
Yesterday President Trump responded.
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Hello.. I'm new to the q team but wide awake, I want to thank everyone for all you are doing to wake up American people. Your efforts are paying off. May God bless each and every one of you. WWG1WGA
That was a hard fight that day against the digital army of the black hats. They were fighting and hating the #PentagonPedophileTaskForce and making up horrific and shocking lies, memes and video associations that maligned the righteous. I only had a taste of what you go through every hour every day. You are fearless!
Thank you for all that you are doing on behalf of children.
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On May 24th, a wave of high-profile arrests rocked Tunisia. A range of prominent businessmen, entrepreneurs in the parallel economy, as well as high-ranking officials in the customs services were arrested in what the Head of the Government Youssef Chahed described as the beginning of a new crack-down on corruption in the country. While Chahed received much public applause for this announcement, analysts have begun framing the sudden crackdown as a power move in a political system in which both anti-corruption policy and economic development are increasingly framed as the results of intra-elite struggles.[1] This has become an increasingly popular narrative in Tunisia, and a popular analytical basis to propose policies that can move the country out of its current crisis, as protests and sit-ins in Southern Tunisia have increased the pressure on national politics. This article argues that this "elite conflict" perspective is an inaccurate framing of the developments in Tunisia, and a highly dangerous foundation for proposals advocating reform. This article studies a recent report by the International Crisis Group, which has been a particularly influential and widely cited contributor to this narrative of elite conflict. Based on intensive fieldwork in Southern Tunisia, and extensive experience researching national-level corruption, we argue that ICG's report presents a simplistic, elitist, and grossly misleading account of the current situation in the country. Furthermore, we illustrate how some of the key policies that have been proposed by ICG, as well as the World Bank and the country's Presidency, are largely based on this analysis. In conclusion, we propose an alternative approach to fighting corruption and addressing the ongoing protests in the country.
An Elite Conflict Perspective on Corruption and Regionalism in Tunisia
On May 10th, the International Crisis Group published a new country report on the socio-political challenges in Tunisia, titled: "Blocked Transition: Corruption and Regionalism in Tunisia".[2] It argues that the country's current crisis, the national debate about corruption as well as the waves of protests in its Southern and Interior regions are the result of a confrontation between the traditional economic elites of Northern Tunisia and the emergent elites of the country's South, who are fueled by the large contraband economy. Hence, to address the crisis, the report calls for a new form of national economic dialogue, and the integration of the Southern economic elite into the country's economic framework. In a way, it is unsurprising that that the ICG tends to see political crisis as the result of a confrontation between different competing groups. After all, their stated goal is to "prevent, resolve or better manage deadly conflict"[3]. Nevertheless, this is not without consequences for the political discourse on Tunisia. As the ICG has become a highly influential voice in Tunisian politics, the 'elite conflict perspective' has become increasingly commonplace in political discussions.
The ICG's analysis of Tunisia's current socio-political problems is highly simplistic and fundamentally elitist. The report argues that the current unrest in Southern Tunisia is largely due to the exclusion of Southern economic elites from the grand bargain of Tunisian politics. It takes the complex issue of regional inequality and reduces it to an issue of elite competition: the businessmen of the North, and the businessmen of the South are fighting, and the result is greater suffering for Tunisia. In order for this argument to be convincing, it would need to show that the new economic elites of Tunisia's South, and smugglers in particular, are directly connected to the current unrest. A crucial claim of the report is that the large protests that are currently gaining momentum in the South and Interior are primarily the result of 'sponsors' from the 'underground economy'. This is an incredibly bold claim, based on one single anonymous activist interviewed in Tunis. But the ICG support this view, as it is crucial evidence for their overall argument. To present an elite bargain as a solution to a large social problem, the elites need to be able to stoke and suppress social protests through their influence. The report seeks to prove that the problem of the South - and any potential solution - lie with its elites. Here lies the mistake, and the danger of ICG's approach: social and economic networks in Southern Tunisia cannot be reduced to ambitious smugglers and paid rioters. Its Northern elites cannot be reduced to a single economic mafia that is hell-bent on protecting their privileges. And most crucially: bringing these groups together will do nothing to solve Tunisia's socio-political problems. It will do nothing to calm the protests, because the people protesting would still be entirely shut out. Elite inclusion is not the same as real inclusion.
Southern Tunisia's protests are not controlled by smugglers
From the start, pundits have tried to discredit the recent wave of protests in Tunisia by framing them as the paid goons of the elite political boogeyman of their choosing. By connecting them to the smuggling barons of Southern Tunisia, ICG follows this regrettable discourse. It is surely not entirely mistaken that there are certain economic entrepreneurs in Sfax, Ben Guerdane or Tataouine, who are feeling left out of the national economic bargain, and have been marginalized by the state. However, this group is incredibly diverse. In other words, it is impossible to talk about the Southern elite as a singular entity since the formal (and informal) economic system of the South includes old and new elites and encompasses rural and urban divides. It draws on some large-scale smugglers with strong connections to Tunis, and others with strong connections to Tripoli, or to Beijing. In between, there is a sizeable 'Middle Class' of contrebandiers, who do not work for any of the bosses, and do not necessarily share their visions or interests.
It is thus unclear how one could envision the inclusion of these 'Southern Elites', and the extent to which they are currently 'shut out', as the report claims. The idea of regional inclusion has been commonly used since the revolution. Social movements and protests have frequently been framed as calls for an "inclusion", and many solutions were suggested to open the existing system to marginalized groups. Similar to the rhetoric about "inclusive growth", presented as an answer to the discrepancy between the interior regions and the coastal regions, the inclusion of the "Southern elite" is presented as a way to keep the competition between groups located in different regions over the control of the State from turning into a violent conflict. However, the term "inclusion" (in Arabic إدماج - Idmaj) is almost absent from the language used by the social movements. Apart from those who find themselves in a critical situation and ask for immediate employment because they cannot wait for long-term reforms, people are asking for a systemic change that allows a vertical integration of both unemployed and low-income groups. This is true whether these individuals are in the South or in the North.
A more detailed look at how informal trade in Southern Tunisia is structured shows that rather than speak of a North-South divide, it would be more appropriate to speak of a national market that is segmented - between product types, qualities, and distribution areas. Similarly, speculations about the alliances between smugglers and certain political parties should also be taken with a grain of salt. They have become a trademark element of political smear campaigns, usually unsubstantiated by evidence. Ennahda, Tunisia's conservative party has borne the brunt of these allegations after they won the vast majority of the votes in Tunisia's Southern borderlands. The ICG report also features an example of this, when it quotes a former official of Ben Ali's party RCD, speculating that Ennahda encourages smuggling in order to "create its own capitalists"[4]. The quote is then left entirely unchallenged by the author.
It is certainly true that Ennahda is not eager to compromise its position by taking a hostile stance towards the region's dominant economic sector.[5] However, a tacit tolerance of informal trade in Southern Tunisia is not Ennahda policy - it is the policy of the Tunisian state, and has been, with few interruptions, for the past decades. This policy has been maintained and finely calibrated with the help of governors and ministers from a variety of parties, including the RCD and Nidaa Tounes. It is a policy field that is dominated by concerns about security, social unrest, purchasing power, and the management of the current situation in Libya rather than by the struggles of party politics.
It is not unlikely that some smugglers are supportive of the current protests in Kef, Tataouine, or Kairouan. However, claiming that they are financially supporting these protests without presenting any evidence is a dangerous brush with conspiracy theory. Furthermore, the notion that these protests would end without the support of local smugglers is a gross misrepresentation of the nature of the source of discontent. Protesters are decrying social marginalization and an unequal distribution of resources and opportunities. They are thus unlikely to stop just because their local elites are getting a piece of the pie. The informal economy in Tunisia's South has created vast accumulations of wealth, but it has also created patterns of exploitation and dispossession. The so-called middle class of smugglers is shrinking, and the issue of economic exclusion and the role that local 'big fish' are playing in this process is hotly contested locally. Indeed, many young traders view the wealth of their neighbors with great suspicion. They may cooperate at times around common demands - as they did in 2016, when informal trade actors supported the protest camp in Ben Guerdane. However, to use temporary alliances to assume the existence of a coherent block with similar interests, or even worse, to assume that the co-optation or arrest of a local economic elite would end these protests, is a gross simplification of the situation in the South.
Geographical Oppositions
In order to explain the rise of political tensions, the report relies heavily on a new simplistic divide between the North and the South replacing the older Islamic/secular simplistic divide. According to the ICG, a confrontation between the new emerging business elite based in the South and the old traditional business elite based in the economically developed regions of the North-East lies at the heart of the current unrest. The undeniable discrepancy between the coast and the interior regions is certainly a source of grievances for protesters. However, it cannot explain the high number of protests in the two main coastal governorates of Tunis and Sfax that we have seen during the last few months. In other words, the recent rise of political tensions cannot be described as a mobilization of the "people of the interior regions" who are opposed to the coastal elite regions. The existence of social instability in a "North" commonly perceived as a homogeneous prosperous region in opposition with the historically forgotten "South" shows that the crisis is generalized. In order to understand the real causes of the socio-political unrest, we should look beyond the very simplistic regional divide use by ICG and see the so-called "North" as a much more complex geographical unit. It contains at the same time rich neighborhoods, business districts, industrial zones, touristic areas, commuter towns, crowded suburbs, remote villages, and rural areas.
If we take into consideration the struggle of the new Northern "start-up" entrepreneurs to enter the market, it is difficult to say that the purpose of oligopolistic behavior of the Northern Nidaa-supported economic elite is to protect itself from the new class of entrepreneurs. These latter actors generally come from interior regions which are thriving from the growth of illegal transborder traffic. It's impossible to assume that smuggling is an activity monopolized by Southern businessmen unless we ignore the strong ties between transborder traffic and the Northern established businessman who benefit directly or indirectly from it. There is a clear symbiosis between formal and informal sectors. Given that financial institutions, owned by business families, provide smugglers with logistic support like leased vehicles, and that branches of banks based in the border regions benefit from the liquidity provided by border traffickers, we can only conclude that the relation between Northern and Southern business groups are not in direct confrontational competition. Similarly, one might also note that the informal procedures between smugglers and border agents have always targeted specific products in order to avoid competition with important formal importers. In conclusion, the relationship between the formal and informal sectors of the Tunisian economy is much less conflictual than the image portrayed by the ICG report.
Having seen the limits of the analysis of the current situation in Tunisia as its presented in the ICG report, the second half of the article presents a critique to the policy recommendations proposed as a solution to Tunisia's socio-political challenges. As we argue here, the approaches suggested in the report are unlikely to bring development, social justice, or stability to Tunisia's interior regions.
Corruption and "National Dialogue"
The ICG report fits within the increasingly popular debate on corruption. Similar to its previous reports, the ICG advocates for an extensive economic and financial reconciliation law that would benefit not only the public officials and business actors who have been implicated in a wide range of financial crimes, but also cross-border traffickers. One of the main differences between the new report on "Blocked Transition: Corruption and Regionalism in Tunisia" and the last report on "Transitional Justice and the Fight Against Corruption" published one year ago, is the recommended strategy for combating corruption. Apart from the recommendations already adopted in the national law or suggested by numerous political actors - such as the strengthening of the National Anti-Corruption Commission or the submission of the financial reports of political parties to the Audit Court - the report suggests two additional measures: The adoption a law regulating economic lobbying and the removal of repressive legal provisions from the Penal Code. The third difference with the previous report is the introduction of the idea of a "national economic dialogue".
The main function of this dialogue is to start a process of reconciliation between the old and emerging economic elite. The report does not give any reasons why this dialogue should prove successful - many have not been – and there is also no clear idea about what kind of economic policies should be discussed in order to benefit Tunisia. In 2014, the government of Mehdi Jomaa tried to start a national debate about economic policies in order to build a consensus around the economic reforms, but this initiative did not come close to reaching this goal. Why would a new process, which includes more actors with widely diverging political and economic visions, be any more successful than Jomaa's initiative?
As mentioned earlier, the report views the current situation through the prism of an elite conflict. Yet even seen through the lens of conflict prevention and elite politics, the proposal of the national dialogue is optimistic. If conflictual/competing political actors were able to gather around the same table to talk about politics in 2013, this was mainly because of the context of the crisis that emerged after the assassination of the pan-Arabist MP Mohamed Brahmi a few months after the assassination of the leftist leader Chokri Belaid. The situation in 2017 is markedly different. Today, the political actors contesting the economic reconciliation law, protesting unemployment or even asking for a better sovereign management and redistribution of national wealth are informal activists groups with a horizontal organization or social movements with nonhierarchical network structures who are not competing with the ruling elite on formal political positions and who are not interested in classical consensus building.
Economically speaking, the authors of the report claim that national economic dialogue will "make the national economic competition more open and transparent"[6] to the newcomers from the interior region. In an open and competitive economy, the two elites would be able to synchronize their efforts and invest in funds dedicated to the development of interior regions. By presenting this recommendation, the report seems to ignore the fact that this formally coordinated decision to invest made by a collection of businesses is by definition the creation of a cartel. These collusive practices are made illegal by antitrust laws because they are anti-competitive. Moreover, the creation of cartels causes the malfunction of market economy mechanisms and is detrimental to consumers, increasing economic inequalities.[7] In addition, it is extremely to predict the behavior of investors, and the impact of the reconciliation, on the Tunisian economy, which is characterized by a large and growing underground sector. In short, the economic outputs of this national economic dialogue are incoherent, uncertain, and unpredictable.
The main problem of the ICG's approach, however, is the banalization and normalization of corruption and financial criminality. It reduces corruption to its legal and political dimensions and ignores its moral and economic aspects. Seen as a moral issue by a large number of Tunisian, the corruption of the dominant political and economic elites has led to a pervasive loss of confidence in the system. The dangers of delegitimizing the post-revolutionary state in the eyes of many of its citizens should not be underestimated, especially if it tries to engage in economic reform. Creating a legal framework for "economic lobbying"[8] will give a legal cover for political corruption and prevent the construction of a trustable political system. The experiences of United States and the Europe Union in term of transparency of in public life and publication of information about the money invested by lobbyists has not solved the problem of corruption.
Moreover, if the existence of punitive measures for corrupt public officials has not deterred them from engaging in corruption, it is unclear how the removal of strong sanctions (suggested in the page 21 of the report) will change their behavior. And even if we limit ourselves to a legal dimension of corruption, the ICG recommendations are incompatible with the legal international order of which Tunisia is a part. By suggesting amnesty as a possible solution to the deadlock, the report overlooks the fact that this approach has already been tried (see for example the 2016 Financial Law) with little results. A pardon for crimes committed in the past will not prevent the big bosses of transborder traffic to go back to the old illegal practices. Instead of following inefficient incentivizing approaches, the government should understand the many reasons that lead "parallel traders" to use different channels from traditional traders. Building new channels to facilitate the legal importation of goods should be seriously considered. One should also point out that any change in the regulatory structures around illegal trade will have to go hand in hand with the creation of economic alternatives for the people in the border regions.
It is true that many "parallel traders" in Tunisia's borderlands use the crossborder traffic to earn dozens of dinars per day. Others are simple tradespeople who have no choice but to buy and sell goods on the "Souk Libya." Thus, to throw these minor actors into the same category as bosses and barons would be a big strategic mistake. One group needs help, the other needs regulation. The real threat is coming from structured networks built by billionaires who are not even necessarily from the border regions. When Tunisians use the word "mafia," it should not be understood as a metaphor but as a synonym for "organized criminal group".
However, when Tunisians talk about the control of "the levers of the administration" by corrupt private economic actors, or describe the State as "eaten by mites," they are referring to the illegality of the practices used by these organized crime groups to control State institutions in order gain power and make a profit. In a situation where organized crime networks infiltrate all state institutions (Ministry of Interior, customs duties, the judiciary system, etc.) and inhibit their capacity to regulate the economy and to impose the rule of law, corruption can no longer be tolerated. Indeed, it will have to be fought by other means than dialogue and forgiveness. We are not in the situation of traditional "State capture" for economic purposes where private economic actors manage to influence State action to maximize their economic profit. In the context of State re-formation and democracy building, the respect for the rule of law is crucial to limit "the action of legal and illegal organizations, which through illegitimate practices seek to systematically modify from within the political regime and influence the formation, modification, interpretation, and application of the rules of the game and public policies."[9] Allowing billionaires who have accumulated wealth on the basis of organized criminality to formalize their competitive advantages and strengthen their control of political institutions echoes back to the practices of Tunisia`s old business elite. It thus repeats past mistakes. The result is the creation of legal challenges with respect to national and international laws on organized crime and the undermining of democracy building.
World Bank Checklist: Credit, deregulation, red tape ...
The section of the report that discusses the "mechanics of exclusion" mirrors many of the issues that have been commonly raised by the World Bank and other international institutions. It describes the problems many Tunisians face in accessing credit, and discusses the excessive discretionary power of key figures in the administrative apparatus. Both are legitimate concerns, and areas where, as the report rightly points out, regulation has been used to limit access to the formal economic sphere. Calls for deregulation, and, as the report calls it, to "depoliticize the economy" in order to create a level playing field, thus appear intuitive.
However, these approaches are too quick to gloss over the legacies of accumulation and overlook the uneven playing fields created over the past decades. A less regulated economic environment will present new opportunities for those who are ready to seize them. It will also present enormous risks for those who are not equipped with these skills, especially in terms of gaining access to credit. In Southern Tunisia, the widespread hesitancy of many people in the region to engage with any kind of credit system needs to be taken into consideration. But even in countries like India or Bangladesh, where this is less of an issue, development experience shows that the effects on development of access to credit by itself have been hugely overstated.
Quite simply, not everyone is an entrepreneur, and not everyone has a business plan.
But even entrepreneurs will need more than credit and the removal of regulatory barriers to succeed. For a generation of young Tunisians who not only lack access to credit and a working bureaucracy, but also lack the know-how, the virtual and physical infrastructure, the international connections, and the social capital needed to penetrate the networks of the economic elite, merely tearing down the barriers will not be sufficient. These individuals will need a ladder, in the form of massive state investments, and an economic infrastructure that creates jobs rather than asking people to create their own employment. These measures will need to address the specific challenges of the South - it will need an educational strategy for the high rate of young people who have quit school at an early age to join the contraband trade, and a strategy to overcome the specific challenges that women face entering the local private sector labor market. It will also require an enormous infrastructure strategy - recent experience in Morocco's northern borderlands might provide a good example of the last point. The question is this: who in the grand elite bargain will represent these demands, and who will advocate for those who are far from power? Here, the dangers of the idea of a "depoliticized economy" begin to show. Rather than stopgap measures, a large economic transformation will be needed to help marginalized actors. This will necessarily be a political undertaking.
Given its large focus on the role of elites in Tunisian economic regulation, the report appears to be very optimistic about the ability of a reformed regulatory system to spread the benefits to the non-elites. And it offers no argument whatsoever for why the inclusion of new elites, be they from the South or anywhere else, into the 'circle of 300' should make this group more inclined to operate in a way that benefits the other 11 million members of the population. Again, this model is sorely missing a strong, regulatory – and political - actor.
As we have argued, the problem with the recent Crisis Group report on Tunisia lies in its simplistic interpretation of the current socio-political situation in Tunisia as the confrontation between two elites - one in the South, one in the North. The problem with its policy recommendations is that it does not present compelling arguments on what will relieve this fever. Instead, it places enormous faith in the healing power of a dialogue between actors which it perceives to be competing economically. The side effects of these recommendations, however, are substantial, and include the highly unpopular economic reconciliation law, an incoherent and counterproductive approach to fighting corruption, and the obligatory nod to deregulation.
In the same way that Youssef Chahed's "War on Corruption" focuses only on the arrest of a group of corrupt traffickers, the recommendations of the ICG report leaves many root causes of Tunisia's current malaise unaddressed: the lack of a comprehensive development strategy for the South and the interior regions, the need for economic and educational reforms, and the lack of a regulatory system that can compel economic elites play by the rules (rather than merely include new elites in a group that stands above the law). Addressing all these issues will necessarily be a deeply political process - so perhaps we should not be so quick to depoliticize the economy just yet.
[1] For a fitting example of this, the following article explicitly cites the crisis group report and its framework: http://www.lecourrierdelatlas.com/tunisie-corruption-vague-d-arrestations-une-guerre-contre-les-%C2%AB-nouveaux-riches-%C2%BB--8318
[2] For an English summary, and the full report in French, see here: https://www.crisisgroup.org/middle-east-north-africa/north-africa/tunisia/177-blocked-transition-corruption-and-regionalism-tunisia
[5] For a detailed analysis of this chapter, see Hamza Meddeb, "Rente frontalière et injustice sociale" in Meddeb, Hibou and Tozy, "L'État d'injustice au Maghreb", Karthala 2016
[7] To know more about cartels and their effects: https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007%2F978-981-10-2756-7_2
[8] Expression used in the page 21 of the report to talk about the influence of economic actors on decision makers.


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The AHC Foundation with Hope for Annabel and CureAHC are collaborating with RARE-X to build a data collection program for AHC families. Click here to learn more about this patient owned data hub that can connect all the… Read More
With funds raised from the AHC Foundation, we hope to develop a cure for all of our AHC families suffering from AHC. We believe a path has been identified to a viable permanent treatment: gene therapy. Gene therapy provides a path to a cure for AHC. A similar approach has already been successful in many diseases.
The AHC community is partnering with RARE-X, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization, to build a Data Collection Program for AHC families. When you participate in the AHC Data Collection Program, you'll help accelerate research and the development of new drugs, devices, and other therapies.
The AHC Foundation is committed to being the foremost source of information and support for the AHC Community. With the various channels we use to connect with our families, and help families connect with each other, the AHCF has… Read More
Secondarily, we strive to promote proper diagnosis, educate health care professionals, the public and related organizations, encourage the worldwide exchange of information and advance the development of an international database of all AHC patients. Learn More
Through research, education and family support, we have
There are 6,000+ rare diseases. AHC was first noted in the 1970s; described as an unusual disorder in eight children who demonstrated intermittent episodes of weakness, affecting first one side of the body, then the other, with onset… Read More
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Registration is now open for our 3rd Annual Race to End AHC and it's going to be our most exciting year yet! This year we're connecting racers better than ever by using a digital race platform, My Virtual… Read More


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Furmecil: All about the medication
The medicine Furmecil is a combination of drugs Tegafur, Gimeracil and Oteracil. This medicine comes in 15mg/4.35mg/11.8mg and 20mg/5.8mg/15.8mg capsules to administer orally. Tegafur is converted into the anti-cancer substance 5-FU. Gimeracil, a dihydropyrimidine dehydrogenase inhibitor to prevent degradation of 5-FU by the body; and, Oteracil, an rotate phosphoribosyltransferase inhibitor that decreases the activity of 5-FU in normal gastrointestinal mucosa.
Furmecil 20 mg capsule price is affordable in India, and one can purchase this medicine from licensed pharmaceutical suppliers. To know more, ring us at 18008891064.


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(KGTV) — California is taking its time before issuing guidance to allow the state's theme parks to reopen during the coronavirus pandemic.
Wednesday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said the state was not planning to issue such guidance soon, despite reports last week that rules that would allow the shuttered locations to reopen would be issued soon.
Disney Chairman Bob Iger recently left the state's economic recovery task force, an early indication that business leaders for the industry could be at odds with the state over reopening. According to the Associated Press, Erin Guerrero, executive director of the California Attractions and Parks Association, said amusement park leaders wanted changes to a proposed draft they reviewed this month.
"There's disagreements in terms of opening a major theme park. We're going to let science and data make that determination," Newsom said, adding that he wasn't "surprised at all" that Iger left.
Newsom said the state is continuing to work with the industry and would approach theme parks with a "health-first" framework, but was not in a hurry to release rules.
"We are going to be led by a health-first framework and we're going to be stubborn about it," Newsom said. "That's our commitment — that's our resolve. We feel there's no hurry putting out guidelines."
He added that working to put out appropriate rules would depend on local data.
"It's very complex. These are like small cities, small communities, small towns. But we don't anticipate, in the immediate term, any of these larger theme parks opening until we see more stability in terms of the data," Newsom said.
California's major theme parks — including Disneyland, Universal Studios, SeaWorld San Diego, Legoland, Knott's Berry Farm, and several smaller theme parks around the state — have been closed since about mid-March due to the pandemic.
Last week, Disney announced 28,000 employees would be laid off as the company struggles with the economic impacts of having its parks closed or under capacity limits.


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Get the latest content and program updates via The Insider from Life Time.
Pumpkin Pie Energy Bites
Keep these bites on hand for a nutritious and energizing boost whenever hunger hits.
- 1 cup pecans
- 1 cup almonds
- 1/2 cup unsweetened, shredded coconut
- 1/2 cup gluten-free oats
- 1 tbs. pumpkin pie spice
- 1/2 tsp. sea salt
- 5 Medjool dates, pitted
- 1/2 tbs. vanilla extract
- 1/2 cup pumpkin purée
Place the nuts, coconut, oats, pumpkin pie spice, and salt in the base of a food processor and pulse until well combined. Add dates, vanilla, and pumpkin, and pulse to combined.
Form the mixture into golf ball-sized balls and place on a 9×13 baking sheet.
Chill in the refrigerator for 20 to 30 minutes to firm up before transferring to a storage container.
Nutrition Facts
Servings Per Container
Amount Per Serving
Calories 107
% Daily Value*
13%Total Fat 8g
3%Total Carbohydrates 9g
12%Dietary Fiber 3g
Sugars 5g
Protein 2g
* Percent Daily Values are based on a 2000 calorie diet.
More Like This
Paleo Pumpkin Bread
This recipe features fresh, roasted pumpkin, which is easy and so much more delicious than canned. You'll make more roasted pumpkin here than you'll need for one loaf; visit ElanasPantry.com for more pumpkin recipes.
Pumpkin Spice Oat Milk Latte
The use of fresh spices and caramelization of canned pumpkin brings rich flavors to this favorite fall beverage.


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Glendale-Heatherdowns in Toledo in Lucas County, Ohio — The American Midwest (Great Lakes)
The Toledo State Hospital New Cemetery, 1922-1973
Toledo State Hospital opened in January 1888 as the Toledo Asylum for the Insane. People were admitted with mild to severe forms of mental illness, and a variety of developmental, medical and neurological conditions, as well as for addictions, injuries, and old age. Originally built to house 650 people, by the 1950s its campus had grown to accommodate over 3,000. Growing access to new medications and treatments then began a gradual decline in patient population. Eventually, most of the buildings were razed, and much of the hospital's property was transferred, later becoming the site of The Medical College of Ohio. This transfer included the two Toledo State Hospital cemeteries, with documented burials (as of 2009) totaling 1,994 persons. Toledo State Hospital New Cemetery was opened in 1922, when the Old Cemetery (1888-1922), located .5 miles to the northeast, reached capacity. (continued on other side)
[Reverse Side of Marker] : "The Toledo State Hospital New Cemetery, 1922-1973"
(continued from other side)
Erected 2010 by The University of Toledo and The Ohio Historical Society. (Marker Number 57-48.)
Topics and series. This historical marker is listed in this topic list: Cemeteries & Burial Sites. In addition, it is included in the Ohio Historical Society / The Ohio History Connection series list. A significant historical month for this entry is January 1888.
Location. 41° 37.026′ N, 83° 36.812′ W. Marker is in Touch for map. Marker is in this post office area: Toledo OH 43614, United States of America. Touch for directions.
Other nearby markers. At least 8 other markers are within 2 miles of this marker, measured as the crow flies. Medical College of Ohio (approx. 0.3 miles away); The Toledo State Hospital Old Cemetery, 1888-1922 (approx. ¾ mile away); Adams Township Veterans Memorial (approx. 1.4 miles away); Chessie Circle Trail - Copland Blvd. (approx. 1.6 miles away); Swan Creek Preserve (approx. 1.6 miles away); The Toledo Zoo / Toledo's Canals (approx. 1.6 miles away); The Toledo Zoo / The New Deal in Toledo (approx. 1.8 miles away); The University of Toledo (approx. 2 miles away). Touch for a list and map of all markers in Toledo.
Credits. This page was last revised on February 4, 2023. It was originally submitted on May 16, 2010, by Dale K. Benington of Toledo, Ohio. This page has been viewed 1,071 times since then and 18 times this year. Photos: 1, 2. submitted on May 16, 2010, by Dale K. Benington of Toledo, Ohio. 3, 4. submitted on May 17, 2010, by Dale K. Benington of Toledo, Ohio.