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The scientific study is dedicated to the 185th birthday of Chokan Valikhanov (1835–1865), the historian, ethnographer, folklorist, traveler, educator, whom all progressive people will honor in 2020. The aim of this article is to study Ch. Valikhanov's large and diverse ethnic and artistic heritage which is of interest to art historians, cultural researchers, and specialists in art education. Portraits, drawings, sketches, as well as schemes and plans of CH. Valikhanov, made in different periods of life, reflect the history and Ethnography of the Kazakhs, Kirghiz, Uighurs and other peoples of Central Asia, reproduce the nature of his native land. To some extent, Chokan Valikhanov lays the foundations for future professional painting – portrait, landscape and household genres. An analysis of the material showed that Ch. Valikhanov's artistic heritage is of great importance as one of the foundations of the realistic direction of Kazakh fine art. In addition, it has the great humanistic potential for moral and aesthetic education and enlightenment.
In the article «Bolashakka Bagdar: Rukhani Jangyru» – «Looking into the Future: Modernization of Public Consciousness» the first President of the Republic of Kazakhstan N.A. Nazarbayev, the Leader of the Nation emphasizes that «even substantially modernized societies contain cultural codes, the origins of which date back to the past... The first condition for a new type of modernization is the preservation of the culture, the preservation of the own national code ... A new modernization should not arrogantly reject historical experience and traditions. On the contrary, the best traditions should become a prerequisite, an important condition for the success of modernization ... This means that history and national traditions should be taken into account. This is a platform that connects the horizons of the past, present, and future of the population» [1].
The national cultural code is preserved in time and space by its translation in certain forms in the national language, literature, art, and social practices. It manifests itself in any of the areas of the social and spiritual life of the people.
In this context, the significance of the personality of Chokan Valikhanov and his unique ethnic and heritage increases. An initial study of this issue is provided in the educational publication «History of Kazakh Art» [2; 98] and in the short opinion piece «Ethnic and artistic heritage of Chokan Valikhanov» [3]. The article by A.Kh. Margulan was of critical importance to the study of Ch. Valikhanov's artistic heritage [5].
Chokan Valikhanov's personality. Ch. Valikhanov and G. Potanin
Chokan Chingisovich Valikhanov (1835–1865), a scientist, an educator, a descendant of the Great Abylay Khan is a phenomenon in the establishment of Kazakh culture. He was a Eurasian by conviction and he led his people towards the way of Russia and other civilized countries by the acquisition of knowledge. His worldview was developed during his studies in the Omsk Cadet Corps, where he studied History of Kazakhstan, Central Asia, and Russia, the works of classics of Russian literature. Chokan Valikhanov continued his education in the 1860s in St. Petersburg.
According to Professor Nikolay Ivanovich Veselovskiy, they expected great and important revelations about the fate of the Turkic peoples from the descendant of the Kazakh khans and sultans and the Russian officer. But Chokan's early death took away these hopes. Not only the scientific and literary heritage of Chokan Valikhanov but also his artistic heritage are very valuable.
The ethnic and artistic heritage of Chokan Valikhanov is large and diverse and is of interest to art historians, cultural researchers, and specialists in art education. The main artworks of Ch, Valikhanov are kept in the archives of the St. Petersburg Institute of Oriental Studies, the Geographical Society and the State Library named after Saltykov-Shchedrin; some of the drawings are kept in the Tomsk archive of G.N. Potanin.
Ch. Valikhanov got acquainted with G. Potanin during his studies in the Omsk Cadet Corps in the 50s of the 19th century, and they remained friends for life. At the beginning of his studies in Omsk, Chokan did not speak the Russian language, and at first, he was helped by Gregory, who later became his faithful companion.
In his memoirs, Potanin noted that when Valikhanov was 14–15 years old, the leadership of the Cadet Corps already predicted that he would become a major researcher and even a scientist in the future. Grigoriy Nikolayevich Potanin graduated from the Cadet Corps in 1852, and he went to work in Semipalatinsk, from where he later went on a campaign. Chokan Valikhanov graduated from the Cadet Corps at the rank of cornet and was assigned to the 6th regiment of the Siberian Cossack Troops.
By fate the friends had different life paths: G. Potanin lived a long life, C. Valikhanov died in the prime of his life, but their creative and spiritual contact was eternal. In 2012, a monument to two world-renowned scientists was erected in Pavlodar. The monument became the embodiment of «friendship for life».
One should outline the main directions of Ch. Valikhanov's ethnic and artistic heritage. Portraits, drawings, sketches, as well as schemes and plans made by Ch. Valikhanov in different periods of his life, reflect the history and ethnography of Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uyghurs and other peoples of Central Asia, and also represent the nature of their native land. To a certain extent, Chokan Valikhanov laid the foundation for future professional painting, such as portrait, landscape and genre art. [4].
There were elements of romanticism in the worldview of young Chokan Valikhanov, which manifested themselves in his love for folk tales; he enthusiastically wrote down the stories and songs of the steppe, versions of the poem «Kozy Korpesh and Bayan Sulu». His drawings were simple and realistic.
According to the memoirs of G.N. Potanin, Ch. Valikhanov loved to draw since childhood. Unfortunately, the drawings of young Ch. Valikhanov did not survive to us. He could have acquired some artistic skills in the Kushmurun Kazakh school, organized by his father when Chokan was seven years old, in 1842. The school program included such subjects as history, geography, mathematics, oriental languages.
In 1847 Chokan entered the Omsk Cadet Corps [4; 155]. During the studies in the Cadet Corps, he showed particular diligence in drawing; and with his abilities, he managed to acquire quite thorough knowledge of humanities, natural and applied sciences, architecture, and topographic drawing. In the Cadet Corps, a special course «On the importance of architecture and its constituent elements» was taught. Cadets received the training, took part in topographic expeditions every year and conducted geodetic survey. In 1850 Chokan conducted a field survey of Turgay and Ishim steppes (topographic drawings, drawings, survey images are kept in the archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences).
In the Cadet Corps, topographic drawing and drawing were taught by experienced professionals, such as the artist A. Pomerantsev, the geographer Ye.I. Starkov and the scientist-geodesist Borodin. They carried out interesting research on the history and geography of Kazakhstan in the middle of the 19th century.
The communication of Chokan with the artist A. Pomerantsev, who taught topographic drawing and drawing in the Cadet Corps determined the development of Chokan's graphic abilities. Chocan was interested in both painting and drawing.
Most of Ch. Valikhanov's drawings are made in lead pencil, pen and ink; there are works made in watercolors, oil.
Ch.Valikhanov's drawings can be systematized in line with the time of education:
- child's experiments in Kushmurun (1842–1847);
- watercolor drawings and drawings during the studies in the Omsk Cadet Corps (1847–1853);
- sketches during the first travels in Kazakhstan (1852–1853);
- field sketches during the Issyk-Kul expedition (1856);
- watercolor drawings and drawings during the trip to Gulja (1856);
- portraits and drawings made in Kashgar (1858–1859);
- portraits painted in St. Petersburg (1860–1861);
- portraits of people and ethnographic sketches made in the native village (1862–1865).
Among the early artworks of Ch. Valikhanov, two watercolor drawings «Akshomchi» and «Jatak» attract special attention. In these early watercolor drawings, it is possible to notice the features of the future artist Ch. Valikhanov, such as a close interest in the surrounding everyday details, a desire to create an expressive and lively episode from the life of ordinary people even in a small sketch and at the same time to link the real genre scene with the poetic image of the native nature.
Topographic landscapes, schemes, and maps
Topographic landscapes of his native places, schemes, and maps of Ubagan and Syrymbet districts, and the views of his native estate constitute the majority of watercolor drawings and drawings of young Chokan. The estate of Syrymbet (the estate of Chingis Valikhanov) was the family estate of the Valikhanovs, who were direct descendants of the Kazakh khan Abylay. The estate was located in the territory of the current village of Syrymbet, Ayyrtau district of North Kazakhstan region of Kazakhstan.
Ch. Valikhanov spent his childhood and youth in the estate; he came there on vacation from the Cadet Corps and lived there in 1862–1864. The estate played an important role in the dissemination of educational ideas and culture in the Kazakh steppe. Sergey Durov, a poet from the Petrashevsky Circle, who influenced the development of the opinions of Ch. Valikhanov, came there in the summer of 1856; Grigory Potanin came in the summer of 1895. Aytys of singers and musicians took place in the estate; famous composers Birzhan-sal Kozhagulov and Akhan-sere Koramsin, a kobyz player Kurumbay Kangozhin, a singer Koke Aldzhanov, a poetess Azhar performed there.
Among the graphic works devoted to the topography of Syrymbet, the sketches of the estate of grandmother Ayganym made in the form of plans and perspective drawings are of great historical interest. The general view of the estate with its landscape against Syrymbet Mountain is the most interesting of them. The estate was located at the northern foot of the mountain, in a clearing in the woods. A wooden fence enclosed five wooden structures: a large house of the khan's wife Ayganym, a bathhouse, a spacious storage room, a madrasah, and a mosque.
In the drawing, there are two figures close to the gates: a man and a woman in national clothes. Northeast of the estate, there are other wooden buildings belonging to Chingis, the father of Ch. Valikhanov. Next to them, there is a silhouette of a summer yurt; another larger yurt is not far from the estate. It was typical for the population of Kazakhstan to use settled and nomadic dwellings. In the drawing of Ch. Valikhanov, the yurt is of ancient form. Between the yurts, there is a platform – scaffolds made of boards for having some rest, conversation and listening to the performance of folk akyns.
All the drawings made at this time are collected in one notebook and are called «Sketches made during the holidays in the village».
The pictorial schemes of Kazakh kystau and jailau, where the area of Lake Ubagan, the favorite place of Chokan, is depicted are of great historical interest. He spent his childhood there. It is natural that he devoted a lot of works to depicting his native area. Ch. Valikhanov's cartographic works are original works of art executed with professional skills and elegant graphic design.
A drawing of the estate of Syrymbet made by Chokan in the same year of 1852 can be considered as an example of a topographic landscape.
The data of Chokan Valikhanov's maps related to the topography of Syrymbet are of exceptional importance to study Valikhanov's biography. Syrymbet was a favorite place of residence for Ch. Valikhanov. When he was tired of working in the city or he was ill, he always returned to his native places to rest and improve his health and to acquire new strength. Therefore, it is understandable why he addressed to Syrymbet in his work more than once (the topographic map of Syrymbet No. 1). The topographic map of Syrymbet No. 2 is particularly interesting. Besides the points known from the first map, the grave of the khan's wife Ayganym is marked on the map. Apparently, this map was made shortly after the death of his grandmother. It is important to note that each map made by Ch. Valikhanov is not only of geographical significance but also of historical and cultural significance.
The layout schemes of winter and summer sites of the auls of Aman-Karagay and Kokchetav districts, postal pickets, general maps of Turgay and Ishim steppes and others also refer to topography. Watercolor drawings and schemes may have been made by Chokan as practical exercises in the field. He could have performed this work during the holidays when he came to the aul for summer.
In 1856 Ch. Valikhanov conducted the first scientific research on the life of the Kazakhs of the Great Horde and the Kyrgyz. This research expanded not only the scientific range but also the thematic range of his artistic work. Sketches of Ch. Valikhanov are distinguished by strict documentary and are closely related to his studies on ethnography and folklore, ancient beliefs; they clearly illustrate his research. This is how landscape and genre art became close in Ch. Valikhanov's art.
His watercolor drawings depicting the peaks and glaciers of Kungey and Terskey, reliefs of the Dzungarian and Ile Alatau, Khan Tengri syrts, panoramic views of the Ili River with the views of the surrounding Alatau, Buguty, Toraygyr mountains are distinguished by true monumentality.
The portrait painting features prominently in the heritage of Ch. Valikhanov, for example, portraits of historical persons and ordinary people depicting the type of people of Central Asia and Kazakhstan: «Buranbay», «Sartay bi», «Mamyrkhan», «Senior Tezek Sultan»; «A Kyrgyz in a colorful robe»; portraits of the relatives and friends: «Portrait of Chokan's Uncle Kangozha»; a group portrait of brothers, friends and companions on expeditions. Among the portraits, the portrait of Tezek Sultan stands out. The sultan is painted in a half-sitting position with hands folded; his proud face with an aquiline nose and sharp eyes are well- depicted. He is dressed in an old caftan; there is a large round hat on his head which is decorated with a feather of a heron. He is a famous sultan of the Senior Zhuz, who had a poetic talent and more than once performed in competitions with prominent akyns of Semirechye.
One of the remarkable works of Ch. Valikhanov is the portrait of a Kyrgyz man, executed in watercolor. The appearance of the Kyrgyz man is expressive; he has a round head, wide forehead, black eyebrows, slightly protruding ears, and a small flat nose. The Kyrgyz man is in a humble kneeling position. There is a skullcap of a conical shape on his head; he is dressed in a colorful robe, typical for the southern Kyrgyz. The texture of the silk robe is masterfully conveyed. You can see a wide cloth belt under the edges of the robe with which is used to wrap the waist. Painting portraits of the Alatau Kyrgyz from Alatau region, Ch. Valikhanov accurately captured the ethnic type of the Kyrgyz, their character, everyday life details, and ethnographic features.
The sultan of the Senior Zhuz Mamyrkhan Rustemov is also depicted with great skill. The dry face of the sultan, his cold eyes, arrogance, frozen posture are clearly conveyed.
The portrait of Sultan Buranbay is depicted with a stingy but expressive touch; Ch.Valikhanov shaded his penetrating eyes, straight nose, curly whiskers, and mustache.
Creating a series of individual and group portraits, Ch. Valikhanov could not but depicted his relatives. A group portrait of the brothers executed in a quite restrained manner, but with a great sincere feeling, and is full of psychologism. Three boys huddled together; they are Chokan's younger brothers, painted during the migration of the Valikhanovs' aul. The background for the drawing is the wall of a yurt, hastily installed during the caravan's halt. Along the wall of the yurt, there are thick felts; the boys are sitting near them. Household items are scattered nearby: some bowls, a saucer, a tobacco grater, and others. In the drawing, Chokan conveys the atmosphere which was typical during migrations. Boys have different characters and psychological traits. It is known that several younger brothers of Chokan died when they were young. There is a sad, young man sitting on the left; he looks sick; he is rolled in a loose robe. In the center, there is a boy with delicate facial features that convey the appearance of Sakhib-Kerey or Kozyke. The face is dreamy, but at the same time it has a worried look. Subsequently, Kozyke became a famous poet and musician; he was the author of several wonderful Kazakh songs. On the right, there is a strong young man calmly looking forward; apparently, this is Makhmud. According to contemporaries, among all the children of Chingis Valikhanov, Zhakup and Makhmud were the most physically strong. Despite the difference in the characters of the boys, the artist unites them with the common sentiment, in which there are some anxiety and concern. This drawing is one of the examples of how Ch. Valikhanov, being stingy with the means and the strokes, was able to convey the inner world of a man.
In the other portrait, Ch. Valikhanov portrayed his uncle, the famous musician Kangozha, to whom he was extremely attached from an early age. He was one of the creators and virtuoso performers of Kazakh kyui; unfortunately, sheet music of the kyui was not written down. Kangozha is depicted full face, wearing a dark robe, wide open at the front. Under the robe you can see a checkered camisole and a white shirt with a
wide turn-down collar, typical for elderly Kazakhs, as well as for folk singers and musicians. The soft features of Kangozha's face, his wide forehead, thoughtful eyes, and whiskers are expressively depicted in the portrait. At the same time, Chokan depicted not only the external appearance of his uncle but also his inner world, restraint, and calm character. Thanks to this portrait, Ch. Valikhanov preserved for posterity the memory of a man who played a great role in the history of the musical art of the Kazakh people.
Ch. Valikhanov portrayed his close friends and companions on expeditions many times. In 1857 after a long separation, with great skill and in a soft manner, he portrayed his big friend G.N. Potanin, depicting the appearance of the famous scientist in a certain manner – his smart eyes, wavy hair, «Potanin's» mustache.
In St. Petersburg, Chokan sketched out a portrait of Yegor Petrovich Kovalevskiy, a famous traveler, diplomat, orientalist, Honorary Member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences.
A number of sketches are devoted to depicting the type of the Kazakhs of the Senior Zhuz.
The original pencil sketch «The Kazakhs of the Great Horde» attracts attention. It may be a sketch of a monumental canvas planned by the author. Fifteen figures of the Kazakhs are presented in one composition – this is a multi-figure composition where individual characters with individual psychological traits are depicted in a confident manner.
The travel sketches made by Valikhanov on the route from Ayaguz to Lake Issyk-Kul, when he participated in the Issyk-Kul expedition in 1856, are of great historical and cultural value. Among them, there are quite a lot of panoramic, landscape and genre sketches.
There are a lot of sketches of eastern women, such as «Kyrgyz women of the Issyk-Kul area», «A woman from Kashgar», «Kazakh women near the yurt». They are drawn from real life, and they accurately convey the characteristic features of the appearance of Kyrgyz women. By fixing the details of everyday life, clothes, the way of life of people, Ch. Valikhanov achieves expressive authenticity in his drawings.
A significant series of genre and landscape sketches were made by Chokan Valikhanov during his trip to Gulja (1856). This series includes sketches made with a pen, such as «Hunting in the Dzungarian Alatau» and «A Camp near the Ili River in Western China». In the last sketch, Ch.Valikhanov depicted the halt of the team on the upper Ili bank, in the area of Khorgos. Inside the camp, there is a camel and a horse kept on a leash. Near the horse, there are two men sitting under a tree, the third man is in a kneeling position – a sign of courtesy when meeting with strangers.
Among the series of Gulja sketches, a sketch, depicting the official meeting of Ch. Valikhanov and his companions (I. Zakharov and M. Peremyshlskiy) with local Chinese dignitaries is of a significant historical and artistic interest.
The sketch was made based on psychological observation of the character and manners of Chinese dignitaries. Drawing their portraits, Valikhanov simultaneously describes their appearance and inner world. Valikhanov wrote about this meeting in his diary: «Tugolday is a thin old man with weak narrow eyes, wearing huge glasses, with a hawk nose ... He is active beyond his years and is extremely talkative, dressed in a silk robe, girded with a black belt, on which a bag with tobacco and a fan are hanging» [5; 18]. Ch. Valikhanov accurately depicted the appearance of Tugolday described in the diary. Tugolday is sitting in a chair at the end of a long table, and, exchanging words, makes a meaningful and mannered hand gesture. Kogoldai, a man with a weighty body, a flat face, a short neck, and a peculiar bearing is depicted accurately. There are also other Chinese officials, as well as Russian representatives – Ch. Valikhanov himself, next to Kogolday; M. Peremyshlskiy on the left side of Valikhanov, and I. Zakharov, who is passing the letter to Tugolday.
The drawing is not only an accurate illustration of the history of Russian-Chinese diplomatic relations but also an example of the graphic art of Ch. Valikhanov.
Music in drawings
Two drawings made by Ch. Valikhanov «Baksy» and «Kazakh musicians» are of particular value to the history of the spiritual culture of the Kazakhs. There is an ancient poet playing kobyz in the drawing «Baksy». The drawing «Kazakh musicians» is a bit mysterious. Judging by the accompanying inscriptions in the Kazakh language, it is of significant interest to researchers of the history of Kazakh music. There are six Kazakh musicians who lived in the middle of the 19th century depicted in the drawing; among them, there
are Kangozha Valikhanov – a famous kobyz player who played a lot of kyuis to Chokan; an old singer, a celebrated musician Doszhan; a famous singer Zhanak; an unknown musician; a young woman who may have been the Kazakh poetess Azhar-akyn. There are several Kazakh kyuis, which these musicians must have performed.
This characterizes Valikhanov's observation, the features of his manner of drawing, which are swiftness, plasticity, laconic expressive means.
Many drawings depicting various architectural monuments have been preserved: the mausoleums of Zhuban-Ana and Aytbulat on the Sarysu River, of Butagay on the Nura River (the 13th – 14th centuries) and many others. The oldest of the mausoleums is Zhuban-Ana. This is a building with a dome in the center, made of burnt brick, built according to the corbel arch system – an architectural technique typical for the Kipchak architecture of the pre-Islamic period (the 8th – 10th centuries). Aytbulat mausoleum was built with a more complex construction technique; it is erected on spandrels. Ch. Valikhanov captured not only the general view of this monumental structure but also sketched its interior. Apparently, Valikhanov was impressed by the beauty and monumentality of this mausoleum.
Chokan Valikhanov showed particular interest in studying the monuments of his native country. Among these sketches, the reproduction of the sculptural composition «Kozy Korpesh and Bayan Sulu» is of great historical and cultural value; the sculptural composition located near an ancient architectural monument, known under the same name on the Ayaguz River. Chokan Valikhanov wrote: «I really love and admire the Ayaguz River, the possible reason for it may be the poetic legend about the love of the beautiful Bayan for the golden-haired Kozy Korpesh, which took place on this river ... We have studied the poem well and therefore we would certainly like to see their grave» [5; 22]. For this purpose, on the night of May 10, 1856, he made a long and tiring trip from the Ayaguz to Tansyk. He examined the monument after returning from the expedition to Issyk-Kul and to Gulja. He passed by the monument when he made his trips to the Alatau Kyrgyz (1857) and to Kashgar (1858 – 1859). During one of such trips, he may have drawn of the sculptural composition «Kozy Korpesh and Bayan Sulu». This drawing is made with pen and ink; it depicts sculptural images of three women and one man. According to the folk legend, one female statue depicts Bayan Sulu, the second one – her sister Aygyz, the third one – her aunt, a male statue depicts Kozy Korpesh. All the statues are holding sacred vessels in their hands; there are wedding headdresses (saukele) of a conical shape on the heads of two girls-brides, the third woman has a headdress of a young Kazakh woman (kimeshek), which still exists today. The head of a man's statue was beaten off, and Valikhanov had to draw the statue like it was.
Today, this sculptural composition is no longer there, so it is possible to learn about it only from the sketches of Ch. Valikhanov and an old photograph made by Ye. Baranov.
Серия «Педагогика». № 1(97)/2020
Rock carvings
Ch. Valikhanov showed considerable interest in rock carvings, which are often found in the mountains of Kazakhstan. The sketches of the painting known as Tamgalytas (Stone Writing) deserve special attention: «Images of three Buddhas on the rocks of Tamgalytas»: in the center, there is the many-faced and many-armed Buddha Chon-Rai-Chik (Zhang-Rai-Sik); on the left, there is Shakl-Muni; on the right, there is Tan La. This monument was made by real masters who knew Buddhist art well; the painting was done using high and delicate stone carving techniques; it is distinguished by the clarity of drawing and the plasticity of contour lines. All scientific data (D.A. Pozdneyev, G.F. Miller) indicate that Buddha images and Tibetan prayer inscriptions were made by the Dzungars during their rule in Dzungaria and East Turkestan.
Besides studying the monuments of ancient art, Ch. Valikhanov was also interested in samples of ancient writing, signs of family and patrimonial property (tamg), and coins. He studied the traditional astronomical representations of the Kazakhs, in particular, the Kazakh folk calendar. The result of this work was the sketch «Starry Sky» – an astronomical picture of the starry sky.
Summarizing the study of the ethnic and artistic heritage of Chokan Valikhanov, one should conclude that as an educated person of his time, a scientist and educator, he clearly understood the general purpose of art. It seems to us that he realized the important task of a realistic depiction of people's life in its various aspects.
At the same time, it is important to stipulate that the study of the artistic heritage of Ch. Valikhanov proves the different character and quality of his works. The analysis showed that among them there are professional works and amateur drawings. Most sketches made casually during the expeditions in which he participated are amateur.
This difference was possibly due to his attitude to his art, which he considered complementary to his main scientific activity.
Nevertheless, the ethnic and artistic heritage of Ch. Valikhanov is of great importance as one of the foundations of the realistic direction of Kazakh fine art.
Academician A. Margulan rightly notes that «the study of Valikhanov's great artistic heritage is the noblest task of our modern art history, because it is a basis for a study of the fine art of Kazakhstan» [5; 28].
- Nazarbayev, N.A. «Bolashakka Bahdar: Rukhani Zhanhyru» / Vzhliad v budushchee: modernizatsiia obshchestvennoho soznaniia [«Looking into the Future: Modernization of Public Consciousness»]. akorda.kz. Retrieved from http://www.akorda.kz/ru/events/akorda_news/press_conferences/statya-glavy-gosudarstva-vzglyad-v-budushchee-modernizaciya- obshchestvennogo-soznaniya [in Kazakh].
- Zolotareva, L.R. (2000). Istoriia iskusstv Kazakhstana [History of Kazakh Art]. Karaganda: Izdatelstvo KarHU [in Russian].
- Etnokhudozhestvennoe nasledie Chokana Valikhanova (2012) [The ethnic and artistic heritage of Chokan Valikhanov]. Proceedings from Philology, Art History and Cultural Studies: Past, Present, Future: mezhdunarodnaia nauchnaia-prakticheskaia konferentsiia — International Scientific Conference. (Part 2; pp. 28–32). Novosibirsk: Izdatelstvo «SibAK» [in Russian].
- Beysenbayuly, Zh. (2016). Chokan Valikhanov. Istoriko-biohraficheskoe povestvovanie [Chokan Valikhanov. Historical and biographical narrative]. Astana: Foliant [in Russian].
- Margulan, A.Kh. (1982). O khudozhestvennom nasledii Chokana Valikhanova [About the artistic heritage of Chokan Valikhanov]. Ch.Ch. Valikhanov. Collected works. (Vol. 1-5; Vol. 5). Alma-Ata: Hlavnaia redaktsiia Кazakhskoi sovetskoi entsiklopedii [in Russian].


text:
The Chinese Population of Transbaikalia under the Conditions of the Stalinist System in the 1930s
- Authors: Datsyshen V.G.1,2,3
- Institute for Demographic Research - Branch of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences
- Siberian Federal University
- KSPU named after V.P. Astafiev
- Issue: Vol 21, No 1 (2022): Far Eastern Cross-Border of Russia
- Pages: 57-71
- Section: FAR EASTERN CROSS-BORDER OF RUSSIA
- URL: https://journals.rudn.ru/russian-history/article/view/30362
- DOI: https://doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2022-21-1-57-71
Cite item
Full text / tables, figures
The article is devoted to the history of the Chinese population in the East Siberian border region with China, Transbaikal, in the 1930s. The particular position of this border region determined the specific formation of this Chinese population. The transfer of the Transbaikal region from the Far Eastern region back to the administrative unit of Siberia in the 1930s strengthened the Siberian regional features of the development of the Chinese community, and meant that the Far Eastern nationality policy was not applied to this community. The development of this community was influenced by the fact that in the 1930s, the state border with Manchuria was completely closed. The Manchukuo state, along with the Republic of China, had its official representatives in Chita. In the early 1930s the size of the Chinese population in Transbaikal reached a maximum, and in the Chita region its share in relation to the total population was equal to that in the Far Eastern regions. In the 1930s the working and living conditions of the majority of Chinese workers were difficult: they faced discrimination and were poorly adapted to the socio-political realities of Stalin's system. Initially the Bolsheviks carried out an active policy towards the Chinese that was aimed at their ideological and political re-education and the improving of their living and working conditions. In the second half of the 1930s, however, this policy changed, and political education and the development of a "Soviet Chinese" culture were no longer prominent. The Chinese began to be perceived as a national community disloyal to the Soviet regime, as real or potential agents of Japan and Kuomintang China. In 1936 began the "exposure" of Chinese spies, and in 1937-1939 the Soviet Chinese were fully subjected to the tyranny of the Soviet secret services and punitive agencies, and suffered greatly from political repression. By the late 1930s the number of Chinese in Transbaikal had decreased by almost a third; however, the situation was different from that in the border regions of the Far East in so far as there was no mass eviction of Chinese from the Transbaikal area.
Full text / tables, figures
The oldest section of the state border of the Russian Federation is located in Transbaikalia1. It was established by an interstate Russian-Chinese treaty back in the 17th century, and to this day Transbaikalia remains a region bordering on China. The eastern part of the contemporary Transbaikal krai directly adjoins China. Geographically, Transbaikalia traditionally includes a large part of modern Buryatia, bordering on Khalkha-Mongolia. The border position of Transbaikalia contributed not only to the arrival there of immigrants from China, but also to the active participation of the Chinese population in the political, economic and cultural life of the region.
A distinctive period in the history of Chinese migration to Russia was the 1930s. The period between the crisis of 1929 ("The Great Breakthrough") and the outbreak of World War II became a time of social experiment, the search for new models of economic development, and political repression. In 1930, Soviet-Chinese relations, which had been severed in the late 1920s, began to be restored. In 1931, the regions of China adjacent to Transbaikalia were occupied by Japanese troops; and in 1932 the state of Manchukuo, a Japanese dependency, was proclaimed. In 1930, the Republic of China restored its consulate in Chita, soon to be joined (in 1933) by a consulate of Manchukuo.
In the summer of 1930, all of Transbaikalia became part of the newly formed East Siberian krai. In addition to the Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, this territory also included the Chita and Sretensky districts transferred from the Far Eastern Territory. The East Siberian krai was liquidated, to be replaced by the Chita oblast in 1937. The entry of Transbaikalia into Eastern Siberia predetermined the specifics of the Bolsheviks' policy and measures toward the Chinese in this region.
In recent years, several works on Chinese migration to the Soviet Union have appeared in Russian historiography, but the emphasis has traditionally been placed on Chinese migration to the Far East. A few researchers, for example O.V. Zalesskaya, have studied Chinese migration in the Russian east, including the border regions of Transbaikalia, in the 1930s.2 Historians have devoted considerable attention to political repression against the Chinese.3 Extrapolation from the history of the Chinese population in the Primorye and Amur regions to Transbaikalia, especially with respect to the 1930s, leads to distortion of the historical picture. As a rule, works on the history of the Chinese in Siberia fail to take into account the specifics of Transbaikalia. This has begun to change as historians from Transbaikal krai have themselves begun to pay more attention to the history of the Chinese in the region.4 Even so, especially as regards the 1930s, the history of the Chinese in the regions of Eastern Siberia bordering on China remains insufficiently studied.
The aim of the work is to restore the historical picture of the Chinese community's existence in Transbaikalia in the 1930s by identifying and analyzing the its adaptation. The article examines both the perspective of the Chinese population and that of the local authorities in relation to the Chinese community. Consideration of this issue will help create a more holistic picture of the demographic history of the border regions in the Russian east.
To reconstruct Chinese community life in Transbaikalia, I utilized documents from regional archives. The study is based on "Minutes of the Meeting of the Secretariat of the East Siberian Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks" and "Special messages of the NKVD on the East Siberian Territory" stored in the "East Siberian Regional Committee of the VKP(b) [All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)]" archival fund, as well as materials from the funds of various district committees of the VKP(b), stored in the State Archives of the Transbaikal krai, State archive of the latest history of the Irkutsk region and State archive of the Amur region. Among published sources, census materials and the multi-volume Commemorative Book for Victims of Political Repression were of particular importance.
Number and Composition of the Chinese Population of Transbaikalia in the 1930s
Chinese migration to Transbaikalia began with the opening of the Russian-Chinese border in 1860. First, Chinese traders from Mongolia began to come to the border districts of the region, then artisans and farmers arrived. At the beginning of the 20th century, Chinese migration occurred on a mass scale. It was stimulated by railroad construction and the development of gold mining in the region. By the end of the first decade of the 20th century, the population census recorded more than two thousand Chinese, mostly Han Chinese, in the Transbaikal region.5 During that period, a small permanent Chinese population formed, and mixed Sino-Russian families began to appear. The First World War gave an additional stimulus to Chinese labor migration, though the situation of the Chinese community was complicated during the civil war and foreign intervention in Russia.
In the 1920s the Chinese community in Transbaikalia not only survived, but continued its development. In 1923, 2,996 Chinese were recorded as living in the Transbaikal guberniia.6 The number of Chinese in the capital of Transbaikalia was only half that of Khabarovsk or Blagoveshchensk, and several times less than in Moscow and Vladivostok. As of January 1, 1927, 2,334 Chinese were recorded in Chita, including 67 women and 77 children. Of these, 182 men and 9 women had Soviet citizenship.7 At that time, 213 Chinese people, 28 of whom were Soviet citizens, lived in rural areas of the Chita region.8 Several thousand Chinese people lived at the mines of Transbaikalia. According to the "Information of the Permanent Mission of the Unified State Political Administration for the Far Eastern Territory," in 1929 most Chinese people worked at the Kozlov mine of the Borzinsky district administration "Tsvetmetzoloto" – 470 people; and in total in the seven places of the region indicated in the document, there were recorded two thousand Chinese laborers.9
During the 1930s, when the border with Manchuria was closed and free migration within Russia was limited, several thousand Chinese people were permanent residents of Transbaikalia. Most of them lived in Chita and the Chita region, as well as at the mines. The "Memorandum on work among the Eastern workers in the Chita region" dated March 16, 1933 read: "In the Chita region there are 969 Easterners, including 805 Chinese people."10 In 1933, in the Mogochinsky district bordering on the Amur Region, there were recorded 567 "eastern workers," most of them Chinese.11 The "Memorandum on the state of work among eastern workers" stated that at the mines of the Ust-Kariysky district there were 385 eastern workers, in Kozlovo 87, and in Bogomolovo 105 eastern workers."12 The documents noted that "the absolute majority of the Easterners" came from China.
In the second half of the 1930s, the Soviet Union carried out two censuses, which give an idea of the number of Chinese people in Russia's regions. The 1937 USSR census recorded almost 59 thousand Chinese people, including foreign citizens.13 The census enumerated 8,127 Soviet Chinese citizens in the Chita region,14 and 2,172 Soviet Chinese citizens in the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.15 In addition, 1,065 Chinese foreign citizens lived in the Chita region, and 478 Chinese foreigners in Buryatia.16 The percentage of Chinese people who adopted Soviet citizenship was higher in Transbaikalia than in the Far East and in Russia as a whole. In the Chita region, the percentage of Chinese people in the total population of the region was slightly less than in the Far Eastern Territory. This comparison looks different, though, if we take into account the fact that in the Far East the Chinese population was concentrated in Vladivostok and that the wider Transbaikal region, including Buryatia and the adjacent Bodaibo district of Irkutsk oblast', included approximately thirteen thousand Chinese. In broad regional terms the Chinese presence in Transbaikalia was not less noticeable than in the Far East.
By the end of 1939, there remained just two regions in the Soviet Union, where Chinese people made up a significant proportion of the population – about 0.5%.17 The largest community was now in the Chita region, where the 1939 census recorded 6,017 Chinese,18 which was slightly more than in the Khabarovsk Territory, including the Amur Region. In the Buryat-Mongolian ASSR, the 1939 census recorded 1,498 Soviet Chinese people.19
Demographically, Chinese people in Transbaikalia shared several characteristics. Most came from the northern China. Party committee records from the the Ust-Kariysk raion of the Eastern Siberian krai noted in 1933:
The vast majority of Easterners came from the provinces of Shandong, Zhili and three eastern provinces (Manchuria).20
Additionally, the overwhelming majority of the Chinese population, both Soviet citizens and foreigners, were men. For example, in the early 1930s at the Baleysky plant there were several hundred Chinese men and only one Chinese woman. Of 1,065 Chinese foreigners in the Chita region in 1937, there were 1,019 men;21 in Buryatia, out of 478 Chinese people there were recorded 422 men.22 The available documents give an idea of the age groups of Chinese people in Transbaikalia. According to a survey of Chinese workers at the Baleysky plant, 92 people were over 55 years old, 115 workers were at the age of 25–45, and only 7 Chinese people were under the age of 25.23
Some Chinese men in Transbaikalia were married to Russian women. The "Memorandum on the state of work among Eastern workers" stated: "About 30% are married to Russians; Easterners have a lot of children."24 Data on the number of children in mixed Sino-Russian families can be found in the volumes of the Commemorative Book for Victims of Political Repression in Eastern Transbaikalia. For example, Yan Delin, a resident of the village of Olovyanny, who was sentenced to 3 years in prison in 1938, had a Russian wife and 5 children.25 The arrested Chinese men Tong Xiang and Pan Chushin each had four children from Russian wives.26 Among the repressed were Chinese people who had three, two and one children. But not all Chinese people had children; the March 1933 "Memorandum on work among Eastern workers in the Chita region" noted: "In the Chita region there are 805 Chinese people. There are 60–100 Chinese children in total, but their mothers are all Russian."27
Chinese people were employed in various spheres and sectors of the national economy in the 1930s. The documents indicate that most of the Chinese people worked in the mines of Transbaikalia. A significant number of Chinese people worked in agriculture and were also artisans. In the East Siberian Territory in the early 1930s, 5,326 Chinese people were members of the "Tsvetmetzoloto" trade union, 112 people were members of the coal miners' trade union, 123 Chinese people were in the trade union of the forest industries, 109 – in artisanal cooperatives (Promkooperatsia), 47 – in the trade union of tanners. Eleven people were livestock breeders, six people were worked on state farms and two Chinese people were listed as members of the mechanical engineering trade union.28
A collective farm called "Red China" was formed near Chita and existed until the end of the 1930s.29 In Chita itself there were three Chinese gardeners' artels, uniting 85 people, in 1933.30 In 1930, nineteen Chinese collective farmers were officially registered in the Mogochinsky district.31 The data on repressed Transbaikalia residents indicate a significant number of Chinese people employed in agriculture and handicrafts. The documents of the regional Communist Party organization make mention of Chinese people of various professions and spheres of activity, including, among others, a head of a mining workshop, a director of a district store, a controller of a gold-extracting shop, a superintendent of a mine administration, a head of a warehouse.32
The Situation of Chinese Workers
Most Chinese people in the 1930s lived in difficult socio-economic conditions:
The living conditions are poor. They live in fanza-barracks, which are small, dark, damp, dirty.33
Chinese people who lived in Transbaikalia in the 1930s remained alien to the existing political regime; they did not support the ideological and political attitudes of the Bolsheviks, but remained adherents of traditional Chinese values. In their reports on the results of a survey of Chinese workers at the mines of Transbaikalia in 1930, Soviet commissioners wrote:
They are not politically conscious, they have no idea what the Communist Party, trade union, Soviet power are, they don't know about the events in China, etc. Most of them smoke opium, and some of them are engaged in gambling games, they firmly believe in religion.34
They are not politically conscious [...] In their minds there are nationalism and utopian dreams: "to become rich," dreams of the Manchu dynasty: The emperor will return, and in China there will be the kingdom of peace and unification.35
Meanwhile, anti-Chinese attitudes were prevalent among the Russian population. In the 1930s these sentiments were manifested in discrimination, domestic violence, and various forms of crime. In 1931, the regional newspaper Vostochno-Sibirskaya Pravda reported:
Many cases of beating and humiliating Chinese workers are not brought to trial.36
The newspaper also noted:
There are facts of rude attitude toward the Chinese workers on the part of the administration.37
It was alleged that Russian workers in Ust-Kariysk raion had been issued fur coats and mittens, while Chinese workers got nothing. The document noted:
Chinese noodles were brought, but the Chinese workers were not given the noodles. For the October holidays, the Russian workers were given meat, but the Chinese workers were told that it was not their holiday38
The Chinese workers complained to their representatives in Chita:
Comrade Lyufuchen, you manage the Eastern workers at all the mines, you should improve our lives. Our life is very bad, there is no bathhouse; besides, the workers are paid very little. In the store, Russian workers buy goods out of turn; a lot of Eastern workers do not understand Russian. We wait for
2 or 3 hours for goods, but can't buy anything.39
At the same time, the Chinese workers fulfilled and exceeded plans. In the early 1930s, the documents of the East Siberian regional organization of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks stated:
Ust-Kara. Thanks to the extensive mass work, the main groups of the Easterners declared themselves shock workers and fulfill the norms of up to 130% ... In Baley, the brigade of the Easterners turned out to be the best brigade of miners, which received the challenge banner.40
The party bodies constantly pointed to evidence of discrimination against Chinese workers:
The awarding of prizes to Easterners is not satisfactory... Instances when they are promoted to management can be counted on one hand, and they are totally absent from party and trade union work.41
The party bodies of the East Siberian krai circulated the following episodes:
The mine manager arrests eastern comrade Ti-Hsiang, a candidate member of the VKP(b), for no good reason. He kept him under arrest for six hours ... The Russian workers get drunk and beat up the Easterners... Worker Gusev mocks the Chinese worker – the party candidate... Member of the bureau of the party cell Zhukov (Head of town works) always referred to the Easterners as "Dzhan-Zo-Lin" threatening them, "I'll send you to Manchuria tomorrow"... the cell reprimanded him not for chauvinism, but for drunkenness.42
The documents on Transbaikalia stated:
In the first place the obstacle to the implementation of our tasks was nationalism which is expressed in the fact that Russian people disdain Chinese people. Thus, for example, when communicating they use such words "chink," "pheasant."43
The leadership of the East Siberian krai also pointed out the racist views in the region. A draft of the "Closed Letter to all the district committees and party cells of the East Siberian Territory" stated:
The investigative materials of work among Chinese workers, produced by the Chita Control Commission and Workers'-Peasants' Inspectorate (Rabkrin), cite a number of instances of outrageous attitudes toward eastern workers; in addition, […] there is another "theory," directed against "cross-breeding with the Chinese": "Since there is no inflow of Chinese women to Transbaikalia, there is no natural increase in the Chinese population. Cross-breeding with the Chinese is insignificant, and such cross-breeding produces offspring with weakened vitality and high mortality. Great-power theories and minor theories of this kind are by no means rare phenomena."44
Chinese people were not protected from the arbitrariness of the special services. A report from the Ust-Kariysk region may serve as illustration:
In 1931 the OGPU carried out an operation; they imprisoned all the Eastern workers, began to torture them in every possible way. They were beaten, poured with cold water, their fingers were tied over their heads, they were pulled to the ceiling, etc. to demand gold from them [...] more than a hundred people fled to China. At the beginning of 1932, the OGPU again carried out an operation...45
Starting in the early 1930s, opportunities for in-migration of Chinese into the border regions of Transbaikalia practically disappeared. With the closure of the Russian-Chinese border, free migration ceased; and after the creation of the neighboring state of Manchukuo under the complete control of Japan, the Chinese arriving across the border (deserters, interned soldiers, etc.) no longer remained in Transbaikalia. On the other hand, Chinese people living in the region, especially those employed in the mining industry, were looking for opportunities to leave their enterprises, as described in this message from the Eastern Siberian Party committee:
The situation described above caused the outflow of Eastern workers from the territory of the region; up to 1,500 people left the gold industry. Over the past year, the influx of new Eastern workers to the territory of the region completely stopped.46
The documents of the Chita party organization also noted that the Eastern workers felt like leaving the Kozlovo mine.47
Soviet Policy toward Chinese People
The shortage of workers that arose in the late 1920s in the USSR made the task of attracting or retaining Chinese workers especially urgent; the country needed gold from the Siberian mines. In addition, in the early 1930s the Bolsheviks tried to make life in the Soviet Union attractive to the peoples of Asia. All this predetermined an active Soviet policy toward the Chinese population of Transbaikalia. In the first half of the 1930s the policy was aimed at improving the living and working conditions of the Soviet Chinese, as well as their ideological and political acculturation.
Development and implementation of measures to protect the interests of Chinese people and propaganda among them were handled by the local and regional Party organizations. The first regional party conference on work with Asian workers took place in Chita on December 20, 1930.48 The draft "Resolution on the report on work among the Eastern workers" presented a contradictory picture. The document began with words about the "great successes in the implementation of the Leninist national policy," but ended as follows:
In most areas of the region, and especially in the gold industry, this work is completely unsatisfactory.49
Vostochno-Sibirskaia Pravda devoted almost an entire page to the struggle against chauvinism in a March 1931 issue. The newspaper noted:
The Chita Workers'-Peasants' Inspectorate (Rabkrin), which has investigated the state of work among Eastern workers and their cultural and living conditions, reports: "In some cases, the court and the prosecutor's office do not pay enough attention to protecting the rights of Eastern workers."50
The party leadership of the East Siberian krai tried to organize a struggle against Great-Russian chauvinism through the newspaper:
After listening to Comrade Nikolaev's report about episodes of great-power chauvinism and local nationalism ... construction workers for Tsvetmetzoloto drew the conclusion that these are the acts of the class enemy, a manifestation of deviations from the general line of the party...51
The most important tool for engaging Chinese people in socialist construction was the trade union movement. According to statistics, by May 1, 1931, 6,323 Chinese were in the trade unions on the territory of the East Siberian krai.52 The "Memorandum on the state of work among Eastern workers" indicated that "60% of Eastern workers are trade union members."53
In 1931, the regional committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks made a decision "to enhance the satisfaction of social and domestic needs and demands of eastern workers." The decision stated:
...The Tsvetmetsnab together with Kraisnab are to allocate the necessary fund for the production of food based on the calculation of servicing 5000 people […] In 1932 the Krai Consumer Union is to ensure the development of truck farming in the mining areas...54
The vigorous activity of the Soviet authorities to protect the interests of Chinese workers in the early 1930s brought some success. A 1933 "Survey of the state of cultural work and living conditions among Eastern workers in Mogochinsky raion" stated:
a) the hostels for the Easterners are satisfactory, b) supply for the Easterners – at economic work, they receive a ration and everything based on workers' supply...55
The party and Soviet bodies tried to organize cultural and socio-political work among the masses through clubs and circles. However, this work did not receive adequate material and organizational support. The "Memorandum on the state of work among
the Eastern workers" alleged:
b) In general, Party, trade union, and economic organizations undervalue work among the Eastern workers. Nothing is done systematically. Work is carried out only in a campaign manner.56
A March 16, 1933, report by the instructor of the Chita Party committee (gorkom) "On work among the eastern workers in the Chita region," observed: "the financial situation of the international club is poor."57 Similarly, "On the survey of cultural work and living conditions among the Eastern workers in the Mogochinsky district" noted with respect to Red Corners servicing Eastern workers:
c) this work was weak, there is not a single Red Corner for the Eastern workers...58
In the summer of 1932, the East Siberian Party committee (kraikom) made the decision to publish an insert in Chinese in the Khabarovsk newspaper Rabochii put'
to meet the cultural and domestic needs of the Chinese workers of East Siberian krai.59
The print run of the insert was set at two thousand copies, and editorial space was provided in Irkutsk. That fall, under the title Udarnik, the Chinese language newspaper for Chinese workers in Eastern Siberia began to be published in Irkutsk.
An important area of work among Chinese workers were Soviet campaigns to eradicate illiteracy and to Romanize the Chinese script. In the early 1930s the authorities maintained:
The 1931 target figures for the liquidation of illiteracy among Eastern workers were fulfilled only by 55%... the main difficulty was that there were not enough liquidators.60
Courses for "Easterner liquidators" were accordingly set up in 1931. The documents stated:
From the second half of 1932, after the first cohort of liquidators graduated, work began on the liquidation of illiteracy, using the Latinized alphabet of the Chinese script.61
Documents of the East Siberian kraikom commented:
In the second five-year plan, the Party and governments set the task of transforming every worker into a conscious participant in the socialist construction. In fulfilling this task among the Chinese workers, the Romanization of the Chinese script plays an enormous role as the decisive lever of the cultural revolution.62
In 1933, the party organizations of the East Siberian krai tried to intensify their work to "liquidate illiteracy among Chinese workers on the basis of the new Latinized alphabet." The resolution of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks noted:
to organize three-month liquidator courses for thirty people in Irkutsk, two-month courses for twenty people at the Nerchinsk plant, two-month courses for twenty people in Chita.63
The educational work with the Chinese workers was not limited to the "liquidation of illiteracy" program. The kraikom resolution on the report on work among Eastern workers, adopted in 1931, specified that the regional economic council (kraevoi sovnarkhoz) and sectors of the regional Council of Trade Unions should
outline practical measures for organizing training courses for Eastern workers through the worker faculty (rabfak) of the Medical Institut, the Institute for Soviet Construction and Law, and the Mining Institute within twenty days' time. It is necessary to expand the departments for the Eastern workers at the regional school of education (up to twenty people) and at the Chita medical school (up to thirty people).64
Chinese workers were also sent to Irkutsk to train as engineers, technicians and managers.
To attract Chinese people into the ranks of the Communist Party and improve work among the Chinese Communists in Transbaikalia, a system of party training was also established for the Easterners. A Chinese branch of the Chita Soviet Party School was organized in 1931. An initial cohort of 75 Chinese was admitted to this department, most of them workers from the gold mines. In 1933, 63 Chinese people studied at the school.65 For the purposes of retention, scholarships for the Chinese students were increased, as were the teachers' salaries.
The Party also inaugurated short courses, held in Chita, to accelerate the training of Chinese activists. Documents from 1932 indicate that eight Chinese workers completed two-month courses for party activists and propagandists, and sixteen completed one-month activist courses. In 1933, Party organs resolved to
confirm the plan of party training among Eastern workers and collective farmers with a target figure of 450 people and specified that such training should reach 100% of members and candidate members of the VKP(b).66
In 1932, the Eastern Siberian kraikom announced the decision to admit a group of 15-20 "Easterners" into the six-month course for party activists.67
An important avenue for work with Chinese people was their admission into the ranks of the Communist Party. Most of the Chinese Communists lived in Chita and the Nerchinsk-Zavodskoy District, each of which had more than 50 Chinese Party members. In 1933 in the Mogochinsky district, out of 567 mostly Chinese "Eastern workers," 31 were members of the Communist Party and two were in the Komsomol.68
Although Eastern workers were involved in all political measures and campaigns, Chinese residents did not believe in Soviet propaganda. This can be inferred from the "Memorandum on the state of work among the Eastern workers":
The Eastern workers exceeded the loan plan of the first year of the second five-year plan... by 10–30%, they also participate in all kinds of public fundraising ... The bonds of the loan are never issued, and if Eastern workers receive them, they throw them away. Their attitude is: "we subscribed to the bond, which means, we won't get any more money." This shows poor work among the masses.69
Even joining the ranks of the ruling party of the USSR for most Chinese was only a means of socio-political adaptation in Soviet society. It is no coincidence that among the Chinese Communists there was a high percentage of people not involved in hard physical labor, though there were also ordinary workers.70 Indeed, in the early 1930s the number of Chinese Communists in Transbaikalia increased by several times and reached roughly 300 people. However, the quality of the Chinese Party members is suggested by the following document:
We have studied the Chinese citizens who are in the ranks of the VKP(b): 1. FANG-SHO-SE [...] He does not engage in productive labor, he serves as a liaison between the business office of Soyuzzoloto and worker artels. For this, he receives rations for five people in summer, and in winter rations for two or three. He organizes gambling games, resells opium... 2. LI-SI-ZUN [...] He heads two artels [...] He does not engage in productive labor, but exploits a worker force... 3. LEE-HO [...] He is uneducated and has poor class-consciousness, but is much better than Fang-Sho-Se and Li-Si-Zun.71
A turning point in the history of Chinese people in the USSR, as well as of many other Soviet nations, was Stalinist political repression. The geopolitical realities of the late 1930s impelled a new wave of mass repression precisely in the areas bordering on Manchuria. There were some regional differences between how the repression was carried out in Transbaikalia as against the Far East. Historically and geopolitically, Transbaikalia remained a part of Siberia, which predetermined some distinctive aspects of regional policy toward "disloyal" groups of the population.
The border position of Transbaikalia caused the Soviet special services to take heightened interest in the region's Chinese. An NKVD "special report" about East Siberia, dated October 2, 1936, noted:
As a result of our measures toward Easterners, we once again identified and liquidated a large espionage organization in September that encompassed all the main economic facilities and the military airfield network in Transbaikalia [...] twenty people were arrested, including seventeen Chinese people (three Nanjing subjects) and three Russians.72
The special services described it as follows:
Masked by the "Baikal" fishing artel, on instructions of the Nanking Consulate, a group of Chinese agents of the Consulate opened a number of restaurants, canteens and repair shops, and launched espionage activities.73
The Soviet special services named former employee of the Chinese Consulate in Ulan-Ude Kon-Chun-I as the head of the Chinese espionage group. Upon the conclusion of the case on July 28, 1936, three Chinese people and one Russian were brought to justice.
This case was fabricated by the Soviet special services; there was no evidence in the case, except for the personal confessions of the accused. There was no Chinese Consulate in the capital of Buryatia, and Chinese spies, according to their confessions, for some reason worked simultaneously on the instructions of the consulates of two mutually hostile states. The falsification of the case is also indicated by the fact that the Soviet special services connected this case with the murder of Kirov and with the Trotskyists. But in 1936, the repression had not yet become a mass phenomenon; as a result, only four out of twenty arrested people were convicted.
Mass repression against Chinese people began in 1937. Chinese people were not evicted from Eastern Siberia, in contrast to Primorye and the Amur region, but those Chinese deported from the Far East were prohibited from living in the Chita region. Among the first Chinese to be repressed in Transbaikalia were Chinese employees of the Soviet special services. In July 1937, P.V. Grigorovsky, a Chinese employee of the Chita sector of the East Siberian NKVD, was arrested on charges of "treason" and then shot (he was rehabilitated in 1959). Lieutenant of State Security S.M. Lenitsev (Hou Mingqi) was arrested as a "Japanese spy" in Chita in 1938, though a year later he was released and reinstated in his job. Chinese communists were also among the first to be repressed. In 1938, several workers of the Kozlovo mine in the Nerchinsk-Zavodskoy region, as well as other enterprises, were expelled from the party and arrested. The documents identified the fact that they were "enemies of the people" as the "main reason for expulsion."74
Repression against Chinese people was carried out throughout the USSR. The "Harbin operation" alone led to the repression of more than ten thousand Chinese. Yet by the end of the winter of 1938, only 152 Chinese people had been arrested in Chita oblast', fewer than in Novosibirsk oblast' or Krasnoyarsk krai.75 However, in 1938-1939, thousands of Chinese people in Transbaikalia fell under political repression, and many of them perished. The repression touched all strata of the Chinese community in Transbaikalia. People shot in the fall of 1938 included Pan Kuichin, a worker from Chita; Pan Tyatzhi, a gardener from the Nerchinsk region; and Pan Chukho, a photographer, among others.76 A Chita historian writes:
A total of 1,500 Chinese residents of Chita were arrested. The true evil demon for the Chinese was the head of the 3rd department of the NKVD, senior state security lieutenant Yakov Stepanovich Kamenev, who led the campaign to exterminate Chinese people.77
A historian from Novosibirsk gives the following examples:
In April 1938, in Sretensk [...] a group of Chinese deserters, which included 120 people, was allegedly liquidated. ...In February 1938, in Rukhlov, the Chita Oblast NKVD fabricated a case of a sabotage and insurgent organization of Chinese smugglers, in which 144 people were arrested.78
O.V. Zalesskaya notes:
In the Baleysky district, out of 426 arrested Chinese people, they were able to prove guilt of only 78 people. During the interrogations and investigation, in Baley alone every fourth Chinese died (117 out of 426), in Chita – every third (568 out of 1500).79
More than 300 Chinese people were arrested in Buryatia, 196 of them were sentenced to be shot.80
As a result of mass political repression, the total number of Chinese people in Transbaikalia decreased. Researchers show that from 1937 to 1939 the Chinese population declined from 8,127 to 6,016 in Chita oblast' and from 2,172 to 1,498 in the Buryat-Mongolian ASSR.81 The reduced number of Chinese in the region and a change in Soviet policy made the problem of Chinese people in Transbaikalia less urgent. With the emergence of an unlimited pool of forced prisoner labor in the second half of the 1930s, the Soviet state had less need for Chinese workers. Moreover, under the conditions of the world war, the ideas of "proletarian internationalism" lost their relevance: the country's global competitiveness now depended on the army, rather than on the "attractiveness of socialism" for the peoples of other countries. After 1939, the Chinese community in Transbaikalia survived and played a significant role in the economic life of the region, but Chinese people were subject to legal restrictions imposed on representatives of many nationalities. In the eyes of the Soviet authorities and the Russian public, Chinese migrants continued to be perceived as representatives both of the USSR's ally, China, and of its enemy, Japan.
Thus, the 1930s was an important period in the history of the Chinese community in Transbaikalia. During that period, the Chinese community in eastern Transbaikalia was one of the largest in the Soviet Union in both relative and absolute terms. The percentage of Chinese people who adopted Soviet citizenship was also higher in Transbaikalia than in the country as a whole. Chinese migrants were important both for the Soviet economy and for the realization of the ideological and political aspirations of the USSR's ruling party. In the first half of the 1930s a great deal of work was done to improve the living and working conditions of Chinese workers and to involve them in various political, propaganda, cultural and educational campaigns. Despite the purposeful policy of the ruling party in the USSR and the authorities of the region to acculturate Chinese people and to create a comfortable living and working environment for them, most Chinese people retained the views and way of life that Chinese labor migrants in Russia had traditionally held. In the second half of the 1930s, repressive methods and principles began to prevail in Soviet policy toward the Chinese diaspora, as a result of which the Chinese population of Transbaikalia noticeably declined. The special status of Transbaikalia, as a border region distinct from the Far Eastern krai, gave a regional coloration to the situation of Chinese inhabitants, including the preservation of the Chinese population in the border areas during the period of political repression in the second half of the 1930s.
1 Over the past two hundred years, Transbaikalia has been transferred several times to the Far East, then returned to Siberia: the Amur Governorate General – the Irkutsk Governor General. Far from the non-Eastern Territory – East Siberian Territory. In our time, Transbaikalia was part of the Siberian Federal District, now – in the Far East. Everything depended on the policy of the center, which they wanted to strengthen. Historically, culturally, mentally, this is Siberia, but it is also the gateway to the Far East, the border with China, a resource base for the development of the Far East.
2 O.V. Zalesskaya, Kitaiskie migranty na Dal'nem Vostoke Rossii (1917–1938 gg.) (Vladivostok: Dal'nauka Publ., 2009).
3 V.I. Vasilevskii, Tragicheskaia stranitsa zabaikal'skoi istorii, 2 ed. (Ulan-Ude: Domino Publ., 2012); D.B. Fartusov, "Political repression in relation to citizens of Mongolia and China in the territory of BM ASSR," BSU bulletin. Human research of Inner Asia, no. 1 (2015): 72–77; N.A. Potapova, 'Kharbinskaia' operatsiia NKVD SSSR 1937–1938 gg.: mekhanizmy, tselevye gruppy i masshtaby repressii (St. Petersburg: Aleteiya Publ., 2020).
4 Yu.N. Lantsova, "Otnoshenie Sovetskoi vlasti k kitaitsam i koreitsam v Chitinskoi oblasti v dovoennyi period i vo vremya Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny," in Part 1 of Vtoraya mirovaya voina: predistoriya, sobytiya, uroki: materialy mezhdunar. nauch. konf. posvyashch. 70-letiiu Velikoi Pobedy nad nemetskim fashizmom i yaponskim militarizmom. 11–12 sentiabria 2015 g. (Chita: ZabGU, 2015), 67–71.
5 I.S. "Zemledel'cheskaya Sibir'. K voprosu o chislennosti sel'skokhozyaystvennogo naseleniya Sibiri," in vol. 41 0f Izvestiya VSO IRGO, 1910 (Irkutsk: [S.n.],1911), 155.
6 Tablitsa naseleniia po natsional'nostyam, polu, vozrastu i gramotnosti (Irkutsk: [N.s.], 1923), 88.
7 State archive of the latest history of the Irkutsk region (henceforth GANIIO), f. 123, op. 2, d. 360, l. 29.
8 Ibid.
9 State archive of the Transbaikal territory (GAZK), f. П-71, op. 1, d. 468, l. 283.
10 GANIIO. Ф. 123. Оп. 4. Д. 86. Л. 14–17.
11 State Archive of the Amur Region (GAAO), f. Р-114, op. 2, d. 6, l. 8.
12 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 53, l. 58.
13 B.B. Zhiromskaya, and Yu.A. Polyakov, eds. Vsesoiuznaia perepis' naseleniia 1937 goda: Obshchie itogi. Sbornik dokumentov i materialov (Moscow: Rossiiskaia politicheskaia entsiklopediia Publ., 2007), 87.
14 Ibid., 104.
15 Ibid., 91.
16 Ibid., 424.
17 Yu.A. Polyakov, ed. Vsesoiuznaia perepis' naseleniia 1939 goda: Osnovnye itogi (Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1992), 57.
18 Ibid., 65.
19 N.A. Potapova, 'Kharbinskaia' operatsiia NKVD SSSR, 92.
20 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 53, l. 58.
21 V.P. Motrevich, "Inostrannye grazhdane-kitaitsy v Sovetskom Soyuze po dannym Vsesoyuznoi perepisi naseleniya SSSR 1937 g." In Kitai: istoriia i sovremennost': materialy VIII mezhdunarodnoi nauchno-prakticheskoi konferentsii. Ekaterinburg, 7–8 oktiabria 2014 g. (Yekaterinburg: Uralskogo un-ta Publ., 2015), 181.
22 Ibid., 180.
23 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 2, d. 278, l. 11.
24 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 53, l. 58.
25 Kniga pamiati zhertv politicheskikh repressii v Vostochnom Zabaykal'e, vol. 6 (Chita: Poisk Publ., 2008), 386.
26 Kniga pamiati zhertv politicheskikh repressii v Vostochnom Zabaykal'e, vol. 5 (Chita: Poisk Publ., 2007), 16.
27 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 86, l. 14–17.
28 Ibid., op. 2, d. 279, l. 4.
29 A.P. Tarasov, Zabaikal'e i Kitai: opyt analiza mezhdunarodnykh svyazei (Chita: ZabGPU Publ., 2003), 153.
30 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 86, l. 16.
31 GAAO, f. Р-114, op. 2, d. 6, l. 8.
32 GAZK, f. П-3, op. 1, d. 700, l. 1–32.
33 Ibid., f. П-71, op. 1, d. 468, l. 301.
34 GAZK. f. П-71, op. 1, d. 468, l. 301.
35 Ibid., l. 334.
36 Vostochno-Sibirskaya pravda, March 2, 1931.
37 Ibid., March 4, 1931.
38 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 86, l. 19.
39 GAZK, f. П-71, op. 1, d. 468, l. 332.
40 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 2, d. 279, l. 8.
41 Ibid.
42 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 2, d. 24, l. 105–106.
43 GAZK, f. П-71, op. 1, d. 468, l. 301 оb.
44 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 2, d. 24, l. 40.
45 Ibid., op. 4, d. 86. l. 20 оb.
46 Ibid., op. 2, d. 24, l. 109.
47 GAZK, f. П-71, op. 1, d. 468, l. 301.
48 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 2, d. 278, l. 32.
49 Ibid., l. 1.
50 Vostochno-Sibirskaya pravda, March 2, 1931.
51 Ibid., March 4, 1931.
52 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 7, d. 19, l. 77.
53 Ibid., op. 4, d. 53, l. 61.
54 Ibid., op. 2. d. 278, l. 2.
55 GAAO, f. Р-114, op. 2, d. 6, l. 8.
56 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 53, l. 61.
57 Ibid. d. 86, l. 16.
58 GAAO, f. Р-114, op. 2, d. 6, l. 8.
59 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 1, d. 315, l. 110.
60 Ibid., op. 2, d. 278, l. 56.
61 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 53, l. 60.
62 Ibid., l. 154.
63 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 53, l. 145.
64 Ibid., op. 2, d. 278, l. 2–3.
65 Ibid., op. 4, d. 86, l. 14.
66 GAZK, f. П-75, op. 1, d. 853, l. 39.
67 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 1, d. 315, l. 150.
68 GAAO, f. Р-114, op. 2, d. 6, l. 8.
69 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 4, d. 53, l. 61.
70 GAZK, f. П-3, op.1, d. 700, l. 1–32.
71 Ibid., f. П-71, op. 1, d. 468, l. 335.
72 GANIIO, f. 123, op. 15, d. 57, l. 38.
73 Ibid.
74 GAZK, f. П-3, op. 1, d. 239, l. 34.
75 N.A. Potapova, 'Kharbinskaia' operatsiia NKVD SSSR, 80.
76 Kniga pamiati zhertv politicheskikh repressii v Vostochnom Zabaykal'e, vol. 5, 16.
77 V.I. Vasilevskii, Tragicheskaia stranitsa zabaikal'skoi istorii, 113–114.
78 N.A. Potapova, 'Kharbinskaia' operatsiia NKVD SSSR, 91.
79 O.V. Zalesskaya, Kitaiskie migranty na Dal'nem Vostoke Rossii, 287.
80 D.B. Fartusov, "Political repression," 74.
81 N.A. Potapova, 'Kharbinskaia' operatsiia NKVD SSSR, 92.
About the authors
Vladimir G. DatsyshenInstitute for Demographic Research - Branch of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Siberian Federal University; KSPU named after V.P. Astafiev
Author for correspondence.
Email: email@example.com
ORCID iD: 0000-0001-6471-8327
Dr. Habil. Hist., Chief Researcher of the Institute of Demographic Research, Federal Research Sociological Center of Russian Academy of Sciences; Professor of the Department of History of Russia, World and Regional Civilizations, Siberian Federal University; Professor of the Department of World History, KSPU named after V.P. Astafiev6, korpus 1, Fotievoy Str., Moscow, 119333, Russia; 2 A, Svobodny Av., Krasnoyarsk, 660041, Russia; 89, Ady Lebedevoy Str., Krasnoyarsk, 660049, Russia
- Fartusov, D.B. "Political Repression in Relation to Citizens of Mongolia and China in the Territory of BM ASSR." BSU Bulletin. Human Research of Inner Asia, no. 1 (2015): 72-77 (in Russian)
- Lantsova, Yu.N. "Otnoshenie Sovetskoi vlasti k kitaitsam i koreitsam v Chitinskoi oblasti v dovoennyi period i vo vremia Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny." In Part 1 of Vtoraya mirovaya voina: predistoriya, sobytiya, uroki: materialy mezhdunar. nauch. konf. posvyashch. 70-letiiu Velikoi Pobedy nad nemetskim fashizmom i yaponskim militarizmom. 11-12 sentyabria 2015 g., 67-71. Chita: ZabGU, 2015 (in Russian)
- Motrevich, V.P. "Inostrannye grazhdane-kitaitsy v Sovetskom Soyuze po dannym Vsesoyuznoi perepisi naseleniya SSSR 1937 g." In Kitai: istoriia i sovremennost': materialy VIII mezhdunarodnoi nauchno-prakticheskoi konferentsii. Ekaterinburg, 7-8 oktiabria 2014 g., 178-181. Yekaterinburg: Uralskogo un-ta Publ., 2015 (in Russian)
- Polyakov, Yu.A., ed. Vsesoyuznaya perepis' naseleniya 1939 goda: Osnovnye itogi. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1992 (in Russian)
- Potapova, N.A. 'Kharbinskaia' operatsiia NKVD SSSR 1937-1938 gg.: mekhanizmy, tselevye gruppy i masshtaby repressii. St. Petersburg: Aleteiya Publ., 2020 (in Russian)
- Tarasov, A.P. Zabaikal'e i Kitai: opyt analiza mezhdunarodnykh svyazei. Chita: ZabGPU Publ., 2003. 432 s
- Vasilevskii, V.I. Tragicheskaшa stranitsa zabaikal'skoi istorii. 2 ed. Ulan-Ude: Domino Publ., 2012 (in Russian)
- Zalesskaya, O.V. Kitaiskie migranty na Dal'nem Vostoke Rossii (1917-1938 gg.). Vladivostok: Dal'nauka Publ., 2009 (in Russian)
- Zhiromskaya, B.B., and Polyakov, Yu.A., eds. Vsesoyuznaya perepis' naseleniya 1937 goda: Obshchie itogi. Sbornik dokumentov i materialov. Moscow: Rossiiskaya politicheskaya entsiklopediia Publ., 2007 (in Russian)

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Million tons of potash fertilizer project starts production
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text:
Roger Federer retirement 'a sad day for tennis,' says Andy Murray
Andy Murray has describe the impending retirement of Roger Federer as a 'sad, sad day' for tennis.
Federer has confirmed he will hang up his racket later this month after a stunning career in which redefined many of the standards in the men's game.
The news comes more than a year after his last match and after a three-year period fighting a knee injury.
Andy Murray certainly has a storied past with Roger Federer. He lost out to the Swiss legend in finals at Wimbledon, the Australian Open and the US Open, but he also won an Olympic final against him.
It's a rivalry he treasures, although he admits that has grown over time.
"I was lucky to get to compete against him in some of the biggest matches, in the biggest tournaments, on the biggest stages in our sport," added Murray, who last played Federer competitively in 2015.
"At the time I probably didn't appreciate it as much, but looking back, it's pretty amazing... It's a sad, sad day for the sport."
Before Roger Federer retires, he has one more appearance at the Laver Cup. Andy Murray cannot play against him in that one as they are teammates for Team Europe, but he is hoping
"Maybe I [will] get the opportunity to share a court with him in doubles or something like that," Murray said of Federer. "That would be really special.
"I don't know how much he will be able to play. I haven't spoken to him about that."
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text: May 30, 2018 Graduate students receive new PPG fellowships Written By: Tom Ziemer Departments: Chemical & Biological Engineering|Materials Science & Engineering Graduate students Jing Yao Chen and Wei Wei are the first two recipients of the College of Engineering's PPG Graduate Fellowship. The $12,500 awards are funded by PPG, a Fortune 500 manufacturer of paints, coatings and other materials. Chen, a fourth-year graduate student in the Department of Chemical and Biological Engineering, studies applied chemical engineering and materials science. Wei is in his fourth year in the Department of Materials Science and Engineering and researches surface modification with polymer brushes. Categories Students


text: Show pagesourceOld revisionsBacklinksExport to PDFFold/unfold allODT exportBack to top Table of Contents FeM-Net Services Help Important documents See Also FeM-Net Here you can find information and help regarding the FeM-Net. Please keep in mind that a membership in our association is necessary to use the FeM-Net. We have collected the most frequently asked questions (FAQ) for you. Services We provide various services in the FeM-Net. You can find our public services in the service overview. Internet expansion (WiFi and cables) Help How do I fill out my application for device registration? How do I disable MAC randomization? How do I disable NAT on my router? Why isn't my network socket working anymore? If you have questions, you can always visit our helpdesk or contact firstname.lastname@example.com. Important documents Device registration form Terms of usage for our association's infrastructure Data protection information for the FeM-Net See Also Information regarding a membership in FeM e.V. en/public/femnet/start.txt Last modified: 2021/10/01 00:42by fbit


text:
On My Honor
On my honor, I will try.
There's a duty to be done and I say I.
There's a reason here for a reason above.
My honor is to try and my duty is to love.
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People don't need to know my name.
If I do any harm, then I'm to blame.
When I help another then I help me,
If I've opened up my eyes to see.
Verse 2:
I've tucked away a song or two.
If you're feeling low, there's one for you.
When you need a friend, then I will come.
There are many more where I come from.
Verse 3:
Come with me where a fire burns bright.
We can even see better in a candle's light
But we find more meaning in a campfire's glow,
Than we'd ever learn in a year or so.
Verse 4:
We've made a promise to always keep.
And the day is done before we sleep.
We'll be Girl Scouts together and when we're gone,
We'll still be trying and singing this song.


text:
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How Many People Competed In 2015 Crossfit Open?
Answer: 5944. Crossfit is a fairly new sport, and as such does not yet have a large fan base or a high competition rate. So why were there over 5,000 people competing in the most recent world championship? The answer is simple – they want to be there. In order to qualify for the 2015 CrossFit Games Open gym owners must submit their information online via www.gamesopenonline.com. Only athletes that met certain standards can finish within the top 250 on this site and thus gain entry into one of the 14 events held at the CrossFit Games Open on July 11-15th 2015 in Carson, California: Cost: $5 per event (if unable to purchase tickets by July 1st). Spectators pay $20 and receive free parking and entrance to 3 days of festivities at http://www.crossfitgamesopen2015*. This year three different games will take place simultaneously with all 14 following events filling up relatively fast as compared to previous years: 400m run for time, shuttle run (Camp Wahoo), rowing machine 8 minute AMRAPs, 1000m row for time (Suck Creek), rope climb (Swedish Pig) and 100 burpee box jumps (King Arthur's Court). Each event will consist of several times during which competitors compete against others around them until only one individual remains standing victorious at each stage within an hour marked by clocks inside the arena; these rounds are
Confirm visit to Road Runner Sports
On November 27, 2009, it was announced that Richard knew of a school for Shaq since the next day he would be ready to play. Richard also stated that this school would start off by helping him with his academics and then could move onto other things. Richard has been taking math classes already since he has found out where the school is located. Richard told reporters that if they didn't find any eligible high schools in California that he wanted to attend then the parents' could pick another location which was Las Vegas, Nevada so they could work on getting their grades up during Christmas break. After having this idea Richard said he hated it but still liked it even though Beverly Hills probably wouldn't let Richie's mom housesit at all times for Shaq. Richard had surgery on both knees during December 2008 to repair damage done from playing contact sports as well as surgery to help his knees function better than before due to prior injuries suffered When he signed with Parquet Courts, Richard played football again after not doing so for years because of his knee trouble. He played one game just 5 days before signing with Parquet Courts and injured himself (he tore ligaments in his right knee.) He got surgery on both knees several days later (designed similar to Kobe Bryant's surgery) During the surgery doctors discovered 3 tears in his left knee leaving him unable to continue playing football right away; however, over time everyone recovered back healthly but Shaquille O'Neal was no longer able


text:
Spring is coming! The weather is sunny and warm. Elsa's family decide to go for a picnic. Choose your favorite clothes and decorations for Elsa and her daughter Baby Elsa. Help them prepare the picnic and have a good day with Elsa's family together.
Mouse click or tap to play
Game Stats439 views
Game Tags
#baby, #kids, #partygames, Cute, decorating, dressup, Elsa, Frozen, girl, Holiday, makeover, mobile


text:
The Great Gift Exchange
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The Great Gift Exchange
Did we miss something on diversity?
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A Lot or a Little?
The parents' guide to what's in this TV show.
What Parents Need to Know
Parents need to know that The Great Gift Exchange is a series that connects YouTube content creators in a Secret Santa-like chain of giving, with instructional segments that show creators and viewers how to make unique and meaningful gift wrappings. The series is cheerful and upbeat; creators and host Alton DuLaney put notable thought into choosing presents and then presenting them in ways that resonate both with their own background and interests as well as those as the recipient. YouTube creators are a diverse lot in terms of race, ethnicity, physical ability, gender, age, and their areas of content; participants are encouraged to inject their own unique points of view into the giving process. There's almost no mature content (save for one brief joke about a strip club and dollar bills), so this show is ideal whole-family viewing.
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What's the Story?
Hosted by noted gift wrap artist Alton DuLaney, THE GREAT GIFT EXCHANGE is a series that features 12 YouTube creators participating in a gift-giving chain, who learn how to package their gifts in beautiful and meaningful ways. Each creator gives (and is given) a donation towards a charity of their choice, which DuLaney helps them package in a way that's both eye-catching and incorporates something of the recipient's life and interests. They also visit DuLaney's gift wrapping studio, where they, and viewers, are educated on the art of gift wrapping, including tips and tricks for taking their own holiday creations to the next level. Participating YouTubers include AsapSCIENCE, Rosanna Pansino, Physics Girl, Smosh Games, and Ambers Closet, among others.
Is It Any Good?
A cheerful, sweet Christmas treat, this series is surprisingly delightful, as well as educational for those who enjoy wrapping gifts. Host Alton DuLaney is chipper and quirky in his ice-cream colored cowboy hats and bow ties, guiding his series of guests through the creation of unique and meaningful wrappings for thoughtful presents. Of course, the main present to each YouTuber is a charitable donation, something that's a bit of a gimme and also sounds boring, but DuLaney manages to inject significance into their wrappings. The donation for Molly Burke, who creates a lot of content around her blindness, comes wrapped in a doghouse-shaped box with interesting textures for her to feel; Nigerian beauty vlogger Shalom Blac creates an African wax print textile for her donation; DuLaney and company put other donations inside a bath bomb or boxes wrapped in money.
It's all a lot of relaxing fun to watch, in the manner of a Great British Baking Show: Ordinary people making beautiful things, and treating each other with kindness. Viewers may be inspired to put more thought into their own gifts and their presentation, or may just want to watch as DuLaney demonstrates the art of furoshiki (Japanese cloth wrapping) or shows how to use recycled materials to create something beautiful and new. There are worse metaphors for holiday magic, as it turns out.
Talk to Your Kids About ...
Families can talk about why shows that demonstrate how to do something are popular on TV. Are people looking to sharpen their own skills? Or is it fun just to watch? Why? What's interesting about watching the act of creation?
The Great Gift Exchange features YouTube content creators. Why do you think these creators participated? What do they get out of participation?
Host Alton DuLaney encourages gift givers to think about the person they're giving a present to, and to customize the wrapping to their personality or interests. How can you put this idea into action in your own life?
TV Details
- Premiere date: December 1, 2020
- Cast: Alton Dulaney
- Network: YouTube Premium
- Genre: Reality TV
- TV rating: NR
- Last updated: December 9, 2020
Our Editors Recommend
The Great British Baking Show
Mild, mouth-watering baking contest great fun for all ages.
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Food fails are hilarious in this comedic competition.
Cupcake Wars
Dessert-focused cooking competition is mild but a bit dry.
For kids who love holiday cheer
Common Sense Media's unbiased ratings are created by expert reviewers and aren't influenced by the product's creators or by any of our funders, affiliates, or partners.See how we rate


text:
Risk analysis is an essential and compulsory step that assures a successful program implementation. It helps organizations to analyze and prioritize different risks that might affect the project execution. Proactive risk management approaches are necessary as they ensure the company develops mitigating measures to potential threats. Also, the process provides adequate information used in decision-making regarding the progression of the project. Risk analysis enables project managers to recognize the risks that impact the project, allowing the managers to develop effective solutions.
This enhances the organization's preparedness for unexpected events that might hinder the implementation of strategic changes. The employee motivation program at Walmart will have various risks since it is multinational and operates cross-culturally. It becomes imperative to examine the potential risks of executing the program in different geographical regions where the company has established stores. This makes the risk analysis an integral part of the project process to understand the challenges and develop solutions to enhance its success.
The program in question aims to promote employee motivation at Walmart following the need to improve its productivity and performance. Staff inspiration is essential as it contributes to engagement and commitment towards achieving organizational goals. The identified program seeks to enhance workers' incentives by delegating responsibilities and thinking independently with minimal supervision. Although adopting these measures will increase the motivation levels, there are several risks associated with the process.
Poor decision-making and ambiguity of responsibilities might affect the employee's performance resulting in significant losses to the organization. Also, the workers could resist these changes as it would mean more responsibilities without additional wage increments. However, the most imperative risk involves implementing the program on a cross-cultural platform due to cultural differences. Research has shown that employee motivation varies significantly across cultures due to beliefs and behaviors (Zhao & Pan, 2017). Therefore, cross-cultural differences must be addressed to ensure a culturally diverse workforce embraces the program.
Walmart is a multinational corporation meaning that it operates in different countries with varying cultural beliefs and practices. This implies that the employee motivation program cannot work for all employees in different locations. It is imperative to understand workers' needs and expectations in different cultural settings when considering how to motivate them. This is because workers hope that their needs will be satisfied despite their nationality. The significance of developing a flexible employee motivation program stems from the fact that workers in different countries hold different assumptions about their work (Zhao & Pan, 2017).
For instance, while Japanese workers attach social status and pride in their work, employees in the Middle East consider religion a guide towards perfection and motivation. Also, the living standards within a nation influence work, where people in countries with high living conditions compels individuals to take work seriously. Based on Hofstede's cultural variables, employees perceive relies on the organizational culture in specific countries (Velten & Lashley, 2018). In that case, understanding the risks associated with cultural differences in countries where Walmart operates can help to create tailored motivation incentives.
Different theories have been used to describe the factors that motivate employees, both intrinsic and extrinsic. Herzberg's two-factor theory holds that hygiene factors do not motivate employees but avoid dissatisfaction, while motivational factors are associated with employee satisfaction and motivation (Velten & Lashley, 2018). The model identifies supervision as a hygiene factor, while recognition is a motivational factor (Velten & Lashley, 2018). In a cross-cultural context, the perception of both hygiene and motivational factors might differ significantly due to specific cultural values. Labor relations, such as low wages and working conditions are major concerns that affect employee motivation at Walmart.
However, implementing a program that improves employees' responsibilities positively impacts the working conditions. On the other hand, allowing employees to think and act independently will avoid dissatisfaction based on Herzberg's two-factor theory. Research shows that the degree of satisfaction differs despite the employee needs being similar across cultures (Hitka et al., 2019). For instance, while Japanese companies emphasize team performance, workers in the US focus on individual recognition and material rewards. Such variations imply that the motivation program must be adjusted accordingly to suit employees with diverse cultural backgrounds.
The risk analysis of cultural differences between countries where an international company operates reveals that employees have varying motivation determinants. Since Walmart operates in both high and low culture countries, the employee motivation program will be adapted for each category. The primary objective is to ensure that workers are self-motivated by removing barriers associated with supervision and supporting their risk-taking initiatives. Culture plays an important role in informing the worker's perceptions of their specific roles.
However, it is universal that many employees will find the program encouraging to exercise more flexibility in their decisions. Although this can yield positive outcomes, the company should take proactive measures and enhance employee training to understand its roles. Also, leadership courses should be offered to ensure that workers can make fast decisions based on the best judgment to improve efficiency and performance. In that way, the program will navigate the risks associated with delays and cultural differences leading to success.
Hitka, M., Rózsa, Z., Potkány, M., & Ližbetinová, L. (2019). Factors forming employee motivation are influenced by regional and age-related differences. Journal of Business Economics and Management, 20(4), 674-693. Web.
Velten, L., & Lashley, C. (2018). The meaning of cultural diversity among staff as it pertains to employee motivation. Research in Hospitality Management, 7(2), 105-113. Web.
Zhao, B., & Pan, Y. (2017). Cross-cultural employee motivation in international companies. Journal of Human Resource and Sustainability Studies, 5(4), 215-222. Web.


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OFDM & PAPR on nonlinear commanding transform using high power amplifier
The main limitation in employing orthogonal frequency division multiplexing (OFDM) system is high peak-to-average power ratio (PAPR) of the transmitted signal. A new nonlinear commanding algorithm that transforms the OFDM signals into the desirable statistics form defined by a linear piecewise function is proposed. The more adjustability in commanding form and an effective trade-off between the PAPR and bit error rate (BER) performances can be obtained by introducing an inflexion point and the variable slopes in the target probability density function. Theoretical analyses for this algorithm is presented and expressions regarding the achievable signal attenuation factor and transform gain are produced. The selection criteria of transform parameters focusing on its robustness and performance aspects are also examined. The conferred theoretical analyses are well verified via computer simulations.
Orthogonal frequency division multiplexing (OFDM); peak-to-average power ratio (PAPR); nonlinear commanding transform (NCT); high power amplifier (HPA)
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Copyright (c) 2015 Kannepogu Ashok Kumar, T.V. Suresh Kumar, D. Vijay Kumar
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Single wall systems
Needed for air intake into the non condensing closed combustion boiler's combustion chamber. In the case of a single-walled system, the flue gas is discharged into the existing flue, while the air intakes through an another pipe.
Aluminium single wall system
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