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Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 Introduction: Time to Talk America is an idea—a beautiful one. Democracy is an experiment, an ongoing one. Both ideals require telling the truth so that justice at home and abroad isn't blind. Both require reliable information disseminated widely, so that our passionate engagement and active, intelligent participation in the political process aren't rendered victims of power, privilege, and the silent protection of those who have abused their power and flaunted their privilege. Even then there are no guarantees. --H. L. Goodall, Jr., 2007, The Researcher as Detective In 2004, the first Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the United States was installed in Greensboro, North Carolina to examine the impact of a tragedy twenty-five years earlier, one that sparked a worldwide cry for justice. Five people were murdered on November 3, 1979 when the Ku Klux Klan and American Nazi Party fired into a crowd of protestors one Saturday morning. Television crews captured the shootings on video, from start to finish, yet none of the killers ever served time for the crime. That tragedy—known as the Greensboro Massacre—exposed what many believed to be the inadequacy of judicial, political, and economic systems in the United States. Before examining that disturbing day, it is important to recognize that the particulars of November 3rd were not a staple of most people's day-to-day conversations when Greensboro's Truth and Reconciliation Commission was launched. In fact, many people had never heard of November 3rd, while others had long purged the violent episode from their memories. Why, then, would talking about an event that occurred 25 years earlier be desirable or even necessary? As is often the way, not talking about something, does not mean it ceases to have impact. Indeed, the effect of November 3rd was felt far and wide in the social, political, and economic fabric of the Southern city. Trust of the police and local government was perilously low, racial tensions persisted, and political protest had been effectively silenced.1 Despite repeated attempts, the city was faltering in its efforts to envision a new identity following the collapse of its textile industry that had long formed the community's economic base. Former Greensboro mayor Carolyn Allen and co-chair of the task force formed to initiate a truth and reconciliation process, believed a thoughtful, sustained inquiry into the causes and consequences of November 3rd could improve the city's affairs she had seen decline over the previous 20 years— relationships between Blacks and the police, trust of city leaders by citizens of all races, and communication between residents (Cose, 2003). An alliance of Blacks and whites mobilized to establish the Greensboro Truth and Community Reconciliation Project (GTCRP), a grassroots organization that would eventually lay the foundation for the United States' first Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The TRC was to be a process and a tool by which citizens could feel confident about the "truth" of the city's history in order to reconcile divergent understandings of past and current city priorities. In looking at the experiences of Greensboro's citizens during this process, on-lookers from around the country and throughout the world asked if truth and reconciliation commissions could work for their communities as well. They wanted to know in what ways can and do people depend upon one another to assert the common good and transform a pain-filled past into a more hopeful, prosperous future? Communities that have experienced pain, suffering, and lingering resentment often point to the less than full exoneration of past wrongs as contributing to a gripping, existential mistrust and even cynicism among the populace. To correct the painful condition, citizens and leaders alike seek guidance in how to constructively resurrect past issues in order to implement reflective responses for the benefit of 1 Greensboro, North Carolina fared poorly in these features of community life in comparison with other cities across the country according to the Harvard-based Saguaro Seminar's Social Capital Benchmark Studies released in 2001 and 2007 and available at www.cfgg.org. 1 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 all citizens. These matters point directly to the ethical posture and communicative processes that undergird democratic action. It is people who imagine, construct, and sustain their communities by interacting, dreaming, and struggling with one another over conceptions of how to best live together. TRC processes invest resources to encourage deliberation that confronts conflict, welcomes differing views, seeks deep understanding, and constructs a future path to restore the well-being of the community. In doing so, TRCs recognize that it is communication that awakens people's critical awareness, reflection, and action, not legal records, detailed reports, or judicial proceedings. With respect to communication, it is difficult to overstate its importance in a society that aspires to be democratic. The relative absence of communication is to that extent an approximation of fascism. If we think in terms of communication among individuals, groups and constituencies within a society, a democracy should be expected to promote an interest in and familiarity with one another. Any failure to do so is equivalent to promoting or at least tolerating a degree of isolation that breeds suspicion, distrust, even hatred… A democratic society simply can not tolerate such conditions, not if it seriously desires to advance and strengthen its democratic character. (Ryder, 2008, ¶ 3). What came to light in the truth and reconciliation process was that the honest conversations needed following November 3, 1979 were diverted toward image management and blame, rather than a scrutiny of the underlying factors contributing to the tragedy, factors that persisted and plagued the city. In 1979 and for many years after, the trauma led many to believe that the most reasonable course of action was to forget or suppress the details and features surrounding November 3rd. Fear, uncertainty, confusion, distress, and pressure from others to remain silent prevented a full accounting of the shootings. It was not until the TRC was launched that many people in the community would or could finally share their stories. With time, more residents, law enforcement officials, and protest participants were willing to speak, but even 25 years after the fact, the Truth Commissioners admitted that some people were still scared to publicly share what they had always known. In the unsettled times of the 21st century, or perhaps because of them, Greensboro's citizens of different political persuasions, ethnic identities, religious affiliations, and racial associations joined together to strengthen the quality of their interactions as they, by necessity, confronted conflicting views and understandings of their community. They revealed alternative discourse pathways to influence new alliances and affect important cultural shifts. My involvement with the TRC coincided with the public announcement of its formation in 2003. I attended community meetings, initially alongside a group of 12 graduate students at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro in the Department of Communication Studies, and later with hundreds of other students and fellow community members who learned of Greensboro's history with me over the next many years. We read past accounts of the Greensboro Massacre, researched other episodes of protest and violence in the South, reviewed and edited TRC planning documents, drafted outreach materials, organized volunteers, helped coordinate special events, conducted surveys, interviewed city leaders, sat with fearful community members, ushered guests into the TRC hearings, and transcribed testimonies. Though we were initially unfamiliar with Greensboro's activists and complete history, it was clear that our city had a unique opportunity to address a past wrong by talking about it to reconsider the facts that could lead to new understandings. Greensboro, like many of its sister cities in the South, has had a checkered record of healing poor race relations, often denying the ramifications of systemic conditions that continue to keep blacks in a disadvantaged position economically, educationally, and politically. This writing aims to contribute to the scholarly literature surrounding TRCs and add a distinct dimension few publications feature; here is documented the community's involvement, disorder, and celebration during the process. In other studies of TRCs, what is instead often the focus of research inquiry are the events, testimonies, and public documents, absent the community's voice (Verdoolaege, 2008). Immersing myself in this project brought forward insights I could not have anticipated at the start; it was an effort inspired by "stumbling into possibilities" (Poulos, 2009, p. 66). This research method 2 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 permitted me to take a sustained view into the norms, practices, routines, and values embedded in the community. It reflects a research tradition initially used to study foreign cultures (Geertz, 1973) but is now the inspiration for new ethnographies studying people closer to home (Goodall, 1999; Poulos, 2009: Towns, 2007). In the process of researching and writing this book, I learned a lot from more seasoned activists and their "radical" ideas.2 Throughout, they held fast to their deepest convictions that the community benefits when there is more, not less deliberation, inclusion, and equality. Overview of the Book The purpose of this book is threefold. First, there is need to preserve the historical significance of a people's effort to seek truth and work for reconciliation. Greensboro's TRC, unlike any other Truth and Reconciliation Commission prior, convened and operated without government sanction. Despite the perseverance of Greensboro's citizens to solicit local government involvement, the resistance by elected bodies prevailed, leaving the grassroots project to fend for itself financially and in every other way. This situation started out as one that put the TRC supporters in a disadvantaged position to fully engage the community in its process. Once underway, however, the operation of the project sans government support was heralded as a point of pride. Alex Boraine, deputy chair under Archbishop Desmond Tutu on the South African Truth Commission, proclaimed his support for the Greensboro model as a new means by which to carry out future Truth Commissions, noting that the moral suasion of the people was stronger than any possible government mandate for truth and reconciliation (Covington, 2007). The second purpose of this book is to show a variety of discourse models for other communities to use in seeking to redress past harms. In Greensboro, there continues to be a need for training to facilitate conversation that cuts across social class and racial lines, but training programs by themselves are not enough. Supporters of the truth and reconciliation process did not, for the most part, instigate large scale programs to talk about race. Instead, they relied on many small group settings and creative forms of expression to prompt discussion. These informal, inexpensive avenues to dialogue yielded impressive results for the community organizers and are valuable tools to encourage deep conversation on difficult subjects. Finally, this book attempts to demonstrate the power of community action to promote participatory democracy. As scholar James Darsey (1997) asserts, our country is not lacking in opportunity for civil discourse, but rather people have refused radical engagement with the deeply important and meaningful issues of our times. As a result, our communication has faltered, tending toward the bland and safe that purposefully avoids conflict. As a nation and as individuals, the retreat from public discourse has proven dangerous. When diplomacy, for instance, is forsaken, conversation ceases to be a meaningful arbiter of peace and all too often, cultural or military or other kinds of conflict ensue. Absent trust, the willingness of citizens to actively engage the ideas of others evaporates. What follows is a democracy that ceases to exist as a vibrant pathway to equality and justice for all. In Greensboro, the recognition that our future as a democratic society depends upon an engaged citizenry was the fuel that kept the GTCRP supporters connected to a process whose outcome was uncertain. The community members poured their faith into the belief that individual and collective actions could shape a new, more promising future. Thus, Greensboro's foray into truth and reconciliation serves to deepen our understanding of the role of communication in community organizing. The understandings, interpretations and conclusions in this volume emerged from more than six years of contact and study of Greensboro's Truth and Reconciliation process. Together, the experiential data collected from weekly meetings, home dinners, coffee shop chats, interviews, and sustained observations, along with the methodical study of archived legal records, media materials, and 2 I rely here on Paolo Freire's definition of radical (1973) as someone who is "critical, loving, humble and communicative" in working to resolve or lessen social injustices. 3 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 commissioned reports, form the basis of this book's argument that ordinary people can accomplish the extraordinary, independent of government cooperation. This book and Greensboro's TRC reveal how some stories of our past have been submerged under veils of civility. Howard Zinn artfully showed in A People's History of the United States (1980) that the failure to document historical tragedies does not mean they did not happen. The quest to conceal the roots of citizen uprisings is real, but so too, is the enduring passion of social change agents to set the records straight. This book, then, should be read as a resource and case study of how citizens in one community used its TRC as the gateway to understanding the past by discussing the enduring problems of the present to conceive a plan for the future. A Note about the Facts Since November 3, 1979, people around the world have learned about the Greensboro Massacre through accounts in thousands of newspaper articles, books, a nationally-touring play, and television and film documentaries. Initially, the facts that emerged were incomplete, but over time and through the relentless work of the survivors, other activists, researchers, journalists, and filmmakers, most of the details of that tragic day have come to light. In 2004, when the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission embarked on its mission, its goal was to refresh the set of facts by incorporating the history, context, and personal stories surrounding the event and trials in order to make its judgments and recommendations. This book, then, contains little original information about the events of November 3rd. For that, readers are encouraged to turn to the many articles, books, and other documents listed in the bibliography. To do so is to get immersed into the United States history of social action, political forces, race struggles, and labor movements. Of all the documents, the one most used to situate the events and history contained in this volume is the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission's Final Report that is available in its entirety at www.greensborotrc.org and cited throughout here as (Final Report, 2006). Quotations from the testimonies provided at the TRC's public hearings are referenced throughout this book and are available at the same web site. **** Chapter 1: The Greensboro Massacre, November 3, 1979 November 3rd, 1979. Radicals with the Communist Workers Party (CWP)3 were taking their positions at their long planned and well publicized anti-Klan rally. The event was designed to recruit new textile mill union members residing in Greensboro, North Carolina's low-income neighborhood of Morningside Homes who were frustrated with the low wages and poor working conditions at the mills. The CWP believed that once they had built strong and vibrant unions, they would have in place the structure for an even larger movement, one powerful enough to overthrow the government and the capitalist system that left poor and Black people with so little. Their strategy was to use the support of local labor unions to agitate mill workers who opposed the Ku Klux Klan's (KKK) messages of hate and separation of the races. The CWP wanted to bring an end to the exploitation of workers for the profit and 3 The Communist Workers Party (CWP) was the new name of Jerry Tung's U.S. Maoist organization, based in New York with branches around the country, started in 1973 first as the Asian Study Group, then the Workers' Viewpoint Organization (WVO) and finally the CWP. By 1985, the CWP dissolved and was replaced by the short-lived New Democratic Movement. 4 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 well-being of textile mill owners who were the state's largest employers. To do that, they had to shut down the influence of the Klan. What made the KKK so powerful was not its membership numbers which had declined through the years, but its documented history of violence and spread of terror among African Americans in the South and their white supporters. The KKK ignited fear and condemned multiracial cooperation of any kind in order to promote its message of white supremacy. The CWP considered the KKK's intimidating practices and vile speech as major obstacles to its union building campaign. The Communists believed that the lingering racism that the KKK promoted and the extreme class stratification that marked the South were both intolerable conditions caused and sustained by the capitalist domination of the masses. For the CWP, the solution was to seize the economic and political power away from the reigning city leaders—those who had tolerated and according to the CWP even encouraged Klan activity—and put it into the hands of the working class. The CWP members were largely university-educated activists, deeply influenced by Marxist theory, and avid readers of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Mao Tse Tung. Their leader in Greensboro was Nelson Johnson who had established roots and a reputation as a prominent Black student leader at North Carolina Agriculture & Technical State University before becoming a community grassroots organizer. Johnson was a thorn in the side of local law enforcement officials who found themselves the target of many of his campaigns against police brutality. Johnson's high profile in previous protest actions, some with outbursts of violence, led the city's police to consider him reckless in his radical pursuits. By the late 1970s, Johnson's activities were noteworthy as well to fellow civil rights activists including Sandi Smith, Willena Canon, Joyce Johnson, Claude Barnes, Ed Whitfield, and Signe & Jim Waller, all of Greensboro. Others from Durham, North Carolina joined with Johnson's racially diverse CWP coalition—Marty and Mike Nathan, Sally and Paul Bermanzohn, Dale and Bill Sampson, and Cesar and Floris Cauce. Earlier that year, the WVO/CWP joined local residents to face-off against the Klan in China Grove, a small, rural community located just over an hour's car drive from Greensboro. Following that July confrontation, the CWP redoubled its efforts to challenge and defeat the power of the Klan. They applied for a Greensboro city parade permit for November 3rd and staged a press conference just days before on the steps of city hall. They publicly taunted the Klan to come to Greensboro using insulting, inflammatory rhetoric as a tactic to disgrace the Klan and agitate parade supporters. On Saturday morning, November 3, 1979, the CWP members and their supporters gathered on the east side of Greensboro shouting "Death to the Klan!" It was the same aggressive rally cry the CWP had used in door-to-door canvassing efforts and on flyers posted all over town to build interest in the demonstration. The crowd numbering 40 or 50, urged residents to come out of their homes and go to the march starting point at the corner of Carver and Everett Streets. As they waited to begin the march there, the demonstrators sang songs and chanted slogans—"People, people have you heard? Black and white is the word" and "Death to the Klan." The air was filled with anticipation, camaraderie, and righteous anger against the Ku Klux Klan's vicious and racist practices. A white sheeted effigy of a Klansman swung from a rope with a sign that read, "KKK Scum." Among the adults were half a dozen children wearing khaki colored, military-like uniforms and red berets. The protest march organizers were busy with the last minute duties of fastening flyers to their flatbed truck equipped with a large speaker, attending to the needs of the media, and passing out placards for people to carry. Across the street, news crews were setting up their equipment to report on and televise the event. Then, a caravan of nine cars slowly drove up, one of the first sporting a rebel Confederate Flag on its front license plate. The cars were filled with 37 Ku Klux Klan and American Nazi Party members, many holding shotguns in their laps. As they neared the spot where the crowd stood, a Klansman in the lead car yelled out, "You wanted the Klan, you Communist son-of-a-bitch, well you got the Klan!" A demonstrator cried out, "Here comes the Klan!" and with that, the television camera crews jumped into action to record what would happen next. 5 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 The Klan and Nazis leaned out the car windows, slinging racial epithets and slurs while the marchers—Communists, supporters, and neighborhood residents—screamed back with insults of their own. The shouting escalated, and in a matter of moments, the scene turned violent. The marchers used their sign sticks and feet to hit and kick the cars. From the caravan, a single gunshot was fired. More gunshots followed as the white supremacists clad in jeans and flannel shirts, and smoking cigarettes, jumped out of the cars to unload more weapons and take aim at the protestors. The marchers fled. Some took cover to dodge the bullets while others grabbed guns of their own to fight back. Spray from 1,000 projectiles filled the air—the shots came from shotguns, semi-automatic rifles and pistols before the nine car-caravan of Klan and Nazis drove away. 88 seconds after the first shot was fired, five of the protestors, all union organizing leaders, lay lifeless on the ground. Four died instantly: César Cauce, Dr. James Waller, Sandra Smith, and Bill Sampson. A fifth, Dr. Michael Nathan, survived two more days in a local hospital before he too died. Ten others were injured, including eight protestors, one Klansman, and a local news photographer. As the carnage unfolded, people shouted for the police who seemed to be absent from the scene. What people could not know at the time, but learned later, was that undercover police officers were in fact in the thick of the action. They had photographed the caravan members stowing guns in their cars and then followed behind in an unmarked car, communicating with some police officers by radio transmission. Detective Cooper, one of the officers in the police car behind the caravan, failed to intervene because he said he was just one officer in plainclothes, in an unmarked car who surely would have not survived the ordeal without back-up. In addition, there was a paid Klan informant, Eddie Dawson, at the lead of the caravan who had earlier provided details of the group's activities and plans to his "handler," Detective Cooper.4 Finally, not present but also fully aware of the Klan-Nazi plans that day was an undercover agent employed by the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, Bernard Butkovich, who had attended the pre-march meetings of those groups specifically to gather information surrounding their violent actions.5 Considerable intelligence work had been completed, yet not a single warning from the police was issued to neighborhood residents or protestors, nor was any action taken to intercept the violence. No police assistance came until after the caravan had sped off, but a two-man police unit located five blocks away drove toward the melee and was able to catch the final vehicle in the caravan, a golden yellow cargo van. The officers arrested 12 Klansman and Nazi's who had in their possession four shotguns, a bloodied hunting knife, three revolvers, two sets of brass knuckles, a five-foot length of chain, and ammunition. As the demonstrators emerged from their hiding places alongside journalists who had likewise sought cover from the gunfire, fear and anger intermingled. "Stunned protestors wandered around the intersection, hovering over the bodies of their loved ones, trying to tend to the wounded" (Final Report, 2006, p. 186). And then, a rage took over that was focused on the absence of the police. Floris Weston [then wife of deceased Cause] recalled, "…I immediately knew that we had been set-up. I didn't have any facts. All I had was my gut and my belief that something was wrong and that someone had helped this to happen" (Final Report, 2006, p. 186). Nelson Johnson, cradling Jim Waller as he took his last breath, said, "I knew in the depths of my soul that we had been set up" (Final Report, 2006, p. 188). He stood up and started shouting those 4 Eddie Dawson was a paid informant for the FBI from 1969 to 1976. In 1979, the Greensboro Police Department hired Dawson to provide inside information on the Klan, despite his documented history of criminal activity and race-based violence. 5 Bernard Butkovich's identity and role were revealed for the first time in a July 1980 Greensboro Record newspaper article that reported he was at the meeting where the United Racist Front formed on September 22, 1979 and where the decision was made to attack the WVO/CWP on November 3 rd (Woodall, 1980, p. A1-2). 6 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 sentiments at the police. The police ran over and demanded that Johnson stop. When he refused, the police wrestled Johnson to the ground, stomped on his neck to keep him pinned down, and then arrested Johnson for inciting a riot. Media accounts of the rampage filled the airwaves and eyewitness newspaper accounts were distributed all over the world. The mass media stories detailed in graphic and written forms the seemingly unthinkable: how two extremist, racist groups had fired upon the protestors in broad daylight, leaving for dead the leftist revolutionaries who had challenged the Klan and Nazis to show up at what would be recorded in City of Greensboro documents and remembered widely as a shootout. The repercussions were vast. City officials braced themselves for more, unwanted hostility and violence by declaring a state of emergency for that zone of the city. Doing so allowed them to conduct searches for weapons, close access to certain neighborhoods and college campuses, step up surveillance efforts, enact a neighborhood curfew, establish a "rumor control center" that fielded 3,000 phone calls in a three day period, and solicit support of uniformed troops from the National Guard. City officials broadcasted warnings on radio and television for citizens to stay away from CWP organized activities, including a funeral march scheduled for a week later. To maintain its standing as a business-friendly and family-oriented place, Greensboro's city leaders immediately launched an aggressive campaign to ward off the inevitable negative publicity. Business and civic leaders demanded the local media tone down the event coverage in order to bring calm back to the city. They further proclaimed that what happened on November 3rd could have happened anywhere for the attack was waged by outside groups. The city's leaders declared the City of Greensboro was the innocent victim caught in the middle of the extremist groups' ideological warfare. Greensboro, said the mayor, took the high road by holding the hand of civility, bringing to light the prowess of the local police to keep order in a difficult time, and thereby united the entire community in the aftermath of the tragedy. In consideration of the severity of the racially charged dispute, the city received assistance from the Community Relations Service (CRS) from the U.S. Department of Justice that had been established by the 1964 Civil Rights Act. A CRS "conciliation" team was dispatched to Greensboro to work side by side with the city's leaders to calm feelings of fear. In the mills, some workers failed to show up on the following Monday. Fear of confrontations led to additional security guards being posted at the textile mills, though their charge was primarily to protect key management officials, not the workers. Black community leaders attempted to assuage the widespread fear by speaking out in their congregations about the lapse of judgment by the police, and by extension the city, in protecting the interests of African American residents. There was no further violence, yet the residents of Morningside Homes were traumatized and then made to feel responsible for the violence by having to abide by strict curfews, explained resident Candy Clapp. The lack of proactive action by the City added to Black community mistrust. The CWP widows' attempts to bury their husbands and friends were thwarted when all the area funeral homes declined to manage the arrangements. Eventually, white Presbyterian minister Z Holler, who did not know the survivors, intervened to help and a funeral procession was planned.6 CWP members planned to carry weapons for self-defense at the funeral march based on their assertion that the police were unable to protect them on November 3rd. Demands and pressure from both the CWP and the police with differing positions ensued until a compromise was struck and the CWP agreed to carry unloaded rifles. 6 Z. Holler's first encounter with Nelson Johnson and the other survivors was in 1979, but it continued through the years. In 1991, he co-founded with Johnson and Barbara Dua, the nonprofit Beloved Community Center. Later, Holler was named a co-chair of the local task force of the Greensboro Community Truth and Reconciliation Project with former Mayor Carolyn Allen and Reverend Gregory Headon. 7 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 City officials responded to the CWP funeral plans with security procedures of their own. 500 National Guardsmen were called in to supplement 400 state and local law enforcement personnel stationed along the funeral route. A 24-hour state of emergency was declared and an influx of FBI agents arrived in town. All cars with out-of-state license plates were searched, as well as vehicles considered suspicious. A CWP contingent from Durham of 35 people faced arrest for possessing weapons during a state of emergency. In total, crowd estimates at the funeral march ranged from 500 to 800, along with nearly 1,000 law enforcement officials and 200 reporters (Waller, 2002). Just over a month after the shootings, the Klan held a fundraiser for the legal defense of the men charged in connection with the deaths. Approximately 100 Klansmen and their families raised $217. Renee Hartsoe, whose husband was charged with murder, expressed confidence that the Klan would get a fair trial because "people in Greensboro are pretty much on the Klan side…It is bad that it happened but white people need to wake up" (Final Report, 2006, p. 232). The national outcry over the violence by anti-racist activists was immediate. More than 300 organizations rallied around Greensboro to address the enduring racism and unrest across the country. The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the nation's largest civil rights organization at the time, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the Interreligious Foundation for Community Organizations (IFCO), and the National Anti-Klan Network, among others, sponsored and mobilized marchers for a February 1980 rally in Greensboro. That event, with crowd estimates of 7,000 to 10,000, is credited as the catalyst for establishing new collaborations and hate-group watchdog groups such as the National Anti-Klan Network and Klan Watch (Wise, 2005).7 Greensboro's citizens likewise were outraged and demanded answers. How could November 3rd have happened? Where were the police? What was the city doing to protect its citizens? In response, five reports were issued in the year following the shootings to help explain what had happened.8 The historical record was being written, but without the knowledge, details, and depth of the undercover and informant operations, that historical record would be distorted from the very beginning. The first report was a 92-page Greensboro Police Department's Internal Affairs Division Administrative Report that was completed less than three weeks after the event. Six months later, two more reports were issued. One was 21 pages long, prepared by the Citizens Review Committee appointed by the city's Human Relations Commission. The citizen group conducted an investigator-less examination of the shootings. The other report was an assessment of the planning and operations of the Greensboro Police Department by an independent consulting firm, McManis Associates, hired by the city. The fourth report came out in October 1980, and contained a 28-page summary analysis by the Human Relations Commission that looked at the contents of the earlier Citizens Review Committee and McManis Associates reports in order to present its own findings and recommendations. The fifth and final report was released in November 1980 by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights and its North Carolina Advisory Committee. Titled "Black White Perceptions: Race Relations in Greensboro," the 51-page report included the views and comments of 25 citizens including Klansman Virgil Griffin and National Socialist Party of America (Nazi Party) leader Harold Covington. The report concluded that Greensboro was a polarized city with two distinct societies, one with economic and political power, and one with neither. White citizens who were interviewed for the report generally recognized Greensboro as a city that was making progress with regard to race relations in terms of a decline in violence, desegregation of schools, and increased social and cultural interactions. Black citizens pointed out the persistent problems of inequity. 7 The National Anti-Klan Network was later renamed the Center for Democratic Renewal. Klan Watch became Hatewatch and is maintained by the Southern Poverty Law Center (www.splcenter.org) which in 2010 reported on the activities of 1002 hate groups in the United States. 8 Some of these reports are archived and available at the Civil Rights Greensboro Digital Collection, http://library.uncg.edu/dp/crg/. 8 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 The Trials At the same time as the reports were being assembled, the groundwork was being set for what would eventually be three court trials. In December, 1979, six KKK and Nazi Party members were indicted for first degree capital murder. In the spring of 1980, the CWP protestors were in trouble as well when six were charged with inciting a riot and/or resisting arrest, charges that were eventually dropped. In August 1980, charges against 14 KKK and Nazis were brought to trial in North Carolina State Court. Based on te television videotapes that showed Klansmen and Nazis shooting and killing the protestors, as well as eyewitness accounts, nearly everyone believed that some or all of the Klan-Nazis would be held accountable for the deaths of the protestors. The all-white jury listened to testimony and viewed videotapes in a courthouse located in downtown Greensboro. They did not hear testimony however from any of the CWP survivors who were convinced that the trial was a sham by the state of North Carolina intended to protect the law enforcement officials not the November 3rd protestors. The survivors, who had wanted but were denied a private prosecutor to assist with the case, expressed concerns that the Greensboro District Attorney's office in charge of the prosecution had made legal strategy decisions and public comments that belittled the position of the survivors. Further, that same office had pending charges against some of the demonstrators. That is, District Attorney Mike Schlosser was in charge of prosecuting the Klan in one case and prosecuting the CWP protestors in other actions. During the trial, the prosecutors did not call on government-paid intelligence agents Eddie Dawson or Bernard Butkovich, which was another example to the CWP of the effort to cover up government complicity in the shootings. The prosecution team countered that Dawson and Butkovich were deemed hostile witnesses who could have hurt the case. Six months after the trial began, the jury deliberated for seven days before issuing their unanimous verdict that the Klan and Nazis were not guilty of the crimes charged against them for murder and rioting. The critical issue considered by the jury in that first trial was whether the Klan and Nazi members acted in self-defense when they fired into the crowd. An FBI analysis that examined the gunshot sound waves taken from television footage recordings concluded that the first two shots fired came from the Klan. But the analysis could not ascertain where shots 3, 4, and 5 originated from, ultimately leaving the jurors to think that those shots may have come from the protestors. According to Assistant District Attorney Jim Coman who like the other members of the prosecution team had an adversarial relationship with the survivors, the verdict was a surprise in light of the videotape evidence, but one that pointed to the CWP's culpability: There would have never been this incident if it weren't for what they [the CWP] did: for inviting the Klan into a housing project and to pass out guns and have kids there in the middle…To me, the conduct of the CWP—as reprehensible as the Klan was—that they won't even admit they did anything wrong, for me, they bear much more responsibility for what happened (Coman, 2005). The jury's decision reflected their view that the CWP protestors were the first aggressors who hit the Klan/Nazi cars with their signs and sticks, which in turn provoked the gunshots. Lead prosecutor and District Attorney Mike Schlosser blamed the verdict on the survivor's lack of cooperation when they refused to testify at the trial and further, disrupted the proceedings with reckless abandon.9 The instigator, he said, of all that CWP action, was Nelson Johnson. "Nelson Johnson is the wheel spoke and hub. He is a plague on this community" (Schlosser, 2005). To wit, Schlosser had defended the bond amount that was set for Johnson for his role in inciting a riot on November 3rd, a bond amount double what was set for any of the Klan or Nazis who had killed people that day. 9 On the first day of the trial, widow Marty Nathan stood, introduced herself, and began shouting that the trial was a sham and a farce. After she was gagged and removed by the bailiff, widow Floris Cause likewise began shouting and released a vial of foul smelling skunk oil onto the floor. Both were sentenced to 30 days in jail (Waller, 2002). 9 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 The verdict sent shockwaves throughout Greensboro. A fire was set downtown as a citizen expression of dismay at the protection of racist murderers. Protests were waged in nearby Chapel Hill and Durham, North Carolina. A wave of opposition to the verdict surfaced in newspaper letters to the editor, resolutions from churches, and public meetings. With this swell of community outrage, efforts were launched for federal intervention. Initially, the U.S. Justice Department stated it had no jurisdiction in the case which created another layer of suspicion among the CWP survivors and citizens in Greensboro who were not convinced that justice had been served. With growing public protest, federal officials begrudgingly initiated a Grand Jury investigation in 1982 that heard testimony from 150 witnesses, including the survivors who had previously been silent. The November 3rd survivors remained angry and convinced that the Justice Department could not impartially investigate the activities of FBI agents and government-paid informants who the survivors said were provocateurs in the events of November 3rd. The survivors' position on this point led them to collect more than 1,100 petition signatures and a request for a special prosecutor, but their contention of a conflict of interests was denied by the U.S. Assistant Attorney General (Waller, 2002). In January 1984, the federal criminal trial began with a secret jury selection, an unusual move that was requested neither by the defense nor the prosecution but enforced by the judge so that potential jurors could speak freely and without fear (Final Report, 2006, p. 287). Once again, the jury was all-white, a situation made possible, as was the case in the first state criminal trial, because preemptory challenges allowed then were used to dismiss Blacks, without cause, from serving on the jury. In the federal criminal trial, the attorneys for the protestors relied on law that would prove racial hatred was the prime motivation for the crimes that took place. In this case, unlike the first state trial, the jury heard from Greensboro Detective Jerry Cooper who followed the Klan-Nazi caravan to the parade and Eddie Dawson on his role as an informant with the Greensboro Police Department. Three months after the second criminal trial began in 1984 and amidst a climate of anti- communism rhetoric, the jury found all the Klansmen and Nazis again not guilty, this time because the jurors did not believe that racist ideology was the impetus for the confrontation, but that hatred of communism was the cause. In addition the jurors believed that the caravan would have moved through the area without incident if the CWP had not made the first hostile move. The last opportunity for justice, reasoned the CWP survivors, was to pursue a federal civil rights trial that they had filed originally in 1980, before the start of the second criminal suit. However, the civil trial had to wait until the criminal proceedings concluded and then it was mired in a motion to dismiss, judicial inaction, and a stay of all discovery. Finally, in 1985, the trial began, focusing on several complaints: The defendants violated the plaintiffs' (survivors) right to assemble, to life, and to equal protection of the laws. Law enforcement and their informants officially encouraged and participated in a conspiracy to cover up the incident. The city had a policy and practice of improperly controlling informants and of encouraging the violation of equal protection of the laws. Wrongful death, conspiracy, and assault and battery claims. In essence, the claims boiled down to two major issues. The 63 defendants—19 Klansmen and Nazis, 36 Greensboro Police Officers and other Greensboro officials, four Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agents, three FBI agents, and the City of Greensboro—were accused of conspiring to deprive the victims of equal protection to protest, and then they concealed those very actions. At the heart of the civil trial was the argument that the CWP members and their supporters were not protected by law enforcement for expressing their unpopular political, economic and social views surrounding labor organizing and racist violence. The suit sought monetary damages on behalf of 16 plaintiffs including the surviving spouses and wounded protestors. In this case, a different standard of proof was in place for the jury, known as "the preponderance of the evidence" rather than the requirement 10 Excerpts from Democracy Speaks: Truth and Reconciliation in Greensboro, NC Spoma Jovanovic, University of North Carolina at Greensboro University of Arkansas Press, 2011 of "beyond a reasonable doubt" used in criminal proceedings. That is, the jurors would need to decide if the evidence they heard was more likely to be true than not. The protestors' six-member legal team assisted by dozens of law students, lay activists, and nonprofit civil liberties organizations collected more than 200 depositions and analyzed 100,000 pages of documents that were bound into 20 volumes. For the first time, the public heard from witnesses under oath about the detailed activities of the Greensboro Police Department, FBI, and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, even though the organizations' covert associations with the Klan and Nazis had been exposed back in 1980. Eddie Dawson testified that after he obtained the parade permit from the Greensboro Police, he and other KKK members planned their attack. He admitted inciting the demonstrators with his shouts. And, he revealed how the police department kept him from testifying at the state criminal trial when Dawson threatened to expose department officials. Meanwhile, public opinion remained decidedly against the Communist Workers Party. In a survey commissioned by the survivors' legal team, two-thirds responded that they would not award money to the victims even if the KKK and Nazis were found to be at fault and/or if the police were culpable (Final Report, 2006, p. 305). The federal civil rights trial lasted three months. Deliberations by the jury lasted 11.5 hours with a verdict handed down on June 6, 1985. This time, the jury was comprised of one African American and five whites, one who was not a native Southerner. Though the decision was far from what the survivors thought adequate, the jury found Greensboro Police Detective Jerry Cooper and his boss, Lt. Paul W. Spoon, along with police informant Eddie Dawson, and three Klansmen and two Nazis liable for conspiracy to commit assault and battery leading to the death of Dr. Michael Nathan. In November of that year, the City of Greensboro agreed to pay the full jury award of $351,000 on its behalf and that of the Klansmen and Nazis to Michael Nathan's estate for his wrongful death (Final Report, 2006, p. 307). An additional $40,000 was awarded but never paid for the injuries sustained by three victims: Dr. Jim Waller, Dr. Paul Bermanzohn and Thomas Clark (Final Report, 2006, p. 308). Despite the judgment, the police did not admit wrongdoing. No reprimands were issued, nor were policies of police action re-evaluated. The judicial proceedings connected to November 3rd took a toll on Greensboro, stretching out more than five years. In three separate trials, the focus had been on assigning guilt and meting out punishment. The outcomes of all three trials were by the end barely acceptable, in large part because they lacked the vital human need for people to talk with one another. There was constant media coverage, a string of political activism projects, interviews, and courtroom drama. Yet, the greatest deficiency in the managing of the events of November 3rd was the near-absent conversation among residents in Greensboro about what had happened, their feelings about labor and racial inequities, and their vision for the future based on community and government cooperation. The residents of Morningside Homes suffered without the benefit of counseling or the opportunity to speak of their trauma. The survivors, intent on making political advances faced obstacles in telling their complete stories, obstacles from outside their control and also of their own making. Even city officials were adversely affected. In being ever vigilant about image control, they steered themselves away from an open, honest examination of what happened on November 3rd and what changes should have been considered for the future to ensure the safety and well- being of the community. The cumulative impact, then, was the painful lack of substantive discussion and deliberation about this significant episode in Greensboro. Amid the political rancor that preceded and followed November 3rd, there was little mention as well of the people who were gunned down that day. The CWP Five, as they would be known among the protestors, were accomplished young adults whose lives were noteworthy. The Truth and Reconciliation process thus had among its goals to reclaim the humanity of those who died on November 3rd as well their spouses and friends who survived. Comments may be forwarded to the author at firstname.lastname@example.com. 11
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I am having a tough time finding pump manufacturers who offer NSF certified pumps. It sounds simple enough at face value but many searches and conversations have been futile. Maybe you know of a few possible suppliers.
If most of the attachment boundary were along the short edge of the plate, the natural frequency of resonance would be somewhat less than if the plate were attached mostly along the wide edge.
Water shortages, failing infrastructure, broke governments, a crumbling municipal bond market and the need for high subsidies.
Fluid handling requirements and methods in the biopharm industry are in transition.
Operations and Maintenance Manuals aren't enough; end users need Owner's Manuals.
Research and referrals help to choose the best package for the application. pump system optimization
Positive displacement pumps are known as the poor cousin in the global pumps market.
Adjustable frequency drives for improved energy efficiency and parallel, multiphase pumps

subset: commoncrawl


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Men's, Women's Swimming Sweep Mount Union, Women Fall to Akron
Musketeers Face Cleveland State and Oakland at CSU Tomorrow
Xavier Swimming Starts Second Half of Season Against IUPUI, Ball State
Emily Wagner and Nick Strader Have Strong Showings in Distance Events for Musketeers
Men's Swimming Takes Second, Women Third at CSU Magnus Invitational
Men's McGeehan, Moss Collect First Place Finishes; Women's 400 Free Relay Sets New School Record
Xavier Swimming Dominates The Water Against DePauw
Stewart, Kroeger and Johanns Each Won Four Events In The Meet.
Xavier Swimming Fares Well In First Competition Of 2014
Strader Wins Two Distance Races, While Johanns, Suriano And Thompson Also Win Events.
2013-14 BIG EAST All-Academic Team
2013-14: Competed in the 50 and 100 freestyle, 100 and 200 backstroke, 50, 100 and 200 butterfly, 200 and 500 free relays and 400 medley relay in her freshman campaign ... Posted a Top-20 program time in the 100 fly (59.60) ... Earned top personal times in the 100 free (54.99) and the 100 back (1:01.74) at the BIG EAST Championships ... Placed fifth in the 200 back (2:23.36) in a meet versus Miami (Ohio) and sixth in the 200 fly (2:10.62) at the Magnus Cup Invitational.


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From The Collaborative International Dictionary of English v.0.48 [gcide]:
2. (Law) (a) Physical force. (b) Moral power.
{Principle of vis viva} (Mech.), the principle that the difference between the aggregate work of the accelerating forces of a system and that of the retarding forces is equal to one half the vis viva accumulated or lost in the system while the work is being done.
{Vis impressa} [L.] (Mech.), force exerted, as in moving a body, or changing the direction of its motion; impressed force.
{Vis inertiae}. [L.] (a) The resistance of matter, as when a body at rest is set in motion, or a body in motion is brought to rest, or has its motion changed, either in direction or in velocity. (b) Inertness; inactivity.
Note: Vis intertiae and inertia are not strictly synonymous. The former implies the resistance itself which is given, while the latter implies merely the property by which it is given.
{Vis mortua} [L.] (Mech.), dead force; force doing no active work, but only producing pressure.
{Vis vitae}, or {Vis vitalis} [L.] (Physiol.), vital force.
{Vis viva} [L.] (Mech.), living force; the force of a body moving against resistance, or doing work, in distinction from vis mortua, or dead force; the kinetic energy of a moving body; the capacity of a moving body to do work by reason of its being in motion. See {Kinetic energy}, in the Note under {Energy}. The term vis viva is not usually understood to include that part of the kinetic energy of the body which is due to the vibrations of its molecules.
The dictionary definitions are retrieved from a local copy of two of the open source DICT dictionaries. Click here for the database copyright information. DEFINE.COM is registered as an educational NONPROFIT corporation. We aim to please around here. We believe in using positive reinforcement to get things done. We make suggestions that are intended to make life more enjoyable. We think about efficiency, automation, security, PRIVACY, social and ecological responsibility and positive HUMANITARIAN ethics and VALUES. We are benevolent. DO NO HARM is our motto.


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Project 365 - 265
Have already done this shot before but not very well so thought I'd try it again for NZFM competition.
mchaaban, mettaseva, Sprout New Media, and 4 other people added this photo to their favorites.
I used this lovely picture to illustrate my blog post # 0007 at http://spiritspeakdairies.com and gave you credit on the Photo Credits page. Thanks for such a great photo!


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"Considering the recent shenanigans the FCC pulled with net neutrality, I'm willing to bet this is total posturing" Got to agree LordJohnWhorfin. Fact is that with Netflix now havin to pay AT & T, Netflix expect most newcomers to be forced out. This has just removed most US competition with all non Netflix users etc losing big time. Netflix users also lose as they get to have less choice/higher fees.
7/31/14 at 3:50am


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From Maxwell's Dogster Photos[ View profile page ]
Leave A Comment | 1 person already has
Max really does look a lot like Vader, especially from this picture.
Wildebeest creates the perfect present for new dog parents.20
Leave A Comment | 1 person already has
January 23rd 2012 at 1:01 pm
Copyright © I-5 Publishing, LLC. All rights reserved.


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We're sorry, we need more information to run your search. Please enter a last name (adding more details will improve your results).
In order to collect the right information about Jerry Wagnon you have to search the right way. PeopleFinders.com provides you with a vast array of data about Jerry Wagnon such as recent addresses, phone numbers, relatives, and age. First Name] Wagnon was born in [YOB] and is years old. Her most recent address is located in Honolulu, HI . Based on our records, her relatives include [RELATIVES], among others.
To assist you with pinpointing the exact Jerry Wagnon, we have collected all the data we have on hand. This info enables you to hit upon the correct Jerry and includes details such as age, phone numbers, and known aliases. If the Jerry on this page does not match the Jerry you require, you can explore the list of people with the Wagnon above.
Refine your search process by typing extra info into the search fields above. When you provide extra details—first name, middle name, last name, city, state and/or age—we can respond with the appropriate results for your search of Jerry Wagnon. When you have managed to pinpoint the correct Jerry Wagnon that you have to find, you can take your time browsing through all the public records data we have for Jerry Wagnon.


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"The definition of being a modern person is to examine yourself, to reflect on yourself and to be a self-knowledgeable person."
"Mama, your legs" (2000)
"'Mama, your legs' is the first moving piece I ever made. As outrageous and wayward as I thought I was being by making this moving piece, there's some- thing important about reaching out to places that are wayward, outrageous, and downright stupid in the way they look and behave."
- Ursula von Rydingsvard


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- A practitioner's journal on household energy, stoves and poverty reduction.
Browse related tagsBrowse in:
28 results found
Cotton Stalks a useful waste
FoST Nepal runners up in the World Challenge 2007
For their work on biomass briquettes made from waste, The Foundation for Sustainable Technologies (FoST) in Nepal have been awarded a runners up prize in the World Challenge 2007, brought to you by BB
Gambian charity seeks help to develop a paper briquetting/stove project
A paper recycling charity in The Gambia is looking for support with a paper briquetting/stove project. The project seeks to use waste from the recycling process to create a household fuel.
GVEP International publishes a study on briquettes in Kenya
As part of the Developing Energy Enterprises Project – East Africa (DEEP–EA) GVEP International has released a study on briquettes in Kenya.
Mr Recycle - Empowering disadvantaged people in our communities
A South African recycling company is looking for advice on a project idea to create briquettes for household cooking from waste paper & cardboard. Any offers of advice or funding towards successful im
PRSP (Gambia) seek funding for a biomass stove/briquette programme and innovative marketing approach
''New fuel efficient stove and bio-mass briquettes'' and ''Taking the mystery out of "environmental awareness" with a smile - gambian style'': Both projects are at an advanced development stage and th
Widows' Biomass Energy Project Going Strong
RWANDA - More than 100 families are making a living on an innovation that just sprung three years ago, thanks to a group of women garbage collectors who discovered a goldmine in what many people conti
Latest News
- CEEW: New report on 'Clean, Affordable and Sustainable Cookin...
- Queen Mary, University of London: Cheap Solar Cells made from...
- SciDev.Net: Solar Powered Water ATMS in India
- IRENA and ADFD: New Project Loans for Renewable Energy in Rur...
- World Bank: Regional Solar Market Initiative launched at Powe...
- GosolarAfrica: $2million capital to install stand-alone roof ...
- GVEP: Jiko Smart Improved Cookstoves
- Knowledge Point: Energy Knowledge Partnership


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Laura Johnson
Director of Marketing and Administration
Laura is the Director of Marketing and Administration. If you have received a seminar invitation in the mail, seen our flier in the local newspaper or viewed our website, you have already experienced some of the work Laura does at the Duane Johnson Group. She's also responsible for making sure the office runs smoothly.
Danielle Boore
Office Manager
Danielle is our Office Manager. She is your first impression to our office, making you feel welcome as the first person you see when you visit or the first voice you hear when you call. Danielle supports the Duane Johnson Group team in many daily tasks. She is the happy face who greets our seminar attendees and is
responsible for organizing Seminar set-ups. Danielle has extensive banking industry experience and has supervised two credit unions.
David Santos
Financial Professional, Insurance Licensed
David has been working with the Duane Johnson Group since 2012, and his primary goal is to help both retirees and pre-retirees have more confidence in their financial futures. He is passionate about serving our clients by helping them accomplish their financial goals. David was in the United States Marine Corps for more than 22 years. He resides in Riverside County with his wife and two sons.
Michelle Faraoni
Financial Professional, Insurance Licensed
Michelle is the newest team member of the Duane Johnson Group. Since 2009 her primary goal is to help both retirees and pre-retirees have more confidence in their financial futures. One size does not fit all and Michelle seeks to fully understand your individual needs and goals and then custom tailor them to meet your plan. She resides in Lake Elsinore and has 3 daughters and a new son-in-law.


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728 Plank Road
Commute to Downtown Schenectady
Almost all errands require a car.
Score Details
728 Plank Road has a Walk Score of 5 out of 100. This location is a Car-Dependent neighborhood so almost all errands require a car.
Nearby schools include Mother Teresa Academy, Shenendehowa High School and Skano Elementary School.
The closest grocery stores are mygofer, Oliva! and Big Lots.
Nearby coffee shops include Dunkin' Donuts, Dunkin' Donuts and MochaLisa's Caffe. Nearby restaurants include Golden Grain Pizza, Veneto's Pizza & Pasta and East Palace Buffet.
Explore how far you can travel by car, bus, bike and foot from 728 Plank Road.


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Recent answers to I am having trouble watching Netflix and I was told to ask Firefox to helphttps://support.mozilla.org/en-US/questions/9500892013-02-11T06:34:23-08:00See also https://support.mozilla.org/kb/use-silverlight-plugin-play-audio-and-video 2013-02-11T06:34:23-08:00cor-elhttps://support.mozilla.org/en-US/questions/950089#answer-406751
See also https://support.mozilla.org/kb/use-silverlight-plugin-play-audio-and-video
hello, you appear to be using a very outdated version of firefox - please try to Update Firefox to t2013-02-11T06:21:17-08:00philipphttps://support.mozilla.org/en-US/questions/950089#answer-406743
hello, you appear to be using a very outdated version of firefox - please try to Update Firefox to the latest version first & see if this is already addressing the issue. if not please try to describe in more detail what exactly isn't working or happening when you try to watch something on netflix. thanks...


text: Hi: We live in the BAy Area and have had our cute house at Sunnyslopes for 16 years. We keep it spotlessly clean and seldom rent it. We liked the Airbnb concept so thought we would try this out. Try our house in the summer! The high easter sierra weather and outdoor activities cannot be beat!


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Rising stars shine in Microsoft NZ Partner AwardsMar 20
Featured Newcomers mounted a challenge to the familiar faces at last night's Microsoft New Zealand 2015 Partner Awards, and the winners were... Read More →
Featured Newcomers mounted a challenge to the familiar faces at last night's Microsoft New Zealand 2015 Partner Awards, and the winners were... Read More →
Featured Datacom has scooped three of the top awards at EMC's 2014 ANZ Business Partner Program Awards. Read More →
As a key strategic partner in the MuleSoft channel programme, Datacom will ensure clients across APAC can address on-premises, cloud and hybrid integration use cases. Read More →
Datacom provides exceptional customer outcomes underpinned by a service that leverages our experience and that of our partners. Read More →
Featured The institute says it will use the Careers Expo to help address some of the misconceptions about IT and promote the industry as a compelling career option for young people. Read More →
Featured Datacom has migrated Zespri International's global SAP platform along with other applications to Microsoft Azure. Read More →
Featured "As a leader he was quiet, astute, and will be missed by many of us who knew and worked with him over the years." Read More →
Featured Mere blocks away from the Presidential elite in Washington D.C., Microsoft's Worldwide Partner Conference is now officially a Kiwi affair. Read More →
Featured Representing the pinnacle of IT industry awards in New Zealand, the Microsoft Partner Awards is set to take place in Auckland tomorrow... Read More →
Featured Microsoft has revealed the finalists for the 2013 Microsoft New Zealand Partner Awards, with a host of top Kiwi companies in the running. Read More →
Datacom has been named winner of EMC's Outstanding Achievement Award for Premier Partner, New Zealand, with Ingram Micro taking out EMC Distributor of the Year for ANZ. Read More →
Featured Wellington's high-technology companies in the TIN100 have grown three times faster than any other region in the country. Read More →
Kiwi companies take several top regional awards at the PC vendor's partner awards... Read More →
Auckland-based Kinetics Group is a global winner after taking out a supreme award for Small Business Partner of the Year at the annual Microsoft Worldwide Partner Conference, while Datacom won the Country Partner of the Year award for New Zealand. Read More →
Market demand means Datacom is making plans to expand the recently opened Hamilton datacentre. Read More →


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Everything.The staff are excellent, helpful .I will most certainly recommend the Hyatt Sao Paulo. - Anonymous
Excellent Localization for my business , near shops and stores and Dinner . - Anonymous
location and staff manager drove us to the train station eventhough it was out of his was! - Charles
a good standard hotel, english speaking staff, decent breakfast. it is in a safe area, but a bit far from everything, lovely view from the roof, unfortunately it was too cold to try the pool. - Anonymous
Excellent breakfast included in price. Employees spoke excellent English. Right next door to great shopping mall. Room for 3 people, my husband, myself and our grown son had an entirely separate room with bath for our son (unlike some triple rooms that just include a cot in the room). Good taxi service out front. Great beds. - Anonymous
Reception stuff was wonderful and helpful. They were speaking fluent English. Thanks to Felipe, Fabio and Kaique. Rooms were so clean, shower was amazing. Every morning i got up early and took shower. Breakfast was awesome.1 hour is not enough for this amazing breakfast.. 10 points goes to Royal Jardins Boutique Hotel from Turkey.. - Anonymous
The staff and location were perfect. - Anonymous
The service was great, people was atencious, good breakfast and the location is very close to everything. - Lanna
This was the best Novotel I have stayed in. As an A Club Favourite Guest I have stayed in many of your hotels but the staff here where so helpful and friendly they made our stay so pleasurable. All staff from the bell boys to the management were excellent. They are a credit to your hotel group. - Anonymous
Japanese foods are served E.G. Gohan, Misoshiru, Tsukemono etc. - Anonymous
i stayed in three hotels in brazil but blue is wasthe best i stay.good service very comfortable and friendly staff. - Anonymous
It was close to Lollapalooza, the place I went with wife and children. - Anonymous


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Helicopter Crashes in Downtown Seattle, Killing 2, Injuring at Least 1 [UPDATED]
A helicopter belonging to Seattle news station KOMO crashed on Tuesday morning near Fisher Plaza, near the famed Space Needle.
A helicopter belonging to Seattle news station KOMO crashed on Tuesday morning near Fisher Plaza, near the famed Space Needle.
It wasn't exactly the 1989 earthquake that rattled San Francisco shortly before a World Series game was scheduled to be played, but a quake did occur early Monday morning in Los Angeles while several local news shows were on the air.
Check out these reactions as the 4.4 earthquake hit. No injuries hav
The Monday after Selection Sunday means it's time to start filling out your NCAA Tournament bracket so that you can earn the respect of your co-workers for the next year.
The Rolling Stones are still able to get into trouble with their lyrics.
Everyone enjoys putting on their best green clothes on March 17 and being Irish for a day. We've all heard there was a saint and something to do with snakes in Ireland and now we have parades and drink green beer. But what do we really know about St. Patrick's Day?
Two Iranian men with stolen passports on Malaysia Airlines flight 370 do not appear connected to terrorism.
On Friday, March 7, Malaysian Airlines flight 370 vanished from the skies (and radar). Three days later, authorities are no closer to figuring out what happened to it, leaving the fate of the 239 passengers (including three Americans) and crewmembers unknown.
A scary skydiving accident could've been a lot worse than it turned out to be.
Creedence Clearwater Revival enjoyed a banner year in 1969, releasing three classic LPs jam-packed with hits, and they'll commemorate that incredible run with a limited edition release for Record Store Day 2014.
The next six weeks are known as Tax Season, and we've come up with a few ways to lower your bill that you might not know about.


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According to The Hollywood Reporter, Shameless actress Jane Levy is in talks to play a role in Paramount's upcoming teen comedy Fun Size, a film to-be-helmed by TV showrunner and first time feature director Josh Schwartz. Penned by The Colbert Report's Max Werner, the Halloween-set story follows a teen (played by Victoria Justice) as she takes her little brother trick-or-treating only to lose him along the way. Levy will play the best friend of Justice's character, though we don't know anything else about the character or the film at this time.
With her striking eyes and beautiful features, Levy is sure to climb the ladder to Hollywood's hot list. She's about to start shooting her first feature, Nobody Walks, with John Krasinski and director Ry Russo-Young and will likely return for Shameless' second season as well.
Source: The Hollywood Reporter


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State Again Activates Severe Weather Protocol
Gov. Dannel P. Malloy is reactivating Connecticut's action plan for severe cold weather, as bitter cold is predicted to return to the state.
Governor Says Shelters Were 20% Over Capacity
Briefing the state on weather conditions at noon Friday at the State Armory, Governor Malloy says the concern is the extreme cold and a wind chill forecast as low as 25 below.
Governor's Storm Briefing
Hear Governor Malloy's full briefing from the Armory as broadcast on WTIC NewsTalk 1080,
Governor Directs Early Dismissal At State Agencies
As the state prepares for more snow and frigid temperatures, Governor Malloy ordered state agency heads to release state workers early to help manage the afternoon commute. The governor will brief the state on storm […]
Flags To Fly At Half-Staff Monday For Sandy Hook
Gov. Dannel P. Malloy and Lt. Gov. Nancy Wyman are directing U.S. and Connecticut flags to fly at half-staff on Saturday in honor of the 20 children and six adults who were killed a year ago at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown.
Malloy Names New State Supreme Court Justice
Gov. Dannel P. Malloy has nominated state Appellate Court Judge Richard Robinson to serve on Connecticut's highest court.
Governor Calls For Church Bells On Sandy Hook Anniversary
HARTFORD, Conn. (AP) _ Connecticut's governor is calling for houses of worship to mark the first anniversary of the Newtown school shooting by ringing their bells 26 times– once for each of the victims killed […]
Low-Interest Loan Fund Will Help Residents, Businesses Prepare For Severe Weather
The state of Connecticut is creating a low-interest revolving loan fund to help homeowners and businesses elevate and flood-proof their structures, in preparation for future severe weather and floods.
Malloy California Trip Prompts Call For Review Of Fundraising Rules
Republicans have raised questions about Governor Dannel Malloy's recent fundraising trip to California. Malloy said he would not apologize for raising money for Democratic causes– and said he expects to continue to do so in future.
Connecticut's Elected Officials React To Capitol Compromise
A number of Connecticut's elected officials issued statements on the Congressional compromise on the debt ceiling and government shutdown.


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I had a question that Jeff was able to help me with. His suggestions were varied and useful and will help me very soon. Thanks for going the extra...Read More ->
MJM Magic is that 1 online store that has everything a magician needs. I'm a beginner magician but performing professional stage illusions! (And I'm...Read More ->


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These Dogs Live a Life of Silent Torture, Even Though They Weren't Directly Abused
New Kitten Learns Which Cat Is Boss
Petting: What Your Dog Craves Most from You
Dr. Karen Becker Discusses Arsenic Poisoning
Dr. Becker Discusses Necrosis of the Femoral Head in Dogs
Dr. Becker Discusses Gastroesophageal Reflux Disease
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Stop this silent killer of companion pets. A simple and inexpensive new blood test can now show if your cat's or dog's heart is overtaxed… protect his heart health with these proactive steps…
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BAE Systems announced it will invest approximately $100 million to expand drydocking capabilities at its San Diego shipyard.
The investment, which will include
Trinidad Dry Dock Company to develop new ship repair yard at Port of Spain; company requests Expressions of Interest for Environmental Impact Assessment and Geotechnical
Klaus Nyborg, interim CEO at Denmark-based dry bulk and product tanker shipping company Dampskibsselskabet NORDEN A/S, expects difficult dry cargo market conditions
With ESPRIT CAM software, Armor Mécanique has the wind in its sails; 50% time savings, better quality and new markets thanks to 3D machining
Established in 1984
SENER informs it will take active part in SINAVAL-EUROFISHING from April 21-23, a fair held every two years in Bilbao.
During the exhibition, SENER will present


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X-To-Tha-Z was recently across the pond with protege Young De and appeared on Tim Westwood's show. Of course, the duo dropped a freestyle. We see you in the back, Sumit. Ha!
Tag: tim westwood
During his recent visit on Tim Westwood's 1Xtra show, The Green Eyed Bandit left his mark over Game's "Red Nation". Not bad E-Double.
During Big Sean's UK adventure, he stopped by Tim Westwood's BBC Radio 1xtra radio show and let his flow go over the airwaves. He went in, boi.
During the annual Gumball 3000 in London last month, the Trill O.G. swung by the BBC Radio studio and let off a brief freestyle over DJ Drama's "Oh My".
During the Wu's UK invasion, Method Man, U-God and Masta Killa stopped by Tim Westwood's show for a 11 minute freestyle over some notable instrumentals—"Yonkers" included.
[vodpod id=Video.10994082&w=540&h=350&fv=%26rel%3D0%26border%3D0%26] Fabolous' site documented his recent trip to London where he stopped by DJ Semtex's show as well as Tim Westwood's before taking the stage at The Forum. Loso's Way 2 coming September 13.
Bun B stopped by Tim Westwood's show yesterday on BBC 1xtra and before getting into his interview, he kicked a traditional freestyle. Expect footage any minute now.


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loverKSA Posted:
Chroming was good and looks
Artman1636 Posted:
Looks good. It looks like a chromed version of the original.
roadrunner357m Posted:
finsh and fit was good looks a lot better then the black stock one on the rest of the chrome.
JRohrbaugh Posted:
how can you beat a chrome dip stick...buy it...it is worth it!
Aprilisgreat2006 Posted:
Chroming was good and looks even better on the bike.
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Lovely hand make canves!!!
Selling hand made canves.Price £25 each.Size is about 30/30.Looks awesome on the wall and its good for a present.I can make any colour and any size. If you want any please text me.If you live in Coventry i can bring it to you and if you like to see t


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Help! I need a new washer!
The control board on my 10 year only Maytag Neptune has just gone out. Estimate to fix is $400- 500. So, I'm thinking it might be time to get a new one. But I am so confused by the information I am getting. Every model seems to have such conflicting reviews. Anyone have suggestions for a really reliable, really good machine? I am pretty sure I want to stay with a front-loader. Any help is much appreciated...
If you are looking in the ~ 4 cu ft sub $1200 class....
JD Power has Samsung #1 and LG #2
In the past customer service and finding parts in smaller cities and rural areas was a problem for the Koreans. Seems to have gotten better lately.
In its most recent test May 2013 the Maytag Maxima XL MHW7000AW is Consumer Report's top rated washer giving excellent results in 45 min cycle. Blurb in link
BTW 7-10 years is a normal lifespan for modern washers. So 10 years for your Maytag is pretty good. More reliability for front load washers will require European size ~ 2.5 cu ft and more than $1200.
Here is a link that might be useful: LINK
"Do you think there is any difference in models they sell vs. the same machine bought from an appliance store?"
Yes ... if you hate them, you'll have a much easier time returning them to Costco. Otherwise, if it is the same model number, it is the same machine.
If you like your Neptune and the bearings are still quiet, you might check around and find the board you need and I would think you could install it yourself for a LOT less than the price quoted. Might be on ebay or check one of the parts places like repair clinic for a price.
I am not a "handy-man" type.
But I installed my own front load washer.
I think it is intuitive to disconnect the old washer and then you see how to connect the new one.
The most difficult part for me was to realize there were four bolts holding the drum in place that had to be removed from the back of the washer.
Or I could've opened the yellow pages(electronically of course) and paid a plumber/handy-man $69 to come and install. Best price is usually found on craigslist but there you don't see bonded licenses.
I have a local used appliance/repair shop. I sold him my old washer for $25 and he came and took it away.
Additionally, there are two guys in pick-ups that drive by on recycle pickup day and scavenge for metal.
My trash waste company has heavy things pickups twice a year where you just put on curb and they pickup. Also they allow me to call twice a year and schedule a pickup of heavy item without charge. Third time in one calendar year there is a charge.
Thanks again for your help. Does it seem weird to you that the Whirlpool Duet has really lousy reviews on the Costco website, but really high reveiws on other websites? I had narrowed my choice down to this one based on a lot of good reveiws, then found it at Costco. But the reviews there are really bad. And the model numbers aren't exactly the same...could they have a cheaper, less stable model?
They make Duet models in at least three different factories in at least three different countries.
In the past it made a vast difference which one you bought.
They don't usually give Costco their best new stuff, they give Costco a volume discount on the stuff they need to move.
If you are going to follow CR's advice then FOLLOW CR'S ADVICE. And get the model they tested.


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tomatoes in the far north and Edmonton area
I've been serious (I actually want some productive tomatoes) about growing tomatoes for about 4 years. I'm getting closer to success but have quite away to go. Determinants in pots are doing well. The tomatoes in the ground are slow to ripen and smaller than expected. My neighbour has massive tomatoes and a neat micro-climate. He prunes to one stem. Mine are crowded and untouched by human hands (except for tieing them to stakes).
I'd like to know how others in the far north are doing, particularly in northern zone 3a or lower and Edmonton area.
Here are some charts with my weather this year.
heat units at local weather stations from planting out
This year's tomato crop is both smaller and lighter than normal, but still a good productive one. There are certain things I always do to assist in having a reliable crop despite weather conditions. Firstly, I place a makeshift mini greenhouse over the entire row and this being left on until plants are large and blooming away. The plastic is flipped off to ensure good wind and bee pollination, but placed back on in the event of chilly or overly wet conditions and if hail threatens! Plants are pruned to three or four main stems with lower foliage and suckers being removed, I also prune out foliage that congests the center of the plants and nip back the large leaves by half. Of course, plants are always kept fed and watered.
Abundant fruit shown here, I also have clusters with much larger individual fruit :)
The past few years I've only grown indeterminate cherry tomatoes and 3 plants produce enough to eat and can. (yes I can cherry tomatoes, it's not as bad as it sounds and they have a lot of flesh) I don't prune at all, this year I actually dropped the ball and they didn't even get staked up properly. They don't get BER which is my problem with tomatoes. Mine are planted in full sun all day except early morning.
I start all my tomatoes indoors in about March and repot them until it's time to plant them out. Pinch them out a bit and nip off the flowers. They always produce ripe fruit by mid summer. I don't consider myself a tomato expert but I'm happy with the results I get.
Was attempting to reply to this thread earlier and lost my message. Silly computer!
Hi Larry,
I have been growing tomatoes in this house for the last 7 years and Dad has been growing them here for the 60 or so years before that. You are not far from me in Edmonton either. I have picked up a few tips for successful tomatoes from the old neighbours around here over the years and a few things I have learned myself by trial and error.
The most success I've had is with early, northern bred tomatoes and ones that don't get too big unless you want to baby them a bit. Bush Beefsteak I have had lots of success with if we get a warm summer. They are huge! Early Girl, Ultra Girl, Celebrity, Romas and all the cherry ones are great. I especially love the Sun Sweet yellow cherry toms. This year I put in 2 Sun Sweet and an orange cherry and Sweet Millions red. Pink Ultra Girl, Early Girl, Bush Beefsteak and a red Ultra Girl I think. All have done ok but not a great year for tomatoes thanks to the lack of sun!
So this is what I have learned:
Tomatoes like water. LOTS of water. Dad used to put the hose on low and move it to each tomato as he worked around the yard. He called it "flooding the tomatoes"., Many times that was my job. I put bottomless ice cream pails over mine when I plant them so they get more water sinking in slowly. Also protects them a bit when they are little. Water from below and not from a sprinkler. They don't like wet leaves.
Tomatoes like to eat! I try to use organic fertilizer like fish guts or kitchen scraps but they like food of any kind it seems! Compost tea too! Alaska fish fertilizer, if you can find it, works great too!
Tomatoes like protection from the elements. I plant against a south wall, fence or other structure. They also like protection from bugs so I have made it a habit to plant marigolds and basil or sage with them. Lemon basil is the best as it isn't too strong. I have yet to find bugs on my tomatoes.
Tomatoes like support. I tie mine with vet wrap ( available at All Care Vet and Pet on 82 St and 132 Ave in Edmonton), panty hose or strips of fabric. I usually put a cage around them when I plant them out and stake higher if necessary. The cherry toms are grown against the fence or garden wrought iron thingies. Or the wire dog pen!
I have found that I get ripe fruit and more of it if I keep the vines trimmed of excess foliage so the sun can reach them and so the energy they have goes into the fruit and not the leaves.
I have over 50 different varieties of tomato seeds and have had some success with most of them. It is just a matter of personal taste I guess. I have started toms inside in front of a south window and under lights. This year I had volunteers in my garden from last years seeds! I don't plant them out till all chance of frost is gone, hopefully.....even if it is June 1st. And I pick them right up until frost. Pack the green ones in layers until ripe and freeze them to use throughout the winter. If you can get pear boxes with those bumpy cardboard sheets to put between the layers it is easy to check them as they ripen. :)
That's what I have learned about tomatoes. I hope I have given you some food for thought. :)
This year I grew tomatoes in the raised beds, used agribon over hoops after planting out good sized transplants, used the red plastic mulch and fertilized regularly with 15-30-15. I used rain water initially, then switched to drip irrigation when the plants had a lot of fruit and needed to be watered more frequently.
My raised bed garden is protected with cotoneaster hedging to the north and west, and is in full sun all day long.
We had a nice summer although not excessively hot and not very many warm (warmer than +15) nights. But there was plenty of sunshine.
I grew 3 varieties - Sungold which are an indeterminate very sweet cherry type and am more than happy with how they produced & ripened. Roma's produced heavy but have been slow to ripen. And Celebrity, a hybrid, which has also been slow to ripen although produced plenty of fruit. Roma's ripen faster than Celebrity. They also taste much better. I won't grow Celebrity again - bland tasting like grocery store tomatoes.
I did not prune the plants until about mid-August, at that time I pruned off most of the leaves and stems and pruned back all the tops to stop the production of more fruit.
I won't use the red plastic mulch again, although I may use black plastic to keep the soil as warm as possible. I think warming the soil well before planting is also beneficial, as is initially using warm-ish water if irrigation is necessary.
Right now it's 8 pm and only +3C...frost for sure tonight. Yesterday I picked off all the Celebrity and Roma's, and any of the Sungold that were ripe or almost there (2 gallons worth). I've covered the Sungolds with a double layer of Agribon, I'm hoping that will be enough to get them thru tonight.
Reading this thread, I'm regretting that I planted no tomatoes this year :-( They are such a fickle crop in Edmonton... one of the first years I grew them (about a dozen plants), I was so swamped with ripe tomatoes that I canned 10 gallons (40 - 1L jars), on top of what we ate fresh and gave away. Then last year I got zero ripe tomatoes before frost. But homegrown tomatoes beat anything else we can get around here for taste, so I think I'll grow them next year and not worry about whether I get a lot or a little.
Grew Sungold, Tumbler and Sophie's Choice this year. Got lots off of Sungold and Tumbler already, with more ripening rapidly. Sophie's Choice has a good yield but still needs to ripen.
I always do Sungold and Tumbler. Both are quick growers with good yield. I did get thousands of tomatoes off six Tumbler plants a couple of (or was it three?) years ago.
My tomato crop got pretty well wiped out from the hail this year, from about 10 plants..out in the open, we got about five pounds, had about another10 plants on the south side of trees and the hail didn't do as much damage...got about 60lb. and only about 5 were red, luckily we have some in the greenhouse. The best results we usually have with Early Girl, starting in April with seed in the house. It seems every time we buy plants we end up getting some disease.
This from a better year, early girl.
It was a terrible year for tomatoes in Peace River -- most of mine are just ripening now, and we've only got about another week before the first frost hits. I usually have best success with indeterminate varieties -- "Sweet Million" is incredibly prolific, and I usually have ripe tomatoes in mid-July.
Good cold morning all.
My tomatoes this year were terrible and I even got blossom end rot for the first time. I do most of all the hints on here although, twrosz, I'm certain we'd all be interested in pictures of your "makeshift mini greenhouse". I assume it also withstands wind and that you also use it in the fall if necessary?


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Cruise--Advance Credit Card Information
In a few months, I am going on a Hawaiian cruise booked through AAA Travel. The agent has requested my passport and credit card info in advance. She claims the cruise line (Norweigan) requires the information before the cruise date. I don't mind sharing my passport info, but not my credit card info.
Have any of you had experience with this practice?
I have never had to give them my CC number, but I traveled with a tour group that I paid so my part is prepaid. Maybe it is like a hotel, you have to give your number to make a reservation. Call another agency and ask for another opinion.
Also you might not know that a cruise ship usually charges $10 a day for tips. If you are on a weeks trip that would run you $70. If you are going with your husband it will be $140. It does get expensive. I did not like that and I told them at the desk not to charge me. I like to tip people I deal with personally.
I would think this would be standard since they will give you a key-card that you can then use to charge any extras during the cruise and then have it all on one itemized receipt. Getting the CC information in advance can help speed up the check-in process on boarding day.
We signed up recently through AAA for a Royal Caribbean Cruise in September. We had to give passport and CC information to pay the down payment required. When I emailed AAA for a receipt and asked a few questions.. one being when our date was to pay the balance.. They replied "Your deposit of $500 has been processed by Royal Caribbean and your final payment will be charged to the card on file July 1, 2014."
That was news to me.. but I was watching over hubby's shoulder when he filled out the online AAA travel form to sign up for the cruise where you enter all that info.. I suppose it's possible that there was a box checked regarding the rest of the balance being charged to the card.. I'm not sure.. or something maybe in the terms that I'm sure we had to check a box for .. They did seem nice and helpful enough in their reply.. and either way we will be paying from that account on that date.. so I'm ok with it I guess. I did like that we got a couple of extras going through AAA like A Complimentary Soda Package and One Dinner for two at a Specialty Restaurant on Board the ship in addition to the extras from Royal Caribbean :)
Have a great trip.. This will be our third Cruise through
Royal Caribbean.


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Apr 23, 2014 5:39 AM by Bob Grotenhuis
COLORADO SPRINGS - Police are investigating an armed robbery in central Colorado Springs.
It happened shortly after 10 p.m. in the 1400 block of Alvarado Drive.
Police say a gunman entered an apartment accompanied by the tennants, then robbed them.
A manhunt is underway for the gunman.
He is described as a 25-year-old black man, 165 pounds, carrying a small semi-automatic handgun.
3 months ago