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Global connections are everywhere. So how does one study the global?
This book is about aspirations for global connection and how they come to life in "friction," the grip of worldly encounter. Capitalism, science, and politics all depend on global connections. Each spreads through aspirations to fulfill universal dreams and schemes. Yet this is a particular kind of universality: It can only be charged and enacted in the sticky materiality of practical encounters. This book explores this practical, engaged universality as a guide to the yearnings and nightmares of our times.
Post-colonial theory challenges scholars to position our work between the traps of the universal and the culturally specific.1 Both conceits have been ploys of colonial knowledge, that is, knowledge that legitimates the superiority of the West as defined against its Others. Yet in studying colonial discourse, social scientists and historians have limited themselves to the cultural specificity side of the equation. There has been much less attention to the history of the universal, as it, too, has been produced in the colonial encounter. Here a specific valence for the universal has been produced; the universal is what, as Gayatri Spivak has put it, we cannot not want, even as it so often excludes us.2 The universal offers us the chance to participate in the global stream of humanity. We can't turn it down. Yet we also can't replicate previous versions without inserting our own genealogy of commitments and claims. Whether we place ourselves inside or outside the West, we are stuck with universals created in cultural dialogue. It is this kind of post- and neocolonial universal that has enlivened liberal politics as well as economic neoliberalism as they have spread around the world with such animation since the end of the Cold War. Nor is scholarly knowledge exempt; every truth forms in negotiation, however messy, with aspirations to the universal.
This book is not a history of philosophy, but rather an ethnography of global connection. The specificity of global connections is an ever-present reminder that universal claims do not actually make everything everywhere the same. Global connections give grip to universal aspirations. Working through global connection, the book is an exploration of ethnographic methods for studying the work of the universal. As soon as we let go of the universal as a self-fulfilling abstract truth, we must become embroiled in specific situations. And thus it is necessary to begin again, and again, in the middle of things.
* * * * *
Something shocking began to happen in Indonesia's rainforests during the last decades of the twentieth century: Species diversities that had taken millions of years to assemble were cleared, burned, and sacrificed to erosion. The speed of landscape transformation took observers by surprise. No gradual expansion of human populations, needs, or markets could possibly explain it; besides, the products of these forests had been globally marketed for hundreds of years. Corporate growth seemed unaccountably chaotic, inefficient, and violent in destroying its own resources. Stranger yet, it seemed that ordinary people--even those dependent on the forest for their livelihood--were joining distant corporations in creating uninhabitable landscapes.3
Within Indonesia, this ugly situation came to stand for the dangers of imperialism and the misdeeds of a corrupt regime. Opposition to state and corporate destruction of forest-peoples' livelihoods became a key plank of the emergent democratic movement of the 1980s and 1990s. An innovative politics developed linking city and countryside, bringing activists, students, and villagers into conversation across differences in perspective and experience. The insights and vicissitudes of this mobilization have not been much appreciated outside of the country. Yet they speak to central dilemmas of our times: Why is global capitalism so messy? Who speaks for nature? What kinds of social justice make sense in the twenty-first century?
None of these questions can be addressed without an appreciation of global connections. Indonesian forests were not destroyed for local needs; their products were taken for the world. Environmental activism flourished only through the instigation and support of a global movement. Yet popular stories of global cultural formation are of little help in understanding these phenomena. There is no triumph of global integration here; both the chaotic melee of landscape destruction and the searing protests of radical critics are forged in dissension, fragmentation, and regional inequality. We see the unexpectedly persistent effects of particular historical encounters. A villager shows a North American miner some gold; a Japanese model of trade is adopted for plywood; students banned from politics take up hiking; a minister is inspired by a United Nations conference on the environment: These narrowly conceived situations lay down tracks for future "global" developments. Rather than tell of the evolutionary unfolding of a new era, my story inquires into the makeshift links across distance and difference that shape global futures--and ensure their uncertain status.
This book shows how emergent cultural forms--including forest destruction and environmental advocacy--are persistent but unpredictable effects of global encounters across difference. This proposition extends my earlier research, in which I explored how even seemingly isolated cultures, such as rainforest dwellers in Indonesia, are shaped in national and transnational dialogues (Tsing 1993). Scholars once treated such cultures as exemplars of the self-generating nature of culture itself. However, it has become increasingly clear that all human cultures are shaped and transformed in long histories of regional-to-global networks of power, trade, and meaning. With new evidence of these histories entering the academy from every direction, it has become possible for scholars to accept the idea that powerless minorities have accommodated themselves to global forces. But to turn that statement around to argue that global forces are themselves congeries of local/global interaction has been rather more challenging.
The challenges arrive from several directions. Some powerful conventions of thinking get in the way of research on this theme. Most theories of globalization, for example, package all cultural developments into a single program: the emergence of a global era. If globalization can be predicted in advance, there is nothing to learn from research except how the details support the plan. And if world centers provide the dynamic impetus for global change, why even study more peripheral places? Creative studies of the periphery are also hamstrung. Powerful social science directives catalogue and compare developments in the global south under a distancing imperial gaze, keeping us out of the arena where cultural outcomes really matter. If Indonesia is only a scrap of data, it might inform cosmopolitan readers, but its global encounters can never shape that shared space in which Indonesians and non-Indonesians jointly experience fears, tensions, and uncertainties. In this shared space, the contingency of encounters makes a difference. To guide us there, I must clear a theoretical path that extends far beyond Indonesia's forests. Yet can one gain an ethnographic purchase on global connections? Where would one locate the global in order to study it? Even those who are determined to conduct this kind of research still struggle to figure out how it is done.
To address these challenges, this book develops a portfolio of methods to study the productive friction of global connections. What happens when Japanese traders buy Indonesian trees, when army officers make deals with nature lovers, or when university students sit down with village elders? I begin with the idea that the messy and surprising features of such encounters across difference should inform our models of cultural production. In reaction to popular over-enthusiasm for programmatic global predictions, I emphasize the unexpected and unstable aspects of global interaction. To enrich the single-mindedness of cultural explanation focused only on internal blueprints for reproduction and growth, I stress the importance of cross-cultural and long-distance encounters in forming everything we know as culture (e.g., Clifford 1997). Cultures are continually co-produced in the interactions I call "friction": the awkward, unequal, unstable, and creative qualities of interconnection across difference. Each chapter of this book develops a method for learning about such aspects of contingent encounters.
While the situation in Indonesia is distinctive, it can also take us to the heart of the liveliest debates and discussions in contemporary scholarship. Thus, scholars of the Left have worried through how best to describe post-Cold War capitalism, with its global pretensions. Humanities scholars and social scientists tend toward opposite poles: Where the former often find the universalizing quality of capitalism its most important trait (e.g., Jameson 2002), the latter look for unevenness and specificity within the cultural production of capitalism (e.g., Yanagisako 2002; Mitchell 2002). Where the former imagine mobilization of the universal as key to effective opposition to exploitation (e.g., Hardt and Negri 2000), the latter look for resistance in place-based struggles (Massey 1995) and unexpected linkages (Gibson-Graham 1996).
The contribution of each of these works is stunning; yet placed in conversation they seem to block each other. There is a cross-disciplinary misunderstanding of terms here; as Jameson (2002: 182) explains, "the universal is [not] something under which you range the particular as a mere type."4 Social scientists have often done just that. But rather than rectify the disciplines, my goal is to grasp the productive moment of this misunderstanding. At this confluence, universals and particulars come together to create the forms of capitalism with which we live. There is no point in studying fully discrete "capitalisms": Capitalism only spreads as producers, distributers, and consumers strive to universalize categories of capital, money, and commodity fetishism. Such strivings make possible globe-crossing capital and commodity chains. Yet these chains are made up of uneven and awkward links. The cultural specificity of capitalist forms arises from the necessity of bringing capitalist universals into action through worldly encounters. The messiness of capitalism in the Indonesian rainforest exemplifies the encounters in which global capital and commodity chains are formed.
A related set of debates characterizes discussion of the new social movements that arose in the late twentieth century as vehicles of protest: human rights, ethnic identity politics, indigenous rights, feminism, gay rights, and environmentalism. Scholars are divided: Some see these movements as expressions of a frightening new force of global coercion, while others portray them as carrying hopes for freedom. The split here is not across disciplines but rather across audiences. Those who address themselves to cultural theorists stress the formation of new kinds of disciplinary power (e.g., Rabinow 2002); those who include activists in their audiences stress such movements' potential (e.g., Keck and Sikkink 1998).5 The former explain the universalizing logic of liberal sovereignty and biopower; the latter tell us of the urgency of particular cases. Again, these commentators talk right past each other; and, again, their intersection could be more productive. It is essential to note how protest mobilizations--including the Indonesian democratic movement of the 1980s and 1990s--rely on universalizing rhetorics of rights and justice. Through these, they make their case to the world; through these, too, they are shaped by liberal logics. Yet they must make these rhetorics work within the compromises and collaborations of their particular situations. In the process, new meanings and genealogies are added to liberalism. This does not mean people can do anything they want; however, it changes our view of liberal sovereignty--with its universals--to imagine it in concrete purchase on the world.
Both these discussions can benefit from a focused look at global connections. In the historical particularity of global connections, domination and discipline come into their own, but not always in the forms laid out by their proponents. On the one hand, this work can avoid the idea that new forms of empire spring fully formed and armed from the heads of Euro-American fathers. On the other hand, this work avoids too eager a celebration of a southern cultural autonomy capable of absorbing and transforming every imperial mandate. Instead, a study of global connections shows the grip of encounter: friction. A wheel turns because of its encounter with the surface of the road; spinning in the air it goes nowhere. Rubbing two sticks together produces heat and light; one stick alone is just a stick. As a metaphorical image, friction reminds us that heterogeneous and unequal encounters can lead to new arrangements of culture and power.
The metaphor of friction suggested itself because of the popularity of stories of a new era of global motion in the 1990s. The flow of goods, ideas, money, and people would henceforth be pervasive and unimpeded. In this imagined global era, motion would proceed entirely without friction. By getting rid of national barriers and autocratic or protective state policies, everyone would have the freedom to travel everywhere. Indeed, motion itself would be experienced as self-actualization, and self-actualization without restraint would oil the machinery of the economy, science, and society.6 In fact, motion does not proceed this way at all. How we run depends on what shoes we have to run in. Insufficient funds, late buses, security searches, and informal lines of segregation hold up our travel; railroad tracks and regular airline schedules expedite it but guide its routes. Some of the time, we don't want to go at all, and we leave town only when they've bombed our homes. These kinds of "friction" inflect motion, offering it different meanings. Coercion and frustration join freedom as motion is socially informed.
Speaking of friction is a reminder of the importance of interaction in defining movement, cultural form, and agency. Friction is not just about slowing things down. Friction is required to keep global power in motion. It shows us (as one advertising jingle put it) where the rubber meets the road. Roads are a good image for conceptualizing how friction works: Roads create pathways that make motion easier and more efficient, but in doing so they limit where we go. The ease of travel they facilitate is also a structure of confinement. Friction inflects historical trajectories, enabling, excluding, and particularizing.
The effects of encounters across difference can be compromising or empowering. Friction is not a synonym for resistance. Hegemony is made as well as unmade with friction. Consider rubber. Coerced out of indigenous Americans, rubber was stolen and planted around the world by peasants and plantations, mimicked and displaced by chemists and fashioned with or without unions into tires and, eventually, marketed for the latest craze in sports utility vehicles.7 Industrial rubber is made possible by the savagery of European conquest, the competitive passions of colonial botany, the resistance strategies of peasants, the confusion of war and technoscience, the struggle over industrial goals and hierarchies, and much more that would not be evident from a teleology of industrial progress. It is these vicissitudes that I am calling friction. Friction makes global connection powerful and effective. Meanwhile, without even trying, friction gets in the way of the smooth operation of global power. Difference can disrupt, causing everyday malfunctions as well as unexpected cataclysms. Friction refuses the lie that global power operates as a well-oiled machine. Furthermore, difference sometimes inspires insurrection. Friction can be the fly in the elephant's nose.
Attention to friction opens the possibility of an ethnographic account of global interconnection. Abstract claims about the globe can be studied as they operate in the world. We might thus ask about universals not as truths or lies but as sticky engagements.
Engaging the Universal
It is impossible to get very far in tracing global connections without running into claims about universals. The universal is at the heart of contemporary humanist projects: Scientists, economic reformers, and social justice advocates all appeal to the universal. Yet universals, taken at their face value, erase the making of global connections. This raises a disturbing question: How can universals be so effective in forging global connections if they posit an already united world in which the work of connection is unnecessary?
Scholars have not much addressed this question because the idea of the universal suggests abstractions, which turn them away from the practical successes and failures of universal claims. Neither those who place their ideas inside the universal nor those who discredit it as false pause to consider how universals work in a practical sense. To move beyond this it is important to see generalization to the universal as an aspiration, an always unfinished achievement, rather than the confirmation of a pre-formed law. Then it is possible to notice that universal aspirations must travel across distances and differences, and we can take this travel as an ethnographic object.
Ethnographers are supposed to study their objects with respect. Yet cultural anthropologists have had a curmudgeonly suspicion of universals. Empowered by the notion of cultural relativism, anthropologists have argued that universals are folk beliefs, like gods or ghosts, with efficacy only within the cultural system that gives them life. I was brought up as a scholar in this creed, and it has taken me a long time--and a lot of frustrating interchanges with nonanthropologists--to decide that it is not a good place to enter the conversation. Universals are indeed local knowledge in the sense that they cannot be understood without the benefit of historically specific cultural assumptions. But to stop here makes dialogue impossible. Furthermore, it misses the point. To turn to universals is to identify knowledge that moves--mobile and mobilizing--across localities and cultures. Whether it is seen as underlying or transcending cultural difference, the mission of the universal is to form bridges, roads, and channels of circulation. Knowledge gained from particular experience percolates into these channels, widening rather than interrupting them. We must step outside the boundaries of locality to ask what's meant by "universal."8
One place to begin is with the accomplishments of the universal. Consider environmental politics. Environmentalists pioneered transboundary approaches in the 1980s and 1990s, drawing recognition to problems--pollution, climate change, species loss--that could not be contained in a single country. Transnational groups of scientists, with a common universalist faith in environmental objects of knowledge, were sometimes--against so much precedent--able to overcome national politics to work together and forge common standards. The most successful transnational mobilizations, it turned out, have been culturally and politically delimited, as when scientists working on transboundary acid rain collaborated with politicians to solidify the European Union (Rotmans 1995a).9 They have also been productive in relation to particular historical moments, as environmentalism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union worked to popularize opposition to the state in the late 1980s (Jancar-Webster 1993). The universalism of environmental politics articulated widespread desires for knowledge free from state regulation and for ties with the cultural heritage of Western Europe. Freedom and science augmented each other's universal claims. After the breakup of the Soviet Union, environmental politics all but disappeared as the politics of citizenship rather than universalism took precedence.
Environmental politics in the disintegrating Soviet Union of the late 1980s was interpreted abroad as anti-Communist agitation. This association smoothed the way for Indonesian environmentalists, who had to find their way within a violently anti-Communist state. Where charges of Communism blocked other social movements, environmentalists were able to appeal to universal ideals of science and modernity. As in socialist Europe, universals opened possibilities for reform and even social criticism by articulating a larger frame of reference than state-led patriotism.10 But, as in Europe, this combination of appeals to science and politics worked best in the shadow of an authoritarian state. When the regime fell, politics took off in multiple new directions.
The universals that mobilize people, then, do not fulfill their own dreams to travel anywhere at any time. But this does not make them wrong-headed and irrelevant. Critical environmental scholars who address the problem have often taken us directly to the local, endorsing local or indigenous knowledge as the counterpart to universalist expertise. This reaction draws attention to cultural specificity but again misses the point. The knowledge that makes a difference in changing the world is knowledge that travels and mobilizes, shifting and creating new forces and agents of history in its path. However, those who claim to be in touch with the universal are notoriously bad at seeing the limits and exclusions of their knowledge. That's where my challenge enters.
Universals are effective within particular historical conjunctures that give them content and force. We might specify this conjunctural feature of universals in practice by speaking of engagement. Engaged universals travel across difference and are charged and changed by their travels. Through friction, universals become practically effective. Yet they can never fulfill their promises of universality. Even in transcending localities, they don't take over the world. They are limited by the practical necessity of mobilizing adherents. Engaged universals must convince us to pay attention to them. All universals are engaged when considered as practical projects accomplished in a heterogeneous world.
To study engagement requires turning away from formal abstractions to see how universals are used.11 Universalisms have not been politically neutral. They were deeply implicated in the establishment of European colonial power. In the context of colonial expansion, universalism was the framework for a faith in the traveling power of reason: Only reason could gather up the fragments of knowledge and custom distributed around the world to achieve progress, science, and good government. In the matrix of colonialism, universal reason became the mark of temporally dynamic and spatially expansive forms of knowledge and power. Universal reason, of course, was best articulated by the colonizers. In contrast, the colonized were characterized by particularistic cultures; here, the particular is that which cannot grow. The universal, however, opens the way to constantly improving truths and even, in its utilitarian forms, to a better life for all humanity. These contrasts continue to structure global asymmetries.
At the same time, this history does not encompass the variety of claims of universality that characterize our times. Actually existing universalisms are hybrid, transient, and involved in constant reformulation through dialogue. Liberal universals mix and meld with the universals of science, world religions (especially Christianity and Islam), and emancipatory philosophies including Marxism and feminism. Moreover, the embrace of universals is not limited to just one small section of the globe. The West can make no exclusive claim to doctrines of the universal. Radical thinkers in Europe's colonies long ago expanded Enlightenment universals to argue that the colonized should be free, thus establishing doctrines of universal freedom at the base of Third World nationalisms.12 The universalism of rights and reason continues to inspire critical post-colonial theory. At the same time, universal claims that justify coercion into internationally mandated standards of progress and order are at the center of neocolonial disciplinary programs--just as they were to colonialism.13
This brings to light a deep irony: Universalism is implicated in both imperial schemes to control the world and liberatory mobilizations for justice and empowerment. Universalism inspires expansion--for both the powerful and the powerless. Indeed, when those excluded from universal rights protest their exclusion, this protest itself has a twofold effect: It extends the reach of the forms of power they protest, even as it gives voice to their anger and hope. Political theorist Etienne Balibar refers to "normalization" and "insurrection" as equally inspired by universals (2002). This duality brings us back to the facility of universals for travel. Universals beckon to elite and excluded alike.14
The concept of friction acknowledges this duality and puts it at the heart of our understanding of "modern" global interconnections, that is, those that have developed under the aegis of Enlightenment universals. Friction gives purchase to universals, allowing them to spread as frameworks for the practice of power. But engaged universals are never fully successful in being everywhere the same because of this same friction. This book tells the story of how some universals work out in particular times and places, through friction.
The book is divided into three parts, and the title of each corresponds to a universalist dream: prosperity, knowledge, and freedom. These labels, however, should not mislead readers to assume that the book tells the story of philosophy or policy. Instead, my tale descends directly into the realm of historical experience. What is prosperity? In Kalimantan, Indonesia, in the 1990s, prosperity ripped up the forest landscape and dispossessed its human inhabitants to offer quick profits to a privileged or tricky few. The first section of the book asks just how aspirations for prosperity and progress produced this situation. What did it mean to be an entrepreneur in this historical landscape? The universals of market rationality are hardly a sheltering guide in entering this zone of robbery, violence, and confusion. Friction is all around.
What is knowledge? It would be easier for everyone if rational deliberations always converged in common understandings. But even those of us who believe that some knowledge claims are better than others have difficulty in denying that even the best ones retain a certain incommensurability. This is because knowledge claims emerge in relation to concrete problems and possibilities for dialogue--the productive features of friction. The second section of the book considers how friction morphs both knowledge of the globe and globally traveling knowledge.
And freedom? Throughout its history, freedom has refused to stick to predictable principles; it has blossomed and set into a multitude of previously unknown fruits. Even during the Enlightenment, the fact that the freedom of property ownership could not be reconciled with the emancipation of the dispossessed kept advocates busy devising contradictory schemes. The environmental politics of the late twentieth century was inspired by many divergent meanings of freedom--and they intrigue me as forms of freedom precisely because they do not jump to mind as its purest forms. Here rights discourse is extended beyond the limits of its humanism. Might not other species--and perhaps even landscapes and ecosystems--have rights with a status above and prior to human social conventions? The jurisdiction of modernity is turned inside out: Indigenous cultures deserve Enlightenment rights and liberties precisely because they have managed so far to do without them. It is within these jumbled and utopian causes that concepts of freedom are invigorated and made worthwhile for our times. My third section considers the accumulation of meanings and genealogies of freedom that has placed forest protection at the forefront of causes for making a livable world.
These concerns bring me back to the questions I raised earlier in this introduction: Why is global capitalism so messy? Who speaks for nature? What kinds of social justice make sense in the twenty-first century?
Beyond Globalization
The great insight of the protests against corporate globalization that gathered force at the turn of the twenty-first century was that current forms of capitalist expansion are not inevitable. Despite the reassurances of public oratory, the spread of capitalism has been violent, chaotic, and divisive, rather than smoothly all-encompassing. Observers laughed at protesters for lacking an appreciation of the force of global integration, and, indeed, for not seeing their own "globalization." Yet the protesters proved more insightful than sophisticated social theorists, who have been caught up in showing the programmatic advance of an integrated globalism of everywhere-flowing money, people, and culture.
To grasp the enormity of global changes in the last decade, social theorists drew a picture of evolutionary change on a planetary scale. Particularly influential were optimistic popular accounts of the spread of the market economy and Western liberal democracy (e.g., Fukuyama 1992; Friedman 2000). However, scholars on both the Left and the Right portrayed globalization as the worldwide advance to a global era.15 Their stories share a commitment to a coordinated world transition, emerging from global centers and extending--through the technological collapse of distance--across the earth.
After the 2001 Al Qaeda attack on New York's World Trade Center and the ensuing U.S. leadership in worldwide re-militarization, the story of an inevitable, peaceful transition to global integration has seemed more and more like the dream of a particular historical moment. This is not because the force of global connections has disappeared--but it no longer looks so neat. Ten years ago social analysts were impressed by the size and power of newly emergent global circulations, so they focused on global coherence, for better or worse. Now it is time to turn attention, instead, to discontinuity and awkward connection, as this proves key to emergent sources of fear and hope.
On capitalism: In the last two decades of the twentieth century, capitalism was transformed by the establishment of new international rules of trade that offered tremendous advantages for the world's most powerful corporations. Capital whizzed around the globe. Free-trade zones and new technologies of communication encouraged companies to spread their operations to ever-cheaper locations. Transnational specializations--such as currency traders, energy traders--flourished. Privatization initiatives and free-trade regulations dismantled national economies, making once-public resources available for private appropriation.
Social analysts were awed by the scope of this project. Perhaps the most important responses were those that reminded readers that capitalism is a structured social system and not just the amassment of individual desires. Such responses necessarily stressed the internal coherence of capitalism. They showed the dangers not just of excesses of corruption but of basic principles of exploitation. It was this return to basics that made analysts focus on the global replication of new configurations of capital, labor, and technology. Yet now such simplifications seem inadequate. The idiosyncrasies of regional histories and persistent issues of violence and racial stratification have become pressing. War has reemerged as a central force for capitalism. Cultural genealogies no longer seem epiphenomena of economic change.
Most Marxist cultural theory of the late twentieth century focused on those forms--such as postmodernism--imagined at the forefront of the evolution of a monolithic capitalism.16 Yet, once we abandon this evolutionary view, we can attend to the experiences of those whose stories "fall away" from the official ladder of progress (Tadiar forthcoming). New projects of connection and hegemony are emerging here. We see this for example in the importance of rural areas--completely ignored in evolutionary cultural theories--in key capitalist realignments and anti-globalization struggles. But this is the realm of friction: Unexpected alliances arise, remaking global possibilities.
Rather than assume we know exactly what global capitalism is, even before it arrives, we need to find out how it operates in friction. Chapters 1 and 2 develop this idea. Instead of rushing toward global spatial compression, I examine the links between heterogeneous projects of space and scale making, as these both enable capitalist proliferation and embroil it in moments of chaos. In tracing the connections through which entrepreneurship operates, the cultural work of encounter emerges as formative.
On nature as knowledge: Late twentieth-century excitement about global integration gave new impetus to those who hoped to use advances in scientific knowledge as a force for global progress. This has been nowhere more evident than in the field of environmental conservation. Conservationists have been eager to promote global knowledge and agreement, which might save endangered species and environments before it is too late.
Yet conservationist efforts have been impeded by the rise of other forms of globally circulating knowledge. Transnational political and informational networks have allowed public criticisms of conservationist projects to circulate widely. Even environmental activists may or may not agree with the established truths of conservation science. Meanwhile, public relations companies have made it possible to counter conservationist campaigns by spreading "alternative" science as well as self-conscious misinformation. As a result, political leaders and courts, as well as ordinary citizens, have been flooded with competing environmental perspectives. Each of these sources of criticism has forced conservationists to recall that global knowledge is neither monolithic nor settled.17
Many commentators move from this observation to what has been called the "science wars," the debate over whether science is a privileged form of truth or a political imposition.18 Yet it seems better to explore just how knowledge moves. For this, it is important to learn about the collaborations through which knowledge is made and maintained. Conservation inspires collaborations among scientists, business, forest dwellers, state regulators, the public, and nonhumans. Through the frictions of such collaborations, global conservation projects--like other forms of traveling knowledge--gain their shape.19
Collaboration is not a simple sharing of information. There is no reason to assume that collaborators share common goals. In transnational collaborations, overlapping but discrepant forms of cosmopolitanism may inform contributors, allowing them to converse--but across difference.
Attention to collaboration moves discussion beyond the eternal standoff between opposing interest groups (e.g., the south and the north; the rich and the poor), but not because it assumes that compromise is always imminent. Collaborations create new interests and identities, but not to everyone's benefit. In standardizing global knowledge, for example, truths that are incompatible are suppressed. Globally circulating knowledge creates new gaps even as it grows through the frictions of encounter.
Drawing from the insights of science studies and environmental history, chapters 3, 4, and 5 develop these ideas. Here I explore in more depth the relation between collaboration and generalization to the universal.
On social justice: The possibilities of thinking globally have inspired social movements of all kinds to imagine global causes. Yet global politics creates special problems. Social justice goals must be negotiated not only across class, race, gender, nationality, culture, and religion, but also between the global south and the global north, and between the great mega-cities of the world and their rural and provincial hinterlands. Coalition politics is essential. Yet what does it mean to work in coalition? The twentieth-century class-based solidarity model asks coalition allies to line up as parallel equivalents. Allies rarely line up that well. Without even intending to break the line, they push in new directions. Their friction changes everyone's trajectory.
Furthermore, without the unifying frame of the state, what politics do transnational allies have in common? Post-Cold War social justice movements have tended to solve this problem by invoking the universal language of the Enlightenment, with its concurrence of justice and freedom. Human rights, feminist, and environmental causes have been influential across the world in part because of their language of universal rights. Whatever attempts activists have made at building politically sensitive coalitions have had to take place within this commitment to universal rights.
Yet, does this language offer its own political conditions, neutralizing meaningful coalition? Teaching a language of universal rights can foreclose other trajectories. Participants may be drawn into a framework of global observation and classification in which cultural difference becomes yet another brick of administrative data with which to be walled in. The importance of liberal frameworks in global social justice politics raises a number of issues for research. How do activists use globally circulating political rhetorics to devise and manage coalitions? How do logics of classification order differences among coalition partners even as they make it possible for them to work together? At the same time, how do encounters across difference exceed their disciplined boundaries to make new forms of politics possible? Chapters 6 and 7 explore these features of politics-in-friction.
It Didn't Have to Happen That Way
A bit of history offers a concrete illustration of friction and sets the stage for the chapters that follow. As inevitable as the story of resource exploitation may seem in hindsight, it is important to note that Indonesian tropical rain-forests were not harvested as industrial timber until the 1970s. Situated at the confluence of the deep-historical commerce of the Indian Ocean and the China Sea, the Indonesian islands are hardly newcomers to world trade. Products from Indonesia's rainforests have spread around the world for many centuries. Yet the very biological productiveness that made these forests rich sources of commodities also blocked their use for industrial timber. Large-scale loggers prefer forests in which one valuable species predominates; tropical rainforests are just too biologically diverse. While colonial loggers prized Java's semi-tropical teak forests, they pretty much ignored the wetter and more heterogeneous tropical rainforests of the islands of Kalimantan, Sumatra, Sulawesi, and Papua.20
All of this changed rather suddenly in the early 1970s, when Japanese general trading companies, the sogo shosha, hooked up with the New Order regime of President Suharto, which had come to power in the blood of a great massacre. The New Order promised to solve the country's economic problems through the magic of foreign investment and loans.21 The government threw its weight into logging; a flood of foreign investment followed.22 State-making soon became entangled with logging as concessions were distributed to political clients, who made "voluntary" contributions to the regime's favored development initiatives.23 The sogo shosha, which aimed to control trade, not production, offered loans and arranged trade agreements. Hungry for large quantities of cheaply produced logs, rather than for quality control, they were comfortable with ecological shortsightedness. In 1971, they cut from the Japanese trade all logs produced by nonmechanized (and ecologically less harmful) logging, thus cementing the new logging regime. By 1973, Indonesia was the world's largest tropical timber exporter (Ascher 1998).
Stories of the disastrous projects of transnational corporations and corrupt politicians have become commonplace, and this encounter perhaps just seems an ordinary link on a global chain. My point, however, is that the specific features of the link have ramifying effects. New trajectories for business practice, natural resource management, and class formation gelled from these specifics. Three features of these trajectories are especially relevant to my story. First, the rainforest was magnified in importance, simplified, and mischaracterized as a sustainable resource in the encounter between Japanese trading companies and Indonesian politicians. Forest simplification became a model for resource management and the organization of business more generally. Industrial tree plantations were later planted in place of natural forests. (Consider in contrast the no better but quite different trope of productive forest conversion, as in Brazilian cattle ranching.) Second, the adoption of the trading company model of amassment and market control accommodated forms of state-making in which public and private became hopelessly confused. (In contrast, the U.S. model of privatization continually converts public goods to private ones.) Third, the complicity of legal and illegal entrepreneurs, working at different scales, displaced indigenous rights and fueled regional boom-and-bust economies. I elaborate briefly.
The link between Japanese trading companies and Indonesian politicians created a new way of seeing the forest. Instead of biodiversity, loggers now saw only one family of trees, the dipterocarps. Dipterocarps are remarkable giants emerging out of the lower canopy to tower over the forest. But dip-terocarp species are diverse, and individuals grow among many other families and species; there are no pure stands. Only in the peculiar circumstances of the Japanese-Indonesian connection were loggers able to imagine the rainforest as if it were a pure stand.24 Dipterocarps--remade as disposable plywood for the Japanese construction industry--all looked alike, and the rest of the trees, herbs, fungi, and fauna became waste products. This change also emptied the forest, conceptually, of human residents, since the fruit orchards, rattans, and other human-tended plants of forest dwellers were now mere waste. Logging companies were free to harvest these newly "uninhabited" forest landscapes.
In the 1980s, Indonesian businessmen turned against the export of profits to Japan, but in a particular way: by mimicking the sogo shosha. Indonesia banned the export of raw logs and built its own plywood industry.25 Under the leadership of the President's close friend, Mohamad "Bob" Hasan, the Indonesian Wood Panel Association, or APKINDO (Asosiasi Panel Kayu Indonesia), formed as a national marketing apparatus with control over plywood exports. APKINDO self-consciously adopted the Japanese trading model: forcing particular trading chains; taking over all middleman functions; controlling volume, price, and low-cost finance; and using government backing to maintain dominance. All plywood firms had to participate. From this position of control, APKINDO flooded world markets with low-cost plywood.26 Most dramatically, it broke into the Japanese market, underselling Japanese manufacturers despite protective tariffs. "We're the only guys in Southeast Asia who fight the sogo shosha," boasted Hasan.27
After the fall of the New Order, APKINDO became a symbol of corruption: Hasan had used his connections to force a whole industry into submission, and he had made a fortune in the process.28 But during the New Order, his success formed a model for building the nation. Other products were organized into similar cartels and monopolies. In his brief moment of glory as Minister of Finance and Trade in 1998, Hasan explained this business-oriented patriotism: "Monopolies are okay. As long as the monopoly serves the interests of many people, it's okay."29
As the identity of the nation became entangled with forest destruction, logging concessions became a clear sign of regime connections.30 The state depended more heavily on the off-budget finance obtained from such favors. The forests became even more badly degraded. The encounter between Japanese trading companies and Indonesian politicians had been effective. The sogo shosha model held sway even though Indonesian cronies had replaced the Japanese. And the simplification of the forest as an uninhabited dipterocarp stand--the product of that encounter--formed the basis for a national economy based increasingly on what post-New Order Indonesians call "KKN," that is, corruption, collusion, and nepotism (korupsi, kolusi, nepotisme).
By the 1990s, KKN was distributed from top to bottom. As state rhetoric turned from communal development to private entrepreneurship, small businessmen, village leaders, ambitious youth, migrants, thieves, police, and petty gangsters all got involved in rerouting public resources as private gain. Where resource extraction licenses were not obtained through national channels, they were faked or fixed locally; illegal logging and mining became the systematic adjunct of legal exploitation. Illegal extractions proceeded as scaled-down versions of legal ones. In logging, district officials made arrangements with private operators, obtaining off-budget financing for their projects. Village heads were sometimes brought inside these arrangements, exchanging permission to log village forests for their own off-budget funding.31 The 1998 fall of the New Order did not improve the situation. The decentralization of natural resource permits in 2000 spread the possibilities for corruption.32 Illegal resource extraction rocketed out of control.
Ties between illegal and legal enterprise have been close. Most importantly, their collaboration undermines pre-existing property rights and access conventions, making everything free. Either official or unofficial alone could be challenged, but together they overwhelm local residents, who generally have been unable to defend their lands and resources against this combination of legal and illegal, big and small. Together, they transform the countryside into a free-for-all frontier.
The same period I have just reviewed saw the rise of a vigorous national environmental movement.33 In the 1980s and the early 1990s, a period of serious government repression, environmentalism was essentially the only pluralist social justice movement that flourished across Indonesia.34 As such, it drew social reformers of many sorts and became the vehicle for many, sometimes contradictory, hopes. The movement was an amalgam of odd parts: engineers, nature lovers, reformers, technocrats. Modernizing experts and romantic populists rubbed shoulders there. Social justice advocates made plans with sympathetic regime bureaucrats. In the repressive political climate of those years, even the bravest activists were cautious about what they said and did. Still, questions of freedom welled up, and activists argued against the hegemony of centralized development with ideas of human rights, farmers' rights, and indigenous rights.35 In the mid-1990s, the easing of state vigilance allowed other causes to take the public spotlight, including democracy, labor, student activism, freedom of speech. However, environmentalism played a role in articulating dissatisfaction with the state--especially in regard to rural issues--through the decisive mobilizations that led to Suharto's resignation in 1998.36
In the 1980s and 1990s, the movement was organized around difference, within the framework of nationalist advocacy. Rather than build a single centralized policy board, the movement was committed to negotiating among small groups organized by place, issue, or campaign. For most of this time, the movement imagined itself as coordinating already existing but scattered and disorganized rural complaints. Activists' jobs, as they imagined it, involved translating subaltern demands into the languages of the powerful, including English. They offered themselves to document injustice, meet with ministers, and bring forward court cases. Translating back to let people know their rights--in barefoot legal clinics, meetings, or vernacular versions of international agreements--was equally important on the agenda. In their public representations, activists perhaps underestimated the messiness of the work of translation, but their practices jumped into the middle of it. (The prominence of women in leadership positions was explained to me in relation to women's facility with languages.37) Rural campaigns in particular required engagement across differences not just of language but of multiple registers of life experience.
Within the links of awkwardly transcended difference, the environmental movement has tried to offer an alternative to forest destruction and the erosion of indigenous rights. The second half of this book explores this theme. To get there, I begin in the first part with the social links and cultural practices that made deforestation a destructive "business-as-usual." I then turn to a wider interplay of transnational, national, and regional forms of knowledge about the forest. When I describe the environmental movement, I place it in relation to two of its persistent interlocutors: student nature lovers and village leaders. I show how the environmental movement came to depend on links with these groups, even while developing its own distinctive perspectives. In the last chapter, I consider a case in which these three groups reached across their differences to reclaim "community forests." Their collaborations--like those of legal and illegal businessmen--rearrange property. Just as the encounter of Japanese trading companies and Indonesian politicians produced simplified dipterocarp forests, these activist-inspired encounters may yet produce new kinds of forests. This theme--the possibilities of friction--is explored and extended in all the chapters that follow.
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Registries and the defense against one-
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February 28, 2013, 10:23 AM
Join Date: April 28, 2006
Location: In and Out of 2A.
Posts: 34
Canadian Gun Registry Was (Is) An Expensive Farce
I reside in South Carolina, but I also have a residence in Ontario, Canada.
When in Canada, I instruct new shooters, instruct handgun safety class instructors and give Range Safety Officer Courses and Evaluations.
I have enough CWP's for about 41 states and I also have a the Canadian Firearms Possession and Acquisition Licence--which takes months of classes, paperwork and background checks to obtain.
As well, along with all legal gun owners in Canada, I am run through the Canadian Police Information Computer every day. So I have FBI, SC SLED, County, CPIC, and Interpol clearance, but this is not enough to carry a firearm for self-defense in Canada.
Obtaining a carry permit in Canada is impossible--and listing self-defence as a reason for obtaining a restricted firearm (handgun) will disqualify you from having any kind of firearms licence. This is not the law--it's a bureaucratic decision made by Liberal-appointed bureaucrats.
I need separate printed authorizations from The Ontario Provincial Police to:
a) take my unloaded, locked, cased, trunk-locked handgun to my registered range.
b) take my handgun to a gunsmith
c) take my handgun to a retailer for trade-in or sale
d) pick up a handgun from a retailer and take it home
e) take my handgun to a U.S. border crossing or airport and back to my Canadian address.
My ammo purchases are recorded at the retail premises. Like the gun registries, this info is a gold mine for gun thieves.
Of course, criminals exempt themselves from this system.
That said, here's some info on the Canadian gun registries:
Handguns have been registered since 1934. None of the thousands of handguns possessed and carried by criminals are registered. For example, gang-related gun crime in Toronto is endemic, with three 15 yr old boys gunned down so far this year--along with the other gang shootings.
Several police officers have been gunned down because a computer check of the dwelling showed no registered firearms. Criminals do not register their guns.
The Long Gun registry was just scrapped--after costing Canadians $2,000,000,000. (Canada has 1/10th the U.S. population). It was incomplete, rife with errors, and hacked over three hundred times.
After it was scrapped, tens of thousands of Canadians got their shovels.
Does the U.S. Federal Government have hundreds of billions of dollars to set up a gun registry?
"One cannot legislate the maniacs off the street... these maniacs can only be shut down by an armed citizenry. Indeed bad things can happen in nations where the citizenry is armed, but not as bad as those which seem to be threatening our disarmed citizenry in this country at this time." Jeff Cooper
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The Drowned Man reacquaints readers with characters from Walking into the Ocean as well as introduces Maddy, Peter's daughter-in-law, whose amateur sleuthing back in England proves pivotal in cracking the case.
Published: May 2013
Dimensions: 6 x 9 in.
Pages: 440
"Whellams's sophomore entry (after Walking into the Ocean) sweeps the reader away with its elaborate plot, insightful observations about human character, and genuine spy adventure. This title can be read as a stand-alone, but take my word for it, this is a series to follow particularly for Louise Penny fans." — Library Journal
"Author David Whellams fields crisp yet compassionate dialogue that puts the reader inside Cammon's struggle to adjust to a personal life again after a long career in which it went to seed. Whellams brilliantly captures volleys of danger and suspense that penetrate the fog hanging over the ex-detective's life. Detective Cammon's retirement makes for a book to enjoy." — Hamilton Spectator


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Brisbane to Keppel Tropical Yacht Race all done and dusted
by B2K media on 8 Aug 2011
LAHANA - 5th Club Marine Brisbane to Keppel Tropical Yacht Race Suellen Hurling ©
The fifth annual Club Marine Brisbane to Keppel Tropical Yacht Race is done and dusted for another year. The crews have ventured off to their next port which is either home or onto Airlie Beach or Hamilton Island for race weeks.
A highlight of this year's race was with Wild Oats XI setting a new race record of 24 hours, 20 minutes and 22 seconds.
Peter Millard and John Honan's super maxi Lahana was the overall winner taking out both IRC Overall and IRC Division 1.
'A huge thank you to everyone for making us welcome into this race and looking after us so well. It's a lot of work getting 22 guys off a boat, out of the bar and onto a bus to the airport but the team at Keppel Bay Marina managed to just make it happen,' said Millard.
Congratulations go to all the competitors and the following winners:
IRC Overall and Division 1
1st – Lahana – Peter Millard & John Honan
2nd – Wild Oats XI – Robert Oatley
3rd – Ocean Affinity – Stewart Lewis
IRC Division 2
1st – GOA / NOVA – Chris Tyquin
2nd – Trumpcard – Craig Coulsen
3rd – Georgia Express – Andrew Knights
PHS Overall and Division 1
1st – Wot Eva – David Pescud
2nd – Sweethart – Laurence Pidgeon
3rd – Arcadia – Tim McCall
PHS Division 2
1st – Georgia Express – Andrew Knights
2nd – Dream Lover – Rick Morgan
3rd – GOA / NOVA – Chris Tyquin
Farr 30 Line Honours
GOA / NOVA – Chris Tyquin
Cruising Division
1st – Too Impetuous (Rudy Webber)
Navigators Prize
GOA / NOVA – Combined effort of the crew – gave an ETA within 1:37 of their finish time by using a $1.99 app downloaded from the iTunes store.
Royal Queensland Yacht Squadron, hosts of the Club Marine Brisbane to Keppel Tropical Yacht Race has extended their thanks to Keppel Bay Marina, Keppel Bay Sailing Club, Rockhampton Regional Council and the Capricorn region for their continued support and hospitality.
Planning is now underway for the sixth year in 2012.
Race Website - www.brisbanetokeppel.com
The Brisbane to Keppel Tropical Yacht Race is part of Tourism Queensland's Season of Sailing.
The Royal Queensland Yacht Squadron is pleased to acknowledge the principal sponsors of the 2011 Brisbane to Keppel Tropical Yacht Race; Club Marine, David Bray Yachts, Club Super, Morgan's Seafood, Angove Family Winemakers, Bundaberg Rum and the Rockhampton Regional Council.
The race is hosted by Royal Queensland Yacht Squadron with the support of Keppel Bay Marina and Keppel Bay Sailing Club.
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RQYS - Regatta and Sailing Manager position available
Royal Queensland Yacht Squadron (RQYS) in Australia, is seeking a Regatta and Sailing Manager
Queensland's leading yacht club, the Royal Queensland Yacht Squadron (RQYS) in Australia, is seeking an experienced and self-motivated person to fill the fulltime role of Regatta and Sailing Manager.
Posted on 9 Nov 2011
RQYS wins World Laser Radial Men's and Youth Championships for 2012
International Laser Class Association in England has selected the RQYS in Manly, as host for the two events in 2012
Following an Australia wide bid for the World Championships, the International Laser Class Association in England has selected the Royal Queensland Yacht Squadron (RQYS) in Manly, as host for the two events in 2012
Posted on 29 Jul 2010
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Who would have thought that a dictionary could have such an impact on use of Mother Tongue Scriptures? This came from the Americas Group via Eric Kindberg. This should encourage us to keep at it when some of those tasks in which we are involved seem tedious and we don't see a whole lot of payoff from them.—Doris Porter


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Anuj has over 14 years of experience in a Singapore tax and business environment. He is a partner in PwC Singapore's tax financial services team, leading the asset management tax practice.
Anuj has spent most of his time dealing with international advisory work, historically across a whole spectrum of industries, including asset management, insurance and M&A. Anuj is actively involved in discussing asset management issues with the relevant authorities, industry associations and has a close working relationship with the Monetary Authority of Singapore.
Anuj has provided extensive consulting advice to numerous financial services industry players on various areas of taxation, including restructuring of investments, setting up of Singapore investment funds and fund management operations, entry strategies into Singapore and Asia, use of Singapore investment platforms, treaty analysis, setting up of headquarters companies, Exchange Traded Funds, Collateralised Debt Obligations and real estate investments.
Anuj is a member of the Singapore Institute of Accredited Tax Professionals.
Anuj's key past and present clients include fund managers focussing on private equity, alternative strategies, real estate, family offices and traditional fund managers. These include local and global players as well as sovereign wealth funds.


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UNT guard Chris Jones could return from broken foot before Sun Belt tourney
DENTON — Chris Jones could be back as soon as next week, giving the sophomore guard time to adjust to being back in UNT men's basketball team's lineup before the start of the Sun Belt Conference tournament.
Jones has been out since breaking his foot in a loss to Western Kentucky on Dec. 29.
UNT will face Florida Atlantic on Thursday at the Super Pit. UNT has three games left in the regular season.


text: You've scrutinized our multiplayer announcement, combed through each frame of the Gamescom trailer and studied all the online coverage you could gather. Great! Now check out this list of Killzone: Shadow Fall multiplayer details that may have escaped your attention: Player Mechanics: Most of the player mechanics available in the single-player campaign are now also available in multiplayer. This includes the cover system that allows you to snap in to/lean out of/vault over cover, as well as the sliding mechanic. In addition, the brutal melee system has been expanded with drop-down melees (as seen in the single-player playthrough). Weapons: Multiplayer features 22 different weapons, all of them unlocked from the get-go. Your ability to master the weapons is key, as each weapon has very different dynamics. For an in-depth look at the new weapons, read our "Guerrilla Armory" articles about the StA-55 assault rifle, the VC-15 shotgun pistol, the M55 assault rifle and the VC-30 shotgun. More weapon articles are coming to Killzone.com soon! Attachments: There are 19 different weapon attachments in multiplayer, unlocked by completing specific challenges. You can use these to extend the functionality of your weapons in a variety ways, from enhanced scopes to new ammo types to secondary fire options. Adding attachments that complement your playing style can greatly enhance your combat effectiveness. Classes & Abilities: There are three distinct classes and 12 unique special abilities in multiplayer. Each of the classes can be enhanced with up to two special abilities, allowing for some highly specialized playing styles. We'll cover the three classes and their available abilities in more detail in the coming weeks, but we can already reveal that there will be a Placeable Spawn Beacon ability. Custom Warzones: Warzones, with their trademark rotating mission modes, return to multiplayer with supercharged customization features. There are eight mission modes in total, four of which are new to Killzone. More importantly, you can customize these modes to your heart's content and share your favorite settings with the rest of the community. We will regularly highlight popular and interesting community-created Warzones for you to try out. Combat Honors: Combat Honors are temporary bonuses that can be activated by earning enough points during a round. These bonuses stay active for as long you continue play - when your play session ends, you lose your Combat Honors. Combat Honor bonuses range from an increase to movement speed to reduction in recoil. Post-Launch Support: We aim to keep the post-launch multiplayer experience fresh through the frequent release of paid DLC expansion packs that offer new gameplay and customization features. At the same time, all DLC multiplayer maps will be released free of charge to prevent the player base from becoming fractured. Source: http://www.killzone.com/kz3/en_GB/blog/news/2013-09-03_kzsf-multiplayer-detailed.html Only thing there that makes me scratch my head a bit is the Combat Honors part. They stay active for "as long you continue play" (nice typo Guerrila Games ) and end when your "play session ends." Sounds like it could get really dumb really quick... you log in to play your first match, and these other dudes have been playing for awhile, and everyone is moving much faster than you and has less recoil...? Oy. Would make more sense if they reset each time a Warzone ends. Maybe that'll be a hotfix or I'm reading into this entirely wrong.


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What is Love?
So Ive started dating this girl that Ive had a really big crush on for a long time. This coming Saturday will be two weeks with her and my feelings are already really strong. And its really crazy to me becuz Ive never felt so strongly about someone in such a short amount of time. So far our relationship is ideal; we laugh and make each other smile all the time, shes always complimenting me or Im always complimenting her, we can talk to each other about our feelings and have deep conversations face to face. I dont know if its love, but all I know is that it usually doesnt happen this fast, it usually takes some time. I just wanna be sure that Im not over thinking this or anything like that. Ive talked to her about this and she says she feels the same way. Does anybody know what this means?
I think it means you're heading for something real and something special. Definately hold of on pulling the "I love you" card though. I don't know how old you are, but its my personal experience that everyone lately is throwing around "I love you" too quickly and it's starting to loose it's meaning. By the sound of it you are headed for love though, congratulations! (:
I agree with Emmazing, stay on this course and let her say "I love you" first. A good rule of thumb is a month to say I love you. Congrats on finding that which is real
It's best to take things slow at this point. Know that the feelings will fade away somewhat in time, even though it might feel like love now. But this is normal! It means that you're entering a deeper part of your relationship that will make it even stronger than before. I wouldn't say the words 'I love you' until at least 1-2 months into the dating process. Be sure that you still feel it's love when you have your first fight, or when one of you makes a mistake. Keep the affections simple and stay practical, but optimistic!
Thanks for congratulations!! Yea, I really feel like Im headed for something special too. I definitely dont plan on throwing the 'I love you' card anytime soon. Im only 17 and I know at some point in time everyone thinks they know what love is, but I'm gonna take this slow and see where things go. And I have noticed that everyone is throwing 'I love you' around, I see middle schoolers who have dated for two weeks tell each other they love them! Its crazy. Thanks!!(:
lust and infactuation last a max of 3-4 months. but i defiantly know what youre talking about. its a great feeling. dont let it slip away. congradualtions on being in love though!! im happy for you! it can be hard buttttt its so worth it trust me. yay!!!
I belive you two are just heading into a deep relationship very fast. It usually happens that way when you know eachother very well. So, relax.


text:
05th June 2017
Reference: PROF - 11132
Location: Northern Ireland Job Type: Permanent Salary: £0 - £33,000 Date Posted: 05/06/2017
IT Assurance Seniors/Assistant Managers – Financial Services Client x 3
It is important to outline that these positions are NOT typical internal audit assignments that are presented in the NI marketplace. Our client is working on-site with a number of leading banks and financial institutions (here in N.I.) and as such their teams are gaining experience in the context of:
Candidates with experience of providing audit services within a medium or small sized practice are encouraged to apply as a full training and induction programme is in place in order to bring successful candidates up to speed.
Criteria for Assistant Manager positions:
We cannot emphasize enough that this is a new and fresh area of expertise currently developing in the local marketplace. Any candidate who accumulates the skills and experience herein will out perform their peer group within 5 years.
Please submit your application or call the specialist consultant in Abacus Recruitment on 028 9031 3157 for a confidential career discussion or explore other jobs in Belfast, Northern Ireland, Dublin or London.
With 100 years' experience in our team, Abacus is one of NI's most established recruitment brands. We can advise on jobs, CVs, interviews and salaries across permanent, contract and temporary employment.
If you know someone who wants to move a career to NI, then tell them about www.abacus.jobs/belfastforlife or follow @AbacusJobs
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No Need to Be Retired or Age 60 to Enjoy Senior Discounts
When I saw a long list of senior discounts that began at age 50, I was intrigued. I am always on the hunt for opportunities to make your money work harder.
One of the best sources was the AARP discounts that are available to members. Many of the discounts are related to travel and entertainment. So if you pay the annual membership fee of $16, you too can appreciate the benefits of AARP membership:
- Need to rent a car? Get 25% discounts from Alamo, Hertz, National and Budget, up to 30% from Avis, and 5% off from Enterprise.
- Parking your


text:
No. 62: Ricky Van Shelton, 'Rockin' Years' (Feat. Dolly Parton) – Top 100 Country Love Songs
This cut from Ricky Van Shelton's 'Backroads' album reached the top of the Billboard Hot Country Singles & Tracks chart, giving Shelton his eighth No. 1. Shelton and Dolly Parton trade lyrics in this hit from 1991 — a true country love duet. They're two halves of a union that are forever bonded by their word. It's a simpler kind of love that we tend to miss these days.
"I'll do everything I can to make you proud to be my man / And I'll fulfill all your fantasies," they sing to begin the song. A cute video shows a couple growing old together after first climbing onto a rocking chair as school children. Parton has another song on this list of the Top 100 Country Love Songs list, so we tallied this one under Van Shelton.
Skip to: No. 100 | No. 80 | No. 60 | No. 40 | No. 20
Listen to 'Rockin' Years' (Feat. Dolly Parton) by Ricky Van Shelton
Subscribe to Taste of Country on


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Judge acquits Fort Smith man in wife's death
FORT SMITH (AP) - A Fort Smith man charged in the fatal stabbing of his pregnant wife has been acquitted by reason of mental disease or defect.
On Thursday, Sebastian County Circuit Court Judge James Cox acquitted James Herring in the May 2012 fatal stabbing of his wife, 32-year-old Celestia Duffin. Authorities say Celestia Duffin collapsed in the lobby of the Fort Smith Police Department just after asking for help.
Duffin's baby, Keegan Wayne Herring, was delivered by C-section but died before he could be transferred to Arkansas Children's Hospital.
Prosecutors charged Herring with two counts of capital murder and announced plans to seek the death penalty. The Southwest Times Records reports the judge committed Herring to the custody of the Arkansas State Hospital for treatment.Copyright 2013 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.


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PPH Theme This Morning: 'Squirrel!!'
CJ is always giving me a hard time about not being able to concentrate on what he is saying/doing, so the theme of today's Polyester Power Hour was "Squirrel"!
For those who haven't seen the movie "Up", Dug, the dog that is (one of the characters in the movie) and I have a trait in common: my attention is diverted easily from time-to-time.
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Friday, October 4, 2013 -
5:30pm to 7:30pm
Help us welcome the Class of 2017 to Antioch College by joining us for our third annual Community Potluck event. Join local residents, volunteers, alumni, current and former faculty members, and current students for fun, food, and and a campus updated from President Mark Roosevelt. Bring a side dish to share. Beverages and a main course will be provided.
Click here to register.
Antioch College, Main Lawn


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Kaback Model Management
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Phone: 267-318-7807
A talent scout approached my daughter urging her to call for an appointment with Alycia Kaback, so she could be evaluated as a model. My daughter, quite taken with the idea, spoke with Ms. Kaback and was told to come back the next day. That was when she hit my daughter with the bill. A minimum of $500.00 was required. When my daughter said she was hoping to make money first and pay fees out of her first job, Kaback got very impatient and told her you have to spend money to make money--but 500 dollars to include a few photos on a website seemed outrageous. When I e-mailed the office asking whether or not this was a licensed modeling agency and what their policies are, I got a rude almost incoherent response followed by another text which the same woman had sent to someone else in the company, but she had mistakenly sent to me. The text read, "omg deal with this f-----lady" When a company won't tell you anything about themselves and expect you to sign up for a payment plan almost immediately without any photos taken--run the other way! Mothers--don't feed your daughters to these vultures because you wish to believe your daughters will make it into the business. Seek out a reputable modeling agency. Websites of models get hits from perverts--not potential clients.
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Using our coffee machine earlier I couldn't help but notice that rather than the rather primitive interface saying "milk" it now says "milky milky". Some unknown person(?) has taken the trouble to understand the bizarre interface and work out how to reprogram it…
Now there are a whole load of jokes about elephants along similar lines of which there are an alarming number (e.g. http://homepage.eircom.net/~cronews/elep/elep.html). But I've not heard many observations about what happens when you get beyond a certain concentration of software developers.
I'd be interested in knowing whether anybody else has spotted any other symptoms.


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JERUSALEM (JTA) — The Palestinian who killed an Israeli boy with an axe was arrested.
Israel's Shin Bet security service arrested Musa Tiet nearly two weeks ago on April 14. The news of arrest was cleared for publication Sunday.
Tiet reportedly confessed to the April 2 attack in the West Bank settlement of Bat Ayin, which he said he carried out independently and not at the behest of any terrorist organization.
Tiet killed Shlomo Nativ, 13, and injured another boy, 7, during a rampage in the community, located near the assailant's home village.
Tiet told the Shin Bet and recorded in his will that he wanted to die as a martyr.


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I think he's gonna go far. With his charming looks, it sure ain't a hard thing to do... :D
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I think he's gonna go far. With his charming looks, it sure ain't a hard thing to do... :D
I like him okay--it's funny to see his hair so short and dark now; it's his trademark, he better be careful with it!
I agree with fluff, I got very tired of the whole gay joke :rolleyes
If I recall, the gay jokes started with Simon but, Ryan had good comebacks that would shut Simon up. :laugh
I like Ryan enough. He's got a great personality and is fantastic at his job. :up
He's very cute and pretty, but seems to work really hard at maintaining. This whole metro-sexual phenomenon that is sweeping across America lately is nauseating IMO. Ryan DOES NOT do it for me. I like a guy who doesn't a f*.... you know... at least to some degree. Does Ryan do it for any of you? I'm curious to know how and why... because I just don't get it. :shrug
Yes Dunkleman sucked lolz...besides would you rather look at Dunkleman or Seacrest....I choose Seacrest....
You know my brother was told he looked like Ryan?? I laughed and said you aren't that cute hahaha.
Yeah Ryan is probably the best host. I mean those World Idol ones weren't that great! they could have dons better. and the gay joke things well I can't take many more of those. So hopefully it won't start again because they are getting old
I just like him because he's a relatively nice and friendly guy. There are some people in the entertainment industry who succeed by being mean to others, but Ryan doesn't do that. Ofcourse, he hasn't exactly had the chance to do so, but I think it's unlikely that he would, even if he did have the chance.Quote:
Originally Posted by dvm
As for the meterosexual thing... I just like diversity. I hate it when everybody's the same. If every single guy was a meterosexual these days, that would get tiring. However, there are plenty of macho 'Collin Farel' type guys on tv and I guess the Ryan Seacrest type is another alternative.
By the way, can somebody tell me who Dunkleman is? thanks.
I love Ryan Seacrest. I agree with Crysma, I find his charm and amiability to be refreshing. Plus, he is a cutie IMHO. Then again, I'm all over the metrosexual thing. My husband will kill me for saying this, since he is a closet metrosexual, but I love a man who takes care of himself and doesn't mind coming with me to the spa and going shopping. I like that Ryan is into grooming and isn't ashamed to talk about it--isn't it better than being an ugly slob?
BTW, Crysma, you don't want to know who Dunkleman is. Trust me, I wish I could erase the memory. He was the original AI co-host with Ryan during the first run in 2002. He went extinct pronto, and I saw him doing stand-up not long after that. The guy has zero talent or charisma.
ETA this handy visual reference...
Original AI Hosts
Dunkleman, not so much the looker
:hahaup OMG, Terena, you're totally right. :lolQuote:
Originally Posted by Terena79
Thanks for answering my question Snowflake. :) I'm glad Ryan's on his own to host AI. It's better for him this way.


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Silvio Berlusconi Says He's Too Old to Have Sex With 33 Women
The Berlusconi Defense: I'm Too Old!
"Even though I am a little brat . . . 33 girls in two months seems like too much even for a 30-year-old."
— Without compromising his virile reputation, little brat and Italian prime minister Berlusconi argues that he's just too old (74) to have that much sex. He's facing allegations that he had sex with 33 women, including an underage prostitute, at his villa where "bunga bunga" parties were held. As for details involving erotic dancing that turned sexual, Berlusconi said: "The girls were just shaking a leg in the disco — alone, as I've never liked dancing."
Image Source: Getty


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Kelly Osbourne Says Lady Gaga's Jo Calderone Persona Copied Annie Lennox
Even though Lady Gaga has been praised for her originality, she has often been the brunt of a lot of criticism for ripping off past generations of musicians. When she donned the "mermaid in a wheelchair" costume, Bette Midler blasted her because she had been doing that act for years. Now, many people have praised Gaga's appearance at the VMAs as Jo Calderone for it's originality and advocacy for gay rights — but not Kelly Osbourne. She smelled a rip-off, and called Gaga out on Twitter for it.
On her Twitter page, Osbourne wrote, "i love lady gaga but i wish she would start giving credit where credit is due!" She also wrote "example… 1984 PEOPLE!" with a link to Annie Lennox's 'Sweet Dreams (Are Made of This)' performance at the 1984 Grammys.
For those of you who aren't familiar with Lennox, she was the vocalist for the Grammy award-winning British pop rock duo the Eurythmics, whose biggest hits include 'Sweet Dreams (Are Made of This),' 'Missionary Man,' and 'Would I Lie to You,' just to name a few. Lennox was often noted for having a very androgynous look, sporting short hairdos and gender-bending outfits.
While Gaga took her Jo Calderone persona the whole nine yards, speaking and dressing like the alter ego throughout the entire VMA show, the physical similarities between Gaga and Annie Lennox's drag king looks are undeniable. Both women wore black suits and tousled, short black hair. However, Lennox looks quite attractive as a guy (sorry Gaga!), and bears an uncanny resemblance to fellow androgynous rock star David Bowie. Gaga looked more Ralph Maccio in 'The Outsiders' or Fonzie from 'Happy Days.'
Although Osbourne called out Gaga on being an Annie Lennox look-alike, she is still a big fan of the songstress. A few days later, she tweeted, "I love @LadyGaga. She puts bravery back into fashion!"
Watch the Eurythmics Perform 'Sweet Dreams (Are Made of This)' at the 1984 Grammys
Watch Lady Gaga Peform 'You and I' at the 2011 MTV Video Music Awards


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Lending Rights
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Utah Utes roundup: Do Utes have BCS bowl potential?
sammyg Springville, UTAug. 10, 2012 12:19 a.m.
Spin it like you want. The harsh reality is that this so called PAC 12 Network will not be as readily available as KJZZ was last year to the local viewer.
Ratings won't mean a thing if the locals can't watch the games.
I'm betting those number will like Obama's unemployment numbers... they will be adjusted.
As usual, you missed the point. When 'theMtn' was launched it was only available on DirectTV and Comcast. I guess the good thing is if Colorado thumps you again, less people will see it.
Uteology East Salt Lake City, UtahAug. 9, 2012 10:39 p.m.
who's bigger BYUtv / ESPN or PAC Network?
Nice try but PAC-12 also has a deal with ESPN and FOX Sports.
I am willing to bet the ratings for PAC-12 games will be significantly higher. It's probably why the contract is worth $225 million per year -- or $2.7 billion over the life of the deal.
What kind of contract did "Notre Dame of the West" get?
Tomahawk Red North Salt Lake, UTAug. 9, 2012 7:11 p.m.
Springville, UT
Wallbanger con'td
"So reminiscent of 'theMtn' when it was launched.
Where is KJZZ when you really need them?"
Nice try, but no.
Yes, the Pac 12 -- home to teams like USC and Oregon -- will do no better than the MWC -- home to crappy teams like Wyoming, UNLV and BYU -- on their TV network.
Ha ha ha.
sammyg Springville, UTAug. 9, 2012 3:45 p.m.
Wallbanger con'td
"That's to be expected..."
Nice excuse, I can tell that it's bothering you that the current information is what many, including myself, predicted all along. it's far from what Ute fans were hoping for.
It's been two years in the making, Cox Cable is back pedaling, and the network was announced to be ready on August 15th, it appears it will not, but again as I've always said... it could change.
Personally I am surprised that the satellite negotiations have not been completed. Nonetheless even if they were done, the national footprint is going to fall short of original expectations and that's where this discussion first started... who's bigger BYUtv / ESPN or PAC Network?
And it's a shame that many of the local Utah residents will NOT have the Utes on their cable menu guide as an option this fall unless they are on Comcast. Satellite owners are becoming concerned. Rural cable tv subscriber on independent cable systems are not going to be happy either.
So reminiscent of 'theMtn' when it was launched.
Where is KJZZ when you really need them?
sammyg Springville, UTAug. 9, 2012 3:12 p.m.
Never been a Ute hater. Just not a delusional Ute fan or believer. I've actually watched more Ute football these past couple of years then any previous time in my life. Actually cheered for the Utes when they had two successful runs these past few years.
Please find me one comment where I have exhibited hate. I find it so amusing how so many are quick to confuse sarcasm, humor and pointing out some blatant hypocrisy as hatred.
If you want some examples of commentary for hatred I can surely find some for you. Duckhunter can defend himself but again you are grossly mistaken and quick to judge.
If you would follow the ongoing discussion of the PAC 12 Network you would know that a good majority of my previous comments on the subject have been spot on. A 35+ yr career in telecommunications helps. You must have satellite, I'm so sorry.
If we were neighbors we would be good friends or at the least tolerate each other quite well as long you kept your dog poop, beer cans, and kids quiet after 10:30pm if applicable.
However I would not support legalizing marijuana.
Go Comcast!
Uteanymous Salt Lake City, UtahAug. 9, 2012 6:34 a.m.
Even IF the Trojans get invited to the BcS championship game, you're delusional if you think the 2nd place team from the PAC South is going to be invited to the Rose Bowl ahead of the 1st place team from the PAC North.
Wallbanger Spanish Fork, UTAug. 8, 2012 8:29 p.m.
I'm sorry you are so very concerned about the PAC 12 network. I know, I know, it isn't as cool as BYU's HD truck. But I think it's time for you to come down to Earth. Of course things aren't going to be fully up and running right now or when the network officially launches. That's to be expected. Again, I understand your concern though. I would want to watch real football as well. Or I could tune into ESPN 2 at 8:30 on a Friday night and watch BYU destroy some WAC team or be destroyed by teams that matter. One thing us Ute fans do know, is the PAC 12 Network will work itself out and we'll be fine.
Another thing we for sure know, and this is as sure as the sun coming up tomorrow. Is that sammyg and duckhunter will never be able to let go of their obsession and hatred towards the Utes and their fans. If you are true cougar blue fans, you are going against everything the Y stands for. Kind of ironic, isn't it? Sad and funny...
Duckhunter Highland, UTAug. 8, 2012 6:14 p.m.
Uh....utah has no chance of making it to a bcs bowl this year. They simply are not good enough. It was funny to read though.
SoonerUte Salt Lake City, UTAug. 8, 2012 5:51 p.m.
Uteanymous is confused about how the BCS works.
Utah doesn't need to beat USC to get to a BCS bowl. If USC goes to the BCS Title game, then a spot is open in the Rose Bowl. Utah could be selected for the Rose Bowl despite the loss.
It is not unusual for a BCS conference to send TWO representatives to BCS bowl games. That is quite different from when the Mountain West could only send ONE team when Utah/TCU won the conference, or ZERO teams when BYU won the conference.
Uteanymous Salt Lake City, UtahAug. 8, 2012 4:49 p.m.
"Glicksman is talking about unranked teams that ARE IN the preseason rankings..."
Two words: Reading Comprehension
Glickman's article specifically said:
"These five sleepers ARE NOT IN the preseason Coaches' Poll Top 25
Before whining about other bloggers, you should read the article yourself.
Top 25 Finishes during the Bronco-Kyle era
Utah - only three
Top 15 Finishes during the Bronco-Kyle era
Utah - only one
Utah has absolutely NO CHANCE of beating USC to win the PAC 12 South, which is what Utah would have to do to play in a BCS bowl this year.
sammyg Springville, UTAug. 8, 2012 4:35 p.m.
And this just in... the latest PAC 12 Network news from the MercuryNews blogger Jon Wilner...
"My understanding is that Comcast will provide multiple feeds (i.e., regional and national) to subscribers throughout the Pac-12 footprint.
In other words: Viewers in the Bay Area will get the Pac-12/Northern California feed on basic (or expanded basic) and the Pac-12/National feed on a sports tier …"
"Cox has reversed course and decided not to make the Pac-12 Networks available to many areas outside the Pac-12 footprint, even on a sports tier. Some states/regions will have access, but many won't."
Well with this latest Cox cable announcement and without a DirectTV or Dishnet deal it's a stretch to say the PAC 12 Network is a real 'nationwide' network.
Comcast subscribers will have to have a 'sports tier' package to get the 'National' feed PAC 12 Network which is a kind way of saying that it is a subscription service.
'theMtn' > PAC 12 Network... at least it was available on DirectTV
As I've said it could change but there are plenty of cable subscribers in Utah that will not see their Utes.
Fight On! St George, UtahAug. 8, 2012 1:19 p.m.
Utah has no chance to make it to the Rose Bowl or any other BCS bowl. Losses to USC, CAL, and UW are sure things, with toss ups against ASU and UCLA, and count on another slip up to one of the 2 in-state rivals or to WSU/Arizona. Holiday Bowl is the Utes Ceiling next season. October 4th can't come soon enough.
Jenny83 OGDEN, UTAug. 8, 2012 12:20 p.m.
Phoenix --- Before you make a comment you should read the full article. Glicksman is talking about unranked teams that are in the preseason rankings (which byu is not)...
Jenny83 OGDEN, UTAug. 8, 2012 12:17 p.m.
Mussing around ----- Utah has had 2 top 5 finishes in the last 8 years and 2 undefeated seasons in the last 8 years..... Plus, they pummled the cougs on their home field last year...And you are beating your chest?
phoenix Gilbert, AZAug. 8, 2012 11:40 a.m.
"Glicksman includes Utah in his list of UNRANKED teams with BCS potential."
Of course, BYU was ineligible for Glicksman's list because BYU was RANKED!
Pretty elite company for the Utes though:
Louisiana Tech (8-5)
Missouri (8-5)
NC State (8-5)
Pittsburgh (7-5)
Utah (8-5)
The best 5-loss teams in the country for 2011.
mussingaround Palo Alto, CAAug. 8, 2012 11:29 a.m.
As usual, NO mention of the Utes in the national media is ever complete without a comparison of Utah to their big brother... BYU.
Utah fans beat their chests about preseason rankings.
BYU fans beat their chests about final rankings.
Otis Spurlock Ogden, UTAug. 8, 2012 11:00 a.m.
The Sports Illustrated article is obviously wrong because they didn't include byu as having BCS potential.
Sports Illustrated obviously knows nothing about college football.


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Manaira Shopping is among the largest shopping malls in Joao Pessoa, Brazil. The establishment is the property of a popular entrepreneur Robert Santiago. Santiago's shopping mall encompasses global brands and has continuously gained a robust reputation for offering an incomparable and competitive shopping experience to the Brazilian clientele. Manaira Shopping was developed with the core intention of providing a variety of leisure, fun and comfort option to customers. The mall's location in the resort city has propagated its status the more.
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|You can see the "Gruff Plus" extension very well in this photo. The extension climbs the handcrack on the right side of the obvious roof above the climber. The second anchor is right after you pull the roof where there is the small sliver of sky showing in this pic.
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