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Committee on Federal Legislation
In one of the rarest and most grave events in the history of the Republic, the United States House of Representatives is now considering the impeachment of a President. These proceedings have arisen from allegations that President Clinton carried on a sexual relationship with a White House intern and that he sought to cover it up by lying in a civil deposition, lying to a grand jury, tampering with witnesses, and otherwise obstructing justice. Some in Congress have argued that such conduct amounts to "high crimes and misdemeanors" warranting the Presidents impeachment. Others take the view that the Presidents alleged misconduct, while deserving of condemnation, does not merit his removal from office, and call for some lesser sanction. Still others believe the entire matter to be a contrivance for partisan political advantage that warrants no response whatever.
These events raise two fundamental questions. First, what conduct merits impeachment of a sitting President? Second, may Congress, if it chooses, respond to allegations of Presidential misconduct with some less drastic alternative to impeachment and, upon conviction, removal from office? The Associations view as to the first issue is set forth in a Watergate-era report of this Committee, "The Law of Presidential Impeachment."1 In this report, we address the latter question.
Some advocates of impeachment have argued that any lesser sanction than impeachment and removal from office is unconstitutional or extra-constitutional and that the impeachment power is Congresss sole means to address Presidential misconduct. Other authorities have concluded that the Constitution is sufficiently flexible to permit congressional responses short of impeachment and that such lesser remedies may best serve the interests of the Nation by providing an official public condemnation of the Presidentperhaps tied to some tangible penaltywhile avoiding the drastic step of removing from office a duly elected President.
The Committee on Federal Legislation concludes that Congress may, indeed, constitutionally respond to alleged Presidential misconduct by means other than the impeachment process. Either House of Congress, or both, may pass a resolution condemning or disapproving presidential conduct. (This report will adopt the term "censure" to describe such resolutions generically, although Congress need not use that term.) We believe Congress may censure Presidential misconduct irrespective of whether such conduct would, in fact, merit impeachment. Such censure, by itself, of course carries only the moral weight of expressed congressional condemnation, however heavy that weight may be.
The Constitutions prohibition against bills of attainder would bar Congress from unilaterally imposing any punitive or other legal consequence. The President may, however, agree to accept some form of additional personal sanction or penalty. Congress may, consistent with its constitutional duties, agree to forbear from, or to terminate, impeachment proceedings in recognition of the Presidents commitment. Such a "censure plus" outcome would not be subject to judicial review because the Constitution leaves the manner of executing the impeachment power exclusively to Congress. The Presidents compliance could be enforced, as a practical matter, only by the threat of resumed impeachment proceedings.
We express no opinion about whether such an arrangement would, in a particular instance, be good for the country. It is the sense of the Committee that such judgments cannot be made without consideration of the context in which they are made, and we are in no position to assess the merits of the current impeachment inquiry. There is a further question whether such a "censure plus" arrangement, at any time and under any circumstances, would have detrimental consequences for the separation of powers between Congress and the Presidency that would outweigh the utility of resolving a particular crisis. The Committee embraces multiple views on this question, but is in agreement that there may be no single "correct" answer outside a specific factual context. We would urge that any such arrangement be crafted with an acute sense of constitutional restraint and respect for the principle of the separation of governmental powers.
Section I of this report will examine the text of those provisions of the Constitution that inform this inquiry. Section II will examine the history of congressional censure as it has been applied to past charges of misconduct by Presidents and other civil officers. Section III will elaborate upon the Committees view that remedies short of impeachment and removal from office are constitutionally permissible.
I. Textual Analysis
Consideration of the constitutional propriety of proposed congressional actions must take into account three factors. First, what congressional powers or actions does the Constitution expressly authorize? Second, what actions does the Constitution expressly prohibit? Finally, what additional actions might Congress take within these boundaries?
The Constitution provides that the House of Representatives "shall have the sole Power of Impeachment"2 and that the Senate "shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments."3 The scope of the impeachment power is limited to offenses of "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors."4 Although the House may impeach by a vote of a simple majority, conviction in the Senate requires a two-thirds vote of the members present. The Senate may impose no penalties other than removal from office and disqualification from holding a future office.5
The Constitution provides that "[n]o Bill of Attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed."6 As the United States Supreme Court has interpreted this provision, a bill of attainder has three elements: (i) punishment inflicted by a legislative enactment, (ii) against individuals or readily ascertainable members of a group, (iii) without a judicial trial.7 The key question is whether congressional action inflicts "punishment." 8
At its core, an enactment is a bill of attainder if "Congress was intent on encroaching on the judicial function of punishing an individual for blameworthy offenses."9 In considering what the Constitution prohibits as legislative punishment, the Supreme Court has rejected a "narrow historical reading" in favor of a "functional test,"10 under which punishment may consist of deprivation "of any rights, civil or political, previously enjoyed."11 For example, in addition to deprivation of liberty through incarceration or property through a fine, Congress may not impair an individuals ability to engage in gainful employment.12 Congress, thus, is not permitted to respond to misconduct of an executive branch officer by imposing individual punishment.13
II. The Historical Uses of Censure
The authority of the Houses of Congress to adopt resolutions for the expression of "facts, principles, and their own opinions and purposes" is as old as Congress itself.14 That authority has been exercised continuously in innumerable ways. Resolutions may be adopted by the Senate or the House of Representatives individually, by both concurrently,15 or by both jointly.16 Each House has used resolutions as a device to state its opinion, not infrequently to condemn policies or individual conduct of which it disapproves. Censure, as a stern rebuke or condemnatory judgment,17 is one form such resolutions may take. Such a resolution may or may not adopt a specific phrasing; it might "censure," "rebuke," "reprimand," or "condemn," using those terms expressly or not at all.18
The use of resolutions to condemn individual misconduct is most formalized in the processes by which each House may discipline its own members. The Constitution grants each House of Congress the authority to discipline its own members.19 Although the Senate and House of Representatives each have adopted individual rules governing such procedures, for the sake of brevity we describe here only the procedures in the Senate.20
In the Senate, "censure" is the term used to describe a formal action adopting by majority vote a resolution conveying disapproval of a Senators conduct. A censure resolution does not necessarily entail the loss of any right or privilege.21 The word "censure" need not be expressly used in a resolution adopted by the full Senate.22 In the cases of Thomas Pickering in 1811 and Benjamin Tappan in 1844, the Senate merely stated its finding that the two Senators had violated the rules of the Senate without using any specific term of disapproval.23 Other words used in recent decades have been "denounce," "condemn," "reprimand," and "rebuke."24
It is not unusual for one or both houses of Congressseparately or concurrentlyto adopt resolutions that criticize presidential actions or policies. Recent examples abound:
Expressions of congressional sentiment or judgment on executive policy or individual actions, including those of the President, are neither without precedent nor even especially uncommon.28
Congressional resolutions of disapproval aimed at a particular executive branch official generally are referred to as "censure" or "rebuke" resolutions. Any condemnatory resolution passed by one or both Houses of Congress has the same effect upon the subject of the resolutionit is neither more nor less than a public expression of legislative sentiment that condemns as wrongful certain conduct of the executive branch official.
On no fewer than four occasions, the object of Congresss condemnation resolution has been the President himself. On each occasion, this "censure" or equivalent resolution has condemned the President for acts in violation of the United States Constitution.
The most frequently cited "censure" of a President is that of President Andrew Jackson. In 1834, the Senate, then under Whig control, passed a resolution criticizing the President for his role in removing funds from the Second Bank of the United States. Jackson had earlier vetoed the re-chartering of the Bank, and after winning re-election sought to remove all federal deposits from it. The President had no statutory authority, however, to do so; only the Secretary of the Treasury possessed that authority. When Jacksons Secretary of Treasury William J. Duane refused to remove the deposits, Jackson dismissed him and appointed Roger Brooke Taney as acting secretary. The Whigs, asserting that the President could not remove the secretary because the Treasury was responsible to Congress, introduced a resolution that stated: "Resolved, that the President, in the late Executive proceedings in relation to the public revenue, had assumed upon himself authority and power not conferred by the Constitution and laws, but in derogation of both."29 The resolution passed in the Senate by a vote of 26 to 20.30
Although Jacksonian "censure" is often cited, the word "censure" is not found anywhere in the text of the Senate resolution. Nor does the resolution attempt to impose any sanctions or call for any action by the President to remedy his alleged wrongdoing. In January 1837, after Jacksons Democrats regained control of the Senate from the Whigs, the resolution was "expunged" from the "Senate Journal."31
Similar resolutions, citing the President for committing unconstitutional acts, have been passed on three other occasions.
In 1842, the House of Representatives approved and adopted, by a vote of 100 to 80, a report issued by a select committee that found President John Tyler had abused his constitutional powers. The select committee had been convened to report on President Tylers veto of numerous bills passed by the opposition Whig party and after Tyler had pledged to certain congressmen that he would support one particular bill, only to veto it after it was passed by Congress.32 The select committees report charged that Tylers numerous vetoes nullified the "whole action of the Legislative authority of this Union," and that he had further violated his pledge to support one particular bill. The report not only criticized Tylers "anomalies of character and conduct rarely seen upon earth," but further found that Tylers vetoes had "deprived the people of self-government" and constituted an "abusive exercise of the constitutional power of the President."33 The report found that although Tylers actions merited invocation of the impeachment process, impeachment was not recommended because "in the present state of public affairs, [it would] prove abortive."34
President James K. Polk, in 1848, was charged with starting a war in violation of the Constitution. The House of Representatives debated a resolution to praise Major General Zachary Taylor for his success in the battle of Buena Vista in the Mexican War. That resolution was adopted, but with an amendment offered by Whig opponents of the war, describing it as "unnecessarily and unconstitutionally begun by the President of the United States."35
In 1864, the Senate passed a resolution that condemned President Abraham Lincoln and Secretary of War Edwin Stanton for alleged unconstitutional actions. The resolution, introduced by Senator Garrett Davis of Kentucky, concerned the agreement of President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton to allow Francis P. Blair, Jr., to hold commissions in the Army while also serving as an elected member of the House of Representatives. The agreement permitted Blair to resign his commission temporarily and thereupon take his seat in the House, with an understanding that he could revoke his resignation and return to the field at any time. The resolution condemned the agreement as one that "was in derogation of the Constitution of the United States and not with the power of the President and the Secretary of War or either of them to make."36 The Senate voted in favor of the resolution, 24 to 12, and referred it to a special committee for further investigation.37
Congress first considered adopting a condemnatory resolution against executive branch officials during the administration of George Washington. Alexander Hamilton, Washingtons Secretary of the Treasury, had become the focal point in a partisan battle over creation of a national bank. To discredit Hamilton, Representative William Branch Giles introduced nine resolutions in 1793 to condemn Hamiltons alleged improper handling of two congressionally authorized loans.38 The moneys from the loans, one to pay a foreign debt, the second to pay for domestic operations, were commingled by Hamilton despite Congresss instruction that they be kept separate. Although ultimately defeated, the proposed resolutions to censure Hamilton established a precedent.
Congress has exercised its prerogative to criticize other officers of the executive branch by resolutions of censure. In 1822, during the Monroe administration, the House "censured" Major Christopher Van Deventer, the War Departments Chief Clerk, for awarding a construction contract to his brother-in-law, Elijah Mix, who in turn sold a quarter interest in the contract back to Van Deventer.39
Since 1822, one or both Houses of Congress has attempted on numerous occasions, with varying degrees of success, to express its disapproval of the actions of executive branch officials. Some examples are:
III. Sanctions Involving the Agreement of the President
Because Congress cannot unilaterally impose a substantive penalty upon the President short of impeachment without running afoul of the Constitutions bill of attainder proscription, several commentators have advocated a negotiated "settlement" involving the President and Congress that could effectively side-step the bill of attainder problem that would be presented by Congresss unilateral enactment of such a measure.47 A negotiated agreement, the argument goes, would save the country, not to mention Congress and the President, the burden and expense of a drawn-out inquiry where many would be tarnished but little accomplished.48
Perhaps the most frequently mentioned arrangement involves a "censure plus" agreement.49 The President would agree to apologize publicly for certain alleged acts of misconduct in return for Congresss passage of a resolution that reprimands, rebukes, or censures the President or otherwise expresses disapproval of his misconduct. To emphasize the severity of the matter, the President might agree to pay a fine, to reimburse the Government for a portion of the costs of the investigation, or to make a suitable donation to a charity. Such an arrangement could be evidenced by a written agreement or, though perhaps unlikely, even be the subject of legislation presented to the President for signature.
There is no precedent for such an agreement. In the absence of some form of escrow arrangement (and perhaps even then), enforcement by the Judiciary of the commitment of either Congress or the President would be unlikely. The Supreme Court has declined to review, as non-justiciable, questions concerning impeachment procedures.50 It would seem no more likely that the courts would arbitrate a dispute between coordinate branches on an arrangement so closely related to the impeachment power.51
It is, no doubt, in no small part due to frustration with these complexities that some commentators conclude that if impeachment is not pursued, Congress should attempt no other remedy.52
IV. Conclusions of the Committee
The first question that presents itself is whether Congress is permitted any flexibility in its response to an "impeachable offense." Some commentators have expressed the view that, if confronted with credible evidence of such an offense, the House of Representatives is compelled to impeach.53 We believe that view is incorrect, and agree instead with those who suggest that the Constitutions conferral of the "sole power of impeachment" on the House of Representatives, and the inherent nature of that process, convey a latitude for the exercise of political, as well as constitutional, judgment. If the House of Representatives concludes that a President has engaged in impeachable conduct, it has wide discretion to determine whether it would best serve the national interest to impeach; the Senate likewise has discretion to proceed, or not, with a subsequent trial.54 The manner in which either House of Congress exercises its discretion under the impeachment power is not reviewable by the courts.55
The arguments against any Congressional action other than impeachment begin with the strict constructionist view that, on all matters, Congresss powers are and must be limited to those enumerated in the Constitution, and censure of a President is not among them.56 Other scholars, no less intent to explicate the original intent of the Framers, have reached contrary conclusions.57 Even some who do not take such an absolute view, however, argue that allowing Congress to censure or otherwise take action against a President without the limits and procedures associated with impeachment would weaken the office of the Presidency. The threat of such action, the argument goes, would give unscrupulous members of Congress an unacceptable degree of leverage to impose their will on the President.58 Implicit in this argument may be a sense that the framers deliberately chose impeachment as Congresss only option, and they made impeachment and conviction difficult in order to maintain a balance of power among the three branches of government.
Many who support the idea that Congress may act against a President other than by impeachment note that Congress frequently expresses its viewsboth approval and disapprovalon all manner of subjects, including the Presidents actions and policies.59 Moreover, the historical record reflects that Congress has several times expressed as a body its disapproval of at least two Presidents and a number of other Executive Branch employees without going as far as impeachment.60 The thrust of the argument is that, by making impeachment a limited and procedurally difficult remedy, the Framers did not necessarily mean to limit Congress with respect to other options that would not result in the Presidents removal.61 Indeed, a public expression of disapproval by Congress may well be appropriate in circumstances in which Congress, as the surrogate of the people, believes that removal from office is not warranted or desirable.
The question remains whether the Bill of Attainder Clause is offended by a resolution of censure that finds blameworthiness, but imposes no tangible punishment. There are at least two reasons to believe it would not. First, to the extent the individual target of censure may be said to be punished, the injury is solely to reputation. Although it may be keenly felt, an injury to reputation alone is not one that implicates any liberty or property interest sufficient to invoke the constitutional protection of due process.62 Second, of the substantial number of congressional censures of executive branch officers,63 none has been invalidated as a bill of attainder. As an expression of opinion, however strongly worded, on the policy or conduct of an executive branch officer, a censure resolution does not violate the Bill of Attainder Clause.
Congress actually constrains the executive branch, at least formally, through its enumerated powers, such as the power to impeach and remove civil officers, to withhold approval of Presidential appointments, and to disapprove treaties.64 As the historical examples make clear, expressions of congressional censure alone have quite limited, if any, punitive or even historical significance. The examples of Presidents Jackson and Tyler are illustrative. Other than eliciting written protests, there is little evidence of any direct effect on the executive branch. Indeed, the censure of Jackson was physically struck from the congressional record.
It does not follow that congressional resolutions of censure lack real consequences. Presidents Jackson and Tyler each were sufficiently exercised and, presumably, concerned about popular and political reactions to censure to launch vehement responses. To the extent that presidential power rests upon public acceptance of authority in the "bully pulpit," public censure by Congress may have lasting effects on policy as well as reputation. The absence of formal legal or constitutional sanctions does not remove from censure its serious potential political consequences.
On the basis of the text of the Constitution and the historical record, the Committee concludes that the adoption by either House of Congress (or both) of a resolution that censures the President is permitted under the Constitution.
The more difficult question arises in connection with what we refer to as "censure plus": any arrangement by which, in addition to censure, the President assumes some obligation or makes some gesture of atonement. Such actions could take a variety of forms. such as the payment of money to reimburse investigative expenses, payment of money to a charity, or an agreement to do or refrain from doing a particular thing. The Committee believes that any such arrangement requires the agreement of the President to satisfy constitutional concerns. Any effort by Congress to impose a "censure plus" arrangement on the President without his consent would violate the Bill of Attainder clause.
Assuming Presidential agreement, however, it is the view of the Committee that the Constitution does not, as a general matter, preclude such an arrangement. As we have previously opined: "Congress may properly impeach and remove a President only for conduct amounting to a gross breach of trust or serious abuse of power, and only if it would be prepared to take the same action against any President who engaged in comparable conduct in similar circumstances."65 Therefore, Congress should not use the threat of impeachment proceedings, or the termination of proceedings already begun, to induce the President to agree to, or to comply with the terms of, any "censure plus" arrangement unless there appears to be a reasonable basis to launch an impeachment inquiry.
This is not to say that "censure plus" is acceptable only where impeachment also would be warranted. Circumstances may arise which permit reasonable differences of opinion within Congress as to whether particular allegations of misconduct constitute "high crimes and misdemeanors." Alternatively, in the course of a Congressional impeachment inquiry, facts may come to light demonstrating presidential misconduct that, although not rising to the level of an "impeachable offense," reflects a disregard for law, civil liberties, the security of the Republic, or other constitutional values. Under such circumstances, Congress might conclude that such conduct warrants condemnation that hopefully will deter similar presidential misconduct in the future. The Committee believes that the Constitution does not forbid resolution of such crises through a voluntary "censure plus" arrangement in these circumstances.
The nature of the Presidential concession Congress may require as part of a "censure plus" arrangement is another issue. The Committee sees no constitutional prohibition against an agreement by the President to reimburse the government for expenses incurred, or to pay money to a particular fund, or otherwise to redress, in his personal capacity, the fallout from his actions.
A more difficult question arises where the censure plus arrangement involves agreement by the President to do or refrain from doing some act that would otherwise be within the normal prerogative of the Executive. May Congress require, and the President agree, that the President will sign a particular bill without change? Or nominate or appoint only a particular person or category of persons to federal office? Or command the armed forces to undertake or to discontinue a particular mission?
It is the sense of some on the Committee that such an arrangement could effectively require the President, in order to avoid impeachment, to abdicate the duties of his office and to deprive the Republic of its Chief Executive, thereby offending the Constitutions mandate of the separation of powers. Others on the Committee do not share this concern. They argue that the normal give and take of politics permits Congress to use any of its powers, including the power to appropriate funds and the power to override a veto, to extract Presidential concessions. The threat of impeachment, where it would be merited, is an additional device the Constitution grants to Congress to check the President.66 They argue that, so long as the Presidential participation in a "censure plus" arrangement is voluntary, separation of powers concerns are not presented. The President, they contend, may always refuse to enter into any censure plus arrangement and invite Congress to impeach if it can.
There is no clear consensus within the Committee as to the resolution of this theoretical debate. It is our sense, however, that Congress should, as a prudential if not a constitutional matter,67 craft any "censure plus" arrangement with a sense of restraint and respect for the respective roles of the branches of government.
The Committee concludes that the Constitution does not prohibit either the censure of Presidential misconduct or an arrangement between Congress and the President described as "censure plus." In the absence of constitutional restrictions, the use of these sanctions necessarily is governed only by the judgments of constitutional officials in the exercise of their offices. Censure of a President has been an extraordinary and rare event and should remain so. As the historical record indicates, Congress has censured the President only where it believed that the Presidents conduct was an abuse of office in ways that would constitute grounds for impeachment. Far from trivial or toothless, Congresss censure of a President is an extremely serious measure. It should be reserved for conduct where impeachment is at least debatably a justifiable alternative. Even more so, "censure plus" as a device should be reserved for events unresolvable in any other way short of impeachment.
December 10, 1998
1See Association of the Bar of the City of New York, Committee on Federal Legislation, The Law of Presidential Impeachment, 29 The Record 154 (1974). There, this Committee opined that "Congress may properly impeach and remove a President only for conduct amounting to a gross breach of trust or serious abuse of power, and only if it would be prepared to take the same action against any President who engaged in comparable conduct in similar circumstances. Although the responsibility for giving content to the constitutional grounds for impeachment is, in our opinion, solely that of Congress, our conclusion is that Congress should exercise these powers subject to a firm sense of constitutional restraint." Id. at 156. The Committee further opined that "it is fair to conclude that the Framers had in mind [that] only conduct which in some broad fashion injures the interests of the country as a political entity [should] be the basis for impeachment and removal." Id. at 160-61.
2Art. I, Sec. 2.
3Art. I, Sec. 3.
4Art. III, Sec. 4.
5Art. I, Sec. 3.
6Art. I, Sec. 9. The subject of impeachment is treated authoritatively in a number of treatises. See, e.g., Michael J. Gerhardt, The Federal Impeachment Process: A Constitutional and Historical Analysis (1996); Raoul Berger, Impeachment: The Constitutional Problems (1974); John R. Labovitz, Presidential Impeachment (1978); Charles Lund Black, Impeachment: A Handbook (1974); see also Joseph Isenbergh, Impeachment and Presidential Immunity from Judicial Process, Occasional Papers from the Law School of the University of Chicago No. 39 (1998).
7Nixon v. Administrator of General Services, 433 U.S. 425, 468-69 (1977); United States v. Lovett, 328 U.S. 303, 315 (1946).
8Nixon, 433 U.S. at 472-73.
9Nixon, 433 U.S. at 479.
10United States v. Brown, 381 U.S. 437, 475-76 (1965).
11Id. at 448. Even where such a deprivation may occur, congressional action does not fail this test if, "viewed in terms of the type and severity of burdens imposed, [the action] reasonably can be said to further nonpunitive legislative purposes." Id. at 475-76 (footnote and citations omitted).
12See, e.g., Brown, 381 U.S. 437 (invalidating statute barring Communist Party members from serving as officers or employees of a labor union).
13An additional limitation, directly applicable only to the President, is that his compensation may not be reduced during his elected term. Art. II, Sec. 1.
14See Jeffersons Manual of Parliamentary Practice � XXI; House Rules Manual � 395, H. Doc. No. 104-272 at 190 (1996). "Jeffersons Manual" is the name given to the rules of parliamentary procedure compiled by then-Vice President Thomas Jefferson for his own use as President of the Senate from 1797-1801. Adopted by the House of Representatives in 1837, to the extent not inconsistent with other standing rules, and revised in 1880, Jeffersons Manual comprises today a substantial portion of the Houses rules. See House Rules Manual � 284, H. Doc. No. 104-272 at 117 n.1.
15"A concurrent resolution is binding on neither House until agreed to by both, and, since not legislative in nature, is not sent to the President for approval." Id. � 396, H. Doc. No. 104-272 at 190 (citations omitted).
16A joint resolution "is a bill so far as the processes of the Congress in relation to it are concerned. With the exception of joint resolutions proposing amendments to the Constitution, all these resolutions are sent to the President for approval and have the full force of law." Id. � 397, H. Doc. No. 104-272 at 191 (citations omitted).
17See, e.g., Merriam Webster Collegiate Dictionary (10th ed.) ("a judgment involving condemnation[,] the act of blaming or condemning sternly[,] an official reprimand").
18The draft resolution of censure proposed by members of the House Judiciary Committee on December 9, 1998 states:
N.Y. Times, Dec. 10, 1998
19Art. I, Sec. 5, cl. 2 ("Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two-thirds, expel a Member.").
20S. Res. 338, 88th Cong., 2d Sess. (1964) (establishing the Senate Select Committee on Ethics, with the power to investigate allegations of senatorial misconduct); House Rule XLIII, Code of Official Conduct, H. Doc. No. 104-272 at 804-809; see generally Laura Krugman Ray, Discipline Through Delegation: Solving the Problem of Congressional Housecleaning, 55 U. Pitt. L. Rev. 389 (1994); Jack Maskell, Expulsion and Censure Actions Taken by the Full Senate Against Members, Congressional Research Service ("CRS") Report for Congress, Sept. 17, 1993, at CRS-1. For Senate precedents before 1972, see Senate Election, Expulsion and Censure Cases from 1793 to 1972, S. Doc. No. 92-7, 92d Cong., 1st Sess. (1972).
21Pursuant to its rules the Senate Select Committee on Ethics may recommend disciplinary action to the full Senate "including, but not limited to . . . censure, expulsion, or recommendation to the appropriate party conference regarding such Members seniority or positions of responsibility." Rules of Procedure of the Senate Select Committee on Ethics � 2(a)(2).
22Maskell, supra note 20, at CRS 10.
24In the twentieth century, the Senate has "censured" Senator Dodd (1967); "condemned" Senators Bingham (1929) and McCarthy (1954); and "denounced" Senators Talmadge (1979) and Durenberger (1990). Senators Cranston, Hatfield, and DAmato were "rebuked" by the Senate Ethics Committee without action by the full Senate. See Maskell, supra note 20, at CRS 10-18.
25H. Res. 397, 105th Congress, 2d Sess. (1998).
26H.J. Res. 58, 105th Congress, 1st Sess. (1997).
27The resolution stated that the President "should categorically disavow any intention" of granting such pardons. H. Con. Res. 218, 104th Congress, 2d Sess. (1996).
28Congress has also included the judiciary as the target of such resolutions. See, e.g., H. Res. 186, 100th Congress, 1st Sess. (1989) (expressing "profound concern" over the Supreme Courts decision declaring that flag-burning is constitutional); H. Res. 591, 105th Congress, 2d Sess. (1998) (resolution introduced expressing dissatisfaction with Supreme Courts hiring practices with respect to minority judicial clerks).
29Senate Journal, 23rd Cong., 1st Sess., 197.
30The House never voted on the resolution.
31Jackson issued a protest two weeks after his censure. He argued that the censure was unconstitutional because the resolution indicated he had committed a high crime, and if that were true, he asserted, he must be impeached, which is the only way provided in the Constitution for Congress to call the chief executive to account, and which would have given him an opportunity to defend himself in the Senate. The Senate refused to "accept" the protest. III J.D. Richardson, ed., A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897, at 69-93 (1900) (hereinafter Richardson, Compilation of Messages).
32Woodward, Responses of the Presidents 64.
33House Journal, 27th Cong., 2d Sess., 1343-1352.
34Like Jackson, President Tyler issued a formal protest and argued that the House could not charge him with an impeachable offense and then not impeach him. President Tyler asserted that if the charges against him were true, then he should be impeached. But they were not true, he argued, and he must be afforded the right to defend himself in a trial before the Senate. The House refused to accept Tylers protest or to put it into the House record. IV Richardson, Compilation of Messages 190-193.
35Congressional Globe, 30th Cong., 1st 8ess., 95.
36Congressional Globe, 38th Cong., 1st Sess., 2218; J.G. Randall and Richard N. Current, Lincoln the President 181-82 (1955).
37Congressional Globe, 38th Cong., 1st Sess., 2275-78. After an investigation of the arrangement by the House of Representatives, Blairs opponents succeeded in unseating him before the end of the session. Randall and Current, supra note 36, at 182.
38VIII Paul L. Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson 222-23 (1892); id. Vol. IX at 40- 41; C. Vann Woodward, ed., The Responses of the Presidents to Charges of Misconduct 10 (1974) (hereinafter Woodward, Responses of the Presidents).
39Woodward, Responses of the Presidents 41; House Report 79, 17th Cong., lst Sess.
40Woodward, Responses of the Presidents 77-78; Congressional Globe, 31st Cong., lst Sess., 1340-1360.
41House Report 184, 35th Cong. 2d Sess.; Woodward, Responses of the Presidents 93; Leonard D. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861, at 219-221 (1965).
42Congressional Globe, 37th Cong. 2d Sess., 1840-1841, 1888.
43II Allan Nevins, Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration 708-709, 714 (1936); Woodward, Responses of the Presidents 130.
44Senate Report 2710, 50th Cong., 2d Sess., ser. 2624.
45Woodward, Responses of the Presidents 168; House Report 3732, 51st Cong., 2d Sess., ser. 2887 at i-xix; House Report 1868, 52nd Cong. 1st Sess., ser. 3049-3050 at xxxix.
46Congressional Record, 68th Cong., 1st Sess., 2055-68, 2245; Burl Noggle, Teapot Dome: Oil and Politics in the 1920s, at 108-l10 (1962).
47See, e.g., Gerald R. Ford, The Path Back to Dignity, N.Y. Times, Oct. 4, 1998; Democratic Roundtable Discussion on the Impeachment Process, Oct. 15, 1998 (Federal Document Clearing House) (hereinafter Democratic Roundtable), Remarks of Laurence R. Tribe (censure as verdict of legislative trial would be constitutionally problematic, but constitution permits both censure as a resolution condemning conduct and, within limits, a "cooperative arrangement"); id., Remarks of Susan Low Bloch (independent resolutions of either House of Congress censuring conduct are permitted by Constitution).
48It might be suggested that such an arrangement would necessarily be forbidden by the constitutional doctrine of the separation of powers. As a constitutional matter, we think this is not true. See Nixon v. Administrator of General Services, 433 U.S. 425, 443 (1977) ("In determining whether the Act disrupts the proper balance between the coordinate branches, the proper inquiry focuses on the extent to which it prevents the Executive Branch from accomplishing its constitutionally assigned functions. United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 711-12 (1974). Only where the potential for disruption is present must we then determine whether that impact is justified by an overriding need to promote objectives within the constitutional authority of Congress.")
49See Ford, supra note 47 (proposing that the President submit to public censure in the Well of the House of Representatives); House Judiciary Committee, Hearing on Impeachment, Dec. 9, 1998, Testimony of William Weld (suggesting, in addition to censure, a detailed written report of findings by the Judiciary Committee, a written acknowledgment by the President, and the Presidents agreement to pay a fine).
50Nixon v. United States, 506 U.S. 224 (1993); see The Law of Presidential Impeachment, supra note 1, at 167-71.
51In the context of any such arrangement, additional issues arise with respect to potential criminal prosecution of the President following his term in office. Whether Congress could lawfully limit such exposure is beyond the scope of this report.
52See, e.g., Dan Quayle, Censure Is Not An Option, N.Y. Times, Nov. 16, 1998; Arlen Spector, Instead of Impeachment, N.Y. Times, Nov. 11, 1998.
53See, e.g., House Judiciary Committee Subcommittee on the Constitution, Hearing on the Background and History of Impeachment, Nov. 9, 1998 (hereinafter History of Impeachment Hearing), Testimony of Stephen B. Presser ("Once [the House of Representatives] determines that impeachable acts have been committed, you have no choiceif the Constitution is to function as the framers understoodyou must impeach, leaving the decision on removal to the Senate."); Quayle, supra note 52.
54Richard Fallon, Three Questions Deserve Consideration, Boston Globe, Sept. 12, 1998 ("Impeachment is a constitutionally available remedy for presidential abuse of office, but impeaching the president is not a constitutional requirement in every case that fits the definition."); Laurence R. Tribe, How to Bring Clinton to Justice Without Punishing the Nation, Boston Globe, Sept. 16, 1998 ("the House is not obligated to bring impeachment proceedings simply because presidential conduct might fit within the class of offenses for which impeachment is constitutionally authorized"); History of Impeachment Hearing, Testimony of Matthew Holden, Jr.; Testimony of Cass R. Sunstein; Testimony of Richard D. Parker; Testimony of William Van Alstyne; Testimony of Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.; Testimony of Michael J. Gerhardt; Democratic Roundtable, Remarks of Susan Low Bloch (House of Representatives has discretion whether to pursue impeachment); id., Remarks of Laurence R. Tribe (same).
55See supra notes 50-51 and accompanying text.
56See supra notes 52-53.
57See Isenbergh, supra note 6, at 33-34 ("Impeachment lies for a broad range of crimes and, when the crime aims at the state, removal from office is mandatory upon conviction. When the crime aims elsewhere, removal is also possible, but not mandatory, and other penalties, such as censure, or suspension from office, are available.").
58Lowell Weicker, Let the Process Go Forward, N.Y. Times, Oct.6, 1998 ("an open invitation for political mischief to be visited on future Presidents whenever Congress disagrees with their policies").
59See supra, note 54.
60See supra, Part II.
61Isenbergh, supra note 6, at 39 n.1 ("Censure is a possible outcome of an impeachment trial . . ., but Congress can also express disapproval less formally. Or, censure that the President did not contest could be understood as a form of settlement of impeachment proceedings.").
62Paul v. Davis, 424 U.S. 693, 701-10 (1976).
63See supra, Part II.
64Art. I, Secs.2, 4. Informally, of course, Congress may affect executive policy either through actions threatened as a consequence of continuation of or change in Presidential policy or through negotiations centered on individual legislative measures.
65The Law of Presidential Impeachment, supra note 1, at 156.
66See Federalist No. 77 (concluding his review of the office of the President, its powers, and protections from abuse, Hamilton observes that, in addition to formal limitations, the President always would be subject to the control of Congress).
67In the words of one commentator, "constitutional law explicates what is permissible, but politics dictates what should be done." Michael J. Gerhardt, The Federal Impeachment Process: A Constitutional and Historical Analysis (1996) at 177.


text:
This is a great summary - and could definitely be thrown up in the tutorials section (or even the FAQ!).
Thanks for the note about Paypal freezing - I didn't know that.
Just to chip in my own practices - I tend to ask for 50% on line art approval and then the balance when I turn over the finals. There are a couple of companies with whom I have a different agreement, but that's on a case by case basis. Also, I've found the games world to be a friendly and honest one so I think it's fair to assume a certain amount of good will and good behaviour with small presses. You should definitely make sure you have a clear idea of the parameters of the job when you start, but it's not always worth putting hard limits on numbers of edits right up front. Jobs are organic things and things come up that you don't expect. If the client starts asking for unreasonable changes then you can usually deal with it in a careful email rather than placing hard restrictions on the job in writing. A little flexibility on the part of the artist is usually rewarded with a little flexibility from the client when you need it further down the line. The best working relationships come about when artist and publisher get along well.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
search the archive
search the archive
bibliography and history of the book
cultural studies and historical approaches
ecocriticism and environmental studies
ethnicity and national identity
humanities computing and the internet
journals and collections of essays
CFP: [Gender Studies] Personal Narrative and Political Discourse (Special Issue of Biography 8/15/2009)
full name / name of organization:
Craig Howes
contact email:
Call for Papers. Special Issue of _Biography_ 32.1 (Winter 2010).
The 2008 U.S. presidential election was remarkable in part for the role
questions of authenticity and ghost writing • un/representative lives in
TO SUBMIT: Manuscripts should be double spaced, and ideally between 3,000
Biography: An Interdisciplinary Quarterly, Center for Biographical
Deadline for receipt of completed papers: 15 August 2009.
cfp categories:


text:
ST's T-series Triacs are designed for the ever increasing number of AC loads in appliance control. These AC appliance switches meet both the immunity and high-commutation needs, offering a cost-effective solution.
For this series, both immunity (dV/dt) and commutation capability (dI/dt)c are specified, as well as the low gate current. This last parameter is key, as it helps optimize the power supply and allows direct drive capability through a single resistance between the microcontroller and the Triac, for all 10 mA gate types.
The trade-off of surge current (ITSM) versus immunity and commutation capability is improved. This is one step ahead of the usual offer, and a unique range in the market.


text:
Skip to main content
Heather Corinna replies:
I need help! I slept with someone and now I burn and am swollen down there. My family doesn't have insurance and I just turned 18. I heard that there are free women's clinics but I can't find any in houston. Can you help me?
In the immortal words of Douglas Adams, don't panic. :)
Whether or not you've got symptoms of noticeable after-effects from partnered sex, once you become sexually active, you will need to get your sexual health looked at at least once a year, including a pap smear and a full STI screening. Certainly, now is as good a time to start as any.
Finding completely free clinics is often difficult, however, clinics often offer a sliding scale, so if you don't have any income or are very low-income, the chances are good that you can get sexual healthcare you can afford. And in the case that the sex you had was unprotected, you can also often get condoms for free at many clinics.
In Houston, here are two places for you to start. Just go ahead and call in, and explain that you need a basic exam and STI testing. If money is an issue, also ask about their fees and if they have sliding scales. If this burning or other symptoms are severe, let them know that, and they'll likely do all they can to get you in as soon as possible. (Though it should be noted that while you need to go get this care, that burning and swelling could just as easily be from intercourse without arousal and/or lubrication as it could from something nastier.)
Either of those venues should be able to serve you, and in the case neither can, either could easily help you find what you need elsewhere.
And just so that you have the basic information for yourself in the future, here are a few links which should be of use:
Information on this site is provided for educational purposes. It is not meant to and cannot substitute for advice or care provided by an in-person medical professional. The information contained herein is not meant to be used to diagnose or treat a health problem or disease, or for prescribing any medication. You should always consult your own healthcare provider if you have a health problem or medical condition.


text:
Talking Ben the Dog
by Outfit7
Developer Notes
Ben is a retired chemistry professor who likes his quiet comfortable life of eating, drinking and reading newspapers. To make him responsive, you will have to bother him long enough that he will fold his newspaper. Then you can talk to him, poke or tickle him or even have a telephone conversation...


text: You don't get impeached for what President Bill Clinton was impeached for and get away without being parodied. Whether you loved him or not, you're sure to love wearing our Adult's Clinton Mask. This vinyl mask is designed like a caricature of Bill Clinton and exaggerates the nose and chin area. Wear it with one of your suits to a political event or for a hysterical Halloween outfit.


text:
The Power of Independent Thinking
Art Carden Talks Price Gouging on Stossel
Recorded: Thursday, November 1, 2012
Research Fellow Art Carden on Stossel discusses the positive aspects of price gouging during natural disasters.
Experts: Art CardenType: TelevisionIssues: Business, Economic Policy, Economists, Free Market Economics, Law Enforcement
Is U.S. Justice Broken?
Recorded: Thursday, December 9, 2010
Part 1 |
Part 2
Part 3
Part 4
Part 5
From fingerprinting to criminal sentencing, from lawyer licensing to judicial selection, and from eminent domain to wealth transfers via class-action lawsuits, how do perverse incentives impact the law and what reforms would create a more just and efficient legal system?
Experts: David D. Friedman, Alex Kozinski, Edward J. López, David J. TherouxType: Independent Institute EventIssues: Crime, Criminal Justice/ Prisons, Law Enforcement
Stephen Halbrook on DC vs. Heller II
Recorded: Monday, November 15, 2010
Stephen P. Halbrook on nra.org discusses his optimism that the U.S. Court of Appeals in the D.C. Circuit will rule that Mayor Fenty's anti-gun laws in D.C. are unconstitutional.
Experts: Stephen P. HalbrookType: TelevisionIssues: Constitutional Law, Gun Control
The Supreme Court and the Battle for Second Amendment Rights (Oakland)
Recorded: Thursday, July 22, 2010
Part 1 |
Part 2
Part 3
Part 4
Experts: Stephen P. Halbrook, Nelson Lund, Alexander T. TabarrokType: Independent Institute EventIssues: Constitutional Law, Gun Control


text:
Speaker Kenji Takeda
Affiliation MSRC
Host Scarlet Schwiderski-Grosche
Duration 00:34:20
Date recorded 3 July 2013
We live in an information society, with cloud computing is changing the way we live, work and play in a world of devices and services. In this talk we'll explore what, why and how this new era of computing is changing the way we think about conceiving, developing and delivering software and services. We'll then look at how the concept of Big Data is transforming science, and the opportunities it presents for the future.
This talk will be followed by a hands-on Windows Azure workshop.
©2013 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.
By the same speaker
People also watched


text:
Should you trust eBay's password email?
Don't Waste Your Money
It's about time.
That's what many eBay users are saying, now that the online auction site has finally emailed its members about a security breach.
One week after announcing a hacker attack, eBay is only now alerting its members, and telling them to change their passwords.
Many are wondering why it took so long, when security experts were quoted in the news 6 days earlier urging everyone to change their password.
Whatever the reason for the delay, if you have not yet done so, you should change your password.
While PayPal was not breached, if it is the same password as you use on eBay, you should change that one too.
Caution Before You Click
However, do not change your password through any links in the email: You cant be 100% sure that the email is not a spoof from a new scammer.
Already, security websites say scammers are impersonating the eBay email, and sending out their own "phishing" versions, with links to bogus sites.
Log onto eBay directl y to change your password.
That way you stay safe, and you don't waste your money.
Don't Waste Your Money is a registered trademark of the EW Scripps Co.
"Like" John Matarese on Facebook
Follow John on Twitter (@JohnMatarese)


text:
It's the season of giving, and giving for less, means more money left in your pocket. Here's one way to do that.
Amazon.com is offering year subsciptions to well known magazines for just 5-dollars each. We're talking Cosmopolitan, Good Housekeeping, Seventeen and many, many more.
Here's a deal that can save you serious cash. Check out daily deal websites which have limited quantities for a limited time, but big discounts. Two of my favorites are Woot.com.. and Daily-Steals.com. You'll ocassionally find free deals with just 5-dollar shipping. Major retailers like Target and Kohls are now also offering daily deals on their websites.
How does free skiing sound? That's what you can enjoy now through Christmas Day when you get away to the Hotel Terra in Jackson Hole, Wyoming.
Stay at this 4-diamond resort for just 99-dollars a night and recieve your free lift tickets. That's a 55-dollar for every skier.
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text:
22 U.S. Code § 3401 - Congressional findings and declaration of policy
prev | next
(a) Policy of support for peace treaty
It is the policy of the United States to support the peace treaty concluded between the Government of Egypt and the Government of Israel on March 26, 1979. This treaty is a significant step toward a full and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. The Congress urges the President to continue to exert every effort to bring about a comprehensive peace and to seek an end by all parties to the violence which could jeopardize this peace.
(b) Findings
The peace treaty between Egypt and Israel having been ratified, the Congress finds that the national interests of the United States are served—
(1) by authorizing the President to construct air bases in Israel to replace the Israeli air bases on the Sinai peninsula that are to be evacuated;
(2) by authorizing additional funds to finance procurements by Egypt and Israel through the fiscal year 1982 of defense articles and defense services for their respective security requirements; and
(c) Other agreements, understandings, or commitments
The authorities contained in this subchapter to implement certain arrangements in support of the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel do not signify approval by the Congress of any other agreement, understanding, or commitment made by the executive branch.
Source(Pub. L. 96–35, § 2,July 20, 1979, 93 Stat. 89.)
References in Text
This subchapter, referred to in subsec. (c), was in the original "this Act", meaning Pub. L. 96–35, July 20, 1979, 93 Stat. 89, as amended, known as the Special International Security Assistance Act of 1979, which enacted this subchapter and sections 2349, 2349a, and 2349b of this title. For complete classification of this Act to the Code, see Short Title note below and Tables.
Short Title
Pub. L. 96–35, § 1,July 20, 1979, 93 Stat. 89, provided that: "This Act [enacting this subchapter and sections 2349, 2349a, and 2349b of this title] may be cited as the 'Special International Security Assistance Act of 1979'."
Pub. L. 97–132, § 1,Dec. 29, 1981, 95 Stat. 1693, provided that: "This joint resolution [enacting subchapter II of this chapter] may be cited as the 'Multinational Force and Observers Participation Resolution'."
Peace in the Middle East
Pub. L. 96–533, title VII, § 711,Dec. 16, 1980, 94 Stat. 3160, provided:
"(a) It is the sense of the Congress that all parties to the Arab-Israeli conflict need to reaffirm their unequivocal commitment to the peace process in order to achieve further progress toward a comprehensive settlement, to reinforce the principles of the Camp David accords, and to take actions to encourage parties not currently involved in the peace process to become active participants in peace efforts.
"(b) It is further the sense of the Congress that to further these goals (1) all parties to the conflict should accept Israel's unequivocal right to exist within secure and recognized borders; (2) the Governments of Israel and Egypt should maintain and strengthen their commitment to the process of normalization of relations and continue actions to support that commitment; (3) the Governments of Israel and Egypt should reaffirm their commitment to United Nations Resolution 242 and its applicability, in all its aspects, to territories under negotiations; and (4) the governments of countries in the Middle East should assure that their policies and actions are consistent with the objectives of achieving peace and of involving other parties in the peace process."
Egyptian-Israeli Cultural, Scientific, and Economic Relations
Pub. L. 96–60, title IV, § 403,Aug. 15, 1979, 93 Stat. 403, provided that: "It is the sense of the Congress that it should be the policy of the United States to promote and encourage cultural, scientific, and economic relations between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel."
LII has no control over and does not endorse any external Internet site that contains links to or references LII.


text: This classic Jimmy Choo Riki hobo is in PRE-LOVED condition (light use). It is made from supple black leather edgily updated with a pair of looping belts and gold-tone hardware. The shoulder straps show light wear. There are a few small marks on the interior. The hardware is slightly tarnished.


text: Quick View PlasmaCar Red by PlaSmart $69.95 In stock online A unique ride-on toy. Put your feet up, steer and away you go. No Pedals, gears or batteries needed. Use it indoors or out, on any smooth flat surface. Assembled PlasmaCar measures L31.5 x W13.3 x H16 (inches). See Details was


text:
Breast Milk Storage & Handling
After you have expressed your breast milk, you'll need to ensure that it is safely stored before it is needed for your child's next feeding. When it comes to storing expressed milk, you can store it in bottles like the Ameda Breast Milk Storage Bottles or storage bags like the Ameda Store 'N Pour Breast Milk Storage Bags and you can either refrigerate or freeze it depending on how you're you plan to use it for a feeding. Whether you plan to store your milk in the refrigerator or in the freezer, there are certain guidelines that determine how long you are able to store it. We've collected articles and other resources on the storage of breastmilk to give you an overview of how to safely handle your expressed milk.
Ameda Tweets
Moms Love Ameda
Ameda's Dedication to Quality and Safety
Comfort. Breastfeeding, while important and healthy, also needs to be done in a way that is comfortable. Ameda's breast pumps are designed to fit comfortably, and come in many different styles and shapes in order to fit to your needs and comfort levels.
[Learn More]
Affordable Care Act
You may be covered... at no cost to you!
Now Breastfeeding Services and Supplies Are Covered Without Cost Sharing in Health Plans Starting August 1, 2012. Read about NEW Coverage Guidelines Under Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.
[Verify Coverage & Order]


text:
Friday, January 24, 2014
... Read more
Wednesday, January 22, 2014
Graphic by WebPageFX Blog www.webpagefx.com/blog/general/the-science-of-happiness/ <... Read more
Monday, January 20, 2014
... Read more
Tuesday, December 31, 2013
Happy New Year all. I hope all your goals can be met. Remember. Keep then simple and attainable and yet meaningful.
I decided that I wanted to reboot my Spark membership.
Reboot is the correct word. Not restart. I haven't stopped. But ... Read more
Sunday, December 15, 2013
I don't know if it's my imagination or not, but it seems that the Salvation Army is out in force this year. I know it's Chritmas season and they are always out, but this year it seems more so.
Whenever I pass them, if there is any jingly in... Read more
Thursday, December 12, 2013
Miguelito, Mike, my baby.
He lives in LA and is an aspiring actor. Until that happens he works retail in a clothing store. Yesterday ... well to make his long story short ... the store was held up at gunpoint. In fact two guns ... pointed a... Read more
Tuesday, December 10, 2013
Wednesday, December 04, 2013
As in photos *for* my family.
Prep for these things is never pleasant. I have done three colonoscopies and I have done three different preparation regimes and none of them has been pleasant. Just differently miserable. They all seem to invo... Read more
Tuesday, December 03, 2013
It turns out that I had totally misread the instruction for my colonoscopy prep. I am ok to do the procedure tomorrow according to my doctor's office.
Of course that means fasting today. I was OK until after lunchtime. Then it got rough. I ... Read more
Tuesday, December 03, 2013
I was scheduled to have my colonoscopy on Wednesday, but I messed up.
I was supposed to refrain from aspirin for seven days. Oops.
I was supposed to be taking a prescription for the last four weeks. I completely forgot about it until ... Read more
Saturday, November 30, 2013
So glad to be in my own house.
The flight was not so terribly early, 9:15 out of Denver, but Dave's house is an hour away. Add in time to return the car rental and take the bus to the terminal, account for time for holiday travelers floodin... Read more
Saturday, November 30, 2013
Back to Baltimore tomorrow. It's been a good four days visiting Dave, Carolyn, and Colin in Boulder CO. All the better since Dr Dani and her David made it up from Corpus Christi TX.
But as sad as it will be to say goodbye until Christmas fo... Read more
Friday, November 29, 2013
Dr Dani, my daughter the doctor, and I ran a 5k Turkey trot today in Boulder CO. It was cold by Corpus Christi standards but chilly as far as I was concerned ... about 38�F. It seems the Coloradans thought it was cold to.
My rule: It's not ... Read more
Thursday, November 28, 2013
Wednesday, November 27, 2013
I am so glad I have finally learned that tomorrow is another day.
The day started well enough with a good breakfast of yogurt and strawberries. On the flight I had a packet of peanuts and some pretzels. Not bad.
But by the time I reach... Read more


text:
Former Gunner blasts Arsenal star
12:34 29 May 2012
Stewart Robson believes that Theo Walcott should be sold by the club
Former Arsenal man Stewart Robson has launched an extraordinary attack on Arsenal star Theo Walcott.
The forward made 46 appearances for the Gunners in all competitions scoring 11 times and is in England's Euro 2012 squad.
"Walcott is a 'liability' and should be sold by Arsenal this summer if he is asking for a wage increase," Robson told talkSPORT.
"It wouldn't worry me if Theo Walcott were to leave tomorrow.
"Theo Walcott, for me, is not a good footballer. He is an athlete who puts on a pair of football boots.
"He is quick, he is fast, but when he was younger he should have been taught how to be better technically, how to find space, how to find awareness. He has never done that and he is a liability when he is defending.
"For Theo Walcott to want more money, I would let him go."
The 47-year-old former midfielder made 150 league appearances for the Gunners, scoring 16 times.


text: Birds of a feather, primp together. The ostrich feathers on these gorgeous dusters are hand selected for their rich, silky appearance. Soft, tiny filaments on each plume act as a magnet to trap and hold dust particles. A Finnish ferrule strengthens the end of the hand-turned handle to keep it from splitting or wearing.


text:
When I was a kid my parents often dragged me and my brother to museums. It wasn't just that they were trying to ram some culture down our throats, they were genuinely inspired by art and wanted to share that passion with their children. Much of which was lost on the two of us, who whined and complained our way through centuries of magnificent works of art until we reached the great pinnacle of the museum experience: the gift shop.
A few weeks ago I was chopping carrots for soup while my mind stewed over hurts, over wounds and worries.Slice.I wasn't ready to forgive.Slice.How would this turn out for him two years from now? Twenty years from now?Slice.
October is Family History Month, and it reminds me of a recent search. Around 1965 was the last time I saw my half-sister Jeannette. I was 10 and she was 18. Now I'm 60, and an obituary is a sad place to end.
(NewsUSA) - Winter is coming -- and that means it's time to store...
WASHINGTON (AP) " Justice Department officials are meeting with police commanders from across the country to discuss ways to reduce violent crime.
WASHINGTON (AP) " The Federal Aviation Administration has signed an agreement to test technology that could locate the operators of small drones that are flying illegally near airports, as the government tries to crack down on near-collisions with...
WASHINGTON (AP) " Investigators of the deadly U.S. air attack on a hospital in Afghanistan are focusing not only on how it unfolded but also on whether the decision to open fire broke the military's own rules for when to use force, officials say.
When the buzz first arose in midsummer that Vice President Joe Biden might jump into the race for the 2016 Democratic nomination, I flatly predicted here that he would decide against it. I've wavered a bit since then, but I've never really�reversed...
When the buzz first arose in midsummer that Vice President Joe Biden might jump into the race for the 2016 Democratic nomination, I flatly predicted here that he would decide against it. I've wavered a bit since then, but I've never really�reversed...
CAPE TOWN, South Africa (AP) " South Africa's Nobel Peace Prize winner Desmond Tutu marked his 84th birthday on Wednesday with one of his first public appearances since being hospitalized for a persistent infection.
COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) " It could take until the weekend for the threat of flooding to ease in storm-tattered South Carolina, where a senator warned of a potential billion-dollar cleanup bill, two more people died in the floodwaters and the flagship...
NEPA Directory
Business Name
Location, ST | website.com


text:
Party. Rinse. Repeat.
Green Washed Linen Flag Bunting
Festive flags to brighten any celebration!
With our colorful shades of green linen, these cheerful flags will transform your kitchen, backyard or park with instant festive touches. Perfect for kids birthday parties, family reunions, baby showers and casual celebrations, these flags can be used again and again. Just throw in the washer and reuse for every day! Made in India. {A}
- 12' of flag bunting - breezy fun with loops for hanging.


text:
Peyton Manning found his groove even with a backup center snapping him the ball -- just in time for another showdown with Tom Brady, too.
Dogged by interceptions one week and incompletions the next, Manning was incredible Sunday in leading the Denver Broncos to their biggest blowout of the Oakland Raiders in nearly a half-century.
Manning didn't miss a beat -- and only three throws -- after center J.D. Walton broke his left ankle just before halftime and was replaced by the recently signed Dan Koppen, who used to be Brady's snapper in New England.
Koppen has now had the privilege of snapping for the two greatest quarterbacks of his generation. He doesn't have time for reflection right now; he's too busy getting up to speed, just like Manning
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I am a 35 year old type 1 diabetic. I have felt under the weather for some time now. I went to the doctor last week and my A1C was 9.2. I was dehydrat...More
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text:
BEST ENTRANCE: Entry 3, near AMC 30
LOCATION IN MALL: #302, NH3 near Hollister
(909) 987-1512 | Driving Directions | Wet Seal Website |
View Deals | Mall Map
More stores to consider
LACOSTE Outlet
Wet Seal
Check out what Samantha De Galicia has to say about effortless summer style #OnTheBlog >> http://bit.ly/1XcFgTN
Read More
RT @samanthamde: Soo excited for my featured blog post "summer style essentials" on @wetseal!! Go check it out… https://t.co/a0OBbjcOF5/p>
Happy Cinco de Mayo! Ready to get our chips and guac on! What's everyone doing tonight? ??: @sanj1318
Happy #CincoDeMayo! So ready for some ?? & ?? tonight!/p>
$5 online exclusive sale TODAY ONLY! >> https://t.co/RUgzXjM4WQ https://t.co/LEyRiQlLVd/p>
Stock up on your summer necessities now! 30% off select styles >> http://bit.ly/1OeiFyX
Halfway through the week just means we are closer to Friday! ??: @jaieart
#TuesdayShoesday SALE >> Shoes starting at $5
shop: https://t.co/rs6SxjV4XZ https://t.co/elTOfKP0of/p>
Nothing goes better with #TuesdayShoesday than a SHOE SALE!
shop shoes starting at $5 >> http://bit.ly/1rRn0E6
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When in doubt, go neutral.??#WetSeal (link in bio to shop the look)
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A rust occasion. ?? #colorcrush (link in bio to shop the look) ??: @briankaminski
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text:
Tuesday, April 10, 2012
5th Avenue Elegance
30 comments:
Even before I read your text, I thought, "Oh, what a pretty shade of lipstick!"
- April 10, 2012 at 11:47 AM
- Robin said...
I follow your blog daily and you're photography of these wonderful women is an inspiration to me! Keep up the great work! Robin aka Gotham Girl at www.gothamgirlphotography.com
- April 10, 2012 at 12:00 PM
- fGs said...
- April 10, 2012 at 12:20 PM
- Queen Bee of Beverly Hills said...
That hat is lovely :)
- April 10, 2012 at 12:51 PM
- Natasha Fatah said...
I have a pink hat, just like that one, from my mom-in-law!
I love it!
~Natasha Fatah~
- April 10, 2012 at 12:52 PM
- Maude May said...
Your blog makes me smile every day - Thank you Ari!
- April 10, 2012 at 12:55 PM
- Maude May said...
Your blog makes me smile everyday - thank you Ari.
And thank your lovely ladies for me as well.
- April 10, 2012 at 12:56 PM
- Miss K said...
I like the hat colour matching the earrings and the scarves (even the lipstick). She has this sparkle in her eyes.
- April 10, 2012 at 1:23 PM
- Lauren@Styleseer said...
Yes, she certainly is elegant. I love the hat/headscarf combination.
- April 10, 2012 at 1:26 PM
- Brant said...
Thank you Ari for showing us these wonderful women; I love this elegant woman's beautiful use of the scarf under her hat; very becoming and most practical. She has inspired me to do the same.
- April 10, 2012 at 1:28 PM
- ✿ said...
I discovered your blog a few weeks ago. I love coming around. I'll be only 50 this year, This is just a soft way to get older... Those people are gorgeous !!!
Thanks to you.
- April 10, 2012 at 1:32 PM
- Malin said...
Oooh. ♥
- April 10, 2012 at 1:35 PM
- Emilie's daughter said...
Your pictures provide huge portions of positivity and inspiration! Since I discovered your blog I am even more daring and caring with what I wear! Looking forward to your next post! Christa
- April 10, 2012 at 1:40 PM
- SymbioticLife said...
The second I saw the hat, I wanted it. I'm so glad you articulated some of the things that make these ladies so elegant. It's like a mini-fashion lesson.
- April 10, 2012 at 1:56 PM
- enhanced diamonds said...
Love her look... so elegant!
- April 10, 2012 at 3:38 PM
- Giggles said...
Beautiful!! You definitely inspire! Thank-you Ari! I was pretty excited for you when I saw your friend showing your book on the "Today show" a while back!
- April 10, 2012 at 4:13 PM
Love your blog Ari and this is another reason why. This lady is indeed elegant. She is a wonderful example and I love her attitude about dressing up daily.
- April 10, 2012 at 5:11 PM
Isn't this the actress Rosemary Harris?
- April 10, 2012 at 10:13 PM
- Terri said...
what a beautiful face she has!
- April 10, 2012 at 10:53 PM
- Mica said...
She looks beautiful! I love the way she matches everything! :)
- April 11, 2012 at 1:29 AM
Hi, I found your pictures on Italian Magazine "L'Espresso" on line and I'm discovering something beautiful and different. Congratulations, I'll follow your blog with interest. Antonietta from Italy
- April 11, 2012 at 6:53 AM
- Hilari said...
That first picture reminds me so much of my grandmother. From raincoat to hat, that is exactly how she looked from the back. It is especially poignant today, as I am wearing her raincoat and missing her a lot today.
Thank you for this post!
- April 11, 2012 at 12:11 PM
- Gloria said...
Awesome Ari! She is beautiful!
- April 11, 2012 at 3:21 PM
- Esmeralda said...
Very elegant indeed!!!
- April 12, 2012 at 5:01 AM
- Worthington said...
I love her look - I wonder if her scarf is Hermes? She is such a Dame, as my grandpapa would call her! Beautiful.
- April 12, 2012 at 1:11 PM
- rubenesquesmoothie said...
Oh heck, these women are just gorgeous. Thank you for this wonderful website. I love that it shows we never have to stop being stylish or happy with ourselves!
I nominated you as one of my top 7 inspirational bloggers on my blog. It's part of the inspirational blogger award, and I had to nominate 7 of my own.
I love this blog, I love the ladies (and the gentlemen!!) Thank you for such a great thing.
- April 12, 2012 at 1:17 PM
light as a feather, the ballerina
- April 12, 2012 at 3:13 PM
- holiday girl said...
Your blog is hands down the most inspiring style blog out there! Thank you for sharing all these lovely ladies with the rest of the world. :)
- April 15, 2012 at 11:16 AM
- Ulla-Marie said...
Thats the way to wear a hat!
- April 15, 2012 at 11:59 AM
Just fabulous! I have just discovered your blog and love it!
- May 20, 2012 at 3:04 AM


text:
Robert Pattinson is reportedly dating Elvis Presley's granddaughter Riley Keough. And Kristen Stewart is not happy about it because she introduced them. A source says, "She flew off the handle when she found out. She's told Rob feels violated."
Kim Kardashian and Kanye West allegedly rejected a $3 million offer from an Australian magazine to publish the first photos of baby North. Kanye's been adamant about not having the baby on the show and he was serious when he said North isn't America's baby, so he may not do anything."
Robin Thicke has a new single, where he brags about the size of his manhood. I won't play those naughty parts, but here's the hook. It's called "Give It 2 U" and it features Kendrick Lamar. You can listen here, but WARNING: it's not very clean. At all.
In her new book, former MTV VJ Kennedy says that in 1995, Michael Jordan wanted to roll dice for her virginity. But she was too scared of the size of his manhood. She wanted to play for tickets to an NBA game instead. But whatever the case, she won.


text:
read reviews [4]
Yields about 1 dozen doughnuts, plus doughnut holes
Warm fried dough. Sweet vanilla bean glaze. Enough said.
In the bowl of a stand mixer, whisk together yeast, warm water, and 1 Tbs. of the sugar. Let stand until mixture is foamy, about 5 minutes. Whisk in the remaining 2 Tbs. sugar, milk, vanilla extract, vanilla seeds, egg yolks, and butter. Fit in the mixer with paddle attachment and begin mixing on low speed.
Add flour and salt and mix for 3 minutes, scraping down the sides of the bowl and the paddle often to keep the dough moving.
Turn out dough onto a lightly floured work surface and knead by hand several times, dusting with flour as needed. Place dough in a large oiled bowl and cover with plastic wrap. Let rest in a warm place until doubled in bulk, about 1-1/2 to 2 hours. (Alternatively, you can let it rise in the refrigerator overnight, 8 to 12 hours.)
Turn dough out onto a lightly floured work surface and roll to about 1/2 inch thick.
Cut out doughnuts with a 3-inch doughnut cutter, place on a parchment-lined baking sheet, and cover with a clean kitchen towel. Let rise for 30 to 45 minutes, or until doughnuts have doubled in size.
Pour 2-1/2 inches of vegetable oil into a 4- or 5-quart pot and heat it to 350°F. Fry doughnuts in batches of no more than 4 until they are deep golden brown. 2 minutes per side, turning only once (turning too often can result in greasy doughnuts). Transfer to paper towels to drain.
For the glaze, whisk together the confectioners' sugar, milk, salt, and vanilla seeds until smooth. Spoon glaze over warm doughnuts and serve.
Boston Cream Doughnuts: When cutting the doughnuts, don't cut holes from the centers (use a 3-inch circle cutter rather than a doughnut cutter). After doughnuts have cooled completely, fill with a batch of vanilla pastry cream: Load pastry cream into a piping bag fitted with a large round tip. Poke a hole in the side of each doughnut with a long skewer or thin knife and wiggle it around to create a hollow, being careful not to pierce the opposite side of the doughnut. Insert tip of piping bad into doughnut and fill slowly, just enough to feel the weight of the pastry cream inside. Next, make a rich chocolate glaze: Combine 1/2 cup heavy cream and 4 oz. bittersweet chocolate in a heatproof bowl. Microwave in 30-second bursts on high power until melted, stirring well after each interval. Stir in 1/2 tsp. pure vanilla extract. Spoon the glaze over the filled doughnuts.
Photo: Leigh Beisch
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text:
TrueCLEAN Enhanced Air Cleaners deliver cleaner air by taking a high-airflow media filter and enhancing it with electronic technology. The result is a MERV 15 efficiency that actually improves over time.
Charge. Capture. Destroy. That's the basis of the three-step process that TrueCLEAN uses to capture and deactivate up to 99% of airborne particles and contaminants passing through the system such as viruses and bacteria (3 - 10 microns in size). Here's how it works.
Particles enter the TrueCLEAN system through an array of ionizing points, where they become electrically charged. The unique design charges all particles evenly.
Next, particles travel into the media filter, where they're captured in the media fibers. A continuous charge ensures dirt is loaded 360 degrees around the filter fibers — not just on the face of the filter. This process captures more particles than a standard media filter and helps the filter last longer.
Once particles are captured, the charging strips on opposite sides of the carbon-tipped media filter continue to charge and deactivate particles. Particles are trapped and destroyed inside the filter, with deactivation rates of captured particles exceeding 99%.
Note: This model operates on 208/230 Vac, and is intended for air handler installations.
|Rated Air Flow
|Static Pressure Drop
|0.22 in. w.c.
|Opening Dimensions
|19 7/8 W x 22 3/8 H inches
|22 1/4 Inches
|11 1/4 Inches
|25 5/8 Inches
|Limited Warranty
|5 Years
Helpful Links and Documents About the Honeywell FH8000A2520
Honeywell TrueCLEAN Brochure
Honeywell TrueCLEAN Manual


text:
Marietta Collection by Hudson Valley
From its delightfully classical globe to its aged brass surface, the Marietta Pendants Collection add a touch of old world elegance to any home. These highly versatile pieces look equally at home in contemporary or traditional settings. Unassuming, yet still a showpiece. These pendants will fill your home with old world grace and charm.


text:
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You can afford to attend SUNY Broome!
Considerable financial aid is available at SUNY Broome Community College, and the Financial Aid Office helps students through the financial aid process. Information and applications for financial aid are sent to students who are seeking financial aid when they apply for admission. Any student accepted into a degree or certificate program and taking one or more classes may apply for financial aid.
Financial aid at SUNY Broome falls into three broad categories:
Assistance usually comes from a combination of these resources, commonly referred to as a "financial aid package."
If you are interested in receiving financial aid, including student loans, scholarships, and grants, you must complete the federal FAFSA application at www.fafsa.ed.gov and the New York State TAP or APTS applications. (BCC's Code is 002862)
NOTE: You must be a matriculated student taking at least one credit bearing course and meet federal and state guidelines. (A "matriculated student" is someone enrolled in a degree-granting or certificate program of study.)
Instructions on how to use the IRS Data Retrieval Tool
Check this helpful video out for instructions on making corrections on or filing your FAFSA!
Complete Your FAFSA!
Don't forget to complete your Financial Aid application!
How to Apply for Financial Aid at SUNY
How Well Do You Understand Your Loans?
Why Is It So Important to Pay Your Student Loans?
null null // ]]>


text:
May 6, 2016
MURFREESBORO, Tenn. (AP) -- Middle Tennessee and Florida Atlantic are leaving the Sun Belt Conference early and joining Conference USA on July 1.
Both schools already had announced plans to switch conferences last November no later than July 1, 2014. But officials at both universities had been negotiating recently with Conference USA and the Sun Belt to speed up the move in all sports by a year.
Middle Tennessee President Sidney A. McPhee says it was in the university's best interest to make the move as soon as possible.
The Blue Raiders weren't happy at losing out on a bowl berth last December despite finishing second in the Sun Belt with an 8-4 record. They joined the Sun Belt in July 2000 and leave having won a league-best 50 Sun Belt games.
Copyright 2016 by The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.
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25 U.S. Code § 2707 - Commission staffing
prev | next
(a) General Counsel
(b) Staff
The Chairman shall appoint and supervise other staff of the Commission without regard to the provisions of title 5 governing appointments in the competitive service. Such staff shall be paid without regard to the provisions of chapter 51 and subchapter III of chapter 53 of such title relating to classification and General Schedule pay rates, except that no individual so appointed may receive pay in excess of the annual rate of basic pay payable for GS–17 of the General Schedule under section 5332 of that title.
(c) Temporary services
(d) Federal agency personnel
Upon the request of the Chairman, the head of any Federal agency is authorized to detail any of the personnel of such agency to the Commission to assist the Commission in carrying out its duties under this chapter, unless otherwise prohibited by law.
Source(Pub. L. 100–497, § 8,Oct. 17, 1988, 102 Stat. 2471.)
References in Other Laws to GS–16, 17, or 18 Pay Rates
References in laws to the rates of pay for GS–16, 17, or 18, or to maximum rates of pay under the General Schedule, to be considered references to rates payable under specified sections of Title 5, Government Organization and Employees, see section 529 [title I, § 101(c)(1)] of Pub. L. 101–509, set out in a note under section 5376 of Title 5.
LII has no control over and does not endorse any external Internet site that contains links to or references LII.


text:
November 6, 2012
Jim Martz
The Hurricanes certainly need defensive line help in this recruiting class, and landing this 4-star DT prospect would go a long way toward making this a successful class. So what kind of shape is Miami in here? What's their competition? Read on. ...More... To continue reading this article you must be a member. Sign Up Now!
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text:
REESE WITHERSPOON and her husband Jim Toth were ARRESTED early Friday morning in Atlanta. He was popped for DUI, and they took Reese in for disorderly conduct. Here's what happened . . .
Police saw a car weaving sometime after midnight Friday, so they pulled it over. Jim was driving, and Reese was riding shotgun.
As the cops were dealing with Jim, Reese started getting impatient and agitated. One of the cops says, quote, "She began to hang out the window and say that she did not believe that I was a real police officer."
He say she told Reese to sit down and be quiet. Once her husband was placed under arrest, Reese got out of the car. The cop told her to get back in, but she said she was a U.S. citizen, and was allowed to, quote, "stand on American ground."
So he tried to take her by the arms, but she resisted, and said, quote, "Do you know my name?" When the cop said no, he didn't need to know her name, she replied, quote, "You're about to find out who I am . . . You are going to be on national news."
At that point, she was cuffed and arrested.
As for Jim, he told police he'd only had one drink several hours earlier. But they gave him a breathalyzer test and he blew a .139 . . . which is significantly higher than the legal limit of .08.
Reese was booked under her given name, Laura Jeanne Reese Witherspoon.
SNOOP LION tried to throw a 4/20 party at a mansion in the Hollywood Hills, but it got shut down before he even showed up.
The"Snoop Lion 420 Festival" kicked off on Saturday morning. But neighbors called police to complain about the noise and "parking issues."
So cops showed up and shut it down at around 11:00 A.M. Snoop had just arrived as things were being wrapped up, and sources say he was cooperative and understanding.
Kendra Wilkinson Was Involved in a Car Accident Yesterday . . . But She Will Not Die
KENDRA WILKINSON was hospitalized yesterday after a car accident in Tarzana,California. We don't have any details on the crash yet, but sources say it was pretty bad.
Kendra was said to be,quote, "in shock and really sore" when she arrived at the hospital. But luckily, her injuries weren't serious, and she didn't even have to stay overnight.
Justin Bieber Posted a Picture of Himself Snuggling with Selena Gomez . . . Then Deleted It
It looks like things could be back ON between JUSTIN BIEBER and SELENA GOMEZ. On Saturday, Justin posted a picture of them snuggling . .. then quickly took it down.
Selena flew to Oslo,Norway for Justin's concert on Thursday night . . . then reportedly followed him to Copenhagen for his gig on Saturday.
A source who saw them together says, quote, "They were holding hands, hugging and they kissed on the lips. They looked really in love, like no fights ever happened before. It definitely looked like they were back together."
Kim Kardashian and Kris Humphries Have Ended Their Divorce Battle
KIM KARDASHIAN and KRIS HUMPHRIES settled their divorce on Friday, and it sounds like it went pretty much the way we heard it would. Kris basically dropped his attempt to get the marriage annulled on the basis of fraud.
He also gets NOTHING out of Kim. Not even legal fees. They both walk away clean.
Kris had been demanding $7 million . . . but much like the annulment, this was something else he never really had a shot at getting, thanks to an iron-clad prenup.
They're not 100% divorced yet . . . the court still has to sign off on it. That will reportedly happen sometime before June 19th.


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Mr. Gold (Credit: Lego)
And he's apparently worth his weight in gold to LEGO collectors. Thanks to a flurry of interest, genuine Mr. Gold figures have sold for up to $1,000 on eBay.
Mr. Gold is part of LEGO's tenth series of collectible minfigures, all of which ship in sealed packets so that buyers don't know which of the range's 17 figures they're getting. Minifig fans have been known to buy them by the case in the hunt for particularly sought-after figures, helping turn the line into one of LEGO's most successful products.
"We know that the LEGO minifigure has become almost as iconic as the classic 2x4 LEGO brick," Michael McNally, the Brand Relations Director of LEGO Systems Inc, told Yahoo! Games, "as it's the hero via whom every child -- from the youngest builder to the oldest collector -- can identify with and explore the LEGO worlds they create."
You might think Mr. Gold's popularity means your chances of getting your hands on one of these elusive golden collector's items are slim, but you'd be wrong. They're pretty much as good as anyone else's. Plenty are out there: LEGO runs a website where fortunate finders of Mr. Gold can register their feat, and at the time of writing, only 409 of the 5,000 Gold minifigs have been found.
All the same, the decision hasn't been popular with some LEGO devotees, who fear adult collectors will snap up all the Mr. Golds and shut out the toy's younger fans.
"Why are LEGO doing this?" asks blog GimmeLego. "They must surely be aware that the chances of any of these figures ending up in the hands of children...are next to nil."
"And I'm struggling to believe that the LEGO company actually set out with the intention of lining the pockets of eBay scalpers. Which does beg the question of exactly what they're trying to achieve by doing this...is it just good, old-fashioned greed and a desire to milk the Collectible Minifigure cash-cow for all it's worth?"
Maybe. But if you have the desire to milk the minifig cash-cow yourself, here's a tip: Mr. Gold is the only figure in the range to have a top hat, and the figures are wrapped in flexible plastic bags. Get out there and feel your way to a fortune.
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- LEGO minifigure