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Patient Rights & Responsibilities
At University of Utah Hospitals and Clinics, our goal is to provide excellent health care to every patient. Our patients have the following rights and responsibilities regardless of race, color, culture, language, ethnicity, religion, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, socioeconomic status, age, national origin, physical or mental disability and/or veteran status.
It is your responsibility to do the following:
Give correct and complete information about your health status and health history
Ask questions if you do not understand information or instructions
Inform your caregivers if you do not intend to or cannot follow the treatment plan
Accept health consequences that may occur if you decide to refuse treatment or instructions
Cooperate with your caregivers
Respect the rights and property of other patients
Tell your caregivers of any medications you brought from home
Report any changes in your health status to your caregivers
You have the right to the following:
- Respect and Privacy
- Respect in a caring and safe environment
- Personal privacy and confidentiality of your health information
- Quality Care
- Proper evaluation and treatment
- Proper pain assessment and pain management
- Freedom from restraints, except when needed to protect you or others from harm
- Freedom from abuse
- Access to protective services
- Spiritual services upon request
- Concerns heard and resolved when possible; if you have concerns about your care, contact your caregivers or a supervisor. If you are not happy with how your concern is resolved, contact Customer Service at (801) 581-2668. You may also file a complaint with the Utah Department of Health by calling 1-800-999-7339 or by calling the Joint Commission at 1-800-994-6610 or write to the following:
Utah Bureau of Health Facility Licensing,
Certification and Resident Assessment,
Box 144103
Salt Lake City, Utah 84114
- Information & Communication
- Know the names and roles of those caring for you
- Communicate with your caregivers in a language or method you can understand
- Have your personal physician and a person of your choice notified when you are admitted to the hospital
- Communicate with people outside the hospital by way of visitors, phone and mail, except when doing so would interfere with your care; any restrictions will be explained to you.
- Be informed about your health status, recommended treatments, options, risks and benefits
- Information about the costs of your care and payment methods
- Review and receive a copy of your medical record, subject to state law and hospital policy
- Make Decisions
- Be involved with your care through discussions with your caregivers
- Be informed of benefits and risks of your treatment options and agree to or refuse a course of action
- Designate a support person (or persons) of your choosing to be involved in your care when appropriate; you may restrict access of your support person or visitors at any time. University of Utah Health Care does not restrict, limit or otherwise deny visitation privileges on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion, sex, gender identity or expression, sexual orientation or disability.
- Direct your care through an Advance Directive. Advance Directives are legal forms that state your choices about the care you want to receive in serious health situations. Advance Directives are also used to name someone to make decisions for you if you cannot speak for yourself. At your request, we will help you create an Advance Directive.
- Choose whether or not to take part in research studies and to have studies explained to you before you decide; other care will continue regardless of your decision to take part in research studies.
- Seek an alternate doctor or ask for a second opinion


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You paid your dues in THUG. Now prove yourself in THUG 2. Youve been chosen by Tony Hawk to take on Bam Margera as your teams go on a World Destruction Tour. Its time to go globetrotting on an insane road trip. THUG 2 grinds in with a hilarious story mode, an unprecedented level of customization, and more moves than the Skate Gods could dream of. Grab your board, an arsenal of spray-paint jump into the tour van and wreak havoc across the globe.
Tony Hawk's Underground 2 is a Sports/Skateboarding video game for Game Boy Advance developed by Neversoft Entertainment and published by Activision on October 7, 2004. It's rated Everyone by the ESRB and 14 of our users have voted it 4.1 out of 5 stars.
Our newest cheats for Tony Hawk's Underground 2 were added February 2, 2008. We also have the game available on PlayStation 2, Xbox, PC, GameCube, in addition to GBA.
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August 2, 2014
DOTHAN,AL---Tuesday Dothan city commissioners agreed to relocate a polling place.
The District 6B polling location is currently at the Northside Cinema One building on Ross Clark Circle.
It is moving to the Community Room at Wiregrass Commons Mall.
This is changing because a company bought the theater property.


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The Morehead News
06/10/13 — Kenneth T. Sexton, 84, of Rush, went to be with his Lord on June 7, 2013.
He was born May 5, 1929.
He is survived by his wife of 63 years, America Elizabeth Wright Sexton.
Funeral services will be at 11 a.m. Monday at the Malone Funeral Home by Joed Rice, minister. Burial will be in the East Carter County Memorial Gardens.
Friends may call after 9 a.m. Monday till service.
Condolences may be sent to the Sexton Family at www.malonefuneralhome.com.


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Prerequisites: Junior or senior standing, 3 credits in Western religion, 3 credits in non-Western religion, 3 credits in theory of religion or social scientific theory or permission of the instructor. (Second semester—odd years/3 credits)
A critical exploration of the meanings and functions of myths, symbols and rituals in a variety of the world's cultures. Readings will be drawn from a number of primary and secondary texts in an effort to understand what we mean by "myth," "symbol" and "ritual," and how these categories relate to "religion."
Hood College prepares students to excel in meeting the personal, professional and global challenges of the future. Hood is committed to the integration of the liberal arts, the professions and technology, to the exploration of values, a sense of community and to the preparation of students for lives of responsibility, leadership and service.
401 Rosemont Ave.
Frederick, MD 21701


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By Sue Chang and Laura Mandaro, MarketWatch
SAN FRANCISCO (MarketWatch) — Investors will keep an eye on Pandora Media Inc. on Thursday to see whether the stock will be able to extend its winning streak to a sixth session.
After Wednesday's closing bell, Pandora /quotes/zigman/5419837/delayed/quotes/nls/p P -3.31% said it appointed Brian McAndrews as the new chief executive, president and chairman.
More about stocks to watch during trading day in Movers & Shakers
McAndrews succeeds long-time CEO Joe Kennedy, who had announced his retirement in March. Shares of Pandora climbed 6% in Thursday's pre-market trade. On Wednesday, it advanced 5.1%, bringing its gains over five sessions to 17%.
Also in focus Thursday:
Lululemon Athletica Inc. /quotes/zigman/39660/delayed/quotes/nls/lulu LULU -2.50% shares fell nearly 7% early Thursday after the yoga-inspired apparel retailer reported profit of 39 cents a share, topping forecasts, but it cut its full-year outlook.
Men's Wearhouse /quotes/zigman/233713/delayed/quotes/nls/mw MW -2.44% shares dropped 13% after the retailer reported a 28% drop in profit and a cut to full-year forecasts.
Vertex Pharmaceuticals Inc. /quotes/zigman/79675/delayed/quotes/nls/vrtx VRTX -3.37% and Ametek Inc. /quotes/zigman/185764/delayed/quotes/nls/ame AME -2.97% gained in early trading. They'll join the S&P 500 /quotes/zigman/3870025/realtime SPX -2.00% after the close of trading on Sept. 20.
Ford stretches its brand upscale
Is Ford's Vignale the answer to competing with German car makers? WSJ's Joe White talks to Ford's design director for Europe and Asia on what the Vignale brings to the Ford family.
Qualcomm Inc. /quotes/zigman/77257/delayed/quotes/nls/qcom QCOM -3.05% announced a new $5 billion stock buyback program. The chip maker also said it bought about 40.1 million in common shares worth about $2.7 billion since July 24.
Qualcomm had slid nearly 3% on Wednesday as investors worried that tepid reception to Apple Inc.'s /quotes/zigman/68270/delayed/quotes/nls/aapl AAPL -2.60% new iPhones could have an adverse effect on the company. Previous versions of iPhones have used Qualcomm chips although it is not clear whether that is the case for iPhone 5C and 5S.
Kroger Co. /quotes/zigman/231658/delayed/quotes/nls/kr KR -1.51% is projected to report second-quarter earnings of 60 cents a share.
Ulta Salon Cosmetics & Fragrance Inc. /quotes/zigman/107036/delayed/quotes/nls/ulta ULTA -1.91% is likely to report second-quarter earnings of 67 cents a share.


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Planning Your Trip
Before You Go: A Checklist
What should you do before you book your flight to SF? Here is a handy checklist that includes links to eveything you need to know and do to make sure your trip to San Francisco goes as smoothly as possible.
Best Time of Year to Visit San Francisco
Overview of seasons and best time of year to visit the city.
What to Pack for a Trip to San Francisco
What to Pack for a Trip to San Francisco
How to Save Money in San Francisco
Check out these money-saving tips while visiting San Francisco.
Local Resources for Travelers
A list of local resources for travelers visiting San Francisco
San Franciso Blogs
Blogs about San Francisco
Weather in San Francisco
Temperature, precipitation, wind: it's all here.
One Stop Shopping for your San Francisco Vacation
Buy tickets, make reservations, find great deals, and more.
Guide to Airport Transportation
How to get to and fro SFO.
SFO Airport Map
Find restaurants, gift shops, entertainment, and your gate using this detailed map.
Fall in San Francisco
San Francisco's glorious fall is the best time of the year in the city by the bay, the days are warm and sunny, the nights are often warm as well and most of the tourists have left meaning there are deals after deals on everything from hotel rooms to bay cruises.
The Beat Generation in San Francisco
America's first counter-cultural movement started right here in San Francisco when a group of poets, intellectuals, college drop-outs and all around drifters converged in the city in the 1950s. The beats changed the face of America forever, as the movement lead directly to the hippies and the massive social upheavels of the 1960s and 70s.
Winter in San Francisco
Mild weather and less crowds awaits those who visit the city by the bay during it's off-peak winter season. Have world class museums like the SFMOMA and the Asian Art Museum to yourself, enjoy great hotel deals and immerse yourself in San Francisco's legendary local theater and performing arts scene.
Things not to do in San Francisco
Guide to the taboos, no-nos, bad ideas, full on mistakes, blunders and politically incorrect things NOT to do while in San Francisco.
San Francisco Maps
From walking maps of the city's neighborhoods, to freeway maps of the entire bay area, a map of San Francisco is an essential pre-trip purchase.
Spring in San Francisco
Spring is San Francisco is delightful time of year to visit. Magnolias and Cherry Blossoms are blooming, festivals are rocking the neighborhoods and the summertime tourist hordes have yet to decend.
Travel Guides to San Francisco
Whether its your first time in the city by the bay or you are a ten-year resident, having a guide book to San Francisco is indespensible for those who really want to dig deep into what the city offers. Check out my list of the top travel guides to San Francisco and choose the one that is right for you.
San Francisco Literature
Always a literary town, San Francisco has been the setting for several critically acclaimed works of fiction. Check out my top list and take a trip to San Francisco from the comfort of your own imagination.
Top San Francisco Movies
A creative city with a stunning backdrop, San Francisco has always been a favorite location for filmakers to both work and live. Take a tour of the city by the bay through the eyes of histories top filmakers with my exclusive list of the top movies filmed in San Francisco.
Nonfiction Books About San Francisco
The top historical, geological and cultural books on the city of San Francisco.
San Francisco Merchandise
From travel guides and maps to movies and novels, check out my selection of must-have San Francisco items.
Summer in San Francisco
Summertime is High Season in San Francisco! Make sure you are prepared.
When to Visit San Francisco
Want to know when the best time to visit San Francisco is? Use my handy guide to figure out the idiosyncratic weather, the high and low toursit seasons and when the best festivals take place.
Things to do on a Rainy Day in San Francisco
Don't let a rainy day in San Francisco ruin your trip, use it an an excuse to see all the indoor sights and local attractions that you might have missed otherwise.
Things to do on a Sunny Day in San Francisco
Sunny days in San Francisco are pure magic. Make sure you make the best out of them by using my handy list to the top activities and destinations on a sunny day in San Francisco.
San Francisco on a Budget
Think San Francisco is too expensieve to visit? Think again my friend after you have checked out my exclusive guide to doing the city on the bay on the cheap!


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the lord of fashion
by H A P P Y J O Y
Phone Cases
Protect your iPhone with a one-piece, impact resistant, flexible plastic hard case featuring an extremely slim profile. Simply snap the case onto your iPhone for solid protection and direct access to all device features.
- 765Promote


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KENT: Jeff Duncan would have preferred that his young son were with him Wednesday when he was officially introduced as Kent State's new baseball coach.
But Duncan and his wife Lauren figured it was best if their 9-month old, Bryce, stayed in the care of Grandma and Grandpa during the news conference held at the new Kent State Hotel and Conference Center in downtown Kent.
Even without the toddler in tow, it was clear why "family values" have become so important to the newest member of the KSU coaching family.
"I just got a picture of Bryce right before I got in here of him standing up, so in about three months, Birky," Duncan said as he turned to longtime Flashes pitching coach Mike Birkbeck, who was seated to his left, "he'll be taking batting practice with us."
Then Duncan's baseball background came through. "Only thing is, I think he's right-handed because Bryce picks up all his toys with his right hand. So, I'm going to have to work on making him a left-handed hitter."
If that story, which drew a loud round of applause, didn't endear Duncan to KSU's players and fans, how highly he spoke of predecessor Scott Stricklin, who took KSU baseball to new heights in his eight years as head coach, likely did the trick.
"I had the opportunity to talk with Coach Stricklin two or three times during this process," said Duncan, who spent the past four years as an associate head coach at Purdue. "And let me tell you, he bleeds Kent State baseball. The job he's done and the coaches before him, has been unbelievable. He's carried a big torch — it was heavy — but I'm ready to take that torch and make it a little bit heavier and brighter."
Duncan spoke of his new job being a dream come true, of how much he enjoys leading young men and being blessed to have the opportunity to do it at a program with such great tradition. But he also spoke of making the team's atmosphere welcoming and family-oriented to the coaches' wives.
"Being an assistant for years, a servant to my boss, it [puts] a lot of work on our families, our wives and we're gone a lot," he said. "So, we're going to invite them into this program as much as possible."
Duncan was in charge of Purdue's hitters, outfielders, team defense and base running and assisted in recruiting.
Prior to beginning his stint at Purdue in 2010, he spent the previous year as an assistant at Auburn. Before his coaching career, Duncan spent nine seasons playing professionally in the New York Mets, San Diego Padres, Toronto Blue Jays and Los Angeles Dodgers organizations. He played two seasons in the major leagues with the Mets, who selected him in the seventh round of the 1997 MLB draft.
Details of Duncan's contract have not yet been worked out.
"We're still working through the details, but obviously it will be a multiyear deal," KSU Athletic Director Joel Nielsen said. "And we've been looking at [salary] comparables to the Big Ten because that's what we did with Scott, as we moved him up the last three years."
Stricklin's last contract with KSU called for an annual base of $300,000.
Nielsen said he first heard of Duncan last season during the Golden Flashes' historic run to the College World Series.
"With [Purdue] coming into the forefront last year with all the success they had [winning the Big Ten title in 2012], I started looking at the coaching staff and hearing good things about Jeff," Nielsen said. "Then as I was hearing things this year, I started looking at Big Ten assistants and Jeff's name was at the top of the list of everyone I called."
Stephanie Storm can be reached at email@example.com.


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Human Resources
NWACC Tuition Waiver Benefit
All employees, full and part-time, their spouses and their dependent child(ren) (as defined by the IRS Code) are eligible for semester tuition waivers for credit classes only. Full Time are eligible for 12 hours each semester and Part Time are eligible for 3 hours each semester. You must meet the following criteria:
Complete the Tuition Waiver form online by going here.
2014 Holiday Calendar


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Into the World
I've long been fascinated with those moments in Jesus' life when the veil of His human flesh gave way to a vision of His refulgent glory as the Son of God. What must it have been like to be …Read More
Growth in personal holiness is largely determined by our progress in self-discipline. Without this foundational discipline, there can be no advancement in grace. Before other disciplines can be administered, whether in the home, business, or church, there first must be …Read More
The Preacher's Character
The Apostle Paul demonstrated how we can love God and others in our speech. He used words that could sting and rebuke as well as heal and comfort. His ministry was one of words—speaking God's very own Word …Read More
Sticks and Stones
"Sticks and stones may break my bones, but words can never hurt me." Really? Let's not kid ourselves. Words are potent. Words start with God, who spoke galaxies into being. "God said … and there was" (Gen. 1:3). God …Read More
Flattery and Foolish Talk
We are witnessing the deconstruction of a civilization. Across our land, the major institutions that are foundational to any nation are in a downward spiral, whether we speak of education, government, business, or the family. Isaiah and Jeremiah were observers …Read More
Talking to God
Both praise and prayer are appropriate and necessary responses to God's revelation of himself to us. He has spoken to us, and we, in turn, speak to Him. That such communication is possible is due to the fact that …Read More
The Heart of Words
Words are powerful. They transform lives and make history. They birth nations and topple empires. They make peace and fuel wars. They make covenants in marriage and wound those we most cherish. They change hearts and give news of eternal …Read More
What's in a Name?
"Hallowed be your name" is what Jesus taught His disciples to say in prayer (Matt. 6:9). It expresses a desire that the Father will be revered and praised and spoken about in a manner that befits His resplendent glory …Read More
The Ninth Commandment
The Ten Commandments draw a straight line from love of God to love of neighbor. The two parties are distinguished, to be sure, but in the life of obedience they are inseparable. As Luther pointed out, to disobey any of …Read More
Respecting Our Elders
Around the time John was writing the book of Revelation in the mid-90s AD, a bishop in Rome was penning a letter to a troubled church. The epistle of 1 Clement is possibly the oldest non-canonical Christian writing that has …Read More
His Heart Trusts in Her
Few influences affect a man's heart for God more than his wife, for better or for worse. She will either encourage his spiritual devotion to the Lord or she will hinder it. She will either enlarge his passion for …Read More
Dealing with Lust
They are as close as our skin, the troika of lusts described by the Apostle John: the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes, and the boastful pride of life (1 John 2:16). These inordinate and forbidden …Read More
Grace Alone
"Amazing grace! How sweet the sound that saved a wretch like me!" "Marvelous grace of our loving Lord, grace that exceeds our sin and our guilt." "Wonderful grace of Jesus, greater than all my sin; how shall my tongue describe …Read More
The Religious Affections
Many years ago, in a wild and woolly period known as the First Great Awakening, colonial pastor Jonathan Edwards took on the tricky task of sorting out what place the "religious affections," as he called them, have in the Christian …Read More
Someone is Wrong on the Internet
It takes two to tango, and that doesn't even include the band. Our choices, our behaviors, are rarely as discreet as we think they are. Not only do our decisions bleed into our other decisions, they touch on other …Read More


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Flexible and powerful, the PLENA matrix is all about superior audio performance in an easy-to-use contemporary package.
Be wise and choose the most light sensitive HD cameras on the market.
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Leader in innovation and quality with reliable and award-winning technology.
Whatever your security needs, Bosch has an answer.
© Security Systems Asia Pacific


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NORMAN — A Norman man was arrested Friday on murder complaints after a child in his care was found unresponsive.
Jeremy Robert Howard, 25, is currently in custody at Cleveland County Detention Center after being arrested for the first-degree murder of 23-month-old Kiyla Rose Hosler. No bail has been set.
Norman Police Department Captain Tom Easley said police officers responded to a report of an unresponsive child at 1917 Twisted Oak Drive, apartment C, at 8:40 p.m. April 11. The girl died after transport to Norman Regional Hospital.
The investigation established that Howard was Hosler's sole caretaker at the residence, and while under his care she sustained a variety of injuries.
Investigators are working closely with the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner, who will determine the cause and manner of death. Detectives expect the District Attorney's Office to file formal charges later this week. District Attorney Greg Mashburn was unavailable for comment.
For local news and more, subscribe to The Norman Transcript Smart Edition, or our print edition.


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Transport for 2 puppies(possibly 3 puppies) all females. Thelma and Louise are 4 months old, approx 8-10lbs, wirehared terrier mixes. The third possible puppy, Cinderella, a Chihuahua/Pomeranian mix, is about 3 months, approx 8-10lbs. Pulled from high kill shelter and quarantined at rescue in Girard, GA, and will have health certs to travel to Rescue in PA.
Rescue in GA can meet at one of the following airports to being flight:
Georgia: Millen, Bush Field, Daniel Field, Savannah
SC: Charleston
NC: Charlotte
Note: Or any small airports in the above areas.
In PA, rescue can meet at G.O. Carlson Airport (Coatesville) or any surrounding airports. Can move pups in two flights if necessary to remain under 300 miles for each pilot. Just need to know if a pilot can pick up in one of the 1st destinations and let me know where you can fly to in order to help bring pups towards PA.
Sharon Zerkle
A Place For All Animal Rescue


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Club puts focus on fall fashion
CLOVER The Clover Woman's Club will meet at 4 p.m. Thursday, Nov. 14 at the Clover Community Center, 120 Bethel St.
Chico's will demonstrate fashion scarves and jewelry to perk up fall outfits.
Call 803-222-5799 or 803-222-7873 for more information.
Club taking tea reservations
ROCK HILL The Woman's Club of Rock Hill is taking reservations for its Victorian Teas, which are ChristmasVille events. Teas will be 1 p.m. Dec. 6 and 3:30 p.m. Dec. 8 at the historic Armstrong-Mauldin House, 607 Aiken Ave.
Cost is $20 per person. The tea includes carolers and servers in Victorian attire and music by harpists, Joan Reid and Nancy Smith. The Sugar Plum Boutique will feature some new vendors showing Christmas-themed gifts, decorations and home-made holiday treats.
The club's cookbook "Traditional Tea Time Favorites" will be available.
The club also is taking reservations for a Children's Tea with Mrs. Claus at 12:30 p.m. Dec. 7. Cost is children, $10; adults, $15 and includes favors, music by the Musicality Ringers and other fun activities. Menus differ for children and adults. Children must be accompanied by an adult. The boutique will include items for children. It will be open one hour before, during and after the teas.
The boutique will be open one hour before, during and after each tea.
For reservations for either event, call 803-328-8888.
CAAC seeking donations for holiday meals
CLOVER The Clover Area Assistance Center is beginning distribution of food items for holiday meals. This includes turkeys and hams of all sizes.
Nonperishable food items needed are: cranberry sauce, potatoes, yams, green beans, corn, gravy, stuffing mix, broth, olives, pie filling, quick bread mixes and biscuit or muffin mix.
Holiday food distribution began this week and will continue through Dec. 19. Food can be dropped off from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m. Monday, Wednesday and Thursday at CAAC, 1130 S.C. 55 East, Clover, and other times by appointment.
For more information, call 803-222-4837.
Republican women plan membership tea
CLOVER The Clover-Lake Wylie Republican Women's Club will host its annual membership tea for members and prospective members. The champagne tea will be 3 to 5 p.m. Friday, Nov. 22 at the Reed home, Rivers Hills Plantation, Lake Wylie.
Special guest state Rep. Raye Felder of District 26 will speak after an installation ceremony of the club's 2014 officers. They are president, Suzanne Krause; first vice president, Barbara Haba; second vice president, Carol Waris; secretary, Marianne Falls; and treasurer, Sue Powers.
To RSVP, contact Diane Carr at 803-631-1049 or email email@example.com by Tuesday, Nov. 19.
Club membership includes an automatic membership in the S.C. Federation of Republican Women and the National Federation of Republican Women. Men may join as associate members. Annual membership dues are $25; associate dues are $10.
Carolinas Wind Orchestra to play free concert
ROCK HILL The Carolinas Wind Orchestra will present "Holiday Fantasia 2013: An Evening of Celebration and Joy," at 7:30 p.m. Dec. 2 at Byrnes Auditorium on Winthrop University campus.
The free program features holiday favorites, along with contemporary arrangements and standard repertoire for concert band.
The orchestra is based at Winthrop University drawing more than 100 musicians from the greater Charlotte metropolitan area. Principal conductor is Dr. William Malambri. For this concert, it will be conducted by Drs. Stanley Michalski and Larry Wells. For more information, visit carolinaswindorchestra.org.
Choral groups performing carols Dec. 8
ROCK HILL The York County Choral Society and Chamber Singers will present A Celebration of Carols featuring Benjamin Britten's Ceremony of Carols and concert settings of carols of the Nativity, with the Rock Hill Elementary Honors Choir as special guests, at 4 p.m. Dec. 8 in Byrnes Auditorium at Winthrop University.
Tickets are $15 general admission, $10 seniors 62 and older, $5 students with ID. For information, call 803-547-2008 or visit yorkcountychoralsociety.org.
Youth sought for local swine project
YORK COUNTY The Clemson Extension Service in York, Lancaster and Chester counties is seeking youth to participate in the 4-H and FFA swine project and the 2014 show and sale.
Youth ages 5 to 19 will obtain a feeder pig in January, raise it for around three months and show the finished hog at the annual livestock show and sale. Youth must register as a 4-H member or be a registered member in the Clover or York FFA chapter to participate.
The weigh-in will be Monday, Jan. 6 and the show and sale will be Saturday, March 22 at the Chester Livestock Exchange in Richburg.
This is a United Way of York County-sponsored project. The Bank of York sponsors the Grand and Reserve Champion prizes and the York County Farm Bureau awards special prizes to show participants.
Registration deadline is Dec. 1. For details, call the York County Clemson Extension Service office, 803-684-9919, ext. 113, or the Chester County Extension Service office, 803-385-6181, ext. 113.
Volunteer food shoppers needed
CLOVER Clover Area Assistance Center is looking for volunteers to serve four to five hours once or twice a month to help select foods for purchase from Charlotte area food bank Second Harvest.
Volunteers will be responsible for loading pallets and large boxes of food into a 26-foot truck and then offloading the merchandise into the CAAC warehouse.
Volunteers work in teams of three to select the food, and an additional team of four assist with offloading.
Volunteers must be able to lift a minimum of 50 pounds, able to drive and maneuver a large truck and forklift is a plus, but not required.
CAAC is at 1130 S.C. 55 E. Food donations can be dropped off at CAAC 8 a.m.-5 p.m. Monday and Wednesday, and 8 a.m.-3 p.m. Thursday.
For more information or to obtain a volunteer application packet, call 803-222-4837.
Assistance available
Carolina Community Actions Inc. has funds available to assist low-income families with services including mortgage, rent, water and heating bills.
CCA's Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program, General Emergency Assistance Program and Duke Energy Project Share Program assists eligible households with benefits ranging from $50 to $1,000.
In addition, CCA Inc. administers employment, license for Certified Nursing Assistance, books, supplies, GED, childcare and youth leadership programs. Qualification is based on total gross household income during the past 30 days.
For more information on each program, call Diane Wells, Community Services Liaison, at 803-329-5196 or call 211.
York to offer programs for seniors
YORK The York Parks and Recreation Department is offering two programs for seniors ages 55 and older. Classes will be at the York Recreation Center on White Rose Lane.
For more information, call 803-684-3742. The programs are:
• Pickleball-from 9 to 11 a.m. Mondays. Pickleball is an easy game for any skill level. All materials and equipment will be provided and are free of charge.
• Seniors in Motion-a low-intensity exercise class that will be from 10 to 11 a.m. Tuesdays and Thursdays. Classes will help improve cardiovascular, flexibility, balance and strength through low-intensity exercises. The cost is $10 per month.
Meal delivery volunteers needed in Clover
CLOVER The York County Council on Aging is in need of volunteers to deliver meals to frail, homebound seniors in Clover. Delivery takes about an hour and can be done during a lunch hour or around that time.
Anyone who is interested in volunteering should call Tonya Begley at the Clover Mill Senior Center, 803-222-9286, between 8:30 a.m. and 1 p.m.
Send us your news
Send news and JPEG photographs for publication to email@example.com.
All submissions become the property of the Enquirer-Herald and may be published in any format.


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The Wall Street Journal published a review of the Albright-Knox Art Gallery's major exhibition "Wish You Were Here," which documents the creative activity in and around this city during the 1970s. In his review, critic Richard B. Woodward calls the show "an act of civic boosterism couched within an adventurous historical survey."
The review elicited a pair of comments from Edmund Cardoni, executive director of Hallwalls Contemporary Arts Center, one of many institutions which played a vital role in the creative life of the city during the period the exhibition covers (and one, like CEPA and the Albright-Knox, that continues to do so today). Cardoni, who finds the the review condescending, writes:
Predictably for the WSJ (as for most NYC and other big market publications), although we out here in the provinces appreciate the attention, this is a bit condescending, and in that condescension, inaccurate. Mr. Woodward doesn't get the point that it wasn't only about the individual avant-garde artists who were living and working here—though there were certainly plenty of those, in the 1970s as well as both before and since—but the curators, spaces, and institutions that uniquely supported the development and creation of major (even career-making) projects by visiting and Buffalo-based artists alike, the former of whom who came here for the opportunities, synergies, open spaces (in the case of Artpark), and spirit of collaboration they couldn't find in quite the same way in NYC and other acknowledged art capitals (i.e., commercial markets). I have two questions for Mr. Woodward: Should all the usual coverage of the NYC art scene (and NYC's resident artists) in the WSJ, NYT, etc., be viewed as mere "boosterism" of the NYC art scene and its artists? Why not? Should exhibitions, installations, and other artistic productions commissioned or presented by NYC arts institutions but involving non-resident artists from places and times other than present-day NYC itself (i.e., "local artists")—oh, let's say from France or China or the 19th century, to name but three examples—not count in those institutions' favor because the artists themselves aren't really from NYC, but are from "elsewhere," i.e., they may have "exhibited in…the city" [in this case NYC], "but were not based there"? Respectfully, Edmund Cardoni, Director, Hallwalls.
From my perspective, Woodward's review is unsurprising in its attempt to characterize the unique period of artistic activity this show covers as a mere outgrowth of a broader national movement. The review, in essence, argues that "Wish" specifically and Buffalo more broadly, is somehow attempting to make its role in the art world somehow seem more special or important than it actually was or is. This strikes me as a somewhat myopic view, especially for anyone who saw Douglas Eklund's exhibition "The Pictures Generation" at the Metropolitan Musuem of Art in 2009, which convincingly argued that Buffalo, like Los Angeles, played a key role in the creation of a new and influential mode of artistic expression.
Still, it was inevitable that some New York-centric critics would view "Wish," should they deign to consider it at all, as a cute effort by plucky little Buffalo to puff out its artistic chest a bit farther than it ought to. From inside their particular bubble, that view probably seems genuine and obvious.
But the show strikes me as successful because it was put together by an outsider with a somewhat more open mind: the very committed curator Heather Pesanti. She began working on the show while living in Pittsburgh, where she was working as a curator at the Carnegie Art Museum. Starting with the thread of Tony Conrad, she simply followed her own curiosity (and skepticism) through the archives of our storied local institutions and pulled out what struck her as a constantly surprising and long-buried narrative about the creative activity of this region during one decade in the late-20th century.
The idea that, as Woodward writes, that you can simply give artists "inexpensive housing and lots of bars, and they'll make their own weather" is simplistic, if not completely daft. And it also applies far more to today's artistic landscape, wildly variegated and geographically diverse as it has become, than the infintely smaller art world that existed during the 1970s. Back then, as Cardoni writes, institutions played a pivotal role in creating the conditions for creative success here. To me, that point is unavoidable in "Wish," and it means to an extent that what happened here could only have happened here. To others, that reality seems destined to remain invisible.
--Colin Dabkowski


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Go all the way back to our season preview section in March and you know how I'm going to pick both versions of the League Championship Series. I picked the World Series as a "reverse of 2009" and I'm staying with that. That means I got the Yankees over the Rangers (I'm going to say six games) and the Phillies over the Giants (I'll say in five). Here's how I see it shaping up:
ALCS: Yes, the Yankees have lots of question marks on the mound, headlined by Game Four starter A.J. Burnett and the middle relief. But CC Sabathia is an ace, Game Two starter Phil Hughes has been unbeatable in Arlington and Andy Pettitte is simply the winningest pitcher in postseason history. The offense continues to be strong and I think they'll really benefit from their quick division series win. Whereas a lot of rest isn't normally a good thing, this Yankees team has been pretty beat up all season. Guys like Alex Rodriguez, Mark Teixeira, Nick Swisher and Brett Gardner really needed some down time and should be in better shape now.
The Rangers, of course, are riding their hopes on Cliff Lee but the Yankees will only have to worry about him in Game Three. Unless it goes to Seven. That's the issue. The Yankees cannot let this one get to Game Seven, where Lee would be waiting again. It was a huge boost for the Yankees' hopes that the Rangers blew their two home games against Tampa Bay and had to go back to the Trop for Game Five. You have to love C.J. Wilson's transformation from bullpen to starter and the Rangers have feel-good stories like manager Ron Washington and veteran Michael Young but they're no match at the plate. Nor are they a match for Mariano Rivera in October.
NLCS: The only team in the NL that can approach the Phillies' big three of Halladay, Oswalt and Hamels is the Giants. Will any pitching matchup in recent time have more hype than the Game One showdown of Halladay and Tim Lincecum? Must-see TV. The Phillies are on a mission to become the first NL team since the 1940s to get to the World Series three straight times. I just don't see any way they're stopped now. They've won 30 of their last 38 games and seem to be far and away the best team remaining in the postseason. I'm thinking the World Series doesn't go past five games no matter which AL team they would play.
Pretty amazing Philly lineup now that it's healthy. Jimmy Rollins, Shane Victorino and Ryan Howard were all out for spells and that really accounted for the Braves' division lead that stretched into August. I can't really get excited about a Giants lineup featuring the likes of a journeyman like Aubrey Huff. Great closer matchup between Brad Lidge, who looks like vintage 2008 again, and Brian Wilson. I'm not expecting a lot of blown leads late.
So those are my picks. Be sure to make yours in our polls below.
---Mike Harrington
taggedALCS | NLCS


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Buffalo Bills
Mario Williams - #94 - DE
|6' 6"/ 292 lbs.
|Richlands, NC
|North Carolina State
|Years played
|2006, 1st round, 1st pick by Texans
Williams is disappointing as Bills' centerpiece
Bills Nation has hardly been enamored with the so-so play of so-called superstar Mario Williams, but the verdict remains out.
Bills DE Williams has wrist procedure; should practice next week
Bills DE Mario Williams underwent a procedure on his left wrist, head coach Chan Gailey confirmed Wednesday.
Report: Bills DE Williams considering wrist surgery
Bills DE Mario Williams is contemplating having surgery on his wrist during the team's bye, according to Tim Graham of The Buffalo News.
Chudzinski, Wannstedt not making proper adjustments
Carolina's Rob Chudzinski and Buffalo's Dave Wannstedt are struggling to adjust; Adrian Peterson's incredible season; and more from Week Seven.
League fines Bills, Redskins for injury-reporting violations
The NFL fined the Bills and Redskins each $20,000 for violations of the league's injury-reporting policy.
Mario Williams says wrist injury is hindering hand use
Bills DE Mario Williams has been a disappointment through five games and said Wednesday that he needs to use his hands better.
Report: League looking into Bills DE Williams' injury
The NFL is investigating why Bills DE Mario Williams hasn't been listed on the injury report, according to Adam Schefter.
Tuesday's 60-second rant: Bills "D" not getting it done vs. AFC East
The Bills' defense, especially up front, is not living up to its lofty expectations in two division losses.
AFC East Spin cycle: Week Three
The Bills and Jets are tied atop the AFC East with records of 2-1, and the Patriots are below .500 for the first time in nine years.
Wednesday's 60-second rant: Bills' problems start with D-line
The disappointing Week One performance by the Bills' defensive line had a ripple effect on the team's other units.
Ochocinco highlights homecoming games
Chad Ochocinco is one of several marquee players who will return to their former home stadium wearing a different uniform in 2012.
Biggest regrets: These 2012 moves will be rued
These will be the 10 biggest regrets when we look back at moves made in 2012.
Bills Williams' new home windfall for scam victims
Mario Williams has at least 53 new fans after his purchase of a house in suburban Buffalo helped a group recoup money that was swindled from them.
Bills' spending spree paying off in ticket sales
Ticket sales are booming in Buffalo, where the Bills' offseason wave of splashy signings is being rewarded by a loyal fan base.
Eighteen thoughts, minus the Manning touch
Believe it or not, there are a lot of interesting things going on in the NFL besides the Peyton Manning story. PFW's Dan Arkush offers "18" examples.
Williams did not miss any time after the Buffalo Bills high-priced defensive end had what the team called "a procedure" to relieve discomfort in his injured left wrist.||||||| Coach Chan Gailey provided the update Wednesday, saying he expects Williams to return to practice next week once the Bills return from their bye weekend off. Gailey, was otherwise, very short on specifics in sharing any other details regarding the status of the NFL's highest-paid defensive player. Williams signed a six-year, $100 million contract with Buffalo in March.
The NFL has fined the Washington Redskins and Buffalo Bills $20,000 each for violating league procedures on reporting injuries.||||||| The Bills failed to list Williams on the injury report while he was being treated for a sprained left wrist. Williams said Oct. 3 that the wrist had been bothering him and limiting his effectiveness. The league said he should have been on the injury report - he has been the last two weeks.
Williams had two sacks for the Bills in Sunday's 19-16 OT win over Arizona.||||||| Williams had 1 1/2 sacks in the first five games.
The NFL is investigating whether Buffalo defensive end Mario Williams has an injured left wrist. Williams has not been on the Bills' injury report this season despite what he claims has been a wrist injury that has bothered him all season. But the team says he has not missed any practices or game time.||||||| NFL spokesman Greg Aiello said Sunday that "the club says he is not injured. We will follow up this week to obtain a formal explanation."
Buffalo Bills defensive end Mario Williams has a new home and at least 53 new fans. By closing on a $2 million deal to purchase a mansion in suburban Buffalo, the Bills' high-priced free-agent addition helped a group of creditors recoup about $500,000 they were cheated out of by the home's former owner, William F. Savino says.||||||| Savino is a Buffalo-based attorney representing 53 people swindled out of more than $3 million by Kenneth Bernas, a former lawyer who was convicted in 2010 of larceny and identity theft. Bernas is serving a 2 1/3- to seven-year jail sentence and used some of the money he stole to build the 9,000-plus square-foot mansion in 2005. The Buffalo News first reported Williams' purchase this week.


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4 December 2012
Mr. Chief Justice Suttell and Associate Justices of the Rhode Island Supreme Court
Rhode Island Supreme Court
Licht Judicial Complex
250 Benefit Street
Providence, RI 02903
Dear Mr. Chief Justice and Rhode Island Supreme Court Associate Justices,
My name is Robert T. Oliveira. I live at 5 Record Street in the city of Newport where I am a qualified elector. Today I am writing you concerning the Separation of Powers Clause, Article V, in the Rhode Island Constitution and its impact on the "powers" given to the Rhode Island Bridge and Turnpike Authority – an agency of the Executive Branch acting as a Legislative body.
A few years back, when the Article V was enacted, many of us lamented the lack of a "trigger provision" available to the average citizen in cases like this. When a citizen spots what appears to be a violation of the State Ethics law or State Election law, there is a process by which to file a complaint. When a citizen spots what they believe may be a violation of Separation of Powers, their only recourse is to obtain an attorney who has experience at the Supreme Court level. That experience also demands a fee requisite with that experience. Said fee is beyond the budget of around 90% of Rhode Islanders.
It should also be noted that the wheels of Justice grind fine, they also grind very slowly. The matter for discourse today has a timing element to it. If certain elements come into place before the Court rules, some folks will suffer severe financial hardship. It should be noted that I am one of them.
Lastly, as this begins, I understand because I am suggesting that Branch of Government has abdicated its authority in defiance of the Constitution, and another is violating the Constitution by usurping authority it does not have, there may be a question of standing. I would hope the Court would address that question if possible upon receipt of this letter. If the Court believes that I as an aggrieved citizen do not have standing but a member of an aggrieved Branch does, I would like to know that before I spend a great deal of capital and time asking a lawyer to file on my behalf. It should be noted that members of the General Assembly have been contacted and are ready to step forward should the Court decide that standing is an issue.
The first question the Court will be asked to decide is whether or not a "toll" or "usage fee" is a tax. According to Black's law dictionary, a tax is a "pecuniary burden laid upon individuals or property owners to support the government [...] a payment exacted by legislative authority." It "is not a voluntary payment or donation, but an enforced contribution, exacted pursuant to legislative authority" and is "any contribution imposed by government [...] whether under the name of toll, tribute, tallage, gabel, impost, duty, custom, excise, subsidy, aid, supply, or other name." I am hoping the Court would accept this definition.
The next question becomes, can the Legislative Branch in Rhode Island, via Legislation, abdicate its authority to tax to another Branch. This question is specifically about the Rhode Island Bridge and Turnpike Authority's ability to, without review or public input of a meaningful nature, establish tolls even though they are within the Executive Branch and not the Legislative. We can be sure of their placement because the Director of the Rhode Island Department of Transportation serves on this body. Article VI, Section 2, of our Constitution is clear with regards to how laws are to be made. Nowhere in our Constitution has the Bridge and Turnpike Authority (hereinafter, the "Authority") been added to the Legislative Branch.
To make sure I had my ducks in a row, I called Mary Parrillo who serves as Chief Financial officer. I would never hold her to my paraphrasing of a phone call, but when asked what happens to the money collected for bridge tolls that comes out of an EZ-pass or his handed to an Authority employee, she indicated that the process was autonomous. How is that possible under the state Constitution?
According to Ms. Parrillo, the Authority sets their own budget, makes an estimate based on the number of axles that should roll through a toll booth and reset rates accordingly. If the Court wishes to suggest that the complaining Party is not aggrieved yet, I would humbly remind the Court the Newport Bridge toll was doubled without an opportunity to for the public to redress the members who did the doubling. This has caused increase costs for travelers and a hardship for businesses due to the number of travelers decreasing. More importantly, it just might be a violation of our Constitution.
Please allow me to present a hypothetical in order to further the point: a doctor invents a guaranteed cure for cancer. He presents his research to the state of Rhode Island and would be happy to sell the cure to us for a $1. We have the right to lobby our General Assembly members as to whether or not we would like them to spend said dollar. If they make a choice that we feel is inappropriate, we can address that at the next election.
Authority members do not stand for election since they are from the bureaucratic wing of the Executive Branch. Therefore, how does one lobby them? The cynic would say "money". If we do not like their decision, our only point of contact as voters is the Governor. In Rhode Island, this person can be term limited (as a Madisonian, I find that most distressing) leaving no point of contact. Again, this "insulation" prevails because the Authority is an Executive Branch entity usurping a Legislative Branch power. It is not by accident that the Founders of the United States Constitution decreed that all fiscal matters should begin in the House since that is the body closest to the people.
Before Separation of Powers, Article V, perhaps this was just an anomaly. Now, it seems to be a prohibited abdication followed by a prohibited usurpation. The Legislative Branch has not been given the power of forgiving another Branch for violating the Constitution. For the benefit of all Rhode Islanders, the Judicial Branch should use its power review and reject this foolishness however the question should come before them.
Once it is determined that the Authority is Legislative in practice and impact, further questions need to be asked. I testified many times before the General Assembly regarding Article V. I remember the "sausage being made" in great detail. The absolute central focus was the removal of General Assembly members from Boards and Commissions. If a General Assembly member cannot cross serve, how can the Director of the Department of Transportation? How can the Governor have the authority to appoint to such a body?
This leads to all kinds of Open Meetings law and Ethics Commission questions. Not only has every Authority meeting violated the Open Meetings law since the enactment of Article V, every Director of Transportation has been in violation of the code of Ethics since the enactment of Article V. These matters are serious in scope and need to be addressed. More on how that should be done in a little bit.
There is one last question: if the Executive Branch can operate outside the Constitution with regards to the Turnpikes and Bridges, why not Education? The Executive Branch could ask the Legislative to establish the Rhode Island Education Authority. The Governor could appoint members. They could meet, set a student "usage fee" and the average citizen would be locked out of the process because once again, the Executive Branch had stolen abdicated power from the Legislative. This could literally go on ad infinitum until there was no real budget process. This is not what the Founders intended nor would it satisfy the original supporters of Article V.
It should be noted that I have no delusions of grandeur with regards to this letter. I am fully aware that much more than likely, I will have to raise somewhere around $5000 to even start the process of hiring a lawyer and finding a venue. That number only goes up if standing becomes an issue and the process needs to start a second time.
The raising of this capital, yes I have access to a Political Action Committee, has tax, gift, and Board of Election implications. However, when rights are being trampled, businesses are losing revenue, employees are fleeing, and irreparable harm is being done, I hope the Court understands if the envelope gets enlarged a tad. That is not the only non-pro-forma step that must be taken.
Normally, when a case is before the Court, all political activity is suspended. I would never want to appear as if I was trying to lobby or influence a Court decision via political mechanism. However, due to the possible irreparable harm that could occur if the Authority is allowed to continue "tolling at will without review", these steps are unavoidable.
There will be complaints filed with the Ethics Commission and the Attorney General, specifically dealing with violations of the Open meetings law, with regards to Director Lewis. I have already dispatched two unpaid campaign interns, internally they are affectionately referred to as "research minions", to discover if Mr. Lewis' behavior when he ran the "Big Dig" is similar to his behavior here. The complaints from the public sure sound the same.
When they are done with that task, they will assemble all media related to the original Article V hearings. I get the feeling that in order to prevail, it may be necessary to keenly divine original intent with regards to Article V.
The General assembly will be asked, under its oversight power, to form a Special oversight Committee for the Authority. Many rumors abound to how much money actually gets spent, how contacts are awarded – including rumors of kickbacks, how much money makes its way to the General Fund and how is the Reserve Fund invested. Too many questions, too many implications, not enough answers all stemming from the core concept: Executive Authorities should not have Legislative powers.
Again, I am sorry to proceed in this manner but I am up against a foe with unlimited resources. For instance, Director Lewis could ask the General Assembly to create the "Help me pay for my lawsuit" Authority. A usage fee could be charged to every lawyer walking into any Courthouse in the state. At no time would redress be possible nor would it really be possible to discover how the money is being spent.
The solution is easy. The Authority makes a recommendation to the General Assembly. The General assembly goes along or it does not. There are hearings and oversight and Committees and the public is empowered.
I know you value our state Constitution as much as I do. This is not the time to be hesitant in defending it.
Thank you for your time and consideration.
Robert T. Oliveira
5 Record Street
Newport, RI 02840


text: UPDATED 03:03 16th July 2012 Goalkeeper Jon McLaughlin signed a one year contract with Bradford City on 3rd June 2008. McLaughlin signed for the Bantams from non-league side Harrogate Town. McLaughlin has also played for local rivals Harrogate Railway, including in a televised F.A Cup 2nd round match against a Mansfield Town side that included former teammates Michael and Rory Boulding. McLaughlin made his long awaited City debut during the club's final match of the 2009/10 season at Chestefield. The rookie keeper looked strong and composed on his way to a debut clean sheet in the Bantams victory at the Recreation Ground. At the end of the season, McLaughlin agreed a new one year deal with the club to sign on for a further term. On 30th June 2009, McLaughlin took part in Great Britain's opening fixture of the football tournament at the World Student Games in Belgrade, Serbia. The Bantams stopper took part in fourth further matches in the tournament, keeping 3 clean sheets in the process and helping Great Britain to a fourth place finish. McLaughlin started the 2009/10 season as Stuart McCall's second choice shot-stopper behind Simon Eastwood, who was on loan from neighbours Huddersfield Town. Eastwood started every game in the first half of the season, as McLaughlin was reduced to a watching brief. When Eastwood completed his loan period and returned to the Galpharm Stadium at the end of 2009, McLaughlin was finally given his chance. After one and a half years with the Bantams, McLaughlin made his long awaited home debut against Cheltenham Town on 2 January 2010. The Bantams drew the match 1-1, with McLaughlin only being beaten by a second half penalty from Robins striker Justin Richards. McLaughlin would have to wait until the start of April for his next first team action, but when it came he took it with both hands. A fine performance at Burton, capped off by a penalty save, sparked a run of six straight matches in goal for McLaughlin. He would go on to only concede three goals in that period. McLaughlin's form earned him a new three year deal in the summer. The young 'keeper would face a near season long battle with fellow shot-stopper Lenny Pidgeley – who joined part way through the season – during the 2010/2011 campaign. Despite this, McLaughlin managed to finish the campaign with 28 appearances under his belt. With Pidgeley leaving the club in June 2011, McLaughlin aimed to make the number 1 jersey his own, but his efforts weren't helped by a serious food bug with left him hospitalised in pre-season. McLaughlin managed to return to full fitness by the early stages of the new season but new Bantams boss Phil Parkinson brought in fellow shot-stopper Matt Duke shortly afterwards to give the Scot competition for the 'keeper's spot. Duke and McLaughlin would go onto enjoy a healthy rivalry for the keeping position as the season wore on. Come the final months of the 2011/2012 season though, McLaughlin looked to have won the fight for the gloves as Duke was loaned out to fellow League 2 side Northampton Town for first-team football. Duke was recalled from his loan in March, however, after McLaughlin picked up a three-game ban for his part in an after-match altercation following a home fixture with Crawley Town. Despite Parkinson adding a number of fresh faces to his squad in the summer of 2012 in a bid to boost City's promotion chances, Duke and McLaughlin remained locked together in their battle to establish themselves as City's outright number 1. Following Duke's dismissal in the second half of City's Capital One Cup Final appearance against Swansea City, McLaughlin came on as a substitute to replace his fellow shot-stopper. McLaughlin was in goal from the start for City's second match at Wembley of the season as the 'keeper kept a clean-sheet against Northampton Town to help Parkinson's men on their way to victory in the League 2 Play-Off Final.


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Updated Dec 3, 2012 - 5:37 pm
Lenon on losing streak: 'You can't force things'
During his 12 year NFL career, he has been on plenty of successful teams and even more teams that have struggled, much like the 2012 Arizona Cardinals.
Lenon joined Arizona Sports 620's Doug and Wolf Monday and talked about what it takes to be a good team and what the Cardinals must do to end their losing streak.
"What you want to try to do is be consistent throughout the entire game," Lenon said. "That is really the difference between the teams that win and the teams that lose games. There is a lack of consistency."
Lenon explained that being consistent means "being the same guy, not only every game, but every practice."
What makes the Cardinals' losing streak most disappointing is the fact that Lenon and the defense have been rather consistent this season.
"It is definitely frustrating to work as hard as you work and come up empty handed on Sunday," Lenon said. "But I think if you are a true competitor and a professional, you go out that and play a certain way regardless."
listen Listen: Paris Lenon, Arizona Cardinals Linebacker
Arizona Cardinals linebacker Paris Lenon joins Doug and Wolf to discuss the tough loss against the Jets Sunday, and explains why the Cards have struggled so much during the eight-game losing streak. How is team morale? Is the defense upset with the struggling offense? Find answers to these questions and more with Paris Lenon.
Because the Cardinals have come up short in each of the past eight games, Lenon thinks the most important thing for the Cardinals to do is to stay focused on doing their responsibilities.
"You can't force things to happen," Lenon said. "You still have to continue to play technique, sound football."
- The 5: Top storylines heading into Arizona Cardinals training camp
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- ESPN: Arizona Cardinals loaded with under-25 talent
- Arizona Cardinals place Tyrann Mathieu and Alameda Ta'amu on PUP list
- Cardinals receive 'B' offseason grade from USA Today
- Bickley Blast - Thursday July 24What will the future hold for the Cardinals and Larry Fitzgerald?
- Dr. Cynthia Arnson - Immigration and Central America Expert - Tuesday July 22Why are we seeing this influx of immigrant minors?
- Mike Sando, ESPN NFL insider - Tuesday July 22ESPN NFL insider Mike Sando gives updates from around the NFC West as teams head into training camp.
- Lorenzo Alexander, AZ Cardinals linebacker - Friday July 18Cardinals linebacker Lorenzo Alexander talks about team expectations for 2014.
- John McClain, Houston Chronicle sportswriter - Friday July 11Houston Chronicle sportswriter John McClain talks about the Rockets' offseason.


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Nancy Lou Hurd, 82, formerly of Muskogee passed away Wednesday, February 20, 2013 in Tulsa OK. She was born October 10, 1930 to James Chester & Willie (Heard) White.
Nancy became a young widow at age 22, having lost her husband, Don Rogers to a lightning storm, and set out to raise Larry and Lynne alone. She went back to school to study bookkeeping and business in order to support her family. She met and married Ben Hurd, recently returned from the Korean War, and the family moved to Oklahoma City, where Dale was born, and then on to Norman. She was most proud that all three children earned college degrees. Nancy worked at a number of occupations, including census taker, bookkeeper for a jewelry firm, and office assistant for the Highway Patrol. She eventually settled in Broken Arrow to be near her family.
Nancy was preceded in death by her parents, husband, Don Rogers, husband, Ben Hurd, daughter, Lynne Rogers, son, Dale Hurd, and 5 siblings.
She is survived by her son, Larry Rogers of Chesterfield MO, three sisters: Jewel Brandt of Muskogee, Bobbie Burnes & husband, Lorenzo, and Barbara McCoy & husband, Jessie, one brother, Jerry White & wife, Linda, all of Broken Arrow OK, a host of nieces and nephews, and close family friends, Marilyn & Brian Wolfe of Norman OK.
A celebration of Nancy's life will be held at 1:00 p.m., Monday, February 25, 2013 at the Bradley Belltower Chapel with Reverend Larry McDonald officiating. Interment will follow in Memorial Park Cemetery with Joe Brandt, Mark Brandt, Danny Burnes, Joe Burnes, Paul Key, Jim White and Tim White serving as pallbearers.
Arrangements are under the direction of Bradley Funeral Service. Friends may send condolences to the family at www.bradleyfuneralservice.com


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By the time Kiddieland in Fuqua Park opens for its next summer season, it will be surrounded by a brand new fence.
Leadership Duncan Class XVI has been working on raising funds for the project since their graduation in May 2012. Class members now believe they have what is needed to get the job rolling with about $22,200 in the bank.
"What we needed added up to about $50,000 but because of donations, it's got it down closer to $26,000," said Curtis Thornton, project manager for the class. "That's really awesome and it's shocked me how everything has come together."
From the City of Duncan committing to removing the existing fence and disposing it for free to Dan Neal with Neal Consulting providing labor for the project, much labor cost has been deducted. Additionally, employees at the fence company the class is using from Tulsa discounted their prices because they were familiar with Kiddieland.
Grants and donations from the McCasland Foundation, Cotton Electric, almost all of the Duncan banks, Duncan Convention and Visitors Bureau and Duncan Beautification filled in the gaps, along with class project fundraisers.
"We estimate the start date to be at the end of September after Kiddieland closes," said Thornton. "We anticipate completion by the end of the year."
Since the project has been publicized, other aspects have been added to the idea of creating a more attractive outside to Kiddieland. One of those ideas was landscaping.
"We always thought it would be neat to have crapemyrtles around the fence since Duncan is the Crapemyrtle Capitol of Oklahoma," Thornton said.
"Carolyn Rodgers got involved and she's already had her landscape designers down there figuring out where and what to plant and how to clear out the undergrowth. It's going to look really sharp."
The class would also like to put up a commemorative cast aluminum sign at Kiddieland thanking everyone who made it possible for the project to succeed.
They will be selling spots where people can their name, child's name or grandchild's name.
"Spots will be limited for that and we will stop taking orders on Oct. 31," he said. To get your name on the sign, contact Sandy Stewart at Duncan Chamber of Commerce & Industry, 580-255-3644 or email, firstname.lastname@example.com.
Leadership Duncan Class XVI and the Kiwanas, who have run Kiddieland for more than 50 years, are teaming up for one last fundraiser for the project.
From 5-8 p.m. Aug. 31, the class will be selling hot dogs and drinks.
Clarification: In today's printed edition, it was noted that Kiddieland rides were free. They are not. The rides are still the same price on this night. Tickets are .50 cents each.


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No matter which side prevails, this year's grueling presidential race looms as a milestone in the struggle for power between, and within, the two parties.
For Democrats, President Obama's bid for a second term is likely to stand as an irreversible tipping point in their transformation from a New Deal coalition centered on working-class and older whites to a 21st-century alignment of young people, minorities, and white-collar whites, especially women. "This should put the foot down on the accelerator in terms of the transition," says Ruy Teixeira, an expert on demographics and politics at the liberal Center for American Progress.
For Republicans, even if Mitt Romney triumphs, November could represent the last attempt to squeeze out a national majority almost entirely from white voters in a country rapidly growing more diverse. "Too many of the party apparat and too many of the powerful subgroups are much more connected to nostalgia than they are to modern demographics," says longtime GOP consultant Mike Murphy. "I hear people talking about [Ronald] Reagan all the time, which is wonderful. But sometimes I imagine they are competing in a America that demographically no longer exists."
These parallel changes are rooted in long-term social forces that are simultaneously increasing the population of Democratic-leaning minorities (especially Hispanics) and Republican-leaning white seniors (as the giant baby-boom generation moves into retirement); reducing the electorate's share of blue-collar whites, now the most reliably Republican group of voters; and tilting the population of college-educated whites toward women, another Democratic-leaning constituency. These shifts have presented the parties with almost mirror-image problems. While Romney is struggling to dent the Democratic dominance of the steadily growing nonwhite population, Obama is straining to maintain even 40 percent support from white voters, and in November he could post the weakest showing among blue-collar whites of any Democratic nominee since Walter Mondale got buried by Reagan's 1984 landslide.
Win or lose, the result seems destined to divide the country closely enough to raise difficult questions for both sides. The fact that Romney, in most scenarios, can hope at best for a narrow win, despite Obama's weakness among whites—and despite levels of economic dislocation that typically dooms incumbents—testifies to the demographic limits of the GOP's current coalition. "Even [if] Romney does in fact get the white vote at the level [he needs] … and is able to win the presidency with that, he will be the last Republican candidate that will do that," says Steve Schmidt, the chief strategist for John McCain's 2008 campaign. "The demographics of the country even four years from now will be such that that will be an impossibility."
Conversely, the fact that Obama continues to face so much resistance among blue-collar and older whites while running against a multimillionaire opponent who has committed to transforming Medicare underscores the depth of disaffection from Democrats among the groups that anchored their electoral coalition from Franklin Roosevelt through Lyndon Johnson. Obama's success at expanding his support among blue-collar whites in several Midwestern states only partially qualifies that verdict.
In the long run, the most powerful demographic trends will continue to benefit Democrats, at least at the presidential level. But that advantage will be offset if Democrats can't sustain more support from whites, especially when the party holds unified control in Washington and can implement its agenda, as Obama did during his first two years in the White House. Democrats may now need fewer whites to win a national majority, but Obama is laboring to clear even that lowering bar, especially since the surge toward Romney after the first presidential debate.
In combination, the stark class, generational, and—above all—racial fissures now shaping American politics have produced a closely divided and volatile electorate that has stubbornly refused to provide either party with a lasting advantage, arguably since the Reagan era, and voters next week may again divide almost exactly in half. "A political system in which one party is the party of white America and the other party is the party of minority America is a political system that is structured for polarization," says veteran Democratic analyst William Galston, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. "It's a political system that locks us into an endless continuation of what we've seen."
The GOP dominated five of the six presidential elections from 1968 to 1988 so thoroughly that analysts spoke of a Republican "lock" on the White House. Over those six campaigns, Republicans won the popular vote five times, engineered two of the most one-sided landslides ever (in 1972 and 1984), averaged 417 Electoral College votes, and held Democrats to an average of just 43 percent of the popular vote.
But since 1992, the story has been very different. Democrats have won the popular vote in four of the past five elections; after this election, Democrats could be in a position of having quietly won the popular vote in five of six presidential elections, just as Republicans did in the days of their so-called lock. The picture will look different if Obama loses; even if he wins, Democrats haven't dominated this era nearly as much as Republicans did the earlier one. In one of those recent Democratic popular-vote victories, of course, Al Gore lost the Electoral College vote in 2000, and none of the Democratic winners has approached the towering margins of Richard Nixon in 1972 (61 percent) or Reagan in 1984 (59 percent). Obama's 52.8 percent has been the Democratic high point over that period, and it seems very unlikely he will match that even if he survives.
Still, over these two decades, Republicans are clearly operating with a much lower ceiling than they were during that earlier time. No GOP nominee since 1988 has won more than the 286 Electoral College votes or 50.8 percent of the vote that George W. Bush captured in 2004 while amassing the all-time narrowest margin of victory in the popular vote for a successfully reelected president. Unless his momentum continues to crest, a Romney victory would probably still not exceed either of those totals.
"Maybe we are reaching a tipping point about how the Democratic Party sees itself." —Ruy Teixeira, Center for American Progress
Two factors, above all, explain the difference from the 1968-88 period controlled by Republicans and the more recent stretch of greater Democratic competitiveness: the increasing minority population, as well as the improving Democratic performance among college-educated whites. Those two trends also pose the most pointed choices for Republicans after this election, win or lose.
The most visible change has been the electorate's growing diversity. When Reagan first won in 1980, whites cast about nine of every 10 ballots; even as late as 1992, when Bill Clinton first captured the White House, whites delivered 88 percent of the votes and minorities just 12 percent. But the white share of the vote has steadily declined in each election since then; by 2008, whites cast 74 percent of the ballots and minorities 26 percent.
The Republican presidential nominee, according to network exit polls and earlier postelection surveys conducted by the University of Michigan, has carried most white voters in every election after 1964. However, this shifting population mix has dulled the impact of that success. Consider: In 2004, Bush won almost exactly the same share of the white vote (58 percent) as his father did in 1988 (59 percent). But while that showing allowed George H.W. Bush to rout Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis by nearly 8 percentage points, the equivalent performance provided the younger Bush his thin 2.5 percentage-point edge over John Kerry. Likewise, in 2008, Obama lost the white vote by as large a margin as Gore did in the near-dead heat of 2000. Yet because Obama carried 80 percent of the growing minority population, including not only 95 percent of African-Americans but also two-thirds of Hispanics, he won the largest share of the popular vote of any Democratic nominee since Johnson in 1964.
Polls show Obama on track to replicate that performance among minorities this year. If he does, and they cast at least the 26 percent of votes they did last time, Romney would need to win 61 percent of whites to assemble a national majority. Although some mid-October polls show Romney reaching that level, others place him short of it. This stark prospect means Romney could win nearly three-fifths of white voters—a showing that would match Dwight Eisenhower in 1952, Reagan in 1980, and Bush in 1988 as the best performance ever for a Republican challenger among whites—and still lose.
If that happens, Schmidt predicts, "there will be the beginnings of a proper civil war in the Republican Party. Everybody will blame everybody. The conservatives will blame the establishment, and vice versa." Even if Romney wins narrowly with a margin among whites that previously generated landslide victories, the party is likely to squabble over its standing with minorities, especially Hispanics. "You've got to play on the other field or you can't win," says Murphy, the GOP consultant. "What we have to understand is, our field is shrinking and their field is growing. If we ignore it, I think it will be totally self-destructive. There will be a big fight in the party after the election between the mathematicians and the priests."
Murphy's "mathematicians" include many of the party's most prominent strategists. They consider the GOP's anemic performance among minorities, particularly Hispanics, an existential threat to the party's viability at the national level. Although political participation has lagged population growth among Hispanics, their share of the vote has increased from 1 percent in 1980 to 9 percent in 2008, and the Pew Hispanic Center recently calculated that nearly 24 million Latinos are eligible to vote this year, up by more than 4 million since 2008. That's double the four-year increase in eligible Hispanics between the 1996 and 2000 elections. "If Republicans are going to be competitive at the presidential level over the next 10 to 20 years, they have to do better among nonwhite voters, especially Asians and Hispanics," GOP pollster Whit Ayres warns.
Republican thinkers in this group look for inspiration to George W. Bush. In 2004, Bush won about two-fifths of Hispanics, the party's best performance among that group since Reagan in 1984; he particularly gained among Latino evangelical Protestants. Schmidt, a senior White House adviser at that time, recalls, "We were having discussions in 2004, 2005 about how to grow that vote share to 50 percent. We believed that it ... was plausible that we could push that to 50 percent."
Instead, the party has moved in the opposite direction, with John McCain in 2008 winning only about three in 10 Hispanics and polls showing Romney lagging even that level, despite the fact that the Hispanic unemployment rate has been in double digits every month of Obama's presidency. Bush courted Latinos with an agenda that featured federally led education reform, government partnerships with religiously based charities, and, most important, support for a comprehensive immigration solution that included a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. Since then, in the back-to-basics movement fueled by the tea party's rise, the GOP has abandoned all of those policies. In particular, the party has reversed course on immigration. Amid a conservative backlash, Romney's call for enforcement so stringent that it would pressure illegal immigrants to "self-deport" has succeeded Bush's embrace of a pathway
to citizenship.
This shift in tone and substance has produced something close to despair among the evangelical Hispanic leaders who spearheaded Bush's breakthroughs. "The Republican primaries served as a reminder that the Republican Party suffers from cultural and ethnic myopia," says the Rev. Samuel Rodriguez, president of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference. "They were saturated with anti-immigrant rhetoric and a lack of viable Latino outreach. They failed by resurrecting the polarizing rhetoric that has alienated Hispanics."
Since the younger Bush's presidency, the party's right turn on immigration has evoked barely a peep of protest from the Bush-era advocates of a comprehensive solution. GOP strategists in this camp say that after the election, win or lose, they expect reform supporters to more forcefully reopen the debate. Many expect former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, who has denounced the party's posture toward Hispanics as "stupid," to lead such a charge. If Romney loses, economic conservatives, many of whom supported a pathway to citizenship under Bush, will likely argue that the party's hard-line position on immigration allowed Obama to secure a second term and thus to implement spending, tax, health care, and regulatory policies anathema to Republicans.
One straw in that wind: In mid-October, leading antitax activist Grover Norquist delivered a pro-reform speech to a "Midwest summit" of immigration-rights activists. "Not only is it good policy to have dramatically more immigrants in the U.S. than we do today and a path for those who are here, it's also good politics," he said. One senior Washington-based business lobbyist similarly said that if party strategists make the electoral case for immigration reform, prominent corporate leaders would likely join the push. "If they lay down a foundation that says, 'Hey, if we don't get alongside of this, we are going to get run over for this, maybe for a generation,' then, conceptually, people will understand it," the lobbyist said.
But recasting the party's position on immigration won't be easy. Republicans now rely on lopsided margins from the portions of the white community most uneasy about the ongoing demographic change: older and blue-collar whites. In the most recent Apollo Group/National Journal Next America Poll, just under half of whites said they considered the growing number of newcomers from other countries a threat to traditional American values. These whites preferred Romney over Obama by nearly 9-to-1. (Obama, by contrast, drew almost three-fifths support among whites who did not view the demographic change as a threat.)
Fear of antagonizing such voters and their loud advocates in the conservative community helps explain why Romney and other Republicans kept their distance from the proposal by Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., to provide a legal status to some of the young illegal immigrants brought to the United States as children. Obama, instead, administratively instituted a similar plan, which has reinforced his overwhelming advantage among Hispanics. Roy Beck, the founder and CEO of NumbersUSA, a group that advocates for reduced immigration, promises even greater resistance to any Republicans who revive George W. Bush's call to provide undocumented immigrants with a pathway to citizenship. "We have been fighting the George W. Bush people for 11 years; we regard them as enemies of American working families," Beck says. "It's not going to go anywhere, because it's the same voices as in 2006 and 2007. These are the same old voices that got beaten [then]."
Republican consultant Terry Nelson, the field director for Bush's 2004 reelection campaign, says that party leaders eventually must, in effect, take the risk of confronting the GOP's current coalition to build its next one. "The current coalition is hesitant to do the things we need to do," he acknowledges. "But the math is not going to add up in the future for us if we continue to be overly reliant on the votes of white voters. Certainly at the presidential level, sticking with this position [on immigration] will eventually put Republicans in a permanent minority position."
The other trend that unsettles Murphy, Schmidt, Nelson, and like-minded strategists is the persistent Republican weakness among college-educated white women. These women, many of them socially liberal and open to activist government, have broken toward the Democratic nominee in four of the past five presidential elections (they split almost evenly between Bush and Kerry in 2004). Obama carried a 52 percent majority of this group in 2008, far better than his performance among other whites. "This is a long-term problem for the Republican Party," Nelson says.
The debate inside the GOP turns on whether it is possible to improve the party's showing among these women without diluting its conservative consensus on social issues such as abortion and gay rights. Almost uniformly, Democrats are dubious that Republicans can regain much ground with upscale white women while holding those positions. Most Republican analysts, however, believe that moderating on social issues would provoke unacceptable tension with the party's base of culturally conservative voters, especially evangelical Christians.
Ralph Reed, a veteran strategist who has spent his career navigating the intersection of Republican and evangelical Christian politics, is one of many party thinkers who maintain that the GOP must, and can, find ways to attract more women and minorities without repositioning itself on social issues.
"I don't believe that the values that the party embodies in order to win the votes and support of evangelicals and faithful Catholics poses any kind of long-term obstacle to doing better in the future among women and minorities," he says. "I know from previous elections that you can win suburban women without becoming pro-choice, and being pro-choice doesn't necessarily win suburban women. It varies from election to election, but sometimes it can be national security, sometimes it can be economic security; other times it is education and the environment."
This year's election will provide an unusually acute real-world test of the competing Democratic and Republican theories. Romney's campaign, convinced that it cannot win without reducing Obama's advantage among upscale white women, has made a major push for them, stressing the sluggish economy and the increase in the government debt under Obama. After Romney's strong performance in the first presidential debate, several polls, in fact, showed him making inroads among upscale white women (although other surveys disagreed). At the second presidential debate and in his advertising, Obama has responded with a fierce counterattack on issues such as pay equity, Romney's call for defunding Planned Parenthood, his opposition to requiring employers to provide free contraception in health insurance, and his record on hiring women in Massachusetts. Most Democrats are confident that the increased attention to these questions will restore Obama's advantages among white-collar women, and help him as well among working-class white women usually tougher for Democrats to attract. If Romney wins while muting the gender gap, Reed's perspective will gain strength inside the GOP. But if a movement back toward Obama among women helps him repulse Romney's breakthrough, internal questions about the GOP's positioning on social issues could grow louder.
McGOVERN'S BELATED TRIUMPH
The growing ranks of college-educated women are one of several long-term demographic changes that underpin Democratic optimism about the years ahead, whatever happens next month. Obama and Democrats now run best among groups that are themselves growing in society, what I've called the coalition of the ascendant. This emerging coalition, which offers Democrats the prospect of a steadily expanding base, has three major components.
The most reliably Democratic piece is the expanding minority population. Using census data, Teixeira and William Frey recently calculated that the minority share of the eligible voter population in 2012 has increased to almost 29 percent. Although few strategists on either side expect minorities to represent that much of the actual vote, the trend toward greater minority participation seems inexorable.
The next key component is the giant "millennial generation," born from about 1981 to 2002. (This group overlaps with the first because some 40 percent of millennials are nonwhite, double the percentage among seniors.) Nearly 60 million millennials will be eligible to vote this year, up from 40 million just four years ago, according to Morley Winograd and Mike Hais, senior fellows at the Democratic advocacy group NDN and authors of two books on the generation. Obama carried two-thirds of voters under 30 in 2008, and although polls show fissures in that support, he is still running much better with younger than with older voters.
The final strand of the emerging Democratic coalition is college-educated whites, particularly women. Those women are the most rapidly growing part of the white electorate. Women accounted for nearly three-fifths of all college degrees granted to whites from 2000 to 2010, according to federal statistics. In 1980, white men without a college degree, the most Republican-leaning white cohort, outnumbered the Democratic-tilting college white women by more than 3-to-1 in the electorate; this year, the upscale white women could outvote the downscale white men.
If Obama wins in 2012 with a majority centered on minorities, young people, and white-collar socially liberal whites (especially women)—while winning perhaps fewer than 40 percent of blue-collar whites—it could be viewed as the belated triumph, four decades later, of the George McGovern coalition, ironically (or poetically) shortly after McGovern's death. McGovern was nominated in 1972 amid intense strains in the traditional Democratic coalition over the Vietnam War, civil rights, and the 1960s cultural revolution. Many party leaders sympathetic to him believed that Democrats could become a more consistently liberal party, particularly on social- and foreign-policy issues, if they were untethered from their electoral reliance on blue-collar whites, many of them culturally conservative and hawkish. As McGovern's epic defeat emphatically demonstrated, a minority/youth/social-liberal coalition wasn't big enough in 1972 to win without significant blue-collar support; an Obama win this year could prove the opposite. "It's not like this was a fantasy," Teixeira says of the McGovern-era calculations. "It was just premature. It wasn't possible at the time. But the distribution of [the population] has changed."
Working-class whites are proving more important than initially expected to Obama's prospects because he is generally running ahead of his national numbers with them in the key Midwestern battlegrounds, particularly Iowa, Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin, with a populist message centered on Romney's business background. But, overall, the president's reelection strategy has aligned him with this new coalition more unreservedly than any previous Democratic nominee. Obama this year has embraced liberal positions on a series of polarizing noneconomic issues—from contraception, to gay marriage, to temporarily legalizing young undocumented immigrants—that energize the party's new coalition at the cost of provoking more antagonism among the older and blue-collar whites who anchored the old one. "The weight of the [demographic] changes is heavy enough that maybe we are reaching a tipping point about how the Democratic Party sees itself," Teixeira says.
Democrats can't govern if they "write off 60 percent of white America." —William Galston, Brookings Institution
This new alignment offers Democrats enormous opportunities. Yet it also presents clear challenges. One is that it has already proven to be a boom-and-bust coalition because two of its key elements, Hispanics and young people, vote much less reliably than whites. A larger-than-usual falloff in turnout among both groups in 2010 contributed to the Democrats' debacle. Current polls show that Obama is still struggling to fully energize these constituencies.
Another problem is that this coalition is better fitted to produce presidential than congressional majorities. Although the minority population is dispersing, many heartland states (and congressional districts) remain preponderantly white, so to control Congress, particularly the Senate, Democrats need to perform better among whites than they do in the presidential race.
Democrats also face the challenge of delivering results for these constituencies that will cement their support and enthusiasm. The party's failure to aggressively push for comprehensive immigration reform after Obama took office, largely for fear of alienating culturally conservative whites, has frustrated Latino leaders. "Our community would like to see much stronger leadership on this issue from the Democrats," says Janet Murguia, president and CEO of the National Council of La Raza. Even more important will be producing economic gains for young people and minorities, both groups that have been especially hurt by the Great Recession and its aftermath. "The big problem is, you still don't have incomes rising for most Americans; you've got growing inequality, and what are Democrats going to do about that?" says veteran Democratic pollster Stan Greenberg.
The final and perhaps most intractable problem facing Democrats is the party's inability to hold white voters while in power. Since the mid-1960s, each time Democrats have held unified control of the White House and Congress, and thus possessed the power to implement their agenda, they have seen their support among whites decline, often precipitously, in the next congressional or presidential election, or both. (That includes the unified control Democrats enjoyed from 1965-68 under Johnson; 1977-80 under Jimmy Carter; 1993-94 under Clinton; and 2009-10 under Obama.) In congressional elections, for instance, the Democratic share of the white vote dropped 13 percentage points from 1964 to 1968 (after Johnson implemented his Great Society), 9 points after Clinton's first two years, and 8 points after Obama's first two years.
This suggests that the party has been unable to formulate a vision of activist government that can maintain majority white support. In the Midwest this year, polls show Obama maintaining better support among whites through his campaign's relentless portrait of Romney as an indifferent plutocrat, and that tactic will prove crucial if the president survives the Romney surge. But even if the president does, it doesn't erase Democrats' decline among whites elsewhere this year or their collapse with the white electorate in 2010. That full picture suggests that Democrats may struggle to hold power with their coalition of the ascendant, even when they obtain it. "There's a difference between winning power with that kind of coalition and governing with that kind of coalition, and Democrats run smack into that difference every time they win," Galston says. "It's not a sustainable political model that can write off upwards of 60 percent of white America."
So, given all of these factors, which party holds a stronger hand for the years ahead? Most Democrats believe that, whatever Obama's fate, the shifting demography provides them an edge over time against a Republican Party that still relies on the slowly shrinking white population for about 90 percent of its total votes. "I think this is a sustainable majority coalition," Greenberg says. Teixeira agrees, saying, "You are riding the wave instead of trying to somehow swim against it." Winograd and Hais believe that the 2012 election, like 1936 for the Democrats and 1972 for the Republicans, could be a "confirming" election that lastingly secures the party's hold on millennials, minorities, and upscale, socially liberal women. "In a lot of ways, Obama is doing what FDR did: cementing a young generation, an ethnic generation, to his party with programs and policies, and, really, emotions that are aimed at that generation," Hais says.
But Republicans such as Reed, the founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition, argues that Democratic optimism minimizes the party's own difficulties and overstates the likelihood that the GOP won't respond to the shifting electorate. "I start with the strategic premise that political parties … tend to adapt to what they have to do to survive and prosper," Reed says. "If the Republican Party is going to create anything that resembles a national majority party, it is going to have to address areas where we have dropped the ball among young people, women, and minorities, especially Hispanics. But that's doable."
Galston, injecting a cautionary note in the Democrats' optimism, concurs that "in principle, it may be easier for Republicans" than Democrats to solve their largest demographic problem. Win or lose, he argues, Republicans after the election will face enormous pressure to moderate their stance on immigration-related issues, and if they do, "it would be a real game changer" by potentially restoring their competitiveness among Hispanics. By contrast, Galston maintains, it may be tougher for Democrats to reposition the party in a way that can recapture more whites. "You'd need another insurgency of the center," he says, of the sort Clinton pursued with his "New Democrat" agenda. Beyond that, if Romney wins, and the economic recovery accelerates, either because of his policies or merely because of the spinning of the economic cycle, the GOP would obviously be in a strong position for 2016 and maybe beyond.
The 2012 results will powerfully influence the direction of these arguments, as each party assesses the competing role of ideology, demography, and economics in the outcome. In truth, this campaign is likely to demonstrate that all of these matter in driving results. On the one hand, the electorate's changing demography has allowed Obama to remain competitive despite economic headwinds and skepticism among older and blue-collar whites that would have doomed Democratic nominees in earlier years.
Yet it has not guaranteed him victory: Discontent over the economy and other aspects of Obama's first term record is making it much tougher than in 2008 for him to generate the margins or the turnout that he needs among his coalition's critical elements. Those same factors present Obama with the risk of deepened deficits in support among the groups most skeptical of him (those older and blue-collar whites) too large to overcome even if he can generate respectable margins among his own best groups.
Conversely, the greatest barrier to a Romney presidency is the cavernous deficit he faces among minorities—a shortfall rooted in the positions that he took to secure the GOP nomination.
On both sides of the equation, all of these factors serve as reminders that even as these fundamental demographic shifts are reconfiguring the electoral landscape, the long-term balance of power between the parties will be shaped at least as much by the strategies and policies they embrace, and the results they produce, once they step onto the field.
This article appeared in print as "The Tipping Point."
Stephanie Czekalinski contributed
This article appeared in the Saturday, November 3, 2012 edition of National Journal.
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