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Cisco wireless mesh network paves the way for productivity-enhancing applications and technology development by businesses, city departments, and utilities.
Business Challenge
Located in southeast Texas, the City of Austin consistently ranks as one of the top urban areas in the United States to live, work, and vacation. As a result, Austin is growing rapidly, with population growth projected at 19,000 per year. But like other cities across the United States that have experienced rapid growth, Austin faces a variety of challenges, including the need to fund additional city services to support a burgeoning population. To fulfill that need, Austin officials continually look for ways to encourage business development as a means to raise additional taxes.
To help stimulate business, the city seized on the opportunity to host the World Congress on Information Technology (WCIT), a high-profile symposium held every two years in different locations around the globe. Austin business leaders and city officials felt that the May 2006 event would showcase Austin as a technology hub and encourage economic growth. To prepare for the event, the city decided to deploy a Wi-Fi network in the city-owned Austin Convention Center and a wireless mesh network encompassing the convention center and a seven-square-block area of downtown Austin. Wireless mesh networks provide users with secure wireless roaming beyond traditional wireless LAN boundaries and can be easily deployed in areas that lack wired backhaul.
City officials envisioned the wireless mesh as an infrastructure for offering free Internet access to city residents and businesspeople-a feature that they hope will draw more people to the downtown area. They also wanted to deploy new applications that would improve and simplify communications for city offices and employees, reduce costs by enabling staff to complete more work in the field, and provide a tool for communicating during emergencies. Moreover, city and business leaders felt that the wireless mesh would provide an ideal testing ground for government and businesses to develop new applications and technologies.
Network Solution
Impressed by the reliability and performance of the Cisco Systems ® equipment that it had been using in its WAN for the last several years, the City of Austin turned to Cisco ® for the components and expertise necessary for its new wireless infrastructure. "We wanted an architecture that we could manage and monitor from a central location, and the Cisco solution provides an awesome level of control and manageability," says Eric Garnel, wireless technology manager for the Austin Convention Center. "Cisco also offers wonderful service and technical support. Cisco's support personnel are there when you need them." The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development provided partial funding.
Together, Cisco and city engineers designed a wireless infrastructure based on the Cisco Service-Oriented Network Architecture (SONA)-an architectural framework that enables organizations to maximize the value of their network services and resources. Using the Cisco SONA framework, organizations can reduce costs, extend new collaborative capabilities, improve service resiliency, and provide users with convenient access to information and services from anywhere.
The City of Austin began installing a Cisco Wi-Fi solution in the convention center with Cisco Gold Certified Partner Calence, LLC. A few months later, San Diego-based Wireless Facilities, Inc. (WFI), a Cisco Wireless ATP Partner, provided Site Surveys, RF Engineering and RF Design services for an outdoor mesh network. Upon completion, with the assistance of WFI and Cisco, Austin Energy spent four days installing the mesh nodes in the downtown area encompassing the convention center, city hall, numerous retail stores, restaurants, and businesses, parts of Zilker Park, and several existing wireless hot spots.
Completed in time for the WCIT, the new infrastructure provided more than 2100 attendees with free wireless Internet access within the 881,000-square-foot convention center and the seven-square-block mesh network coverage area. The solution allowed visitors to send and receive e-mail, access corporate networks, and stay in communication with important business colleagues and customers. A Cisco wireless IP telephony solution installed concurrently enabled attendees to make calls using wireless IP phones. Convention managers can perform maintenance and management tasks using a variety of wireless handheld devices such as Cisco wireless IP phones from the convention floor. For example, they can turn on the lights, check air conditioning, open and close doors, and monitor security cameras.
The city, which now manages the wireless mesh network with assistance from Austin Energy, will continue to provide free Internet access for upcoming conventions, differentiating the convention center from other venues that do not provide free access, says Michael Hall, convention center IT manager. "A lot of conventions are considering coming to Austin because of our use of technology and the fact that we are forward-thinking," he says.
Business Results
Besides Internet access, the wireless mesh network is providing the foundation for new services and applications that will enhance public safety and staff productivity, and help the city generate economic growth. The wireless mesh network provides convenient high-speed network access to the city's wired infrastructure for city employees, who frequently move from building to building. For example, staff can check messages, access applications and files on their desktop PCs, and file reports. Eventually, city building, safety, and health code inspectors will be able to file paperwork in the field, saving the time necessary to complete forms in their offices.
The new infrastructure also provides a field-testing environment that businesses and city departments can utilize for new application and product development. "It enables the city and technology companies to do their testing in a mix of wireless settings-residential, downtown, and recreational," says Peter Collins, Austin's chief information officer, adding that firms have requested to use the mesh for developing wireless voice over IP (VoIP) products, protocols, and a variety of wireless applications.
In addition, the network provides wireless network access and IP connectivity for the city's emergency response vehicle, a truck-size unit that uses the Cisco 3845 Instant Communications Solution (Cisco 3845) to deliver secure VoIP, Web, wireless, and land mobile radio communications. "The Cisco 3845 solution is kind of a Swiss Army Knife that allows us to quickly link with any agency responding to an emergency, whether it is police, fire, ambulance services, or the Red Cross," says Tony Williams, communications commander for Austin and Travis County, who noted that the city sent the vehicle to New Orleans to help survivors after Hurricane Katrina in 2005.
Within the coming months, the City of Austin plans to roll out new applications that will improve city services and enable staff to complete tasks more efficiently and cost effectively. For example, one will allow Austin Energy and other utility representatives to receive customer service inquiries wirelessly, allowing them to respond more quickly. In future months, the city plans to provide wireless coverage to East Austin, enabling residents of the low-income area to receive free Internet access. In addition, the city is planning to integrate the Cisco IP Interoperability and Collaboration System with the wireless mesh network, enabling emergency and law enforcement officials to communicate via the city's disparate push-to-talk systems. The new system will simplify interagency communications, make it easier for personnel to reach each other during emergencies, and reduce the time that it takes to respond to and solve problems.
The city also plans to promote the wireless mesh network to a growing number of technology vendors. "The wireless mesh is a critical component of our economic development strategy," Collins says. "It makes the city more attractive as a place for business and provides a test bed for companies developing new wireless technologies."
Over the years, Austin has reinvented itself as a technology center, Collins says. "That is what makes this city unique," Collins says. "Our wireless mesh network has taken our use of technology to the next level by allowing us to provide free Internet access and new services, plus a technology test bed that few if any other cities have."
To find out more about Cisco Solutions and Services, visit: http://www.cisco.com
To find out more about Cisco Government Industry Solutions, visit: http://www.cisco.com/go/government
To find out more about Cisco Wireless Mesh Networking Solutions, visit: http://www.cisco.com/go/wirelessmesh
To find out more about Cisco Unified Communications Solutions, visit http://www.cisco.com/go/voice
To find out more about Cisco Service-Oriented Network Architecture (SONA), visit http://www.cisco.com/go/sona
To find out more about Calence, LLC., visit http://www.calence.com
To find out more about Wireless Facilities, Inc., visit http://www.wfinet.com
This customer story is based on information provided by the City of Austin, Texas, and describes how that particular organization benefits from the deployment of Cisco products. Many factors may have contributed to the results and benefits described; Cisco does not guarantee comparable results elsewhere.
CISCO PROVIDES THIS PUBLICATION AS IS WITHOUT WARRANTY OF ANY KIND, EITHER EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING THE IMPLIED WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. Some jurisdictions do not allow disclaimer of express or implied warranties, therefore this disclaimer may not apply to you.


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subset: commoncrawl


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In case you missed CeeLo & Goodie Mob on Wednesday's episode of MTV's Rapfix, watch the clips below
Posted: Fri 09 Aug 2013
In case you missed yesterday's The View, Goodie Mob dropped by to perform "Special Education," feat. V Bozeman and CeeLo sat down to talk with the ladies about "Age Against The Machine" and his return to The Voice! Watch the clips below
Posted: Thu 08 Aug 2013
In case you missed it, watch Goodie Mob's performance of "Special Education" featuring V Bozeman on last night's
Late Night With Jimmy Fallon below
Get "Special Education" feat. Janelle Monae on iTunes HERE
Posted: Fri 02 Aug 2013
Pre-order Goodie Mob (Featuring CeeLo Green's) "Age Against The Machine" on iTunes HERE for its release on August 27th and get the track "I'm Set" today!
Posted: Tue 30 Jul 2013
Tune in to NBC's Late Night With Jimmy Fallon this Thursday night (8/1) at 12:35/11:35c to see Goodie Mob perform "Special Education"!
Watch the new lyric video for "Special Education" below
"Special Education" is now available on iTunes HERE
Posted: Mon 29 Jul 2013
VIBE has the premiere of Goodie Mob's futuristic new lyric video for "Special Education featuring Janelle Monae" CLICK HERE to watch it!
Buy "Special Education feat. Janelle Monae" on iTunes HERE
Posted: Mon 22 Jul 2013
People has the exclusive 1st photo of CeeLo's return to NBC's "The Voice" for the start of Season 5! Click Here to check it out
Posted: Fri 12 Jul 2013
CeeLo & Goodie Mob are hitting the road this August & September with special guest Drop City Yacht Club! Tickets on sale soon - see full dates below
Saturday, August 24 Washington, DC 9:30 Club
Wednesday, August 28 Los Angeles, CA House of Blues
Thursday, August 29 San Francisco The Fillmore
Saturday, August 31 Park City, UT Park City Live
Sunday, September 1 Denver, CO Ogden Theater
Tuesday, September 3 Chicago, IL House of Blues
Thursday, September 5 Charlotte, NC Fillmore
Friday, September 6 Orlando, FL Firestone
Saturday, September 7 St. Petersburg, FL State Theater
Sunday, September 8 Miami, FL Grand Central
Saturday, September 14 Atlanta, GA ONE MusicFest
Posted: Tue 25 Jun 2013
A brand new jr's size Loberace shirt is now available in our webstore HERE
Posted: Fri 21 Jun 2013
Check out the new Flower Juniors T-shirt available now in the web-store! http://store.ceelogreen.com/flower-juniors-t-shirt.html
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Final Score: Wisconsin 38, Minnesota 13
Madison, WI (Sports Network) - The Wisconsin Badgers ran all over Minnesota,
defeating the Golden Gophers by a score of 38-13, in a Big Ten bout at Camp
Randall Stadium.
James White led the Badgers (6-2, 3-1 Big Ten) with 175 rushing yards and
three touchdowns on 15 carries, while Montee Ball ran 24 times for 166 yards
and two touchdowns. Quarterback Joel Stave completed just 7-of-15 passes for
106 yards, but the Badgers' offense was still productive as it accumulated
337 yards on the ground. Mike Taylor anchored the defense with 12 total stops
and one for loss. The win made Wisconsin bowl eligible for the 11th season in a
Minnesota (4-3, 0-3) drops their third straight game after starting the season
4-0. Philip Nelson completed 13-of-24 passes for 149 yards. He also threw two
touchdowns and two interceptions, both in the second half, while rushing for a
team-high 68 yards on 16 carries.
After a pair of three and outs to begin the game, Wisconsin struck first when
White took a direct snap 14 yards for a Badger touchdown. Jared Abbrederis
made a difficult catch down the field for a 42-yard completion on the first
play of the drive, setting up White's touchdown.
Minnesota bounced right back, scoring on a 16-yard touchdown pass from Nelson
to Brandon Green, but Jordan Wetstein's extra point hit the upright which kept
Wisconsin ahead 7-6.
White added his second touchdown of the game late in the second quarter, this
time from 34 yards away. The Badgers held a 14-6 halftime advantage after a
strong defensive effort. Minnesota struggled offensively in the half, going 0-6
on third downs and punting five times.
Kyle French opened the third quarter scoring for the Badgers with a 33-yard
field goal, which was followed by another White touchdown run. After Nelson
found A.J. Barker for a short touchdown strike, Ball responded with two fourth
quarter touchdown runs, his 67th and 68th of his career. Only Ricky Williams
of Texas and Travis Prentice of Miami-Ohio have more career rushing
touchdowns in FBS history.
Wisconsin has now won nine games in a row against Minnesota and has scored at
least 31 points in 13 consecutive matchups. Despite the losing streak,
Minnesota still leads the all-time series with the Badgers, 58-56-8.


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Showing images 1 - 60 of 81Next
Showing images 1 - 60 of 81Next
William Merritt Chase's knack for realistic characterization is evident in these deftly executed informal portraits, possibly representing his fellow students at the Royal Academy in Munich. This sketchbook contains numerous other portraits, as well as figure studies from a life class, rendered with different approaches—the linear style seen here and a softer, tonal one used on other pages.
- Artist: William Merritt Chase, American, 1849-1916
- Medium: Graphite and black, red and white Conté crayon on cream and tan medium-weight, slightly textured wove paper
- Dates: 1872
- Dimensions: 11 7/8 x 9 7/16 x 11/16 in. (30.2 x 24 x 1.7 cm) (show scale)
- Markings: Marks on sketchbook: Blue rectangular sticker affixed to upper left of inside front cover, printed with: "SCHREID MAL & ZEICHNEN / MATERIALIEN / ADRIAN BRUGGER / 2, THEATINER STRASSE, 2 / MÜNCHEN" Watermark on page 33, "DE CANSON FRÈRES VIDALON-LE[edge of page]
- Signature: [see Description]
- Inscriptions: [see Description]
- Collections:American Art
- Museum Location: This item is not on view
- Exhibitions:
- Accession Number: 29.27.11
- Credit Line: Gift of Newhouse Galleries, Inc.
- Rights Statement: No known copyright restrictions
- Caption: William Merritt Chase (American, 1849-1916). Sketchbook, 1872. Graphite and black, red and white Conté crayon on cream and tan medium-weight, slightly textured wove paper, 11 7/8 x 9 7/16 x 11/16 in. (30.2 x 24 x 1.7 cm). Brooklyn Museum, Gift of Newhouse Galleries, Inc., 29.27.11
- Image:
- Catalogue Description: Bound sketchbook containing 24 leaves with figure studies. Sketchbook with cardboard covers covered in tan fabric, loop for drawing instrument on back cover. Inside front cover, inscribed in graphite, "Will. M. Chase. / 8 Neuhauser Sr. / Kunst Academy / München" [Museum numbered recto and verso pages in succession (but numbering not consistent)] P. 1: Head studies in graphite, charcoal, and red pencil. P. 2-3: Male head studies; 3 pages excised between pages 2 and 3, stub inscribed with "[?] Munchen Dec. 3rd. 1872" P. 4-5: Head and leg studies in graphite and charcoal. P. 6-7: Two male heads and arm study in graphite. P. 8: Artist at easel in graphite and charcoal. P. 9: Head and foot study in graphite P. 11: Head studies in graphite and charcoal. P. 12: Male head in charcoal P. 14-15: Heads and hands in charcoal and graphite P. 17: Head and arm study in charcoal and graphite P. 19: Male half figure in graphite. P. 20: Very faint male head P. 21: Half length figure study in charcoal and graphite P. 22: Very faint partial profile of face. P. 23: Male head in profile in charcoal. P. 25: Studies of old man head P. 26: Head of bearded man in conte crayon P. 27: Studies of two male heads in graphite and conte crayon P. 28: Study of head with open mouth in graphite, musical notes in charcoal; 3 excised pages between pages 28 and 29. P. 29: Partial study of face in conte crayon P. 30: Half figure of seated woman in graphite P. 33: Female figure in peasant costume in graphite and conte crayon P. 35: Female figure in peasant costume holding pitcher on shoulder in conte crayon. P. 36: Sketches of head and window; 4 excised pages between pages 36 and 37. P. 37: Loose sketch of figural group? P. 39: Loose sketch of figural group in graphite. P. 41: Light sketch of tree P. 42 (upside down): Male figure study in charcoal. Formerly loose drawing 29.27.9 [Untitled] (Study of Male Model), Graphite on paper] inserted at back of sketchbook as end paper structure during conservation treatment done by conservator Maria Fredericks per treatment report dated 12/29/2012. Pocket on inside back cover, inscribed in graphite "Wm. M. Chase" Inscribed faintly on back cover "Will M. Chase"
- Record Completeness: Best (93%)


text:
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Red: The Story of One Painter's Grief and Suffering
America Officially Challenges Japan to a Robot Duel
Okay, Can Somebody Tell the Green Screen Guy to Cover Up ...
Who Are You Trying to Impress?
The Devil is in The Details
All the Best Reactions to Gay Marriage Becoming Legal Nationwide
People Don't Often Realize Just How Big America Is
This Arkham Knight Glitch is... Mesmerizing
Would You Play a Game of Pong Where Failure Resulted in You ...
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At First Financial, we understand the home-buying experience can be both exciting and stressful. After all, it's probably your biggest investment. Let our experts help take the stress out of the mortgage process. From application to closing, we'll work hand in hand to make your financial decisions easier and smarter. You'll be enjoying your new home in no time.
When it comes to financing your home, there are lots of choices. We have both secondary and in-house mortgages available. Some eligible homebuyers may qualify for an FHA (Federal Housing Administration) or a VA (Department of Veterans Affairs Loan).
With so many different mortgages available, choosing one may seem overwhelming. A First Financial Mortgage Professional will be happy to clearly explain your options so you can select the type of loan that is right for you.
Visit any of our convenient locations and meet with a mortgage professional, or click here to meet our team and apply online.


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(Japan 1896 – 1946)
13.1 x 15.7 cm
Fukazawa's poignant images of urban landscape are representative of a distinct aspect of modernism in Japanese prints. A number of modern print artists, who were inspired by Western modernism, chose this new landscape to express their affinity to modern icons. This contrasts the New Print artists such as Yoshida Hiroshi who chose to depict traditional subjects in a new spirit.
This series of small prints selected by the artist includes many early works, which, while revealing the Western influence, show the artist's distinct technique described by Onchi Kôshirô as 'shallow block-cutting with gouge' (the two 'still life' prints).
Asian Art Dept.
AGNSW 17 October 2001


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University of Minnesota Goophers GridIron II Golf Stand Bag
Sale price: Clearance price: Starting at: Sale starting at: Clearance starting at: Reg. price:
Designed to keep your gear close at hand, the University of Minnesota Goophers GridIron II Golf Stand Bag sports five forward-facing, strategically placed zippered pockets offering first-rate organization and functionality. There's a water-resistant velour-lined valuables pocket, apparel pocket, two accessory pockets and ball pocket. Two mesh pockets provide additional storage, and an oversized towel ring with accessory strap keep your putter cover or golf glove at the ready.
A mesh-lined, five-way top with integrated molded handle and two full-length dividers keep clubs organized and secure while you walk the course. Long lasting, sculpted hip pads and amply padded dual strap allow you to comfortably and efficiently carry the weight of your bag. Made to last, the GridIron II Stand Bag boasts a durable leg stand system and rugged, 840-denier, nailhead nylon. Other features include a removable zippered rain hood and two-point umbrella holding system. The bag is embellished with four embroidered collegiate trademarks to prominently display your support of the University of Minnesota.
- Multiple pockets for versatile storage
- Mesh-lined, five-way top
- Five forward-facing zippered pockets
- Oversized towel ring with accessory strap
- Two full-length dividers
- Sculpted hip pads & padded dual strap
- Includes zippered rain hood & umbrella holding system
Need Help? 7 days a week: 7am to 10pm CT or call 1.800.227.7776 anytime


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The sea is a mysterious realm. When you stand on the beach and gaze out over the endless water, it seems like anything could be found beneath the waves. Throughout the ages, those who set sail on the oceans have experienced many strange phenomena and created amazing tales in an attempt to come up with explanations.
One such recurring tale involves beautiful creatures that are part woman, part fish. Known as mermaids, sirens, kelpies, as well as by other names, they emerge from the deep to sing to lonely sailors on moonlit nights. Those unfortunate enough to listen and pay heed to their deadly songs willingly leave the safety of the boat to sink and drown in the deeps. However, not all mermaids are said to be so dangerous. Some live a simple life beneath the waves and venture out onto rocks to watch the ships pass by. These latter mermaids are the ones you want in your garden and we make that happen with the classic Daydreaming Mermaid of Langline Cove statue. This beautiful piece will look just as mesmerizing as a real mermaid as she sits next to your pool or koi pond.
Inside the home, you can continue to show the mysterious beauty of mermaids with the Entwined Mermaids Sculptural Floor Lamp. Over six feet tall, this ornate lamp with faux verdigris bronze finish will be an enchanting work of art for any home.
Save an extra 15% on these beautiful items and all on sale animal garden statues, Gothic tables, and greenmen at the Design Toscano site from now until Thursday, October 18th!


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Welcome to Heath Funeral Home. We appreciate your visit. Whether you are here to pay respects to a friend or family member or you are gathering information for a future service, we hope you find our site beneficial. For 70 years, we have focused on providing our families with the highest quality of service while maintaining the honesty, integrity, and professionalism expected from those serving in this industry.
We understand each person adjusts to loss uniquely, and it is our goal to respectfully accommodate your requests and desires as we assist your family through this difficult time. We focus on all of the details regarding the funeral experience so you and your family are able to mourn the loss and celebrate the life of your loved one.
To better serve you, Heath Funeral Home offers a variety of services with personalized options for your family. Whether your desire is cremation or burial, we can create a service that truly honors the life being remembered. From tribute videos to personalized caskets and vaults, we are able to provide a personal effect throughout the entire funeral service.
If you want to lessen the burden on your family at your time of death, please contact one of our funeral directors to prearrange your service. By prearranging your funeral, you are removing the financial burden from your family during this time and reducing the overwhelming sensation of making certain final decisions.
Thank you for the opportunity to serve you and your family. As we continue with our third generation in this business, we want you to know how blessed we feel to serve this community. It is our hope that we can continue, through future generations, to serve the families of Paragould and the surrounding communities with the utmost respect and professionalism while always providing "A Sincere Personal Service".
"A Sincere Personal Service"


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IMPress StaffWhen you become a member of IPA you also may qualify for a prestigious position at IMPress Magazine. Those that qualify will have their works showcased every time they publish an article, photo or video and that means greater access to more events and many more benefits offered our members. Work hard, do the work and you too can enjoy the knowledge that you were selected to be part of this select group of IPA members.
Photo ShowcaseWe have a special place for our most talented photographers on our IMPress website. It is our Photo Showcase where we highlight some of the most exciting photographs our talented staff have taken. Once you are selected you can upload a zip file with your best images and we will do the rest. Your Showcase Profile will also link to your videos and articles too.
IMPress MagazineIMPress Magazine is the official publication of International Press Association. IPA members who demonstrate the proper skills will qualify for a staff position at IMPress. IMPress staff are encouraged to do the work and publish their best works on this site. Our Earn By Doing program offers these members financial compensation that is used to cover a portion of their yearly membership fees. They also gain experience, greater exposure and many other benefits.
Member Support BlogOur Member Support Blog has helped our members learn by doing. Our blog will guide a member and teach them how to gain important media access, how to promote their work using social media, how to create a professional profile and gain exposure through the publication of their works on our sites. In addition to all the informative articles, IPA also has a support team made up of other members that are there to guide and help them, every step of the way.
Social MediaIPA is active with our groups and fan pages on Facebook, LinkedIn, Pinterest, Twitter and others. We are able to announce some of our exciting articles, videos and projects in minutes on these sites and get immediate reads on our members articles and views on our videos and images. We teach our members how to market their work using social media and maintain a Members Only IPA Group on Facebook as well.


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A long time ago, when our now classic Chevys were new, people didn't know any better when it came to braking performance. If your car took 200 feet to stop from 60 mph, it wasn't a big deal, since that's just how far it took back then. Disc brakes were still an option, just like many of the widgets that are standard fare today. It was a simpler time.
Fast-forward to the 21st century, where things are different. We whiz around in our modern cars and have grown accustomed to technology like four-wheel power disc brakes and ABS. In a way, we've gotten soft; we like how nice our modern rides drive and, more importantly, stop. It's almost shocking how bad our classic feels when we hop in it for a drive. In reality, our classics don't stop any worse than they did back in the day; we've just gotten used to better. Well, thanks to the aftermarket, we no longer have to settle for sketchy braking with a high pucker factor. With a few bucks and a couple of days of wrench time, it's pretty easy to impart modern braking performance into our old Chevys.
Our plan was simple. We would find an old Chevy with stock binders, test it, and then throw some high-tech parts at it. Also, to be fair, we would upgrade the rolling stock before the test so we could get accurate data on how much the new braking parts helped the stopping distance. After all, tires play a big part in how quickly any car comes to a halt. We also didn't want to mortgage our house to pay for it. With a plan in mind and the keys to a buddy's '69 Nova, we headed over to Classic Performance Products (CPP) in Anaheim, California, to see what they had to help slow our aging Chevy.
Meet the star of our show. This '69 Nova is your typical street machine. The owner dropped in a worked-over small-block topped with a small Weiand blower, but the brakes weren't considered sexy enough to warrant any attention. As such, it still ran the power-assisted four-wheel drums that the General had given it at the factory. Initial testing yielded nail-biting stopping distances from 60 mph-around 200 feet, with the best one being 196 feet. It was downright scary, and to make matters worse, it also had a tendency to pull to one side.
We wanted modern performance for our Nova, so bigger binders were in order. However, that meant we needed bigger wheels. Since the 15-inch Welds currently on the car had seen better days, this wasn't an issue. Even though we needed a big-brake-friendly size, we still wanted a classic look, so we picked up a set of Vintage Wheel Works V40 rollers. The classic five-spoke design looked great, and the guys at Vintage Wheel Works helped us choose the right sizes, 17x8-inch (4.75-inch b.s.) front and 17x9-inch (5.75-inch b.s.) rear. A car's interface to the asphalt is its tires, so we didn't want to cheap out. Nitto 555s in 245/40/17 front and 555Rs in 275/40/17 in the rear will really help the new brakes do their thing. For a little extra launch grip, we went with Nitto's drag radials in the rear. Hey, it's not always about turning corners.
For this install we chose CPP's big-brake front kit (PN 6472WBK-P13, $799) and its matching rear kit (PN 6869RWBK-P12, $699). It should be noted that if you buy both kits at the same time, CPP offers better pricing. Featuring twin-piston front calipers and single-piston rears, this should stop our Nova in a Bow Tie heartbeat and, as a bonus, look great doing it. Paired with these calipers are slotted and drilled 13-inch front rotors and matching 12-inch rear rotors. For power assist, we wanted to try something different, so we picked a Hydratech hydroboost system out of CPP's parts bin. These kits include all the hardware, hoses, and trinkets you need to get the install completed.
When we saw the picture of the CPP calipers, we just thought they were factory Vette calipers with the CPP name on them. We were wrong. Turns out these PBR C15 front calipers are quite a bit better than the factory stuff. Jim Ries of CPP explained, "Our calipers use 52mm pistons as opposed to the 40mm units found in C5 Vette calipers. They also have larger pad surfaces that offer about 50 percent more stopping power than the C5 calipers, and they cost half as much. In addition, they have iron bodies that are far more rigid, resulting in a firmer pedal."
Here you can see CPP's standard spindle alongside its two-inch drop unit (PN CP30100, $249). The dropped version lowers the car without affecting the steering or suspension geometry. Best of all, they accommodate a wide array of brake options, from CPP's 11-inch standard brake kit to the 13-inch big-brake kit we're installing. Made from 1050 forged steel with CNC-machined chrome-moly axle pins, these units work with the factory ball joints and stock steering arms. They also work with Wilwood and Baer disc brake systems.
CPP offers its calipers in a wide selection of colors. Choices include red, black, gray, chrome, and even custom colors. We chose red because they would look great behind the new Vintage Wheel Works wheels and would hold up to the constant abuse heaped on brakes. The powder paint option ran us $50 per pair, and the chrome option would have set us back $200 per pair.


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Found 10 Items Tagged "mummification"
On View: Figure of a Girl Holding a Drum
The barrel-shaped drum may have been introduced to Egypt from the south. Egyptian images often show such drums being played by Nubian or Sud...
Hiroshige's One Hundred Famous Views of Edo
Hiroshige's 118 woodblock landscape and genre scenes of mid-nineteenth-century Tokyo, is one of the greatest achievements of Japanese art.
In this eerie still life, Marsden Hartley suspended a white seagull against a dark background. The artist used gulls, crabs, and lobsters in...
Found 10 Items Tagged "mummification"
Objects without images:
200 Eastern Parkway
Brooklyn, New York 11238-6052
Eastern Parkway/Brooklyn Museum
Wednesday: 11 a.m.–6 p.m.
Thursday: 11 a.m.–10 p.m.
Friday–Sunday: 11 a.m.–6 p.m.


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By Tessa Raebeck
In January 2013, then Defense Secretary Leon Panetta lifted the military's official ban on women in combat, following receipt of a letter from General Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, stating that the chiefs were in agreement that "the time has come to rescind the direct combat exclusion rule for women and to eliminate all unnecessary gender-based barriers to service."
"That's suggesting that somehow there are some [barriers] that were still necessary. I don't know about that," Vietnam War veteran Susan Wilson said Tuesday. Wilson was joined by other female military personnel at a panel discussion, "The Changing Role of Women in the Military: Vietnam to Gulf War and Beyond," hosted by the League of Women Voters at the Hampton Bays Public Library.
Wilson, a member of the league, opened the evening with stories of her experience serving in WAVES, the U.S. Naval Women's Reserve, as a non-deployed member of the Navy during the Vietnam War.
"It was not a popular war," she said. "Women were not welcome." Wilson served as an administrative assistant, one of seven women in a squadron of 500 men. The waves were not permitted to wear nail polish or let their hair grow past their collars, yet they were required to wear lipstick at all times.
"I hated lipstick so for me that was not fun to do, but it was important and if you were going to get through boot camp, you were going to do that," Wilson recalled. When she wanted to get married, she had to ask her commanding officer for permission. When she got pregnant, she was dismissed from the military. Military females at the time were not permitted to have dependents under the age of 18.
"The equality that comes from that uniform was not as complete as it is for a man. Women enjoyed equal pay, equal right to be subject to the military code of justice," she told the crowd. "But equal job and advance opportunities, not so much."
"As war changed and weapons changed over the years with more modern weaponry – scud missiles and roadside bombs – battle lines blurred and suddenly every soldier – male and female – was at risk," Wilson said, adding that over 40,000 women served in the 1991 Gulf War, the first time men and women served in integrated units within a war zone. In 1994, the Pentagon reversed the progress of military women, instituting a rule restricting them from serving in combat roles, although they continued to do so unofficially.
"Just because they were not permitted to serve in combat zones, didn't mean they weren't there and they weren't doing their jobs," said Wilson. "We were there, we as a sisterhood were there."
Wilson said Panetta's lift of the ban was a welcome recognition of that work, although "it took so long for that to happen."
While admitting there's still a long ways to go, the panel was optimistic that women in the military have made significant strides toward equal standing, especially in the last decade.
Lisa D'Agostino, Family Readiness Program Manager for the 106th Rescue Wing of the Air National Guard, is a 106th Rescue Airman, as well as a military spouse and mother.
"When I first started in 2005," D'Agostino said Tuesday, "to where we are now with family programs and the importance of families – having to take care of the family so our military men and women can do the job they have to do – has changed tremendously in a positive way."
Also stationed with the 106 at Gabreski Airport in Westhampton Beach, Chief Sherri Huppert-Grassie has been deployed overseas four times since joining the military in 1992.
"I love when we get to go away and do our job because that's what we do," she said. "We're focused on just the job."
In 2000, Huppert-Grassie went on her first deployment to Turkey. In 2001, she was deployed to Kuwait and in 2003 she served in Iraq.
While in Iraq, "the guys" she served with were worried about Huppert-Grassie coming along, voicing concern for her wellbeing. "It's touching, but you still want to do what your job is. It doesn't matter because I'm going with them," she said. "We're just doing our job out there."
"Finally, in 2009 I deployed again and that was to Afghanistan," said Huppert-Grassie. Her husband, who is also in the military, supported her on the home front during her deployments. If they were both deployed, her mother watched over their daughter. Huppert-Grassie's experience is a far cry from being dismissed for being pregnant, as Wilson was.
"As females, I believe that I have a lot of passionate emotion and I try to not let it get the best of me because I want to be that leader," she said. "I love being in the military."
Master Sergeant Cheran Cambridge has served as a medical service administrator in the military for 12 years. In 2010, Cambridge was deployed to Saudi Arabia, where she worked as part of a five-person team in a blood transshipment center, supplying blood and plasma to medical units. She attributes her militancy to her Caribbean grandmother.
"Me being in boot camp didn't really teach me anything, cause I learned from my grandmother," she said. "That's where I learned my public service from."
As the newly appointed commander of Southampton's Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) Post 7009, Susan Soto is the first female and the first Native American to hold the position. Soto's father was a World War II veteran, her uncle was a veteran of the Korean War and her brother was in the Navy. Growing up on the stories of their deployments, Soto "needed to find a way to feed my thirst for travel," so she joined the military in 1982.
Soto was deployed to Saudi Arabia as part of Operation Desert Storm in August of 1990, one of five women in the intelligence unit there.
"The guys were great, the Navy Seals," she recalled. "This was a time when women were deploying, but the media was putting out a lot of negative words on women deploying to Desert Storm…To me, it was no question for me to go and be deployed. I had no problem with it, it was my job, that was what I went into the military to do, to support my country."


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Flashback: JFK and Jackie's 59th Engagement Anniversary
Before Will and Kate, America was feverish for JFK and Jackie. On this day in 1953, the Massachusetts senator proposed to his socialite girlfriend with a stunning emerald-and-diamond ring. Seven years later, the golden couple would become the youngest (and arguably the most stylish) president and first lady to grace the White House. In honor... read more


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The Power of Independent Thinking
Anthony Gregory at P.A.U.L. Festival 2012
Recorded: Saturday, August 25, 2012
Independent Institute Research Fellow and Student Programs Director Anthony Gregory addresses P.A.U.L. Festival 2012 on Government Power and the Road to Liberty.
Experts: Anthony GregoryType: Other EventIssues: Civil Liberties/ Human Rights, Constitutional Law, Culture/ Society, Free Market Economics, Freedom, Nationalism, Political Ideology and Philosophy, Property Rights
Robert Higgs on War, Taxes, and Economic Crises
Recorded: Thursday, January 15, 2009
Experts: Robert HiggsType: Other EventIssues: Defense and Foreign Policy, Economic Policy, Fiscal Policy/Debt, Taxes


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I think that the whole "Tensai" character should be scrapped. The only hope for Albert is to go back to the old "Albert" personna and catch some of the nostalgia from the fans. It may be to late for that as well.
Want to join EWN's original e-fed? Join EWNCW NOW!Want details? Just ask me!
2012 - 2nd!
visit the home of The Return Of The Official Greatest Heel Column Ever
super saturday mornings man wake watch
wrestling which is infinitely entertaining even
though there aren't any head hits but better
than the shitty shows on otherwise called
cartoons crap it is but believe wrestling wins
real ratings because brother everyone everywhere
loves loving
Secret Weapon
Originally Posted by JBLOriginally Posted by JBLOriginally Posted by JBL


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The Once and Future Gov
America's most futuristic governor seems borne back ceaselessly into the past these days. As he shows me around his office on a crisp winter morning, California Governor Jerry Brown points out not just the desk that his father, Edmund "Pat" Brown, used during his own term as governor from 1959 to 1967 but also photos of his grandparents and his great-grandfather, who came to California in the gold rush years. "He knew John Sutter," Brown says. The only two governors in the past half-century who were native Californians, he points out, were he and his father.
At 74, Brown has lost little of the intensity that impressed and occasionally discomfited voters during his first tenure as governor nearly 40 years ago. His outfit—an open-collar shirt under a white pullover sweater, blue jeans—may be West Coast casual, his shaved head may call to mind the Zen monks with whom he's studied, but Brown's emotional repertoire does not include laid-back, except when he's talking about California's history and his place in it. He still interrupts his interlocutors, still questions their questions.
"I have a sense of our lives being shaped by what's been done before us," he says. "We had dinner last night"—the "we" being Brown; his wife, Anne Gust Brown; and 14 of California's 40 state senators—"at the governor's mansion," a grand Victorian house in downtown Sacramento last occupied by his father. "There are spirits in that house," he says. "It was Lincoln Steffens's house before it was the governor's mansion. Earl Warren lived there in the '40s. When you're there, the past is present."
Nothing in Brown's past, though, can compare with the political acclaim he is receiving today. His political stock has never been higher. In November, he persuaded state voters to approve an initiative that would raise the multibillions in taxes needed to end the state's chronic and immense budget shortfalls. The measure's victory capped an improbable two-year turnaround that Brown had engineered for the state.
The California that he had inherited from Arnold Schwarzenegger, his Republican predecessor, had all but become a failed state. When he took office in January 2011, California was still in the midst of a catastrophic recession and saddled with a government that had been gridlocked for so long that the legislature's approval rating, in one poll, had fallen to a sub-congressional 9 percent. Inland California had been the epicenter of the nation's subprime quake and had yet to recover. The state's unemployment rate was still the second highest in the nation. Tax revenues had plunged, and with Republicans blocking any tax hikes, Brown and the legislature were compelled to cut $15 billion from schools, universities, and health and welfare programs in order to balance the budget. The consequences were immediate and dire. Although the number of California's K-12 students held steady, the number of K-12 teachers was reduced by 11 percent. As the state's support to the University of California declined, tuition rose by 68 percent from 2008 through 2012. Government finances were so beleaguered that Standard & Poor's gave California the lowest credit rating of any state.
Much of the problem was structural. Although Democrats held sizable majorities in both houses of the legislature, state law required a two-thirds vote to increase any taxes, and tax-averse Republicans still clung to just over one-third of the seats in each house. Until voters changed the law by initiative in 2010, California's constitution also required a two-thirds vote to pass the state budget, and at several points in the preceding decade, after Republicans had withheld their budget approval, the state was unable to pay its bills, once even resorting to issuing IOUs. Two scholars of California government, journalist Joe Mathews and former state financial official Mark Paul, voiced the exasperation of many residents when they authored a book arguing that the state needed to rebuild its government from the ground up.
Brown campaigned for the governor's office in 2010 on the claim that he brought unique experience to the job—that he'd already served as governor, from 1975 to 1983, and knew what it took to fix things. Voters who remembered his adventurous but rocky tenure had cause to view his claim with some skepticism, but his performance over the past two years has largely silenced, and in many cases converted, the skeptics. The keystone of his comeback was the brilliant campaign he waged for Proposition 30, which was marked by a level of discipline and strategic suppleness that he had rarely displayed during his first tenure.
Faced with two competing measures that could have undermined Proposition 30, Brown eliminated one by adopting some of its provisions. The consolidated Proposition 30 raised the top marginal tax rates on the state's richest residents for the next seven years and increased the state sales tax by a quarter cent on the dollar. The $6 billion the measure is projected to generate each year is chiefly designated to K-12 schools and the state's public colleges and universities. Throughout 2012, Brown vetoed bills that might have led voters to conclude that Sacramento would fritter away the tax increase on inessential projects. He campaigned heavily for the initiative on college campuses, among students who'd seen their tuition soar. On Election Day, voters approved the measure with 55 percent support—the first time California electors had voted to increase income tax rates since 2004.
With the additional $6 billion and the state economy beginning to perk up, California's budget this year will be in balance, perhaps even in surplus. The cloud that has hung over the capitol since the 2008 crash has lifted. Legislators no longer have to make further cuts to programs they support; no more teachers will be laid off for lack of funds; tuition at the University of California and state colleges will cease its dizzying ascent. Standard & Poor's has even raised the state's abysmal credit rating.
Brown's approval rating now stands at 57 percent, well above any in the preceding two years. On the record and even off, labor and business leaders, consultants, elected officials, movement activists, policy advocates—legions, that is, of the characteristically disgruntled, many of them long-standing Brown critics—have nothing but praise for his leadership in steering Proposition 30 to passage and arresting the state's decline. Brown's intellectual firepower has never been in question, but throughout his long career, many have questioned whether he's trained it on germane targets. He was once known, after all, as "Governor Moonbeam." Today, however, he wins plaudits not just for his brilliance but also for his focus and his political instincts. "He's very smart, and he understands the pulse of the people," says Darrell Steinberg, President Pro Tem of the State Senate. "There's no living person who knows California better than Jerry Brown," says Art Pulaski, executive secretary-treasurer of the state AFL-CIO.
The testimony to Brown's acuity for all things Californian is remarkable because the California that Brown now governs has been so radically transformed over the past three decades that it bears scant resemblance to the state he once governed. While Brown has lived his entire life in politics and has been a national figure longer than any current American elected official, he has often seemed impatient with, if not downright contemptuous of, the workings of both politics and government and many of the most basic tenets of American liberalism. Yet, California today is again a state, as it has not been for decades, where the future that liberals hope will be America's is happening first, and Jerry Brown, for all his skepticism about politics, government, and liberalism, is leading it there.
California's private sector has long had the reputation of hosting the nation's cutting-edge industries, from aerospace to media to high-tech. In the years of the post-World War II boom, its public sector had a similarly stellar reputation. Under the leadership of such progressive governors are Republican Earl Warren and Democrat Pat Brown, California built the nation's best public school and university systems, the swiftest freeways, the aqueducts that fed the world's largest and most efficient farms, the most generous social welfare programs, and the world's most skilled workforce. During Jerry Brown's first terms as governor, California led the world in devising environmental safeguards. But then came law-and-order Republicans, white backlash against Latino immigrants, economic dislocation, and political stagnation. If California remained a model, it wasn't for anything good.
For the first time in more than a generation, that's beginning to change. Although President Barack Obama failed to persuade Congress to adopt a cap-and-trade program, California began operating the nation's first such program in January, auctioning credits, initially to power industries, that will in time reduce the level of greenhouse gases emitted. Brown can't claim credit for inaugurating the program; the legislature authorized it in 2006 and Schwarzenegger signed it into law. But, says Mary Nichols, the head of the state Air Resources Board, Brown first raised the issue of climate change as early as the 1970s, when he made the board a global leader in measuring and combating pollutants.
At Brown's behest, the legislature has also authorized funding (with federal assistance) for a mega-green infrastructure project that is also an Obama priority: the construction of a high-speed rail line between Los Angeles and San Francisco. Work will begin this year on the first segment, in the middle of the San Joaquin Valley. Speaking of the 30 miles of tunnels that will have to be built through the Tehachapi Mountains at the southern end of the San Joaquin Valley, Brown expresses amazement that so little progress has been made on California's rail lines in the past hundred years. "The top speed over the Tehachapis today is the same as it was in the 19th century, 24 miles per hour," he marvels. Though funding to build the entire line is as yet nowhere in evidence, Brown is convinced, as he said in his State of the State address, that "electrified trains are part of the future." His campaign for high-speed rail also dates back to his first tenure; he established the state's High-Speed Rail Authority in 1982.
In 2011, Brown expanded the rights of undocumented immigrants by signing the California Dream Act, which enabled undocumented students to attend the state's colleges and universities at the reduced rates available to all California residents. He approved another bill allowing Dream Act beneficiaries to obtain a driver's license (as any Californian can attest, the most important document that the state government issues). Brown's ties to the Latino community date back to his first term as governor as well, when he befriended Cesar Chavez and made California's farmworkers the first in the nation to have the rights and protections of collective bargaining.
California's renewed embrace of liberal policies is ultimately due less to Brown, though, than to far-reaching demographic changes. In 1980, 76 percent of state residents were white; by 2010, the white share of California residents had shrunk to just 40 percent, as the state's Latino, Asian, and multiracial populations skyrocketed. Both the state's Democratic Party and uncommonly savvy unions succeeded in bringing these new groups into the Democrats' orbit, while a stubbornly nativist Republican Party managed to repel them even more.
The political mobilization of California's Latinos dates to 1994, when Republican Governor Pete Wilson backed Proposition 187, which would have denied to undocumented immigrants almost all public services, including the right to attend school. (The measure passed but the courts struck it down.) The Los Angeles labor movement channeled the outrage in the Latino community into voter registration and mobilization campaigns so successful that in 1998 almost every Republican congressional and legislative district in suburban L.A. County fell to the Democrats.
In the years since, conventional wisdom has assumed that the more heavily populated coastal California was solidly Democratic, while more rural and less populous inland California would remain solidly Republican. But as inland California also became more Latino and Asian, and as the state Republican Party maintained its nativist stance, Democrats and labor began targeting that part of the state as well. Last November, Democrats ran the table in California, picking up four traditionally Republican U.S. House seats, all in inland or exurban California, and winning more than two-thirds of the seats in each house of the state legislature. The state's only Republican big city, San Diego, elected a liberal Democrat as its mayor, and Democrats also now govern Modesto in the Central Valley, "which hasn't had a Democratic mayor since God knows when," in the words of state Democratic Party Chairman John Burton.
It helped that President Obama and Senator Dianne Feinstein carried the state with more than 20-point margins. It helped that right-wing interests put a measure on California's ballot that would have curtailed unions' ability to raise funds for political campaigns; the unions ran a massive get-out-the-vote effort that handily defeated it and padded the Democrats' majorities in other races. It helped that the state labor movement had been targeting Asian voters for several election cycles; Asians constituted 12 percent of state voters and gave Obama 79 percent of their vote. It helped that the state activated an online voter-registration program six weeks before Election Day; 800,000 new voters, nearly half of them under 30, registered online, 85 percent of whom voted. It helped that the state party and labor had been registering minority and young voters for years. And it helped that Brown waged a skillful campaign for Proposition 30.
Of particular note among the Democratic pickups was the ouster of longtime Republican Congresswoman Mary Bono Mack by Democrat Raul Ruiz, an emergency-room physician, in a Riverside County district encompassing some of the nation's wealthiest winter residences around Palm Springs but also the growing Latino working-class communities of the Coachella Valley. The issue that Ruiz rode to victory wasn't immigrant rights but Medicare. Bono Mack had voted for the Paul Ryan budget bill to voucherize Medicare, a position that proved toxic to the district's Latino voters.
That the race turned on Medicare provides a clue to California's political future. Latinos may be more culturally conservative than other groups within the Democrats' orbit, but on economic issues, 20 years of exit polling on ballot measures makes clear their deep support for government programs that provide opportunity and security. More than the state Brown governed 30 years ago, the new California believes in activist government.
Brown is an unlikely figure to spearhead a liberal resurgence in California. In the 1970s, he seemed to be in filial rebellion against his father's generation's belief in government's capacity to solve social problems. Today, however, some of those Oedipal tensions appear to have subsided. As Pat built the freeways and aqueducts, so Jerry is building a high-tech railroad and pushing for a new water system.
But his skepticism about government's ability to fix the world—more precisely, to fix more than a few things at a time—has deepened. He was mayor of Oakland, the most economically and socially beleaguered of California's major cities, from 1998 to 2006, and his tenure there only sharpened his sense of government's limitations. While he helped revive downtown Oakland's commercial district, increased its stock of new middle-class housing, and opened both an arts high school and a military academy, Brown failed to significantly reduce the city's historically high poverty and crime rates. In 2006, Brown was elected California attorney general, a post that was widely and rightly regarded as his launching pad for his 2010 campaign for governor. As the state's chief law-enforcement official, he routinely opposed the appeals of convicts sentenced to death, though he has opposed the death penalty since his days as a seminarian. Brown insisted his job was to uphold state law.
As governor, though, Brown is wary about making new laws. At his direction, California is on track to become one of the first states to set up its "Obamacare" health exchange, but in his view, the complexity of that task precludes the state from taking on many other ones. "People still want more?" he says. "How much can the mind of state government process in nine months?" In his 2013 State of the State address, Brown even asked legislators, essentially, to pass fewer laws. In a moment that would have delighted Edmund Burke and should have delighted George Will, Brown quoted a passage from Montaigne's "Essay on Experience": "The most desirable laws are those that are the rarest, simplest and most general; and I even think that it would be better to have none at all than to have them in such numbers as we have."
Brown is not opposed to big government, but his version of big government would only undertake a discrete number of tasks too big to be performed by smaller, more local governments or the private sector. Teaching methods, he argues, should no longer be mandated by the state but left to principals and teachers, but only the state has the resources to provide high-quality university educations to its young people. Not that Brown is convinced that California's public university system, or academia in general, is pursuing the proper mission. "What the university is has to be rethought," he says. "The faculty's primary role is teaching. Research is important, but it's not the students' job to subsidize that research." This isn't anti-intellectualism; it's more his irritation that the academy has grown to the point where he doubts the value of some of its inquiries. "Some of the talk of producing new knowledge," he says, "it's like GM producing new tailfins rather than a new kind of engine. Research into reality is good. Academic novelty isn't so much of an imperative."
Brown's skepticism about governmental endeavors—even as he champions a rail system that may become the biggest public-works program in the nation—has been a hallmark of his career. After some years in a Jesuit seminary, and with a degree from Yale Law, Brown first won public office in 1969 when he was elected to Los Angeles's newly established Community College Board of Trustees. The next year, he was elected California's secretary of state, its chief election officer. In 1974, at age 36, he was narrowly elected governor, succeeding Ronald Reagan, who in turn had ousted Brown's father in 1966 when he sought a third term.
During Brown's first eight years as governor, he often went out of his way to break with the practices and assumptions of both politics and liberalism. His father had funded universities and social welfare programs by raising taxes, disproportionately but not exclusively on the rich. Jerry, by contrast, proclaimed in 1976 that the state (and the nation and the planet) had entered an "era of limits." In lieu of the Democrats' romance with growth and public works, he preached the need to clean up the air. His budgets for the universities and for social benefits were no more generous than Reagan's, and sometimes even less so. "When Jerry Brown talks about lowering expectations," Jerome Lackner, briefly Brown's state health director, said at the time, "he's really talking about lowering expectations for the poor, the mentally ill, and the disabled."
The watershed event of Brown's first tenure as governor was the 1978 enactment of Proposition 13 over his opposition. With housing values—and thus property taxes—soaring at a time of high inflation, right-wing gadfly Howard Jarvis authored a ballot measure that cut and then froze property taxes and created additional roadblocks to raising other state and local taxes. Passed by voters in that year's June primary, Proposition 13 proved to be a slow-motion disaster, degrading over the next 35 years the quality of the state's once standard-setting schools and services. Brown hadn't seen this tax rebellion coming; indeed, as homeowners grew desperate for tax relief, the state had amassed a $5 billion surplus that he neither spent on programs nor rebated to taxpayers. Once the measure passed, however, Brown quickly vowed to implement it and put his fiscal conservatism into high gear. Jarvis appeared in an ad praising Brown during the governor's re-election bid later that year, and Brown moved so far right that he backed a constitutional convention that would add a balanced-budget amendment to the U.S. Constitution.
Brown's ideological mood swings, his willingness to move not just a little left and right but a lot left and right, were never more apparent than on his three presidential campaigns. During his first term as governor, in 1976, Brown mounted a spirited but last-minute presidential bid in the Democratic primaries, marketing himself to voters as an anti-doctrinaire new face. By winning a number of late states—not just California but also some heavily Catholic Northeastern states where voters were uncomfortable with Jimmy Carter's born-again religiosity—he managed to drag out the primary season. He essayed a perfunctory presidential effort in 1980 as well. In 1992, he ran for president yet again, this time styling himself as the more populist alternative to Bill Clinton and Paul Tsongas. The political professionals who had helped run his earlier efforts were nowhere to be found by the time of his third bid. The campaign was necessarily more of a guerrilla operation and, not by necessity, memorably quirky. Staffed by a cadre of leftist activists and an aging Parisian bohemian, Brown called for increased worker rights, but he also backed supply-side economist Arthur Laffer's proposal to supplant the progressive income tax with both a flat tax and a value-added tax.
As he broke with his father's politics, Brown parted even more decisively from his father's profession. If Pat Brown never saw a hand he didn't want to shake, his son kept a studied distance from most everyone, at least by the super-social standards of politics. He did his own research. He kept his own counsel. His personal life seemed at times that of a grad student with state power—living in an apartment whose bed was a mattress on the floor, holding impromptu talkfests late into the night, dating a variety of women (most prominently, singer Linda Ronstadt). Politically, Brown was never as unconventional as he seemed at the time. Like Clinton, Tsongas, Gary Hart, and other Democrats who came to prominence in the 1970s, he espoused the socially progressive, fiscally conservative views of the party's emerging neoliberal wing. Personally, unlike Clinton and Hart, Brown was not a libertine. The onetime Jesuit seminarian who immersed himself in Zen Buddhism had—and has—a certain disdain for human desires. When liberals talk to him about California's social needs that remain unmet, he says, "I tell them that needs are often really desires, and desires are endless."
That attitude—which is a deeply held conviction—may soon put Brown at odds with fellow Democrats who believe that California's economy has needs, not desires, that if not endless, are surely overwhelming.
In the years of Brown's first governorship, California was still at the center of the nation's post–World War II boom, with a mammoth aircraft, aerospace, and defense industry that anchored a thriving middle class. The state was also the second-largest center of auto manufacturing in the U.S., after Michigan. But in the recession of the early 1980s, Detroit shuttered its California auto plants, never to reopen them. Ten years later, following the end of the Cold War, the state's aerospace industry imploded. These industries had employed not just well-paid engineers but hundreds of thousands of unionized production workers who had commanded good wages. Today, while some of the world's best-known manufacturing companies, such as Apple, Cisco Systems, and Hewlett-Packard, are still California--based, their production is almost entirely offshored.
The disappearance of the state's once-mammoth manufacturing sector means that between Brown's first stint as governor and his current one, the middle fell out of the California economy while the bottom burgeoned. The immense wave of immigrants who began coming to California in the 1980s, fleeing Mexico's economic woes and Central America's civil wars, found jobs as construction and restaurant workers, housekeepers, janitors, and nannies. They worked in warehouses, in garment shops, in car washes, and in off-the-books factories. Los Angeles County, where more than one in four Californians resides, became home to an army of the working poor, with its aerospace factories shuttered and its low-wage workplaces booming.
California's official poverty rate today is 16.6 percent, ranking it 19th among states. In 2011, however, the Census Bureau and the Bureau of Labor Statistics came up with more inclusive metrics for measuring poverty. The new Supplemental Poverty Measure factors in local variations in taxes, government transfer payments, the expense of holding a job (such as transportation), and medical and housing costs. The difference in the national poverty rate when measured by the old and new metrics wasn't significant; the official poverty level over the three-year period of 2009–2011 was 15 percent, while the level under the supplemental metrics was 15.8 percent. The difference in California's poverty rates, though, was stunning. The new measure found the state's poverty rate to be the highest in the United States: 23.5 percent. This means that 8.8 million Californians, many of them full-time workers or their children, live in poverty. The state also has the second-lowest rate of homeownership.
Like most Democrats, Brown doesn't talk much about what government should do to fight poverty. By backing such big-ticket infrastructure projects as the high-speed rail, he does have an ambitious employment program. The AFL-CIO's Pulaski estimates that building and running the rail line will eventually create 450,000 jobs, though spread across several decades. Brown also has an on-again, off-again industrial policy. Asked whether the state should require the railcars to be manufactured in California, Brown says, "I'm not averse to local content at all" but then cautions that he's soon to lead a trade mission to China, partly in the hope that companies there will invest in the rail project. Suppose their condition for investing is that they manufacture some or all of the railcars? "I'm not going to foreclose having an expansive relationship with the Chinese," he says.
Brown also is calling for legislation that would direct more money to school districts with high percentages of low-income pupils, students from households where English is not the primary language, or foster children. "Equal treatment for people in unequal conditions isn't justice," he tells me. "That's from Felix Frankfurter, originally from Aristotle." The governor's combination of progressivism and stinginess is epitomized by the bill he signed enabling all California workers to set aside 3 percent of their earnings into a retirement fund-—but only after he compelled its author to excise the clause committing $500,000 in state funds for a feasibility study. The money is being raised from private sources. He is also pushing a reluctant legislature to drop the proposed Medicaid expansion if the federal government's support for the program falls below 90 percent of its costs.
Restoring all the education, health, and welfare programs cut during the state's fiscal crisis requires more revenues than Proposition 30 will yield. Many of those cuts went deep. Over the past several years, the state eliminated Medicaid coverage for adult dental care and psychiatry. The state's monthly workfare grant for a family of three, which was set at $723 in 1990, was reduced to $638. Even with Proposition 30's additional monies, Brown's budget calls for boosting the University of California's funding by 4 percent this year, well short of the 11 percent the university requested.
When I asked Brown if he would consider any further tax increases, his response was emphatic: "The answer is no. We are already a high-tax state. State spending on schools will go from $47 billion to $63 billion in the next five years. I think we should digest this great leap forward before we contemplate anything further."
Brown's opposition to additional tax hikes is shared—at least for now—by most of the Democrats in the legislature. Senate leader Steinberg says his colleagues are not calling for more tax increases. Any surplus dollars that pile up over and above projected revenues, he says, should be split three ways between paying down debt, bolstering the state's rainy-day fund, and restoring programs like dental care. Democrats, he says, are chastened by the state's boom-and-bust cycle: "Nobody wants to go back to those really bad days when we had to make unbelievable cuts."
California faces a revenue conundrum. With the share of the state's poor near record highs, with the middle class diminished, and the wealthy now paying among the highest tax rates in the nation, raising more money to meet the state's social needs will be difficult. The era of limits that Brown heralded more than 35 years ago has arrived.
Still, there are ways to raise revenues that don't involve increasing income and sales taxes, and many liberals are eager to pursue them. A bill establishing a tax on oil extraction is likely to be introduced this year. North Dakota, Wyoming, Texas, and Alaska have one; California doesn't. The discovery of what may prove to be an oil reserve that dwarfs North Dakota's—the Monterey Shale reserve—makes this an increasingly attractive option. But when I asked Brown about creating an oil-severance tax, he said no.
Cities, counties, and school districts are also looking to the legislature this year for a bill that would relieve them of the obligation to win two-thirds voter support, rather than a majority, for tax increases. When I asked Brown if he would support such a measure, he answered, "Not this morning."
An emerging coalition of unions, community-organizing groups, and other progressive organizations is researching how best to present voters with a ballot measure in 2016 that would repeal Proposition 13's freeze on taxes on commercial property. Such a measure, says Lenny Goldberg, the longtime executive director of the California Tax Reform Association, would generate roughly $10 billion to $12 billion a year for the state's cities, counties, and school districts. Given the commitment that the state's Asian and Latino voters, in particular, have shown to increasing public investment in education, the strategists working on the proposal believe it has a good chance of passage. A ballot initiative, of course, doesn't need the support of the legislature or the governor to go before the voters, but after his star turn on Proposition 30, Brown's support would be particularly important.
If such an initiative passed, it would bookend California's anti-government era that began with Proposition 13's passage during Brown's first term as governor. "He was around at the start of the anti-tax revolution," says Michael Herald, the public-benefits advocate for the Western Center on Law and Poverty. "Maybe he'll be around for the end of it."
Today, Brown is widely regarded as a shoo-in to win re-election in 2014. If he does, he will complete his fourth term in 2018, 44 years after he first won election as governor. He will be 80 years old then, but as he points out, his parents lived into their nineties with their mental capacities undimmed.
It is, all in all, not just a remarkable career but also a peculiar one. A skeptic about government's capacity to solve many problems, he has nonetheless spent virtually his entire adult life in government. An ascetic not given to social graces, he has spent almost his entire—not just his adult—life in politics. His father first ran for San Francisco District Attorney when Brown was a year old and won that post when Brown was five. As the elder Brown ascended from district attorney to attorney general to governor, he displayed his children at campaign rallies, at which the younger Brown was visibly uncomfortable. Jerry Brown's retreat into the confines of a Jesuit seminary marks the only period of his life when he escaped the political world entirely.
His manner has always been somewhat abrupt, often bordering on the gratuitously confrontational. When I ask him about how he assesses the potential of online education to reduce college costs, he turns the question back on me: "Hasn't it affected your business?" he asks. "Unless we can return from the screen to the book, it's going to have a huge effect, though I'm not going to predict the pace." Longtime associates say he clarifies his thoughts by challenging and interrogating. "He argues like a Jesuit to find out where the weaknesses are, to test his arguments," says one adviser. "That's how he learns about things."
Brown's is not the epistemological method employed by most chief executives. While he has appointed able and sophisticated operatives to head his cabinet departments—more than a few, like the Air Resources Board's Nichols, serving again in the same jobs they held during Brown's first tenure—he does not rely on his staff to amass information for him. "There's no storehouse of bureaucratic knowledge in the governor's office," says the AFL-CIO's Pulaski. "He reads all the bills himself when they come to him for his signature. But then, he knows the state better than anyone on his staff."
But if Brown can still come off as a snapping turtle—Jerry Roberts and Phil Trounstine, two veteran political reporters and editors, routinely refer to him as Governor Crusty—many people who knew him then insist that his manner has grown less quarrelsome as he's aged. "He's gotten not mellow," says John Burton, the Democratic Party state chairman, "but semi-mellow."
Many attribute this change partly to Brown's wife, Anne Gust Brown, a former chief administrative officer for The Gap whom Brown married in 2005 when he was 67. Gust Brown's role is far more than social; she serves as his full-time unsalaried special counsel and top aide. Longtime Brown associates praise Gust Brown not just for smoothing some of Brown's rough edges but for getting him to focus more on immediate priorities. "When you saw him during his 2010 governor's race," says one friend, "he'd come over and want to talk about some issue you knew about. After a few minutes, Anne would try to pull him away to work on his campaign." Gust Brown is present at most of Brown's meetings—a second pair of ears, a sounding board for her husband's presentations, a link between ideas and implementation. Former Assembly Speaker Robert Hertzberg notes that Brown began his State of the State address by effusively praising the legislature for having the discipline to have made the cuts that laid the groundwork for the passage of Proposition 30, an act of courtesy that might not have occurred to him in his first go-round as governor. "Before, he might call you up and do more talking than listening," says Burton. "Now, he listens more and talks less."
That suggests a deeper change in Brown than anything that can be attributed solely to his wife—a growth, perhaps, of Brown's appreciation of his own limits. The Brown of the 1970s darted from project to project. He had the attention span of a housefly. During the past two years, by contrast, he assessed virtually every position he was required to take by its effect on his ability to bring the state out of its fiscal crisis. With sharper focus has also come a higher level of ideological stability. If Brown's resistance to health and welfare spending seems unlikely to alter, so, too, is it less likely that he'll embrace the half-baked theories of the next generation of Arthur Laffers.
"My father first ran for office when running ads on the radio was the new thing," he tells me. "Each city then had its own family-owned newspaper. I grew up in a political culture that's changed significantly, but its shape today is still continuous with its past shape." He pauses for a moment to make sure the last point is understood. "I believe in California exceptionalism," he says. "It's exceptional in all the things that have changed over time and that are changing today."
Tue, 2013-03-05 18:44
As a former California lawmaker and aerospace executive, and with all due respect to Mr. Meyerson, he erroneously conflates the temporary balance of the state budget with the overall health of the California economy. They are not the same.
The state's budget was largely brought into balance by high net worth individuals worried about the so-called "Fiscal Cliff" tax hike who cashed out of capital gains before Dec. 31, 2012. This triggered early tax payments to the California treasury just as Gov. Brown's $50 billion tax hike hit, with the income tax increase portion retroactive to Jan. 1, 2012.
Time will till if this surplus continues. I bet it doesn't.
I also think California's job recovery will noticeably slow in the coming year relative to other states. What most observers failed to note about California's recent jobs numbers is that they accelerated ahead of the national average AFTER 2009's massive temporary tax hike expired in 2011. Since liberals wanted the taxes, few noted their expiration, other than to complain about the increased deficit. In the first full month after the tax hike in December 2012, California led the nation in job losses.
Chuck DeVore
Vice President for Policy for the Texas Public Policy Foundation
Author of "The Texas Model: Prosperity in the Lone Star State and Lessons for America"
California State Assemblyman, 2004 to 2010,
Vice Chairman of the Committee on Revenue and Taxation and member of the Budget Committee
Tue, 2013-03-05 23:11
Mr. DeVore is understandably modest in leaving out the fact that he was the Tea Party candidate for the U.S. Senate and was crushed in the Republican primary by a candidate who in turn lost in a landslide to Senator Barbara Boxer.
He bailed out on the Golden State only after leaving his public office as a state assemblyman.
His assessment of the California state budget is simply false.
The balanced budget delivered by Jerry Brown is NOT based on the apparent windfall that DeVore describes.
It did not count on such a windfall in the least. It is based on restrained spending and the funds generated by the Proposition 30 tax hike initiative, which passed by an 11-point margin.
Since DeVore now lives somewhere in Texas, that may account for his being unaware that Brown has repeatedly cautioned that the surplus created for the moment by what are higher than anticipated revenues cannot be counted upon in budget planning.
>The state's budget was largely brought into balance by high net worth individuals worried about the so-called "Fiscal Cliff" tax hike who cashed out of capital gains before Dec. 31, 2012. This triggered early tax payments to the California treasury just as Gov. Brown's $50 billion tax hike hit, with the income tax increase portion retroactive to Jan. 1, 2012.
Sat, 2013-03-09 10:01
Wed, 2013-03-13 16:50
Sr2Brnr, your McCarthy comment is inadvertently funny.
The article is written by Harold Meyerson, who also just happens to be a Vice Chair for the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and spoke at a few of their conventions. Strange how that little bit of trivia didn't make it into his bio.
Wed, 2013-03-13 16:47
With the associated picture and some of the narrative, this article comes off a bit "All Hail the Messiah." No doubt, Jerry Brown has had a much more positive influence on California than his predecessor, Arnold Schwarzenegger. As a Democrat, Jerry Brown does have some distinct advantages with the California Legislature who has been controlled by Democratic Party majorities for most of the years since 1959. Similarly, Democrats own every major state-wide office in California.
Governor Brown brilliantly "electioneered" his Proposition 30 tax hikes. The California Legislature "balanced" the state budget, but only if voters passed a big new tax hike. As a carrot, the "balanced" budget included additional spending for public education, which has long the Legislature has long neglected in favor of other priorities. As a stick, the Legislature crafted the "balanced" budget so that education spending would be cut if voters did not pass the tax hike. These potential cuts also directly affected the California Teachers Association (CTA) and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), who are both major public-sector unions in California. Both also just happen to be the two biggest spenders in California politics and major contributors to Governor Brown's political party (shock!). Naturally, they are also among the biggest beneficiaries of any Proposition 30 tax revenues.
But Governor Brown's "electioneering" didn't stop there. Proposition 30 includes a slight increase to California's state sales tax rate--already highest in the nation--but for just four years (more about this in a moment). The sales tax increase affects all Californians and sales tax revenues make up about 12% of the General Fund according to the Governor's budget.
Meanwhile, the bulk of Proposition 30 revenues comes from the top 2-3% of California's taxpayers who ALREADY paid more than half of all income taxes before Proposition 30. These top 2-3% of taxpayers also ALREADY directly contributed more to the General Fund than ALL sales tax revenue. The previous "millionaires" tax rate of 10.3% now applies to those making $250,000 or more (filing single), thanks to Proposition 30. Top rates increase all the way up to 13.3%. Consequently, Proposition 30 gives California the 1st-, 2nd-, 3rd-, 5th-, and 7th-highest marginal income tax rates in the nation! And, because these rates only affect 2-3% of the population, naturally the electorate was all to happen to pass these tax increases. Furthermore, unlike the sales tax increase that lasts only four year, these income tax hikes remain in effect for seven years and are even retroactive back into 2012! This is some fairly undemocratic behavior from a supposed member of the "Democratic" Party.
Proposition 30 is bad public policy and horrible tax policy. It amplifies the defects that already exist in California's antiquated tax system. It was also very much an abuse of the democratic initiative process.
Tue, 2013-03-26 13:20
Two comments. First, I thought the article was going to be about how Jerry Brown has turned California around. Instead, we learned about Jerry Brown's life and very little about if and how California is turning around.
Second, I live in Texas. It's a one horse state; oil and gas. Everything is controlled by the oil and gas industry. So when you roll your eyes at the next incomprehensible idiocy uttered from this state, think of a drug addict denying his addiction. Everything is controlled by the 'oil boys' and they have absolutely no consciousness, not toward the environment, the poor, the needy. In fact, war is good. Environmental degradation is good. Keeping people in their place is good. Keeping them uneducated, pregnant and ignorant is even better. California, keep doing what you are doing. The world needs you.
Sun, 2013-04-07 21:05
The headline of the article states: "Jerry Brown - to the surpise of many - has turned California around. "
Later in the article, however, the author points out that by a new measure the state's poverty rate is
23.5%, the nation's highest.
If the state's real poverty rate is the nation's highest, how does it make any sense to say that Jerry Brown has "turned California around" ? It seems like the author is seeing only what he wishes to see.
Sat, 2013-06-08 08:28
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Consistent and Dependable
By Little Tommy
from Long Grove, IL
About Me Competitive Cyclist
Comments about Shimano Ultegra CS-6700 10-Speed Cassette:
You cannot go wrong with this cassette series particularly at this price point. I am sure the Ultegra is better, but it is also significantly more expensive. I train indoor on Computrainer, Outside, and with race wheels with these cassettes and the shifting is clean and crisp. Last cassette lasted three seasons of Olympics Tris and training, probably could have strectched a 4th.
Bottom Line Yes, I would recommend this to a friend
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quality at great price
By bmw paul
from Marlton, N.J.
About Me Avid Cyclist
See all my reviews
Have used Ultegra cass many times over the years as well as Dura Ace. For the $ I'll stick with Ultegra as not that much heavier, and I notice no difference in shifting smoothness. Also like the gear ratio options to tune to your type of use. Love the 11/28 as with a 34/50 it's a great climber and can still contest the sprint
Quality Product
By Al
from HiDez
Ultegra components are excellent
By Racer555
from Sacramento
Great gears for all around use!
Exactly What I Needed
By Psyclist
from Reno NV
I upgraded the cassette on my carbon bike, from a 12-25. It is exactly what I needed for the climbs in Reno!
Works great with my Ultegra Di2
By gr2
from California
This cassette works perfect with my Ultegra Di2 electronic shifting componentry. It was very easy to install, it took me about 5 minutes, and it was ready to roll. I didn't have to make any adjustments. One thing to note, it has a bit of play, even with the locking ring on tight. The play is very minimal, less than one millimeter. This was the same case with my previous cassette that was replaced with this one. As far as I can tell, it doesn't affect the shifting. I am really satisfied with this purchase and would recommend it to anyone.
Climber's delight!
By More Cowbell!
from Sacramento, CA
About Me Casual/ Recreational
I replaced a Shimano Ultegra 6600 11-23t on my 10-speed bike which was not helping me get over the hilly portions of my ride. This Ultegra 6700 12-30t so far got me going through 10% gradients, I just wish Shimano would come up with 32t cogs like SRAM.
Great Cassette and very smooth shifting
By Barry
from Sherman, Il
Great Cassette and a great price. Upgraded from a 105 to the Ultegra and the shifting has improved greatly.
I upgraded my 105 cassette to the Ultegra and the shifting is much smoother and more precise. This is worth the extra money for the upgrade.
Shimano Quality
By tri-Art
from Miami, FL
The Ultegra Series just gets better with time and for the price its unbeatable. If you got money to waste(or a sponsor) buy Dura-Ace
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