text:
This year, the Commerce Department will investigate the feasibility of a bicycle share program. The Agriculture Department's Risk Management Agency will redraw planting zone maps for the purposes of insuring nursery-grown plants. And the Department of Defense will scale down its fleet of gas-guzzling Humvees.
These are all examples of steps federal agencies will take in 2013 in an effort to deal with the risks of future climate change. The Obama administration released its first climate change adaptation plans Thursday, as part of the annual sustainability reports.
"It's an expression of the realization that the impacts of climate change aren't something that are going to happen way, way in the future," said Joe Casola, staff scientist and program director of science and impacts at the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions. "They're happening now, and in some ways, agencies' missions are put at risk by the threats of climate change, and they need to take action and mainstream considerations of climate into a lot of their decisionmaking."
This is the third year the agencies have released the reports, a review of sustainability accomplishments and a guide for goals. In 2009, President Obama signed Executive Order 13514, which set targets for cutting waste and pollution from the administration's operations and required agencies to complete these reports.
"The Federal Government is seeing the results of three years of effort in the form of reduced utility bills, more efficient operations, and less waste and pollution," said Nancy Sutley, chairwoman of the White House Council on Environmental Quality, in a statement Thursday. "Agencies are demonstrating significant progress on sustainability initiatives that are good for American taxpayers and good for American communities."
Many of the plans also lay the groundwork for actions that will cut not only pollution but costs in the face of the rising price tag of climate change.
"USDA's costs for administering services such as disaster assistance, crop insurance, conservation and energy programs, and technical assistance are likely to increase as a result of climate change," said the $145-billion-a-year agency in its report. "Severe weather and other climate-related events such as associated excess moisture, drought, pest infestations, and heat stress place pressure on the capacity of agencies to meet demands."
This year's sustainability plans will also include fleet management plans and bio-based purchasing strategies. President Obama told agencies to buy more bio-based products in a presidential memorandum last year.
U.S. EPA, the agency responsible for regulating environmental health and safety, gave examples of needs that will arise as climate change encroaches on the agency's ability to perform. These include better maps of precipitation patterns to plan for long-term water infrastructure; measurements of extreme weather impacts on EPA's disaster response planning; understanding how strange weather can wear down contaminated areas and solid waste facilities; and predicting effects of climate change on energy efficiency programs, as energy supply and demand fluctuate.
EPA's goals in the plan include taking action to mitigate climate change and retain air quality, protecting the nation's waters and reducing community exposure to contaminants by cleaning up communities.
USDA's oversight occurs over one of the widest spans in the administration and includes rural communities, forests, biotechnology, nutrition, water use and agricultural trade.
Three goals in its plan have a relationship with climate change. The first is to make the nation's public and private lands more resilient to climate change through land restoration and wildfire management. The second is to implement practices through Farm Service Agency, Forest Service and Natural Resources Conservation Service programs that target watersheds that will be highly affected by climate change.
And the third is to promote agricultural production through biotechnology innovation, as crops become more susceptible to the stresses of high heat, drought or flooding.
In fiscal 2013, the Department of Defense's primary sustainability focus will be on reducing energy costs and improving energy security on its bases through efficiency measures and renewable energy projects, according to its most recent sustainability report.
DOD's main objective is to enhance military capability, but mitigating and adapting to the impacts of climate change can contribute to that goal, said Sharon Burke, assistant secretary of Defense for operational plans and programs.
"The effects of climate change -- droughts, floods, population migration, sea level rise, shifts in arable land -- the Department of Defense has a history of looking at those and how they are accelerants to instability, [and] how they affect our ability to operate," she said at a conference last week on renewable energy.
One of DOD's strategies is to "right-size" its nontactical vehicle fleet, which means using large, less fuel efficient vehicles only when necessary. The Army has been working steadily on this for three years. It has also eliminated more than 1,000 large SUVs used for passenger transport.
Like USDA, the Interior Department oversees public lands that have experienced devastating wildfires in past years. Interior also manages wildlife populations, relationships with American Indian and Native Alaskan tribal areas, research on geology and permitting for energy production -- both renewable and fossil fuel.
This marks the first time the agency has written a departmentwide climate change adaptation plan, said Jessica Kershaw, a spokeswoman for Interior.
"We are already making progress in implementing some of the actions," said Kershaw. The climate adaptation policy was incorporated in the Departmental Manual, which provides guidance to the department's 16 bureaus and offices.
The department will also address impacts that cut across different bureaus, update the Climate Science Center Strategic Plans and address the role of economics in adapting to climate change.
The nation's aeronautical agency has more than a dozen satellites in orbit to study the atmosphere, ice sheets, sea-level rise, deforestation and other indicators of climate change. NASA's strategy to manage climate change will include making data from climate experts readily available and holding workshops on adaptive planning. The agency will also seek to integrate practices in existing programs, rather than creating new "flavor of the month" initiatives.
NASA scientist Cynthia Rosenzweig co-chaired the New York City Panel on Climate Change, a group that was organized under the watch of New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg and in 2009 released a prophetic warning for the city, now apparent after the damage of Superstorm Sandy.
To build resilience into the U.S. transportation system, the Transportation Department report calls for adjusting how transportation infrastructure is designed, built and operated, taking climate and weather-related risks into account. Since transportation infrastructure is designed to last for decades if not centuries, the agency's report writes that it is particularly important that infrastructure designers and operators evaluate the magnitude of climate-related stress over the entire lifetime of a particular project.
Departments within the agency are also taking on their own specific adaptation strategies. Part of the Federal Aviation Administration's focus, for instance, is on accessing better weather data through its NextGen program.
The Energy Department launched a study last year to identify the impacts of climate change on the U.S. energy sector and where the agency could support resiliency efforts. Over the course of this fiscal year, it will continue to update all appropriate planning documents to address climate change adaptation and build on existing research related to adaptation strategies.
The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, a subset of the Commerce Department, will create a climate adaptation toolkit for the Coral Triangle, the area of endangered coral ecosystems around the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. The toolkit will offer guidance for local governments on outreach, education, measuring vulnerability and developing early action plans.
NOAA will also continue to monitor sea level change, track fish populations, prepare regional climate outlooks and train coastal communities to adapt to sea level rise.
60-day comment period to come
For many agencies, the integration of climate change adaptation measures is far from new. Since Obama's first term, sustainability has been in the background of many agencies' work.
But publishing a plan gives cohesion to bigger agencies like Interior and USDA whose climate change goals may have been scattered across bureaus and agencies, said Bill Hohenstein, director of the climate change program office at USDA.
"With an agency like USDA with widely varied responsibilities ... it's important to look at an issue like climate change comprehensively," he said.
In the 60-day comment period that follows, Hohenstein expects to hear from the various people who work with USDA -- farmers, rural residents, industry workers and business owners -- who are curious about how to manage climate risks.
In drafting these climate plans, the agencies are not doing more than what is required of them, said C2ES's Casola.
"But it's a nice step," he said. "The executive branch [is] making a commitment to becoming more energy-efficient, more water-efficient, and trying to address climate change by reducing emissions and by managing risks from impacts."
Reprinted from Climatewire with permission from Environment & Energy Publishing, LLC. www.eenews.net, 202-628-6500


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If you have been confused with the mind boggling array of Android based phones flooding the cell phone market, brace yourself.
Microsoft has just unveiled 10 new Windows 7 mobile based cell phones. Microsoft talked about the Windows 7 OS eight months ago and we are seeing that announcement come to fruition as tangible hardware running it today.
The new handsets are to be available on November 8 in the US and select European and Asian markets gets it ahead of time on October 21. The phones are slated to hit over 60 cellphone operators in more than 30 countries.
Hardware for these phones are being done by Dell, HTC, Samsung and LG. Engadget has the full details on this announcement and here is the new phone line up
- HTC 7 Surround — The 3.8-inch T8788 with slideout speaker for AT&T and Telus { more }
- HTC HD7 — Schubert comes of age as a 4.3-inch HD2 cousin for T-Mobile and beyond { more }
- HTC 7 Trophy — the 3.8-inch Spark headed to international carriers { more }
- HTC 7 Mozart — another heavily leaked int'l player with 3.7-inch display { more }
- Dell Venue Pro — 4.1-inch portrait QWERTY slider for T-Mobile we broke as Lightning { more }
- Samsung Focus — AT&T's 4-inch Super AMOLED slate we broke as Cetus { more }
- Samsung Omnia 7 — the i8700 is a 4-inch Super AMOLED jobbie for Europe { more }
- LG Optimus 7/7Q — the E900 is the official 3.8-inch global workhorse { more }
- LG Quantum — AT&T's 3.5-inch landscape slider first seen as the C900 { more }
- HTC 7 Pro — a 3.6-inch QWERTY slider for Sprint (2011) { more }
The new Windows 7 phone slogan = Glance and Go!
Even though I love my iPhone 4 and have been happy with it, it is undeniably an exciting time in the mobile industry with consumers (we) having so many choices.
If you are on the market for a smartphone, what is going to make you decide which one suits you best?
We posted on an Android phones comparison spreadsheet earlier and I am sure someone will put together the Windows 7 phone comparison spreadsheet very soon!
Oh, finally there is a decent ad from Microsoft. In fact, I agree it is very good!
{ via Engadget }

subset: commoncrawl


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Mitt Romney Wins: Florida Primary Results 2012
Huff Post- Posted: 1/31/12 08:00 PM ET | Updated: 1/31/12 08:08 PM ET
Mitt Romney was projected the winner of Tuesday's presidential primary election in Florida by the Associated Press.
The former Massachusetts governor was running ahead in the polls going into the contest.
Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich was projected to finish in second place. Former U.S. Senator Rick Santorum was projected to finish in third with U.S. Rep. Ron Paul in fourth.
Ahead of Tuesday, Gingrich said he intended to continue his campaign for the White House regardless of the outcome of the contest.
This is a developing story… More information to come…
Check out the live blog below for the latest developments out of Florida.


text:
Unity Games1,853 members Fans & Clans
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For us folks who like to stay Free and use the Blender 3d program over every other costly options!
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hey man, you might like xoid! let me know what you think
Only registered members can share their thoughts. So come on! Join the community today (totally free - or sign in with your social account on the right) and join in the conversation.


text:
Winter of Discontent
The Winter of Discontent refers to the winter of 1978–79 in the United Kingdom, during which there were widespread strikes by public sector trade unions demanding larger pay rises, following the ongoing pay caps of the Labour Party government led by James Callaghan against Trades Union Congress opposition to control inflation, during the coldest winter for 16 years.[1]
The strikes were a result of the Labour government's attempt to control inflation by a forced departure from their social contract with the unions by imposing rules on the public sector that pay rises be kept below 5%, to control inflation in itself and as an example to the private sector. However, some employees' unions conducted their negotiations within mutually agreed limits above this limit with employers.[2] While the strikes were largely over by February 1979, the government's inability to contain the strikes earlier helped lead to Margaret Thatcher's Conservative victory in the 1979 general election and legislation to restrict unions. Public sector employee strike actions included an unofficial strike by gravediggers working in Liverpool and Tameside, and strikes by refuse collectors. Additionally, NHS ancillary workers formed picket lines to blockade hospital entrances with the result that many hospitals were reduced to taking emergency patients only.[3]
The phrase "Winter of Discontent" is from the opening line of William Shakespeare's Richard III: "Now is the winter of our discontent / Made glorious summer by this sun [or son] of York…", and was first applied to the events of the winter by Robin Chater, a writer at Incomes Data Report. It was subsequently used in a speech by James Callaghan and translated to define a crisis by tabloids – including The Sun.[4][5]
The weather turned very cold in the early months of 1979 with blizzards and deep snow, the coldest since 1962–63, rendering some jobs impossible, reducing retail spending and worsening the economy.[6]
In 1969 Labour politician James Callaghan led a cabinet revolt which led to the abandonment of a proposed reform of trade union law outlined in a Barbara Castle white paper called In Place of Strife; had Castle's white paper been implemented, most of the action during the Winter of Discontent would have been illegal.
The Labour governments of Harold Wilson and Callaghan continued a fight begun in 1972 against inflation upon election in February 1974. Inflation had peaked at 26.9% in the 12 months to August 1975, but while demonstrating to markets fiscal responsibility they wished to avoid large increases in unemployment.[7] As part of the campaign to bring down inflation, the government had agreed a 'social contract' with the Trades Union Congress which allowed for a voluntary incomes policy in which the pay rises for workers were held down to limits set by the government. Previous governments had brought in incomes policies backed by Acts of Parliament, but the social contract agreed that this would not happen.[3]
Phases I and II
Phase I of the pay policy was announced on 11 July 1975 with a white paper entitled The Attack on Inflation. This proposed a limit on wage rises of £6 per week for all earning below £8,500 annually. The TUC General Council had accepted these proposals by 19 votes to 13. On 5 May 1976 the TUC accepted a new policy for 1976 increases, beginning 1 August, of between £2.50 and £4 per week with further years outlined. At the Annual Congress on 8 September 1976 the TUC rejected a motion which called for a return to free collective bargaining (which meant no incomes policy at all) once Phase I expired on 1 August 1977. This new policy was Phase II of the incomes policy.[8]
Phase III
On 15 July 1977 the Chancellor of the Exchequer Denis Healey announced Phase III of the incomes policy in which there was to be a phased return to free collective bargaining, without "a free-for-all." After prolonged negotiations, the TUC agreed to continue with the modest increases recommended for 1977–78 under Phase II limits and not to try to reopen pay agreements made under the previous policy, while the Government agreed not to intervene in pay negotiations. The Conservative Party criticised the power of the unions and lack of any stronger policy to cover the period from the Summer of 1978. The inflation rate continued to fall through 1977 and by 1978 the annual rate fell below 10%.[9]
The 5% limit
Having prepared for the imminent end of the incomes policy, global inflation supervened and was coming towards record levels during the 1978–82 period[n 1] on 21 July 1978 Denis Healey introduced a new White Paper which set a guideline for pay rises of 5% in the year from 1 August.[n 2] The TUC voted overwhelmingly on 26 July to reject the limit and insist on a return to free collective bargaining as they were promised. Unexpectedly, on 7 September, Prime Minister James Callaghan announced that he would not be calling a general election that autumn but seeking to go through the winter with continued pay restraint so that the economy would be in a better state in preparation for a spring election. The pay limit was officially termed 'Phase IV' but most referred to it as 'the 5% limit.' Although the government did not make the 5% limit a legal requirement, it decided to impose penalties on private and public government contractors who broke the limit.[10]
The Ford negotiations
Although not an official guideline, the pay rise set by Ford of Britain was accepted throughout private industry as a benchmark for negotiations. Ford had enjoyed a good year, and could afford to offer a large pay rise to its workers. The company was, however, also a major government contractor. Ford's management therefore made a pay offer within the 5% guidelines. In response, 15,000 Ford workers, mostly from the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), began an unofficial strike on 22 September, which subsequently became an official TGWU action on 5 October. The number of participants grew to 57,000.
During the strike, Vauxhall Motors employees accepted an 8.5% rise. After long negotiation in which they weighed the chances of suffering from government sanctions against the continued damage of the strike, Ford eventually revised their offer to 17% and decided to accept the sanctions; Ford workers accepted the rise on 22 November.
Political difficulties
As the Ford strike was starting, the Labour Party conference began at Blackpool. Terry Duffy, the delegate from Liverpool Wavertree Constituency Labour Party and a supporter of the Militant group, moved a motion on 2 October which demanded "that the Government immediately cease intervening in wage negotiations". Despite a plea from Michael Foot not to put the motion to the vote, the resolution was carried by 4,017,000 to 1,924,000. The next day, the Prime Minister accepted the fact of defeat by saying "I think it was a lesson in democracy yesterday", but insisted that he would not let up on the fight against inflation.[11]
Meanwhile, the government's situation in the House of Commons was increasingly difficult; through by-elections it had lost its majority of 3 in 1976 and had been forced to put together a pact with the Liberal Party in 1977 in order to keep winning votes on legislation; the pact lapsed in July 1978. A decision to grant extra Parliamentary seats to Northern Ireland afforded temporary support from the Ulster Unionist Party, but the Unionists were clear that this support would be withdrawn immediately after the Bill to grant extra seats had been passed – it was through the Ulster Unionists agreeing to abstain that the government defeated a motion of no confidence by 312 to 300 on 9 November.[12]
Further negotiation at the TUC
By the middle of November it was clear that Ford would offer an increase substantially over the 5% limit. The government subsequently entered into intense negotiations with the TUC, hoping to produce an agreement on pay policy that would prevent disputes and show political unity in the run-up to the general election. A limited and weak formula was eventually worked out and put to the General Council of the TUC on 14 November, but its General Council vote was tied 14–14, with the formula being rejected on the Chair's casting vote. One important personality on the TUC General Council had changed earlier in 1978 with Moss Evans replacing Jack Jones at the TGWU. Evans proved a weak leader of his union, although it is doubtful whether Jones could have restrained the actions of some of the TGWU shop stewards.
After Ford settled, the government announced on 28 November that sanctions would be imposed on Ford, along with 220 other companies, for breach of the pay policy. The announcement of actual sanctions produced an immediate protest from the Confederation of British Industry which announced that it would challenge their legality. The Conservatives put down a motion in the House of Commons to revoke the sanctions. A co-ordinated protest by left-wing Labour MPs over spending on defence forced the debate set for 7 December to be postponed; however on 13 December an anti-sanctions amendment was passed by 285 to 279. The substantive motion as amended was then passed by 285 to 283. James Callaghan put down a further motion of confidence for the next day, which the government won by 10 votes (300 to 290), but accepted that his government could not use sanctions. In effect this deprived the government of any means of enforcing the 5% limit on private industry.
Lorry drivers
With the government having no way of enforcing its pay policy, unions which had not yet put in pay claims began to increase their aim. The first to take extreme action were lorry drivers, members of the TGWU. Large numbers of the lorry drivers worked on oil tankers, and drivers working for BP and Esso began an overtime ban in support of rises of up to 40% on 18 December. With supplies of oil being disrupted, the Cabinet Office prepared 'Operation Drumstick', by which the Army were put on standby to take over from the tanker drivers. However, the Operation would need the declaration of a state of emergency in order to allow conscription of the assets of the oil companies, and the government drew back from such a step. Before the situation developed into a crisis the oil companies settled on wage rises of around 15%.
From 3 January 1979 an unofficial strike of all TGWU lorry drivers began. With petrol distribution held up, petrol stations closed across the country. The strikers also picketed the main ports. The strikes were made official on 11 January by the TGWU and 12 January by the United Road Transport Union. With 80% of the nation's goods transported by road, essential supplies were put in danger as striking drivers picketed those firms that continued to work. While the oil tanker drivers were working, the main refineries were also targeted and the tanker drivers let the strikers know where they were going, allowing for flying pickets to turn them back at their destination. More than 1,000,000 UK workers were laid off temporarily during the disputes.
A further plan was drawn up to call a state of emergency and safeguard essential supplies through the Army, regarding which the government warned the TGWU leadership, which resulted in the union accepting (12 January 1979) a list of emergency supplies which were officially exempt from action. In practice, what counted as an emergency was left up to local officials of the TGWU to determine, and practice across the country varied according to the views of the local shop stewards who established 'dispensation committees' to decide. When strikers in Hull did not allow the correct mix of animal feed through to local farms, the farmers dropped the bodies of dead piglets and chickens outside the union offices; the union contended that the farmer had actually wrung the chicken's necks to kill them, and the piglets had been killed when the sow rolled over and crushed them.
On 29 January, lorry drivers in the south west accepted a deal awarded by an Arbitration Panel of a rise of up to 20%, just £1 per week less than the union had been striking for; this settlement proved a model which was accepted throughout the country.
'Crisis? What crisis?'
On 10 January, James Callaghan arrived back from a summit in Guadeloupe in the middle of the lorry drivers' strike. Having been tipped off that the press were present, his press secretary Tom McCaffrey advised him to say nothing and return immediately to work, but his political adviser Tom McNally thought that the image of Callaghan returning and declaring his intent to take control of the situation would be reassuring. Callaghan therefore decided to give a press conference at Heathrow Airport. To McNally's dismay Callaghan was jocular and referred to having had a swim in the Caribbean during the summit. He was then asked (by a reporter from the Evening Standard) "What is your general approach, in view of the mounting chaos in the country at the moment?" and replied:
Well, that's a judgment that you are making. I promise you that if you look at it from outside, and perhaps you're taking rather a parochial view at the moment, I don't think that other people in the world would share the view that there is mounting chaos.
The next day's edition of The Sun featured the famous headline "Crisis? What crisis?" with a subheading "Rail, lorry, jobs chaos – and Jim blames Press", condemning Callaghan as being "out of touch" with British society.[3]
Public sector employees
22 January 1979 was the biggest individual day of strike action since the General Strike of 1926, and many workers stayed out indefinitely afterwards. With many in the private sector having achieved substantial rises, the public sector unions became increasingly concerned to keep pace in terms of pay. The government had already announced a slight weakening of the policy on 16 January, which gave the unions cause for hope that they might win and use free collective bargaining. Train drivers belonging to ASLEF and the National Union of Railwaymen had already begun a series of 24-hour strikes, and the Royal College of Nursing conference on 18 January decided to ask that the pay of nurses be increased to the same level in real terms as 1974, which would mean a 25% average rise. The public sector unions labelled the date the "Day of Action", in which they held a 24-hour strike and marched to demand a £60 per week minimum wage.
With the succession of strikes having been called and then won, many groups of workers began to take unofficial action – often without the consent or support of the union leaderships. Ambulance drivers began to take strike action in mid-January, and in parts of the country (London, West Midlands, Cardiff, Glasgow and the west of Scotland) their action included refusing to attend 999 emergency calls. In these areas, the Army was drafted in to provide a skeleton service. Ancillary hospital staff also went on strike.[3] On 30 January, the Secretary of State for Social Services David Ennals announced that 1,100 of 2,300 NHS hospitals were only treating emergencies, that practically no ambulance service was operating normally, and that the ancillary health service workers were deciding which cases merited treatment. The media reported with scorn that cancer patients were being prevented from getting essential treatment.
Gravediggers' strike
A notorious industrial action during the winter, and one which was later frequently referred to by Conservative politicians, was the strike by gravediggers, members of the GMWU in Liverpool and in Tameside near Manchester.[13] Eighty gravediggers being on strike, Liverpool City Council hired a factory in Speke to store the corpses until they could be buried. The Department of Environment noted that there were 150 bodies stored at the factory at one point, with 25 more added every day. The reports of unburied bodies caused concern with the public.[14] On 1 February a persistent journalist asked the Medical Officer of Health for Liverpool, Dr Duncan Bolton, what would be done if the strike continued for months, Bolton speculated that burial at sea would be considered. Although his response was hypothetical, in the circumstances it caused great alarm. Other alternatives were considered, including allowing the bereaved to dig their own funeral's graves, deploying troops, and engaging private contractors to inter the bodies. The main concerns were said to be aesthetic because bodies could be safely stored in heat-sealed bags for up to six weeks.[14] Bolton later reported being 'horrified' by the sensationalised reportage of the strike in the mass media.[15] The gravediggers eventually settled for a 14% rise after a fortnight's strike.
Waste collectors
With many collectors having been on strike since 22 January, local authorities began to run out of space for storing waste and used local parks under their control. The Conservative controlled Westminster City Council used Leicester Square in the heart of London's West End for piles of rubbish and, as the Evening Standard reported, this attracted rats.
On 21 February, a settlement of the local authority workers' dispute was agreed, whereby workers got an 11% rise, plus £1 per week, with the possibility of extra rises, should a pay comparability study recommend them. Some left-wing local authorities, among them the London Borough of Camden, conceded the union demands in full (known as the 'Camden surplus') and then saw an investigation by the District Auditor, which eventually ruled it a breach of fiduciary duty[n 3] and therefore illegal. Camden Borough councillors, among them Ken Livingstone, avoided surcharge. Livingstone was Leader of the Greater London Council at the time the decision not to impose a surcharge was made.
International Monetary Fund
Prior to the "Winter of Discontent", the Callaghan government had sought (in 1976) an International Monetary Fund loan of £2.3bn[16] to combat the rampant inflation at that time. Although the media reported this as a humiliation for a former imperial power working to rebuild its economy after World War II and the nadir of the post-war economic period, this in itself led to only a narrow lead for Margaret Thatcher's party in October 1978 in opinion polls.[17]
Political reaction and the end of the strikes
Strikes by essential services dismayed many senior ministers in the Labour government who had been close to the trade union movement, who had thought it unlikely that trade unionists would take such action. Among these was Prime Minister James Callaghan himself, who had built his political career on his connection to the trade unions, and had practically founded one, the Inland Revenue Staff Federation.
The government was negotiating with the senior union leaders and on 11 February came to agreement on a proposal to be put to the TUC General Council. On 14 February the General Council agreed the concordat, published under the title 'The Economy, the Government, and Trade Union Responsibilities'.[n 4] By this stage union executives had limited control over their members and strikes did not immediately cease, although they began to wind down from this point. In total in 1979, 29,474,000 working days were lost in industrial disputes, compared with 9,306,000 in 1978.
Political impact
In the summer before the Winter of Discontent, the minority Labour government's fortunes in the opinion polls had been improving and suggested that they could gain an overall majority in the event of a general election being held. However, on 7 September 1978, Callaghan announced that no general election would be held that year. Callaghan's failure to call an election would ultimately prove to be a costly mistake for his government.[17]
The strikes appeared to have a profound effect on voting intention. According to Gallup, Labour had a lead of 5% over the Conservatives in November 1978, which turned to a Conservative lead of 7.5% in January 1979, and of 20% in February. On 1 March, referendums on devolution to Scotland and Wales were held. That in Wales went strongly against devolution; that in Scotland produced a small majority in favour which did not reach the threshold set by Parliament of 40% of the electorate. The government's decision not to press ahead with devolution immediately led the Scottish National Party to withdraw support from the government and on 28 March in a motion of no confidence the government lost by one vote, precipitating a general election.
Conservative Party leader Margaret Thatcher had already outlined her proposals for restricting trade union power in a party political broadcast on 17 January in the middle of the lorry drivers' strike. During the election campaign the Conservative Party made extensive use of the disruption caused during the strike. One broadcast on 23 April began with the Sun's headline "Crisis? What Crisis?" being shown and read out by an increasingly desperate voiceover interspersed with film footage of piles of rubbish, closed factories, picketed hospitals and locked graveyards. The scale of the Conservatives' victory in the general election has often been ascribed to the effect of the strikes, as well as their Labour Isn't Working campaign, and the party used film of the events of the winter in election campaigns for years to come.
Following Mrs Thatcher's election win, she brought the post-war consensus to an end and made drastic changes to trade union laws (most notably the regulation that unions had to hold a ballot among members before calling strikes) and as a result strikes were at their lowest level for 30 years by the time of the 1983 general election, which the Tories won by a landslide.[18] Indeed, this shift to the right in British politics led to the formation of a new consensus, which dominated politics through to the present day; both the Conservative and Labour Parties favoured lowering government spending, lowering taxation, an end to new council housing, and to accentuate the changes privatising industries and services that previously had been publicly owned. This shift was cemented in place by New Labour, which won the 1997 General Election. See New Right.
See also
- Three-Day Week, the Conservative government's reaction to the coal miners' work-to-rule and strikes in 1974, that had a similarly disastrous impact on the government's popularity and led to the period of Labour Government in the intervening years until 1979.
Notes and references
- Notes
- ↑ And therefore a second trigger for a rise in inflation
- ↑ Callaghan's initial preference had been for 3%, but other cabinet ministers considered this totally unachievable
- ↑ Owed to the payers, the ratepayers of the area
- ↑ The significance of a comprehensive agreement on Valentine's Day was remarked upon by the press
- References
- ↑ Colin Hay, "The winter of discontent thirty years on." The Political Quarterly 80:4 (2009): 545–52.
- ↑ On This Day: 1979: Early election as Callaghan defeated, BBC. Retrieved 17 December 2007
- 1 2 3 4 BBC News – History of the Winter of Discontent
- ↑ Unreliable sources: how the 20th…. Google Books. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- ↑ Popular newspapers, the Labour Party…. Google Books. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- ↑ Hamilton, Fiona. "Weather Eye: the Winter of Discontent 1978". The Times Online. London. Retrieved 2 December 2010.
- ↑ Colin Hay (2010). "Chronicles of a Death Foretold: the Winter of Discontent and Construction of the Crisis of British Keynesianism". Parliamentary Affairs. 63 (3): 446–70. doi:10.1093/pa/gsp056.
- ↑ Hay, "The winter of discontent thirty years on."
- ↑ Hay, "The winter of discontent thirty years on."
- ↑ Hay, "The winter of discontent thirty years on."
- ↑ Labour Party (1978). Report of the Annual Conference. Labour Representation Committee. p. 235.
- ↑ Hay, "The winter of discontent thirty years on."
- ↑ Moore (2014), p. 399.
- 1 2 Travis, Alan (30 December 2009). "National archives: Fear of fights at cemetery gates during 1979 winter of discontent". The Guardian.
- ↑ James Thomas, '"Bound by History": The Winter of Discontent in British Politics 1979–2004', Media, Culture and Society, 29 (2007), p. 270.
- ↑ 1975 economic fears are laid bare
- 1 2 "1978: Callaghan accused of running scared". BBC News. 7 September 1978.
- ↑ "Conservative Party Election Broadcast (1983)". YouTube. 23 October 2008. Retrieved 2012-03-28.
- Beckett, Andy. When the Lights Went Out: Britain in the Seventies (2009) 576pp excerpt and textsearch
- Hay, Colin. "The winter of discontent thirty years on." The Political Quarterly 80.4 (2009): 545–52.
- Butler, David and Dennis Kavanagh The British General Election of 1979 (Macmillan, London, 1979) ISBN 0-333-26934-9
- Harrison, Brian. Finding a Role?: The United Kingdom 1970–1990 (New Oxford History of England) (2011) excerpt and text search; online major scholarly survey
- Moore, Charles (2014). Margaret Thatcher: The Authorized Biography: Volume 1. London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-140-27956-6
- Rodgers, William. "Government under Stress. Britain'S Winter of Discontent 1979." The Political Quarterly 55#2 (1984): 171–79.
- Seldon, Anthony ed. New Labour, Old Labour: The Wilson and Callaghan Governments 1974–79 Anthony Seldon (Routledge, London, 2004) ISBN 0-415-31281-7
- Shepherd, John (2013). Crisis? what crisis? : the Callaghan government and the British winter of discontent'. manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 9780719082474.
- Thomas, James. "'Bound in by history': The Winter of Discontent in British politics, 1979-2004." Media, Culture & Society 29#2 (2007): 263–83.
- Turner, Alwyn W. Crisis? What Crisis?: Britain in the 1970s (2009) 336pp excerpt and text search
- Secret History: Winter of Discontent (Mentorn Productions for Channel Four, 1998)
External links
- Labour faces vote of confidence (BBC On this day, 14 December 1978)
- 'No chaos here' declares Callaghan (BBC On this day, 10 January 1979)
- Public sector strike paralyses country (BBC On this day, 22 January 1979)


text: Hello Mark! 2007/9/29, Mark Hahn <hahn at mcmaster.ca>: > > I sniffed the network in the store nodes interface, and i got lots of > > TCP lost fragment, previos lost fragments, ack lost fragments and TCP > > window size full. The GPFS is now heavily used. > > so this indicates that you have a serious ethernet problem, no? I also think so, and this is my strongest possibility. But IBM does not accept that there is a error in the hardware, and while I argue with then about it, I was trying to search for other causes of the ether problem. > > > The myrinet connection was working right, but sometimes a user program > > just got stuck - one of the processes was sleeping, and all others > > were running. Then, the program hangs. Investigating this further, > > this happened with the simple mpich examples like cpi, cpilog, etc. We > > are using the mx driver version 1.1.6, and mpich-mx 1.2.7..5. mx_info > > shows all nodes connected when this happens, and the switch did not > > overheat. mpirun.ch_mx -v shows that all the processes are issued ok > > to the nodes, but somehow one (or more) process go to sleep or never > > starts, and all the other processes just hangs. The mx diagnose tools > > did not show any problem so far, but we still did not have done a > > but spawning myrinet jobs normally involves some use of ethernet, > which has known problems. as I recall, the protocol involves a > rendezvous ethernet socket managed by the rank0 node. couldn't the > myrinet-starting problem simply be due to the eth problem, rather than > anything specific to myrinet? > > here's an idea: configure ip-over-myrinet, and use it exclusively > to start the jobs. if that works, then you know for sure that the > problem is solely on the eth side (switch, perhaps, or maybe a nic > that's jabbering or otherwise misbehaving?) I have configured the ip-over-myrinet, but I'm not sure how to use exclusively myrinet. I will have to search more about this. My configuration is as follows: I am using mpich-mx v 1.2.7..5, and configured all the blades with one ip using ifconfig, like ifconfig myri0 192.168.30.101 Then, in a file called list, I put 192.168.30.101:4 (each blade has 4 cores). and ran using mpich.ch_mx -v -machinefile list -np 4 ./program This still involves ethernet? Thank you very much. -- ----------------------------------------------------------- Ivan S. P. Marin ----------------------------------------------------------


text:
By Jim Garamone, American Forces Press Service
WASHINGTON – Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates today urged the Senate to repeal the so-called "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" law this year.
Gates and Navy Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, spoke at a Pentagon news conference unveiling the recommendations of the working group tasked with looking at the issues associated with implementing a repeal of the law that bans gays from serving openly in the military.
Gates said any change causes short-term disruptions, but that the military can handle longer-term impacts. He added that he's recommending repeal of the law after fully studying the potential impact on military readiness, including the impact on unit cohesion, recruiting and retention, and other issues critical to the performance of the force.
"In my view, getting this category right is the most important thing we must do," the secretary said. "The U.S. armed forces are in the middle of two major military overseas campaigns – a complex and difficult drawdown in Iraq, a war in Afghanistan – both of which are putting extraordinary stress on those serving on the ground and their families. It is the well-being of these brave young Americans, those doing the fighting and the dying since 9/11, that has guided every decision I have made in the Pentagon since taking this post nearly four years ago. It will be no different on this issue.
"I am determined to see that if the law is repealed," he continued, "the changes are implemented in such a way as to minimize any negative impact on the morale, cohesion and effectiveness of combat units that are deployed, or about to deploy to the front lines."
Gates acknowledged concerns from troops in combat units raised in a survey on the potential impact changing the law, but added that he believes they can be overcome if a repeal is handled properly.
"In my view, the concerns of combat troops as expressed in the survey do not present an insurmountable barrier to successful repeal of 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell,'" the secretary said. "This can be done and should be done without posing a serious risk to military readiness. However, these findings do lead me to conclude that an abundance of care and preparation is required if we are to avoid a disruptive and potentially dangerous impact on the performance of those serving at the tip of the spear in America's wars."
The working group, co-chaired by Army Gen. Carter F. Ham, commander of U.S. Army Europe, and Defense Department General Counsel Jeh C. Johnson, took nearly 10 months to research and analyze data in drawing its conclusions. The mission was to determine how best to prepare for such a change should the Congress change the law.
Gates said he wanted the group to engage servicemembers and their families on the issue – not to give servicemembers a vote, but to get an idea how best to implement the changes.
"I believe that we had to learn the attitudes, obstacles and concerns that would need to be addressed should the law be changed," he said. "We could do this only by reaching out and listening to our men and women in uniform and their families.
The survey results found more than two-thirds of the force do not object to gays and lesbians serving openly in uniform, Gates said. "The findings suggest that for large segments of the military, repeal of 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell,' though potentially disruptive in the short term, would not be the wrenching, traumatic change that many have feared and predicted," the secretary said.
But the data also show that servicemembers in combat arms specialties – mostly in the Army and Marine Corps, but also in the special operations from the Navy and Air Force – have a higher level of discomfort and resistance to changing the current policy, Gates said.
"Those findings and the potential implications for America's fighting forces remain a source of concern to the service chiefs and to me," he said.
The working group also examined thoroughly all the potential changes to the department's regulations and policies dealing with matters such as benefits, housing, relationships within the ranks, separations and discharges. The report says that the majority of concerns often raised in association with the repeal – dealing with sexual conduct, fraternization, billeting arrangements, marital or survivor benefits – could be governed by existing laws and regulations.
"Existing policies can and should be applied equally to homosexuals as well as heterosexuals," Gates said. "While a repeal would require some changes to regulations, the key to success, as with most things military, is training, education, and, above all, strong and principled leadership up and down the chain of command."
The secretary called on the Senate to pass legislation the House of Representatives passed earlier this year, which calls for the president, defense secretary and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to certify that the military can handle repeal without a lessening of combat effectiveness before a repeal takes effect.
"What is needed is a process that allows for a well-prepared and well-considered implementation – above all, a process that carries the imprimatur of the elected representatives of the people of the United States," he said. "Given the present circumstances, those that choose not to act legislatively are rolling the dice that this policy will not be abruptly overturned by the courts."
The working group's plan, with a strong emphasis on education, training and leader development, provides a solid road map for a successful full implementation of repeal, assuming that the military is given sufficient time and preparation to get the job done right, the secretary said.
"The working group surveyed our troops and their spouses, consulted proponents and opponents of repeal and examined military experience around the world," Mullen said. "They also spoke with serving gays and lesbians."
The chairman called the working group's recommendations "solid, defensible conclusions."
Mullen said he was gratified that the working group focused their findings and recommendations "rightly on those who would be most affected by a change in the law: our people."
The chairman recommended repeal of the law during testimony before Congress in February, and he called for research into how best to do this. "For the first time, the [service] chiefs and I have more than just anecdotal evidence and hearsay to inform the advice we give our civilian leaders," he said today.


text:
Loews Miami Beach
Miami is one of the world's most exciting destinations. A tropical paradise co-existing with world-class dining, renowned nightlife, vibrant arts and all things cutting edge.
During my last visit I was lucky enough to stay at the extravagant, Loews Miami Beach Hotel, an attraction in itself!
The resort is perfectly located in the heart of South Beach, steps away from the blue-green waters and white-sand beaches of the Atlantic Ocean.
You are one block away from the Art Deco beauty of Ocean Drive and three blocks away to Lincoln Road Mall, known for its fantastic shopping, dining and nightlife.
After an efficient check-in process, including quick valet and bellhop service I headed to my superior king room.
The stylish, sleek room provided a private balcony with the most breathtaking ocean view imaginable.
Oh my God, the view.
I think I spent more time out on the balcony than inside the room itself!
How could I not? I know Miami has a thriving arts scene, but nothing could compare to the masterpiece of art before my eyes — The Atlantic Ocean.
My room had (an extremely comfortable) king bed plus a twin size sofa bed. There was a Keurig coffeemaker, iPod docking station and spacious work desk. Wi-Fi is free and the connection was fantastic during my stay.
I loved the marble bathroom, walk-in shower and soft lighting of the room.
There was a fully stocked mini-bar for your convenience (let me tell you, when that 2 AM snack craving hits, you will be very glad you had that pack of M&M's, regardless of the price! 😉 )
After "oohing and aahing" over the room and views, I toured the grounds of the hotel.
Loews Miami Beach Hotel has so many incredible amenities it was impossible to grasp everything during my short overnight stay.
Two components I did get to enjoy was their oversized deluxe pool and beach access (which is located steps from the pool area via the boardwalk).
You can arrange chairs, umbrellas and cabanas, but do so the night before or early that morning as they fill up quickly.
As for dining I enjoyed room service the first evening and breakfast at Preston's, the only oceanfront restaurant views in South Beach.
Both experiences were great. I was sad I didn't get a chance to dine at Lure Fishbar, the hotel's signature restaurant. Next time for sure!
- Loews Miami Beach Hotel has 790 guestrooms and suites.
Signature amenities include:
- 100% combed and ring-spun cotton terry towels and bath sheets
- Comfort Zone skin and body-care products
- Davines shampoo and conditioner
- The Ultimate Doeskin robe by Chadsworth & Haig
- Julien Farel professional hair dryer
- Flat-screen TV
- Frette duvets
- iHome docking stations
- 24-hour room service
- In-room safe
- Keurig coffeemaker with gourmet coffee
- Minibar
- Doorbells with "Do Not Disturb" buttons accessible from the inside of the room
- Free Wi-Fi
- Free Rides with FIAT
For more information on accommodations click HERE.
- Loews Miami Beach Hotel features seven restaurants and lounges, many of which provide a soothing Atlantic Ocean backdrop and food by acclaimed chefs.
Restaurants include:
- Lure Fishbar, the hotel's signature restaurant, voted "2014 Best Seafood Restaurant" by the Miami New Times.
- Preston's, open for breakfast, lunch and dinner, serving American and tropical flavors.
- SOBE Social, an Asian fusion eatery.
- Hemisphere Lounge, serving big-bite menu offerings, signature cocktails and craft beers.
- SOBE Scoops, an ice-cream and candy shop.
- Nautilus Bar & Grill, steps from the pool, serving food and beverages daily from 11 AM to dusk.
- SOBE Coffee Bar, serving Continental Breakfast, Starbucks coffee, latte, Tazo tea and juice daily from 6 AM – 12 PM.
- 24-Hour Room Service.
For more information on dining click HERE.
- Pool – The Loews Miami Beach Pool Concierge will provide you and your family with the ultimate luxury pool experience, offering you treats and services throughout the afternoon. Sit back, watch your kids in the pool play area, and enjoy chilled hand towels, Evian and suntan lotion misting, smoothies and frozen grape kabobs.
- Beach – The beach is just steps from the hotel's back door and is open year-round. Here, you can jump into a water-sports adventure or stretch out in a chaise lounge and bask in the sun—or under the shade of an umbrella.
- Water Sports – Loews Miami Beach Hotel partners with the award-winning Boucher Brothers Management to pamper our guests during their day on the beach, whether relaxing or getting active. Their wide variety of services and rental options include:
- Lounge chairs, cabanas and breach umbrellas
- Kayaking
- WaveRunner rentals
- WaveRunner Tours of South Florida's exotic locales (1, 2 or 4 hours)
- Banana Boat rides
- Parasailing
- Yachts, sailboats, speed boats and catamarans charter service
- Windsurfing
- Scuba diving, snorkeling and fishing
- Surfing lessons
For more information on services & amenities click HERE.
SOAK – Loews Miami Beach Hotel offers the ultimate, exclusive luxury experience that they call SOAK.
SOAK Cabanas & Daybeds features eight state-of-the-art poolside cabanas with rooftop sundecks, AC, plush furnishings, personal concierge service, and other VIP amenities.
Want to share the SOAK experience with friends? You'll be glad to know that all SOAK Cabanas have room to comfortably seat six people. Also available are oversized, comfy daybeds, perfect for sunning and relaxing in a tranquil, exclusive environment.
SOAK Cabanas:
All Cabanas feature: a full bathroom with shower, climate control, plush indoor and outdoor seating, safe deposit box, sundeck, soft seating, flat-screen TV, iHome iPod-docking station, an iPad, minibar and more. SOAK Cabanas will comfortably fit up to six people.
SOAK Cabana Experience includes:
- Personalized SOAK Butler Service
- An exclusive and designated area
- Fiji Water, Evian Mist
- Apple TV
- Safe
- Marble bathrooms with a glass shower
- DVD player
- Satellite TV
- iPad—with Netflix, online magazine subscriptions such as The Wall Street Journal, Business Week, The New York Times, etc.
- Climate Control
- Newspaper and magazine corner
- Complimentary Internet access
- Jacuzzi exclusive for the Cabana and daybed area
- Sundeck with ocean views
- Expanded food menu, wine list and bottle service
- Daily hourly amenities, such as; smoothies, fruit cart, hourly poolside pampering and more
- Four lounge chairs, umbrellas and soft seating on the rooftop sundeck
- Two beach chairs included with cabana rental
SOAK Daybeds
Daybeds are oversized plush lounge chairs that will comfortably fit two people for sitting/lounging. Umbrellas for shade are also included.
SOAK Daybed Experience includes:
- Personalized SOAK Butler Service
- Exclusive and designated area
- Jacuzzi exclusive for the cabana and daybed area
- Expanded food menu, wine list offerings and bottle service
- Daily amenities, such as smoothies, fruit cart, hourly poolside pampering and more
- Welcome amenity
For more information click HERE.
Well-being belongs at the beach. Which is why Loews Miami Beach Hotel is proud to partner with exhale on the brand's 23rd location.
Located in the resort's historic St. Moritz tower, exhale features 16 spa therapy rooms, large full-amenity changing rooms with a steam room and whirlpool, a mani-pedi lounge, Glam & Go express blow dry bar hair services and an expansive gym with a mind body studio, where guests can experience exhale's transformational Core Fusion and yoga classes.
Exhales' full menu of spa therapies allow guests to revive and restore with signature restorative massages, award-winning rejuvenating facials, nail care, waxing and eastern healing therapies.
Additionally, exhale South Beach's Well-being Boutique carries the best of the best in fitness and yoga apparel, face and body products, well-being goods and gift items. Both hotel guests and local Miami residents alike are welcome to enjoy exhale South Beach. Memberships to exhale's mind body studio classes are also available.
For more information click HERE.
MEETINGS & EVENTS: When it comes to hosting a business function or special event, the Loews Miami Beach Hotel—one of the prime spots on South Beach—knows what it takes to make it a success. In business, being at the right place at the right time can make all the difference.
Fortunately for you, you're in the right place. Their unbeatable location combined with our world-class amenities puts you one step ahead of the competition and ensures that your meeting will be an exceptional one. For more information click HERE.
WEDDINGS: You've been dreaming about this day for as long as you can remember. You want everything to be just right. From the floral arrangements to the breathtaking South Beach backdrop, Loews Miami Beach Hotel makes every wedding a memorable one. Their experienced planners, award-winning chefs and their exquisite menus, plus our exceptional ceremony venues ensure that every detail is tailored to your wishes.
For more information click HERE.
- Loews Miami Beach Hotel offers valet and self-parking. Valet parking is $40 overnight, $30 daytime and $20 for Preston's Restaurant.
- Car rental arrangements can be made via their dedicated Enterprise desk located in the main lobby. You can pick up and return your rental car at the hotel.
- The FedEx Business Center offers a full range of services and supplies.
- Guests are provided free Wi-Fi.
- There are seven dining and lounge options.
- Every room features an in-room safe. The front desk has additional safe deposit boxes available 24 hours.
- The Fitness Center at Loews Miami Beach Hotel offers state-of-the-art equipment. The cost is $10 for hotel guests and includes use of the Jacuzzi, lockers, shower and steam room.
- The hotel is both family and pet-friendly!
- Cab service is readily available in front of the hotel.
GAY & LESBIAN FACTOR: Miami has been one of the country's most gay friendly destinations for many years. With the passing of gay marriage in January 2015, the popularity is set to grow even more! South Beach, known to attract the gay jet set crowd, provides nonstop partying at some of the hottest bars and clubs in the world! It's international appeal attracts gay men and women from all over, especially during annual events such as The White Party. Loews Miami Beach Hotel is the perfect ground zero for your exploration of gay Miami!
The Loews Hotel brand, as a whole, is extremely gay friendly. I have been spotlighting their hotels on Gay Travel Information for years and have come to expect nothing less than a top-notch experience, as was the case with our stay at Loews Miami Beach Hotel. The luxurious accommodations, amenities and service will leave you planning a return trip before you even check out. I could also think of no better place to host your wedding and/or reception! The grounds are stunningly beautiful and the meeting / event space provides all you could need and more. This is a great company to work with! It is a given that I "OUT" Loews Miami Beach Hotel as LGBT friendly and worthy of our business!
It is always hard returning to reality after a vacation.
It doesn't matter if it was a quick overnight getaway or a multi-year trip around the world.
It is an adjustment.
I so didn't want to leave Loews Miami Beach Hotel.
I know I have said that many times before, but it was EXTRA hard this time.
Pulling myself away from the breathtaking view from our room, that soft, comfortable bed, the beautiful pool area and convenient beach access was like pulling myself out of quicksand. Next to impossible.
But alas, reality was calling.
My overnight stay was just a SAMPLE of all that Loews Miami Beach Hotel has to offer.
Like a bite of the most decadent dessert you've ever had. It leaves you wanting more.
The difference is you don't have to feel guilty about indulging in all that Loews Miami Beach Hotel has to offer! 😉
Gaze at these photos a bit longer and then GIVE IN to that craving.
Make the call. Book your stay.
Desiree Sousa
Owner / Editor-In-Chief
Gay Travel Information | We Are Gay Friendly | Out & About Travel


text: On Mon, Feb 06, 2006 at 01:37:46PM -0800, Greg Lindahl wrote: > On Sun, Feb 05, 2006 at 07:34:26AM +0300, Walid wrote: > > > I belive i have seen on this maling list*, and other internet fourms** some > > limitation of NIS, but i have failed to find a documented limiation from > > SUN, or from the various linux distrubutions, did any one try to research > > the scalability of NIS servers? > > The standard answer, if you only rarely push, is to make every client > a slave. The less violent solution is to simply run nscd (name service caching daemon) on all clients - that will take a lot of the load off of both your NIS and DNS servers :) -- / jakob


text:
An accident can be stressful and the process of filing a claim can be time consuming. This is where Lone Star Chevrolet Collision Center can take the headache out of the insurance process and deliver your car to it's original, pre-accident condition. We are professionals at making it easy on you.
Lone Star Chevrolet Collision Center knows insurance company policies so you don't have to. We work with all insurance companies. We can help process your insurance claims for you. Lone Star Chevrolet Collision Center will contact your insurance company and arrange for an appraiser to inspect your car. In many cases, we are a direct repair facility and do not have to wait on insurance approvals. We can also determine if your body repair work can be a legitimate insurance claim or an insurance liability as a result of an accident or collision. We can help navigate your insurance company's steps for claims including the necessary verbiage. We can even provide alternate transportation as well.
Lone Star Chevrolet Collision Center:
Insurance Repair in Houston, TX
In the unfortunate event of a severe hail storm, fallen tree branch, fender bender, or major collision, the Lone Star Chevrolet Collision Center is here to restore your car to its pre-accident condition and performance , or better. And, to help reduce our customer's direct out-of-pocket expenses, we work with all insurance companies from the time the accident occurred to the time your car is back on the road.
Auto Repair
Services Which May be Covered by
- Wheel repair (including alloy wheel repair)
- Auto glass repair
- Auto body repair/dent repair
- Broken mirror repair
- Paint damage repairs/color matching
- Unibody repair and frame straightening
- And
For complete details on Lone Star Chevrolet Collision Center's different insurance repair services, or to schedule an appointment call today.


text:
Just like the Russians today, China has its own separate plans. Yet, it is with One Clenched Fist by a Sino-Soviet alliance that will strike America after it is lulled into a false sense of security by consuming endless New Lies for Old after many decades. The tragedy in all of this is when America finally wakes up, it's too late. However, from time to time you do find pockets of information such as this by a writer who may 'get it'.
For more information on shashou jian, or "Assassin's Mace", here are some aged yet very relevant articles covering the threat from China:
China's 'shashou jiang' ignores Western 'rules' of geostrategy
Mass espionage by 'lovable' China and its 3,500 'front companies'
In 1995, Michael Pillsbury, an expert on China who has worked with every US president since Nixon and has, he writes, "arguably had more access to China's military and intelligence establishment than any other Westerner," was reading an article written by "three of China's preeminent military experts" about "new technologies that would contribute to the defeat of the United States."
It was in this article that Pillsbury first saw the term "Assassin's Mace," which refers to a weapon from Chinese folklore that guarantees a small combatant victory over a larger, more powerful opponent.
The article described goals including "electromagnetic combat superiority" that would allow for "naval victory," and "tactical laser weapons" that would "be used first in anti-missile defense systems." They also discussed jamming and destroying radar and various communications systems, and the use of computer viruses. Continue reading


text:
IPCW Bumper Lights
- Our Price: $21.49 - 118.99
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- Direct replacement Bumper Lights for your vehicle
- Attention-grabbing clear design looks great with stock lights or as part of a complete Euro/LED lighting look
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IPCW Bumper Lights are a functional, fashionable replacement for your faded, broken, or yellowing stock lights. Their durable clear lenses look awesome with your clear Euro/LED headlights and taillights, or as an accent to your stock lighting. Plus, they're completely street-legal, so you have no worries about getting in trouble for looking so good.
Your IPCW Bumper Lights are designed to fit the exact contours of your vehicle's bumper and act as a direct replacement of your stock bumper lights. This makes installation as simple as taking out your old lights, and hooking up and popping in your new ones. In minutes you'll have a great new lighting upgrade without having to do any drilling or modifications.
IPCW backs your Bumper Lights with a 6-month warranty.


text:
We're gonna clean up this doity town like a skwoit of Toilet Duck….
EAST LANSING, Mich. — Homicide moves through a city in a process similar to infectious disease, according to a new study that may give police a new tool in tracking and ultimately preventing murders.
Using Newark, N.J., as a pilot case, a team of Michigan State University researchers led by April Zeoli successfully applied public health tracking methods to the city's 2,366 homicides between 1982 and 2008. They found the killings were not randomly located but instead followed a pattern, evolving from the city's center and moving southward and westward over time.
Like a flu bug that spreads to susceptible groups such as children and the elderly, homicide clusters in Newark – often fueled by gangs and guns – spread to areas consisting largely of poor and minority residents. Over time, the concentration of homicides effectively disappeared from one area and settled in another.
"By using the principles of infectious disease control, we may be able to predict the spread of homicide and reduce the incidence of this crime," said Zeoli, public health researcher in MSU's School of Criminal Justice.
The study is one of the first to use analytic software from the field of medical geography to track long-term homicide trends. Zeoli said the method can be done in real time which would allow police to identify emerging hotspots.
The researchers also identified areas of Newark that had no homicide clusters during the 26-year time frame of the study, despite being surrounded by deadly violence.
"If we could discover why some of those communities are resistant," Zeoli said, "we could work on increasing the resistance of our communities that are more susceptible to homicide."
Source: Michigan State University
Photo: FreeDigitalPhotos.net
The aim of art is to represent not the outward appearance of things, but their inward significance. – Aristotle


text:
- Home
- Government
- Departments A - B
- Animal Services
- Animal Bites
Animal Bites
Section 22.07 (E) requires both animal owners and bite victims to contact Garland Animal Services in the event of an animal bite.
Bite victims should call Garland Animal Services immediately at 972-205-3570, option 1 and should provide a description of the animal and the location at which the bite occurred. An Animal Service Officer will contact the bite victim to gather pertinent information and to inform the victim of the rabies control measures which will be taken to ensure public safety, including quarantine of the animal involved in the bite.
The owner(s) of an animal involved in a bite are required to secure the animal until an Animal Service Officer can take possession of the animal for rabies quarantine. Animals involved in a bite are quarantined for a period of no less than ten days, after which they may be released to the owner. View the animal bite brochure (PDF) for more information.
Dangerous Animals
Garland Animal Services has the authority to place restrictions on, or order the removal of animals deemed dangerous. Citizens wishing to report potentially dangerous animals should contact Animal Services. An Animal Service Officer, the Animal Services Manager, and/or the City Veterinarian will evaluate the animal in question to determine if it exhibits dangerous behavior.
Quarantine Fees
|Fee Type
|Daily Handling Fee
|Daily Observation Fee
|Home Quarantine
|Impound Fee for unsterilized ($75 voucher) and $25 impound for sterilized
|Rabies Shipment


text:
Veterans Day 2012
Sunday, November 11 is Veterans Day. Monday is when the holiday will be observed with bank closings and no postal delivery.
Here is an excellent set of facts about veterans in America from the United States Census Bureau. The Census reports that there were 21.5 million veterans in the United States as of 2011. Click the link for a statistical profile of America's veterans.
Here is how the Census Bureau describes Veterans Day—
"Veterans Day originated as "Armistice Day" on Nov. 11, 1919, the first anniversary of the end of World War I. Congress passed a resolution in 1926 for an annual observance, and Nov. 11 became a national holiday beginning in 1938. President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed legislation in 1954 to change the name to Veterans Day as a way to honor those who served in all American wars. The day honors military veterans with parades and speeches across the nation. A national ceremony takes place at the Tomb of the Unknowns at Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia."
Here is the link to the Tomb of the Unknown Solider.
Above you see a picture of where a portion of my father's ashes are kept at the Rhode Island Veterans Memorial Cemetery in Exeter, Rhode Island. Tony was a combat veteran of the Korean War.
While regretfully I have not yet been able to visit this cemetery, there is apparently a nice walking trail that you can explore at the cemetery that is maintained in part by the University of Rhode Island. URI is where my father attended college.
Here is what my father wrote some years ago about war—
"One thing that I learned is that the young men who fought in our wars should never be forgotten…Another fact I learned…is that millions may serve but far fewer fight. So, in reality, for many who have served, war is a glory-and-gory myth that feeds on its own legends and publicity.…Another truth I learned is that civilians are combatants in war–embattled victims perpetually on a losing side….That brings us to the biggest deception: The need to be ready defend our freedom if we are to keep it. Those who say that freedom has a price are absolutely right, and wrong: International conflict today is beyond ideology. The only freedom American and Russian leaders offer their people today is the freedom to kill ourselves in the name of freedom. This is not freedom, but allegiance to a suicidal death culture….Today, we are servile to our masters, mistaking economic well-being for true freedom, which is the freedom to live hopefully and not to die needlessly."
A good thing we could do for our veterans is to respect them and treat them well while they are still with us.
Another good thing we could do is to stop uncritically venerating everything military—especially since so few are willing to serve in our all-volunteer forces and we are not at heart sincere as a nation in saying we respect those who serve—and work towards a culture of peace and true respect for human life.


text:
That video is from left-leaning CNN.
Here is Newsbusters with the transcript.
Tonight, Washington Post's Bob Woodward alleged that because he is sticking to his guns in insisting that sequestration was the brainchild of the Obama White House, that it was personally approved by Obama, and that bringing up tax increases now to try to resolve the current sequestration impasse is "moving the goalposts," he has been threatened by "a very senior person" in the White House. Woodward said so on CNN's Situation Room earlier today. What's even more troubling is that Woodward told two Politico reporters the same thing yesterday, and that they appear to have sat on the revelation until this evening when the CNN interview forced their hand. Relevant portions of the CNN transcript and Politico column follow the jump.
This is from a rush transcript at CNN. Woodward was interviewed by the network's Wolf Blitzer and Kate Bolduan (I checked the first portion of it against the video; there was no supporting video for the last line quoted below; bolds are mine throughout this post):
BOLDUAN: What do you make of the White House's response to your article?
WOODWARD: Well, I think they're confused. I think they've got this idea. I mean, they put out these long talking points and said, see, even Woodward's book reports that Speaker Boehner said, let's get $600 billion over ten years in revenue in the super committee. That's exactly right. That's not the sequester. And they've said – they have,as you know, I said, get somebody from the White House here, and we'll debate.
BLITZER: We invited the White House to send someone here, to debate this issue with you, and they declined.
WOODWARD: Why? Why? Because it's irrefutable; that's exactly what happened. I'm not saying this is a moving of the goalposts that was some criminal act or something like that, I'm just saying, that's –
… BLITZER: You're used to this kind of stuff, but share with our viewers what's going on between you and the White House.
WOODWARD: Well, they're not happy at all, and some people kind of, you know, said, look, we don't see eye to eye on this. They never really said, though – afterwards, they've said that this is factually wrong, and they – and it was said to me in an e-mail by a top –
BLITZER: What was said? Yes.
WOODWARD: It was said very clearly, you will regret doing this.
BLITZER: Who sent that e-mail to you?
WOODWARD: Well, I'm not going to say.
BLITZER: Was it a senior person at the White House?
WOODWARD: A very senior person. And just as a matter – I mean, it makes me very uncomfortable to have the White House telling reporters, you're going to regret doing something that you believe in. And even though we don't look at it that way, you do look at it that way. And I think if Barack Obama knew that was part of the communication's strategy – let's hope it's not a strategy, but it's a tactic that somebody's employed, and said, look, we don't go around trying to say to reporters, if you, in an honest way, present something we don't like, that, you know, you're going to regret this. And just – it's Mickey Mouse.
… BOLDUAN: That line clearly has touched a nerve with folks at the White House. There's no question about that.
Why would anyone think that the tactics of this socialist, big-government regime would be any different than other socialist, big-government regimes? They don't like criticism. They don't like questions. They don't like being held accountable.
You can find a list of some of the previous acts of thuggish intimidation against journalists here:
Hey, Bob, you can't say we didn't warn you. We knew this White House was capable of attacking even the great Bob Woodward for telling the truth.
You could have listened to Michael Barone. He saw it coming even before Barack Obama was elected. In October 2008, he penned "The Coming Obama Thugocracy."
I experienced it when DOJ press harpy Tracy Schmaler yelled at a half dozen reporters, as the White House official did to you, about my under-oath testimony involving the New Black Panther dismissal. Her victims included Pete Williams, Quin Hillyer, and Shayrl Attkisson. After Schmaler's thug tendencies were well known, she was nurtured and promoted within the Thugocracy instead of being canned as any administration before this one would have done to her — Republican or Democrat.
Schmaler has since been appointed a Made Man of sorts, entering the rarefied private sector air of David Axelrod's shop.
Schmaler's story is typical of this gang. Her shouting, threats, and rants at reporters would have rendered her unqualified to serve in the press shop of a state department of agriculture.
Leftists have always been like this – the sense of moral superiority, and the dismissal of critics as immoral. The thuggishness is natural because they believe that their plans can never fail because of their innate moral superiority. If their plans do fail, (e.g. – high minimum wage produces higher unemployment), it must be because some group of people is undermining them, and those people must be purged. It can never be that their plans are wrong and don't produce the results they want. They have good intentions, and how could that not produce good results? Leftists are the same everywhere.


text:
Candidate Hillary
Joshua Green talks about his experience profiling Hillary Clinton and shares his thoughts on her presidential prospects
Hillary Rodham Clinton's record of public service is long. Powerful lawyer, pioneering advocate of children's and women's rights, governor's wife, first lady, and now senator—boasting thirty years of deep experience, she has become a household name in all corners of the world. And these days, perhaps more than ever before, she is the topic of discussion inside Washington's beltway and beyond as Democrats and Republicans alike analyze and speculate: Will she run for president? Is she qualified to be president? Can she win?
In the November issue of The Atlantic, Joshua Green argues that Clinton's most recent professional stint as New York's junior senator provides the most suitable lens through which to assess her future political career. It is in the Senate, not the White House, that Clinton has laid the groundwork and formed the relationships that could best position her to run in 2008. Despite previous setbacks (most notably—though perhaps not most notoriously—her failed attempt at reforming the nation's healthcare system as First Lady), Clinton has managed to first resurrect and then bolster her reputation as a political leader. She has done so cautiously and systematically, befriending former enemies—Trent Lott, Sam Brownback, and Newt Gingrich, to name a few—along the way. She has also been at the forefront—if not the architect—of most centrist movements in the Senate, employing what analysts call "third-way triangulation" (a strategy her husband also used to reign over the political center). "As the atmosphere in Washington has deteriorated," Green writes, "Clinton has emerged within the Senate as the unlikeliest of figures: she, not George W. Bush, has turned out to be a uniter, not a divider."
An examination of Clinton's senate career showcases her strengths and liabilities, argues Green. While serving on Capitol Hill, Clinton has proved adept at building bridges across the aisle. But such compromise has come seemingly at the cost of other important qualities: the sincere idealism, which characterized so much of her earlier professional ambitions, appears all but gone. Have Clinton's efforts to become "small enough to succeed in the Senate" undermined her strengths as a passionate advocate and leader? Clinton, of course, is burdened with a number of disadvantages; it is difficult to determine which of them (her gender? her politics?) are most damning. Like all freshmen in the Senate, Clinton must participate in what Green describes as a fraternity pledge process—drinking games not excluded. ("She can really hold her liquor," John McCain relayed to Green with admiration.) She reveals no lingering resentment at her treatment during her husband's presidency, shows deference to her male counterparts in front of the press, and even apparently offers to pour their coffee. Clinton has also managed to successfully woo her female colleagues:
Republican women, who are supposed to despise Clinton by reflex, would first describe seething as they sat behind their boss at some hearing or other and watched Clinton charm whichever beacon of conservatism was her target. But many eventually went on to confess a grudging admiration for her…. 'She wore slacks to her swearing-in ceremony,' one such staffer marveled. 'I mean, you just don't do that in the Senate.'"
No less important to her Senate reputation, of course, are the small but significant gains Clinton has made for New York. She has created new medical clusters in Syracuse, new defense technology in the Central Corridor, and agricultural programs that link upstate supply with downstate demand. And when faced with decisions that test her political allegiances, she has proven her loyalty to New York above all else—an especially important statement in the face of a possible presidential bid. If Clinton does decide to run, this leadership, Green predicts, will be the theme of her campaign.
A senior editor at The Atlantic, Joshua Green is a former editor of The Washington Monthly. His articles have appeared in The New Yorker, The New York Times, Playboy, Slate, and elsewhere. We communicated by email on October 11th.
What led you to write this piece?
Really the desire to capture Hillary Clinton at a unique moment—her first Senate term is winding up, and most people believe she's on the verge of seeking the presidency in 2008, so I wanted to write about her before she disappears fully into "campaign mode." Also, I hadn't seen a satisfactory profile that delved deeply into her Senate career, which has been remarkable in many respects and is, I think, the best lens through which to view her as she begins a presidential campaign.
How did you get access to Clinton? Did scoring an interview with her really require, as you put it, "the Zen patience and preternatural psychological abilities of a hostage negotiator"? Can you elaborate?
Because Clinton is so famous and in such high demand (and also because she's extremely cautious and protective of her image), it's very difficult to get access to her. Philippe Reines, her press secretary, is undoubtedly the hardest working press secretary on the Hill, simply by virtue of all the media requests he has to respond to—or not respond to—in the course of a day. The Atlantic editors decided that we'd profile Clinton whether or not she cooperated, and once it became clear to them that this would be a substantial piece, I think they decided that they'd like to try and have a hand in how the story was told, and highlight Clinton's accomplishments in the Senate.
How did your perspective change throughout the reporting process?
My respect for Clinton's political skills intensified, especially as I heard testimony from two groups of people: Republicans who've worked with her, and women. Clinton is viewed with a jaundiced eye by many in the media and on Capitol Hill, but the Republicans she's cooperated with in the Senate she's truly won over. Likewise, women. The biggest surprise for me in reporting this piece was discovering what a chauvinistic institution the Senate still is, and what women have to endure and overcome to be taken seriously there. Until a few years ago, they were required to wear lipstick and skirts. The fact that Clinton could flourish despite this environment gives you a sense of her formidable political skills.
What assumptions did you have about Clinton before beginning?
That she'd be tough to persuade to cooperate.
Were you proven wrong?
I wasn't.
You mention in the piece that you spoke ("briefly, abortively") about Bill. Was she unwilling to talk about her husband in personal terms, or more generally speaking?
I asked specifically if, after six years as a senator, she would compare herself to her husband as a politician. It struck me as an eminently fair question, since she's now an elected official with a record of her own. She didn't agree.
She didn't agree that she compared or that your question was fair?
She didn't agree the question was fair. Or in any event, she refused to answer it.
What qualifies her to be president?
I don't think she has yet laid out a compelling case for that. It's a decision voters will have to make. She certainly has a unique background, having been first lady of both Arkansas and the United States, so she's been to the mountaintop. But her record as an elected official is limited to her single Senate term, so that will unquestionably be important.
History is rife with examples of failed presidential bids by senators. Will Clinton's reputation as senator hurt her or help her should she decide to run for president?
It's an interesting question, and one that applies to possible candidates beyond Clinton (such as Senator Barack Obama). One reason that being a senator has been a handicap in recent elections is that the lengthy voting record any senator amasses is easy to attack and distort, and the longer the record the more open it presumably is to attack. Certainly, if she runs, Clinton will be attacked for hers, both from the left (for her vote in favor of the Iraq War) and from the right (for her generally liberal record on most social issues). Whether her record hurts her, though, depends primarily on how she handles the inevitable attacks.
The Clintons' circle is wide, but how deep is it? Does Hillary have many real confidants? Were any of your sources particularly insightful or helpful to your reporting process?
The loyalty in Clinton's immediate circle is very deep, and it consists primarily of a group of women who have worked for her for many years and refer to themselves collectively as "Hillaryland." More broadly speaking, the answer isn't quite clear. As I wrote in my piece, much of the Washington Democratic establishment is extremely loyal to her husband, and for the time being that has carried over to her. It will be interesting to see, if she falters, just how deep that loyalty runs to her.
You write that Clinton's success in the Senate has come "at the cost of some of her most deeply held values," like her vision for nationalized healthcare. What other big ideas has she had to sweep under the rug?
She hasn't swept anything under the rug, so much as chosen to focus on many small-bore policies to the exclusion of bigger things like health care. My sense from talking to those around her is that they felt this was a necessary step to rehabilitate her political image. But it poses something of a dilemma for her too in that you can't very well run for president on a platform of risk avoidance and minor accomplishments.
Did you come across any Democrats or former supporters who have been disappointed or even angered by some of her attempts to be a centrist?
Yes. I think most Democrats cut her a certain amount of slack, knowing that she's operating in a Republican majority. But her decision to support a law outlawing flag burning and her vote in support of the Iraq War are two things that Democrats, and many Clinton supporters, are very angry about.
You note that a number of midlevel operatives—"the kind who could expect a good job in any Democratic administration"—told you they didn't believe Clinton could win a general election, particularly if she were up against someone like McCain. What were the reasons behind this doubt?
Really just skepticism that she could win a general election, for the same reason that other observers are skeptical: she is a polarizing figure outside the Senate, she has what traditionally are very high negative ratings, and she doesn't seem to have much to say on a lot of the big issues—particularly the Iraq War.
I loved your description of how Clinton considers and weighs each question pitched to her—imagining potential headlines in thought bubbles. Were you ever able to catch her off guard?
The most unanticipated moment for me was when I asked her what she has done in the Senate that is politically brave or risky, in the sense that it's not in her immediate personal interest. (One criticism I heard from Republicans and Democrats is that, for all her obvious talent, her record has been extremely cautious and avoided risk.) She seemed uncharacteristically shaky and, when pressed, seemed to let down her guard in a way you don't usually see. Her reply was, "Everything I do carries political risk because nobody gets the scrutiny that I get. It's not like I have any margin for error whatsoever. I don't. Everybody else does, and I don't. And that's fine. That's just who I am, and that's what I live with."
Do you think she actually lacks these big ideas, or is she just keeping her mouth shut in the spirit of "Be a workhorse, not a showhorse"? Is that what you mean by your last line—she has plenty to talk about but not much to say?
That's the million-dollar question about Hillary Clinton, and I think that how she answers it will determine whether or not she can be president. In the Senate, she has shown very little evidence of or capacity for thinking big—yet it's impossible to believe that she isn't aware of this and hasn't thought about how to address it. Her top advisers argue, as Mark Penn did to me for this article, that her small-bore approach in the Senate is a conscious strategy designed to show that she can "get things done," but that she hasn't lost the ability to "throw the long ball." Their message, in effect, is "stay tuned." And, of course, the entire political universe will be raptly doing just that.


text:
Psychotherapist Is Unable to Understand What Medical Insurance Is
Writing in today's New York Times opinion section, the psychotherapist and Atlantic contributor Lori Gottlieb offers a shocking first-person account of why the Affordable Care Act is in so much political trouble: It's because many Americans are too stupid and too selfish to understand how health insurance works, on the most fundamental level.
This is not what Gottlieb thinks she's written. She thinks she's written about how harsh and unfair Obamacare has turned out to be for ordinary insurance customers like her. As someone without employer-provided insurance, Gottlieb is facing "the cancellation of my individual P.P.O. policy and the $5,400 annual increase that I would have to pay for the Affordable Care Act-compliant option."
Gottlieb describes this as "a serious burden on my family's well-being," and she is taken aback that when she complained about it on Facebook, only one person gave it a "like." Many people—the "smug insured," she calls them, a la Bridget Jones—expressed a complete lack of sympathy for her plight.
Maybe the reason that Gottlieb's Facebook friends are not sympathetic toward her is that she is thoroughly unsympathetic. Under her new, intrusively excessive policy, she writes, "now if I have Stage 4 cancer or need a sex-change operation, I'd be covered regardless of pre-existing conditions."
Yes, that's right: the oppressive, thoughtless Obamacare rules require everyone to be covered even if they have such weirdo unlikely conditions as ... cancer? As if!
What Gottlieb is discovering, belatedly, is how much it costs to buy real health insurance rather than fake health insurance. Cancer—this should be needless to say, yet it evidently is not—is a definitive example of why health insurance exists. The disease can strike, without warning, at any stage of life. Nobody sets aside money in the household budget as savings in case they might get cancer.
One day, you are an apparently heathy individual with minimal healthcare expenses; the next, you need drugs and high-tech treatments that cost as much as a car or a house or a middle-class family's entire net worth. Or else you will die. (And you may not survive it despite all that.)
The same principle holds for most other expensive health problems. You do not know what will happen to you medically. You can make a guess, based on being young and healthy and safe, that nothing bad or expensive will come your way. Maybe you will even personally be right, but some fraction of the people with your demographic profile who think that way will turn out to be wrong.
In the long run, moreover, everyone will be wrong. In that sense, you do know what will happen to you: You will die. And unless you are planning to die quietly and alone, so that no one finds you till your body is cold, or to die a sudden death so gory and violent that nobody even bothers to rush your mangled remains to the trauma center, you are going to, at some point on your way toward death, receive intensive and costly medical care.
Why, the complainers ask, should the young and healthy be forced to pay for the health care of the old and sick? It might be the single dumbest argument about health insurance. This isn't even the usual greedy antisocial libertarian line of complaint—well, I don't have a kid, so why should my taxes pay for schools? There's no need to invoke social unity or the common good: Young, healthy people are not a separate population from the old and unhealthy. They are the very same people, only at a different stage of life.
And cancer treatment and gender-reassignment surgery aren't the only medical options that Gottlieb wants the freedom to decline. Another thing that's driving up the price of her new Obamacare-mandated policy, she writes, is maternity care. "(Handy for a 46-year-old)," she sniffs.
Age is only part of the reason Gottlieb isn't interested in paying for maternity coverage. The other part is that she has already had a baby. Until recently, she was enrolled in a plan that did provide maternity coverage, which allowed her to get other people—people who were paying higher premiums for the option of having a child, but who were not yet going through the expense of pregnancy and childbirth—to subsidize her own pregnancy and childbirth.
So once she'd collected the benefit, it was time to unload the costs onto the other suckers and get a new policy:
[I]t was in 2011 that I altered mine, dumping maternity benefits so that I didn't have to pay for everyone else's pregnancies. Little did I know I'd end up losing my insurance and paying for everyone else's pregnancies.
See ya! I had my kid. Catch you later, when I need someone to help pay for my menopause treatment.
Let's note that 2011 was after the Affordable Care Act was passed. Gottlieb bailed out of her old plan and into a cheaper, incomplete one at a time when those plans were already doomed. While we're focusing on self-reliance, why should anyone else feel responsible for her bad decision?
[Image by Jim Cooke]


text: The video below is the unofficial history of the National Parks of the United States. It's a lo-fi lesson in history with a bit of humor thrown in for good measure. Made by — Ryan Maxey: MaxeyFishAndSea.com there is a ton of historical footage, bad titles, 8 bit music, and one very important point. How much the arts had to do with the development, and survival of our National Park System.