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Postmedia parliamentary bureau chief Mark Kennedy asked the former prime minister to discuss six broad themes. Here is a verbatim transcript of Paul Martin's replies:
1. What are the challenges facing Canada on economic management and environmental protection?
Well, the main challenge is to link the two together in an inseparable embrace. If you take a look at what the OECD has projected really by earlier than mid-century as we continue along the same path: 50-per-cent increase in greenhouse gas emissions, a massive decline in biodiversity, double the number of people dying of air pollution, 40 per cent of the world's population living virtually in areas of drought, you can understand that when you compare what could happen — which would be an incredible crisis that would dwarf the current crisis that we're going through that we think is global. And so the only answer to that is in fact we do understand the degree to which the environment and the economy are not only inseparable, they really are one and the same.
So what should we do? Well, the first thing that we have to do is put a price on carbon. Because that's a real cost and it has to be involved in every aspect of public policy, certainly every decision a government or the private sector takes.
The second thing is that we cannot shirk on research and development as it applies to the environment. For instance, and there's no need to be partisan here, but when the government walked away from the (Experimental) Lakes Area study, 58 lakes in northern Ontario, which is a global experiment which had been going for 30 or 40 years, what they did is they walked away from an invaluable opportunity to understand what we are doing to fisheries, what we are doing to fresh water. You can't do that kind of thing. Basically, research into the fundamental questions of the environment are environmental questions, but they are also economic questions.
The third is to recognize the importance of natural capital and understanding the cost of depleting natural capital. So what is natural capital? It's wetlands. This is what purifies water. This is what enables you to protect yourself against floods. So when you build a housing development on top of wetlands which you have filled in, then there is a cost to that and that has to be costed out before you go ahead. Natural capital is nature's way of making the economy work. The even more direct example of that are fish stocks. The fact of the matter is when we depleted the east coast fishery a number of years ago, nobody took the cost into account of the depletion of the natural capital that was going there. Fishermen lost their jobs, communities had to close.
And one of the things that I did as prime minister, along with (then-minister of fisheries) Geoff Regan, I went around to all of the G20 countries with a couple of exceptions to basically say we have to start to protect the global commons in terms of fishery. And it was going to be on the agenda of the G20. Unfortunately the election then came along.
The second-last thing that I would raise is that much of government policy is essentially determined by what you can measure. Gross domestic product. Inflation. The rate of employment. If you can measure it, then public policy will deal with it and in fact if you can measure it then the population will get concerned about it. Because they'll see inflation going up, unemployment going up. Well, we've got to be able to measure in fact, the depletion of natural capital. And we've got to be able to measure the cost of pollution. That's why when I was the minister of finance I essentially brought in a policy of developing environmental indicators. So that at the same time we would measure the gross domestic product, we would be able to measure the effect of what we were doing on the environment — because that was every bit as important an economic indicator as was any of the others. Inflation or gross domestic product.
And the fact is I asked Statistics Canada. They have developed the whole thing. Unfortunately it is not being used at the present time, and I think that is a mistake not only environmentally, but it is in terms of the country's economy.
And then, fifth, and potentially one of the most important is what happened at the last G20 in Mexico when, in fact, the G20 countries embraced green growth. This is the first time that the Chinese and the Americans have been on the same side of any environmental issue or, in fact in many ways, any economic issue. And it's really very, very important.
Now, what is green growth? Green growth is the recognition that environmental protection is an economic opportunity. And thus, it is one of the most important things that we can do to further the environmental agenda. But it's also one of the most important things that we can do to in fact make sure Canada is at the forefront of the new economy. But what has to be done now is to put flesh and bones on the concept of green growth.
Let me close by giving you an example of what I mean. Take energy. We understand very clearly that energy, in terms of the new economy, begins with renewable energy. And I don't think I need to go into a lengthy explanation. People understand that. But let's look at the new economy in terms of the oilsands. Clearly, we benefit enormously from the bitumen, from the natural resource being brought up from the ground. It's now important that we begin to benefit from the process that enables us to do so. Because that's all technological and it's part of the new economy.
So let me simply give you two projects that will develop my thought. These two projects which are being worked on very heavily at the present time. One of them will give you an 80-per-cent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions. That is enormous. That brings the oilsands certainly into the same level, if not much better, than conventional resources. The second thing it does is it allows you to do it with absolutely no water. That, again, is enormous. And the only thing, my understanding, that needs to be done is the solvents that go in. How do you recuperate the solvents. But this will be a major step forward.
Now, if Canada can do this and develop this technology, we will have a technology we can sell around the world. And it's a technology that will obviously benefit the extraction of natural resources. But it's part of the new economy. It's how do you things environmentally? And we want to be the leader in this.
The second one is carbon capture and storage. Now, there's been a lot of talk about this for the last 25 years. The fact is that for the last 10 to 15 years we have been doing it in Saskatchewan and in Alberta. And we're still not there yet. We still have a ways to go, but we have made many substantial strides. And there's no doubt that if in the oil and gas industry we can prove it out, carbon capture and storage, then it will be a major step forward. But there are other advantages of it. Just think. The coal industry, which is the major supplier of fossil fuels to India and to China, who have built coal-fired generating stations, and for certainly all of this century are going to be burning coal — which you and I will suffer from in terms of the quality of our air.
Think if, in fact, the work on carbon capture and storage in the Alberta oilsands were able to be translated into basically carbon capture of coal. That would make a phenomenal difference to the quality of the air you breathe and it would be a huge advance in technology that Canada would be doing.
And in fact, the University of Alberta and a University in China are now working on a joint venture to do this together. So the point that I would make is: How do you bring environment and the economy together? You recognize they are one and the same and they have to work in lockstep.
And on this I will close. When you hear the benefits that are to be brought by locking them into this inseparable embrace, you just see what a terrible mistake it was the government made when they abolished the Round Table on the Environment and the Economy.
2. What is the state of the political system and how can public participation be enhanced?
Well, the state of the political system is not particularly good. I think that in Parliament, public issues are not adequately discussed. There has been a total abuse of omnibus budget bills where all kinds of things that don't belong in there are dealt with there in order to frustrate the possibility of people debating these issues properly. The absolutely unprecedented prorogation of Parliament a couple of years ago just because things got hot. The fact that cuts are announced late on a Friday night when Canadians are entitled to know what they are. All of this effort to frustrate Parliament in what is its proper role certainly does not speak well of the political system.
The second thing is cynicism. You know, when you and I were growing up — me a little bit earlier than you — there was a logical thing. People were cynical about politicians. But today we have a situation where government is cynical about the people. That's called wedge politics. And there is no doubt that wedge politics is destroying a lot of confidence in what the system is all about. It basically sets one segment of the population against another. And I think that that's causing a great deal of harm.
Now, your question then is how do you enhance the political system? Well, the first thing is that we need more than simply a pretence of accountability within the parliamentary system. That is why when I was in office I fought so hard for parliamentary reform. We have got to enhance the role of the individual member of Parliament. One of the reasons that people don't vote is that they vote for an individual. They vote for Sally Smith. And the fact is that if she doesn't have the requisite powers that a member of Parliament should have, then it's obviously going to discourage people from voting. So parliamentary reform, I think, is crucial.
The second one is to deal with really what is part and parcel of your second question, which is how do you deal with the decline in voting levels? The main problem is fundamentally young voters. They used to think that, in fact, people didn't vote when they were young and they would vote when they got a little older. But what the studies are showing is that they don't vote when they're young, and they're not voting when they are older. So what we're getting is a real generational shift.
Now, what are the answers? Well, a number of people have suggested a better approach. Social media as a way of getting to young voters. One of them that I certainly believe in is teach civics in school and certainly do a better job of teaching history. History is barely taught in our schools, and how are you going to know what you should do going ahead if you haven't got any idea where you have been?
But the most important reason, I think, for the declining voting levels among young people is the loss of faith in government's ability to act. Some people have said, you know, in the globalized world governments are constrained and sovereignty is being infringed on. But I don't believe it's that at all. I think what it is that, in fact, people see governments saying 'I don't have a role to play.' Health care — the federal government saying 'We can't do this.' Or governments withdrawing and essentially not taking activist action in many areas.
And so young people will get involved with organizations that will. So if the government says in terms of the environment that Canada's environmental policy is going to be decided by the United States, then young people who are interested in the environment are not going to get involved in the political process. What they are going to do is get involved in NGOs (non-governmental organizations), and NGOs that have an international as well as national pattern of operation.
Now, I've talked to a lot of young people about this, and what they tell me is: 'You know, you guys just don't challenge us. You have to challenge us. And if you challenge us, then we will get involved.'
I'm going to tell you something. I think they are right, and I'll give you two examples. In the lead-up to the 1995 budget, I had to go across the country talking about what we were going to have to do, and saying it wasn't going to be easy. I spoke in a lot of high schools, and I spoke in a lot of universities. And one of the reasons was I wanted to get through to the parents. And the best way to do it was to do it in the high schools and of course in the universities. When I first started to do it, a lot of people said, 'This is a waste of time. They're not going to follow all of this arcane economic material and everything else.' But they were wrong. I found that the students in the high schools and universities got tremendously interested. And the questions that I got — I figured I'd go in there for a half an hour. In most times, I was out of there in two hours. An hour-and-a-half of questions. My main message was, 'You'd better be interested, because this deficit, if it keeps going up, you're the ones that are going to pay the costs.'
And the other one, which I'm doing an enormous amount now on, is the whole aboriginal issue in Canada. The future of Canada's Inuit, the Metis and the First Nations. This is not an issue that is uppermost in most Canadians' minds, unfortunately. But I have found that when I go into a high school or a university and I talk about it — and if I'm invited to talk about one thing I always tack on about 15 minutes at the end to talk about this. And what you find is they get tremendously interested. They have a huge desire to get proactive and they come up to you after you have finished speaking and you can't get away. And they say, 'Look, what can we do about this? This is wrong. How can we help?' So I really do believe that getting involved, challenging younger people to start to deal with these issues will, in fact, bring them back to the political process.
The one example that I would give to you is that on the aboriginal issue, the initiative that I am involved in, my family's initiative, we are very actively involved with an organization called Free the Children which is the Kielberger brothers, which you will have heard. What we're doing is going into high schools across the country talking to them about aboriginal history, what we've got to do. And so I work with all of these young people who are involved with Free the Children, the NGO. Their interest is overwhelming. I can tell you that if there was any political party in this country that was able to capture the enthusiasm and the interest in public policy issues that these young people have, let me tell you it would simply change the whole political process in this country.
So the question is, yeah – I feel quite confident that we can be turned around. But it's not going to be turned around if we simply basically are cynical. It's not going to be turned around if Parliament doesn't mean anything. It's only going to be turned around if we take the young voter seriously. And if we do that I think we can enhance the political process.
3. What is the state of national unity and how can we foster Canadian cohesiveness?
Canada is united and we are united from coast to coast to coast. Cohesiveness, which is a different thing, is the result of Canadians working together to meet the inevitable stresses and strains which will occur when your country benefits from such a vast geography. Here again, in my opinion, we do very well.
Now, returning to the first part of your question, this assessment of Canada's unity has in fact just been confirmed by the recent election in Quebec. The vote, and the polls on unity, which got better and better the more the issue of unity was raised during the election campaign, demonstrate that the majority of Quebecers clearly support Canada. However, Madam Marois has indicated that she intends to use her time in office to try and provoke a backlash. Ottawa's response to this must be measured, but unequivocal. Canadians, wherever they live, want a government that matters.
On the other hand, the federal government must recognize that its failure to pursue a progressive environmental policy, or again its refusal to provide the province where the Ecole Polytechnique shooting took place with the gun registry data collected in Quebec made little sense before the election and will make no greater sense in the future.
And on this last point, it is simply beyond belief that a federal government desirous of protecting national unity would contemplate appealing the recent court decision, which upheld the importance of partnerships — in this case, on the gun registry a partnership between the federal and provincial governments. There are clearly pitfalls to be avoided here.
4. How well is the Canadian health-care system functioning and does it need significant reform?
The answer to your first question, how well is the health-care system performing, I think the answer is mixed. It's performing really quite well in terms of those areas, for instance, of wait times which were part of the 2004 (federal-provincial) accord. Cataracts, hip replacements. But we've got to take it much further. We've got to go into many other areas, and unfortunately the government is not doing that. But what that does demonstrate is that in an area where you target along with the provinces, substantial change can be made.
On the other hand, it is performing very badly in areas such as mental health, aboriginal health, or the determinants of good health care — which is decent housing, as an example, or the environment. That kind of thing. In those areas, we're really falling behind.
The next question is: Is significant reform needed? And the answer is unequivocally yes. The fact is it will always be required. It is going to be required because health care has to follow essentially the evolving nature of society. So if society is aging, health care is going to be different. The same if you have a very young population. And it's also going to change because of the constant introduction of new technologies. So I think those are the issues that you have to address, and you have to address them in the context of rising costs. Because that is, in many ways, the debate we are having right now.
Let me tell you, first of all, that the answer to rising costs is not to cut publicly funded health care. The answer is to focus on innovation, and it's to focus on initiatives like the Canadian Medical Association's Patient Care Initiative concept, which will enable you to constrain or contain the costs that we're talking about.
Let me give you some examples. The biggest cost are hospitals. I mean, the fact is that hospitals are absolutely necessary but they are very costly. Take the evolving Canadian society. Take the aging population in terms of hospitals. Well, the answer is, in fact, chronic-care facilities for people who are there because they are aging. And it's better home care. Because, in fact, these are much less expensive than what any hospital will be. And it also relieves the pressures that the hospital has to provide acute care.
So if your hospital costs are going up and they're going up because of any aging population or for any other reason, then take a look at chronic-care facilities. Take a look at homecare. Because it will do it a lot more inexpensively. It will provide much better care and much more comfortable care for the people who are involved. But it will also free the hospitals for what they can do best, which nobody else can do, which is acute care.
Now, the same reason applies to the need for community clinics. There are very good community clinics across the country. Some provinces do it much better than other provinces. There's an excellent community clinic 15 minutes from here. But what a community clinic does is it brings primary care to the patient. It helps prevent illness. It enables you to get in them in an atmosphere that is much different. It enables you to go back, much more than you can in a hospital. I mean, part of the problem with hospitals is the constant reoccurrence of the same people coming back and forth. They could be taken far better care of in the local community, where there are people who know them.
Again, in terms of cost drivers, as I mentioned, the development of newer technologies. The first thing to say is about newer technologies — this is not bad news. This is good news. These are technologies which relieve pain. These are technologies that allow people to live longer — increasingly important to me, having just had a birthday.
So let me give you an example of one of the major areas of new technologies, which is pharmacare. Pharmacare is expensive in the short term but it is much less expensive than any alternative in the longer term. And governments have got to have the courage of essentially going for the longer-term solution. Because in fact that's going to be not only less expensive but it's going to be far better.
And there are huge anomalies out there in the system. Just let me give you an example. If you don't belong to some kind of pharmacare program where you work and you've got to buy out of your pocket those kinds of medicines, the vast majority of people who are in that situation cannot afford those new drugs. So what does a doctor have to do? He has to put that person into a hospital because in the hospital, that's where they get the free drugs. And hospital care is far more expensive, than we've just seen, than chronic care or is homecare. So the fact is we really are cutting off our noses to spite our face.
Now, in the 2004 health accord we set up a committee of the federal government and the provinces to work on pharmacare. We knew that we were about to embark on a very expensive short-term solution but we knew it was the right solution and we had to do it. We set it up and nobody was under any illusions as to what we had to take on.
Again, I don't want to be partisan, but following the election, the federal government refused to meet. They just abandoned the whole concept. Well, that's just not leadership, and that's not what the system needs.
Three final points. Aboriginal health care. The worst health statistics in the country are with aboriginal Canadians. The rate of tuberculosis in Nunavut is 137 times the Canadian average. No matter what it is you are talking about. And the fact is that the Kelowna Accord (a Martin-era initiative of the federal and provincial governments, along with aboriginal groups, to help aboriginals) dealt with that. It dealt with it by putting the provinces, the territories, the aboriginal leadership and the federal government together.
And we have to adopt the Kelowna approach. I'm not saying — Don't go back to the Kelowna Accord. Call it something else. But for God's sake, you cannot turn your back on this population. These are our fellow citizens.
The second one is mental health. Again, let me simply give you one example. Seventy per cent of people with mental health problems, those problems began when they were under 20. One out of five people under the age of 20 with mental health problems gets care. Eighty per cent do not get care. Now, if I said to you that one out of five of 16 year olds with cancer wouldn't get care, you would be outraged. So would Canadians. But the fact of the fact of the matter is that we just turn our backs on mental illness among young people. And that is wrong.
The other issue we turn our back on is there are rising issues of mental health arising out of work. The acute pressures that people live under and there are all kids of fancy medical terms for it. But the problem is that we are simply turning our back on all of this.
They say, as an example, that almost 40 per cent of prison inmates have psychiatric problems. Some of them are homeless people who basically committed a crime to get food. There is a better answer than prison. The fact is that there are community homes — five to 10 people living in a home, where they can work, take their medicine. And these are the kinds of things that we can look at.
And the last issue that I would raise, and I made reference to it earlier, is the role of the federal government. The federal government has said that it has no role to play in health care. The Canadian Medical Association has said it does have a role a play. The provinces, the territories have said it does have a role to play. And the medical association and the provinces and the territories are right.
The federal government is the fifth-largest provider of health care in the country. The army. Veterans and veterans affairs. Aboriginal health. And it isn't doing a very good job. But are you going to tell me that the fifth-largest provider of health care in this country shouldn't be sitting down with the provinces — the largest or less larger providers of health care — to discuss what we should be doing about it? Are you saying that the federal government shouldn't be leading by example? Are you saying to me that it makes sense that the kind of cancer drug you take is determined by your postal code? This kind of thing makes absolutely no sense.
So in summary, Canada's health-care system is pretty good. But the evolution of society means that it must constantly evolve or it will fall back. And the federal government has a role to play in this. There is no in-between here. It is simply not sufficient for the federal government to be an onlooker. The federal government does have a major role to play in health care, and the CMA and the provinces and the territories are right.
5. How is Canada positioned as a player on the world stage, and is the country's relationship with the United States in good shape?
I don't believe that Canada is positioned well at all. And I think that the canary in the coal mine was certainly the vote at the UN Security Council, when it was absolutely unprecedented when Canada was, in fact, not voted on the Security Council. Now, there are many reasons for this. Not only did Canada walk away from China, but in fact, we are now playing desperate catch-up. But we spent five years before we turned that around. We walked away from Africa, where we have a long history. And not only that, but the government announced that it was walking away from Africa, and then said it was doing it to get involved with Latin America where we were already involved. And then, of course, the next thing it did was to impose visas on Mexicans wanting to come to Canada. So, you know, that hurt an enormous amount.
And then, on the climate-change debate where the world is pretty unanimous. They are not necessarily unanimous in terms of what has to be done, but they are that something has to be done. And Canada is regarded as a huge blockage. And what you hear about is it's just one more time when what we're doing is following the Americans. And so I think our position has been considerably weakened.
But I think that one can begin to focus even more closely going ahead – where if we don't change dramatically it's going to become even further weakened. Take a look at the G20. The G20 was a Canadian initiative, one that the current government opposed. But it came into being because of the financial crisis and it was called together. It is now the world's steering committee following a very successful meeting in Pittsburgh. Canada had the next meeting, and we were regarded as nothing more than a placeholder. And then we went into the Korean meeting, which was a very successful meeting in terms of financial safety nets. And then into Los Cabos in Mexico which was a very successful meeting in terms of green growth.
And then if you take a look at the role of the G20. The role of the G20 fundamentally has to be the strengthening of the great multilateral institutions. In this particular case, given the financial crisis, the International Monetary Fund. The ability of the International Monetary Fund to speak the truth to power. To basically stand up to the Europeans and say, 'This is what you have got to do.' To stand up to the United States and say 'This is what you've got to do.' The ability of the IMF to say to the Chinese, 'Look, currencies are important and we've got to work with them.' All of these things are going to be done by these kinds of institution.
Well the fact is the IMF, given the incredible rise of Asia, given the financial crisis, given what is going on in the United States. The IMF is going to play an ever-increasing role, and it has to be strengthened. And when the G20 said, 'We are going to get behind the IMF, we are going to provide the strengthening, every single G20 got behind it except for two. One, the United States which is in the middle of an election campaign, and Canada, once more following simply in the American path. And it makes no sense. And I can tell you that the rest of the world understands it.
Our economies are becoming more and more integrated. The protection that Canada is going to get from the kinds of things that happen — subprime, the failure of the European banks — is going to be if we have international institutions that can speak the truth to power. That can basically make globalization work. And for Canada to say that we're not going to get behind the strengthening of the IMF absolutely makes no sense whatsoever.
Now, to your second question: Our relationship with the United States. I think our relationship with the United States could always be better. But I don't think it's bad at all. I go back into my father's time (Paul Martin Sr., a prominent cabinet member under four different Liberal prime ministers). My dad and (Prime Minister Lester) Pearson had huge fights with the Americans on some issues, and then coming together on the Auto Pact. The fact is the United States is going to speak for its own interests regardless of who happens to be in closest neighbour and its closest friend. And that's the way that it has to be.
That being said, the U.S. administration is going to take a more globalized view of where its interests lie. Congress will always take a very narrow, narrow interest. And while it's possible for the Canadian government to sit down with the administration and work things out, it's much more difficult to work with Congress. Which is why when I was in office I made a very big issue of going down personally and speaking with Congress one-on-one. And I asked ministers. I asked provincial premiers to go down to speak with the states.
You have to come at the Americans from a number of different ways. You're not just going to deal with them dealing with the administration. And so I think there are things we can do. But here, interestingly enough, is where I think your two questions really merge. That is to say our position on the world scene and our relations with the United States.
For most of the last 20 years, the United States, following the fall of the Soviet Union, was the sole superpower in the world. Now we now know, given the rise of Asia, given the financial crisis, that the United States has to share power. Now, what does that mean? Well, it means that within the G20, within the IMF, within the discussions in the world, the United States is going to be looking for allies. They're going to be looking for people who can influence other people. They're going to be looking for countries that have a role to play internationally. Well, if you have walked away from Africa, if you have walked away from climate change, you're not going to have a great deal of influence in the rest of the world. And the United States are going to look at Canada and they are going to say, 'If the only thing that this country can do is simply say Aye, aye, sir to us, if they don't have a foreign policy where in fact they are recognized and respected around the world, then they're not going to be much of an ally.'
And then what's going to happen is we're going to be friends, but when we have a particular Canadian issue that we want to deal with the United States, there is going to be no great reason — unless it's in the American interest – for them to go along with us. Because, in fact, we're not going to be one of those countries that is punching above its weight. Which is what Canada has always done, up until quite recently. And if that is true with the United States, it's also going to be true with our relationship with China.
As China, as an example, which is obviously going to be a major superpower, is navigating its way around the world, it's going to be looking to those countries who are going to be influencing Korea, influencing Indonesia, working with Latin America, working with Africa. And if Canada, again, is simply regarded as a reasonably wealthy country that really has nothing much to say internationally. And on this issues which are Canada and China, we're not going to have a lot of weight in the world.
So the question really is in terms of our relationship with the United States, our relationship with other countries: If you are not a player on the world scene, then you're not a player. And that's going to affect you. I've got to say: Becoming as we are now, passive observers on the world scene, this is not the way Canadians see themselves. And it cannot be the way the rest of the world sees us.
I say this for a number of reasons. I believe Canada does have a role to play in making the world a better place. But I also think that we have a role, obviously, in making Canada a better place. And I think the two go hand in hand."
6. In your view, what is the single greatest challenge and single greatest opportunity facing Canada today, and as it heads toward its 150th anniversary?
Obviously, given the current financial crisis and debt in the United States and in Europe there are huge challenges. If you look at Canada in terms of health care, in terms of education, in terms of inequality which is a massive, massive issue which has to be addressed. Any one of those — people could pick and say that's my greatest challenge.
The biggest and greatest challenge, however, having said all of that, that I would put to you is to deal with the consequences that history has wrought on the First Nations, the Metis nation and the Inuit. Now, why? Well, one reason is if you are talking about health care, education and inequality, aboriginal Canada suffers the most tragic statistics in each of these areas.
You want to talk about health? The lowest life expectancy, highest child mortality. You want to talk about education? The highest number of people not graduating from grade eight. The highest number of people not graduating from high school. You want to talk about inequality, which I think is a huge issue? The fact is in this country, a substantial definition of the rising gap between the rich and the poor is one that takes place between aboriginal Canadians and other Canadians.
And so the other question is, why has this happened? You have to know why it happened if you're going to deal with the issue. And the reason, in my opinion, is we have never admitted to ourselves that we were, and still are, a colonial power. The mantra of the first settlers who came here was, 'Everything we believe is good because we've got bigger guns. And everything you believe is bad and you should stop believing the things that you believe.' That's what we said to the First Peoples.
When that failed, we then introduced the residential schools, where we took 10-year-old children away from their parents and we said that they were not allowed to speak their language or learn their culture. And they didn't learn how to become parents, and the affect was from generation to generation. And the last residential school only closed in 1993. Let's understand that the purpose of the residential school was not education. It was assimilation. And we continue that focus on assimilation. There is no other reason, no other excuse for the discrimination in funding. If you go to a school on a reserve and there is a public high school a mile away, the students going to that public high school get anywhere from 20 to 40 per cent more in funding than the student on that reserve.
What does that say? That says, 'Don't go to the school on the reserve. Go to the public school.' And guess what? You go to the public school and you're not going to get the same cultural teachings, you're not basically going to reaffirm your identity. It's that same argument.
So what should we do? We should learn from our mistakes. We should stop trying to make education a tool of assimilation. We should stop trying to impose our will upon a people who have fought through this for 300 years and who have top-notch educators, top-notch leaders. And all they really ask is to extend their hand in partnership. We should start learning from bands who have truly succeeded, despite the huge obstacles. And for heaven's sakes, we should stop underfunding aboriginal schools.
Now, what's our greatest opportunity? Well, it's clearly the flip side of our greatest challenge. What does that mean? Just stop the wastage of the youngest and fastest growing segment of our population. Forty-five per cent of all of the students going into grade one in Saskatchewan in 2016 will be aboriginal. The numbers aren't that far off in Manitoba. They're a little lower in Alberta, but not that far off. And this is going to be Canada looking ahead. Well, if you want to build a strong economy and to build a society, then, in fact, give that 45 per cent the same chances as the rest of the population.
If we did that, think of the message that we would take to the world. The fact is right around the world, indigenous people are badly treated by their countries. If we, in this country, essentially turned that on its head and made it an advantage for Canada — we were treating our indigenous people properly, that we were giving them the same kind of opportunities — the effect that this would have in the way the rest of the world looks at us would be absolutely enormous.
And then think of what it would mean to our economic growth. Thirty-four million people. My God, you know, put four of five cities together in China and you've got more than that just in those cities. We can't afford to waste a single talent in this country. The cost of, in fact, not educating, not providing good health care, is absolutely enormous to this growing population.
But the contribution they could make, not simply in the areas of our country where we've got resources, but in our big cities and right across the land. There is no reason why aboriginal Canadians cannot be not only among our great painters and our great musicians, but they can be great business leaders. They can be our great political leaders, they can be our doctors and our lawyers. What we've got to do as a country is give them that chance.


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Doctor of Philosophy
You're considered an International student if you are:
4 year(s) full-time
2021: AUD$ 32,600 per annum (per 1.0 EFTSL)
Doctorate by research
You must check the entry requirements for the type of research degree you wish to apply for and make sure you are eligible.Please note
1The only university in SA to have all its assessed Psychology and Cognitive Sciences research rated well-above world standard. 2018 Excellence in Research for Australia (ERA). 22018 Excellence in Research for Australia (ERA).
A research degree is an advanced program of study allowing you to investigate a topic relevant to your field. Under the supervision of world-class researchers, research degree students learn and apply advanced research methodologies to produce new knowledge and provide solutions to the world's challenges. Completing a research degree means becoming an expert in your field. It's your opportunity to take a topic that interests you, explore it in depth, tackle intellectual, creative and practical challenges, and communicate your findings.
You can study a Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Professional Doctorate, Doctor of Philosophy (by Portfolio of Publications) and Masters by Research.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) programs (up to four years full-time equivalent), provide training and education with the objective of producing graduates with the capacity to conduct research independently at a high level of originality and quality. By the end of the degree program, the PhD candidate will be capable of independently designing and executing original research that generates new knowledge.
A rigorous program of advanced study and research, designed specifically to meet the needs of industry, end-users and professional groups. Professional doctorates usually consist of a blend of coursework and research (three to four years full-time equivalent), encouraging close cooperation across university, industry and the profession and providing a framework for integrated professional expertise and scholarly inquiry.
Allows formal recognition of established researchers and/or scholars who do not already hold a PhD qualification, and who have produced research of international standing in their field with an ongoing record of academic publication (work).
Masters by research programs (two years full-time equivalent) aim to train candidates in analysing their thesis topic at an advanced level, applying research methodology and techniques to contribute new knowledge to their field, under appropriate supervision.
Please note, a master by coursework (such as an MBA) involves enrolling in selected courses and participating in lectures and tutorials (online or on campus). It is different to a masters by research.
UniSA research is inspired by the challenges and opportunities of today. In the 2018 Australian Research Council Excellence in Research for Australia (ERA) evaluation of Australian universities, all of our assessed research was rated at world class or above. We are vibrant, outward-facing and responsive. We partner with industry, government and communities to seek answers to questions that arise in the real world. Our research themes are:
Learn more about our research themes.
UniSA intends to deliver industry and end-user informed research that supports employer-relevant curriculum. To achieve this, and to produce entrepreneurial and business-aware graduates, we have developed the transformed PhD.
We have added a structured component to research degrees including enhanced skill development, supervisory panels and a technology-enabled oral defence of the thesis. Through these activities you will develop a set of professional, transferable skills relevant to our knowledge-based enterprise economy.
The aim of the transformed PhD is to increase your employment prospects in any career path. You will possess the knowledge, expertise and confidence to meet the emerging needs of academia, industry, government and the community.
Research students have the opportunity to complete exciting and innovative research topics that span areas such as:
Browse our selection of research projects and topics, or find out how you can develop your very own.
Our research is also facilitated by a range of different research groups, including:
To find a research area, you'll need to match your qualifications and interests to the research programs and degrees offered at the University of South Australia. Browse our research degrees. Once you've done that, you will need to find a supervisor. A supervisor is an academic staff member who will work with you throughout your research degree. In your online application we will ask you to provide the name of your proposed UniSA supervisor. Learn more and find a research supervisor.
A scholarship can allow you to focus on your research without needing to do paid work. Scholarships are offered for Australian and international students looking to undertake a research degree. There are also high achiever scholarships, vacation research scholarships and Vice Chancellor and President's scholarships.
We are also excited to offer thematically-based scholarships. These scholarships will not only address local, national and international grand challenges, they will also ensure students work across traditional boundaries in the University, with industry, and with community partners.
There are seven identified graduate qualities and outcomes that result from doing a research degree at UniSA. Importantly, these competencies are transferable to the workplace, whether academic or professional. In brief, a research degree graduate of the University of South Australia:
Read about our research degree graduate qualities in more detail.
What can you expect of UniSA and what do we expect of you? Please familiarise yourself with the requirements governing research degrees by reading about our academic regulations and good practice code.
UniSA provides a dynamic, multidisciplinary environment where you are encouraged to explore your own ideas under the supervision of some of Australia's leading researchers. Our focus is always on finding practical solutions and creating new knowledge.
We are also the No.1 university in South Australia for psychology research1. Our research is also rated above world-class in sociology, and world-class in law and social work2.
Our commitment to research with an industry focus is unprecedented. We are renowned for our concentration of global thought-leaders and academic experts in areas such as psychology, law, social work, human services, arts, and Aboriginal and Australian studies.
We offer a research environment with highly experienced and engaged supervisors, extensive connections to industry, government and communities, and a focus on addressing globally significant issues. We encourage you to connect with our researchers and find out the possibilities.
In the 2018 Excellence in Research for Australia (ERA) rankings, all of our assessed research was rated at or above world-class with particular strengths in psychology, law and social work. Read more about our strengths in research.
1The only university in SA to have all its assessed Psychology and Cognitive Sciences research rated well-above world standard. 2018 Excellence in Research for Australia (ERA). 22018 Excellence in Research for Australia (ERA).
As a research candidate at UniSA you will create new knowledge and become an expert in your field by exploring a research question that interests you.
A PhD will give you a competitive edge in the workplace. You may choose to pursue a career in academia, or in research with a research institution or university. Alternatively, you may choose to work in your chosen specialisation.
For students of Aboriginal Studies there are a range of employment options, including:
Advanced research experience may also be the gateway to the Australian Public Service or leading NGOs, where you will be qualified to work across a range of sectors.
A research degree graduate of the University of South Australia:
Before applying, you will need to do some investigation. Our step-by-step guide will take you through the process of preparing your application to maximise your chances of success.
Research degree applications are made through our Apply Online facility, a secure online service. Please check the research degrees calendar for all key dates.
Every year, over 2,500 UniSA students are supported in their studies through scholarships and grants worth millions of dollars. Check out the scholarships below. One of them may be perfect for you. Visit our scholarships page for more.
These scholarships will cover your tuition fees and your overseas health cover, and provide and a stipend (living allowance).
These scholarships address local, national and international grand challenges, and encourage collaboration with industry and community partners.
For information on applying to do postgraduate study by research, including Masters by Research, PhDs or Doctorates, please visit unisa.edu.au/Research/Degrees/
You are eligible for a range of scholarships and grants as a current research student.
For example, the prestigious Vice Chancellor and President's Scholarship,
Maurice de Rohan International Travel Scholarships or one of UniSA's International Travel Grants.
See Scholarships and Prizes for more information.


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Article content
SALVADOR, Brazil -- The 'Beautiful Game' is showing blemishes.
These aren't minor imperfections, either. They're scars, some of which can't be erased.
We're talking permanent markings that change lives and careers.
As much as this World Cup has been goals galore, this World Cup has continued to reiterate how imperfect -- some would say flawed -- this game we love actually is.
In a technologically advanced continent, it can be difficult to grasp.
The National Football League has taken steps to eliminate as many imperfections as it can. Major League Baseball is similar, as it now permits managers to challenge calls.
The National Basketball Association, while still far from perfect, allows officials to go back and look at some scoring plays depending on the situation.
Soccer, though, is handcuffed.
For a plethora of reasons, the 'Imperfect Game' can't necessarily emulate the aforementioned leagues.
But that hasn't stopped managers and players here in Brazil from tearing a strip off officials on a near-daily basis.
Friday night, it was Colombia's James Rodriguez following a 2-1 quarterfinal loss to Brazil.
"Unfortunately, the referee didn't help a lot," said Rodriguez, who said the referee let the match get too rough.
Then it was Luiz Felipe Scolari's turn. The Brazilian bench boss claimed the official allowed Neymar to be "hunted."
Mexico's Miguel Herrera blamed "the man with the whistle" for El Tri's second-round loss to the Dutch in a match that saw Arjen Robben earn a controversial penalty.
But Dutch bench boss Luis van Gaal turned around and blamed a referee earlier in the tournament for awarding Spain's Diego Costa a bogus spot kick.
In the age of replay, referees of the 'Imperfect Game' have become more important than the players. Their decisions produce little moments that can influence games more than anything else.
In terms of simulation, there are ways to reduce it. But until the risks outweigh the rewards, players will continue to go swimming inside the penalty area in an effort to win a game.
Think about it: The in-game punishment for simulation is a caution. Why wouldn't a striker like Robben or Costa risk a booking for a chance to convert from the spot?
As for punishing simulation post-game, I'm all for it. But FIFA, it seems, isn't.
Brazil's Fred produced the most egregious flop of the group stage and was applauded. Meanwhile, Robben admitted to media in a post-match conversation that he attempted to trick the referee into pointing to the spot.
These are actions that should be punished post-match if the 'Imperfect Game' is serious about any kind of purification.
But what about the calls that can't be reversed? How does soccer's governing body go about correcting a flawed refereeing system that sees assistants consistently blow offside calls?
Bosnia's Edin Dezko had a good goal called back against Nigeria that might have changed the entire complexion of that match.
Similarly, the Mexicans had two good goals called back due to phantom offside calls during the group phase.
Had American striker Chris Wondolowski scored with seconds remaining against Belgium last week, mass controversy would have ensued as the assistant inexplicably raised his flag.
Luckily for FIFA, Wondolowski missed a sitter.
So what do you do?
Review every goal involving a close offside call, you say?
OK, but what about the goals that are prevented well before a shot is taken due to a blown offside call up field?
Then there's the elephant in the room. Should goal-line technology and all other forms of replay only be used in major tournaments?
It's impossible for FIFA to roll out sweeping technology worldwide considering the wide gap in socio-economic status for its member nations.
As a result, offside will remain imperfect. There's no other way than to have a poor soul with a flag make his best guess while the rest of us sit back and watch a bazillion replays.
That said, FIFA isn't doing everything it can. A fifth and sixth referee behind each goal will go a long way in helping embattled referees decipher honesty from simulation.
They'd also help referees identify nefarious acts perpetrated away from the play.
Had FIFA dropped in a referee behind each goal, Suarez might have been sent off for biting Italy's Giorgio Chiellini as the referee on the day was looking the other way.
It's difficult to debate the imperfections in this game.
For example: Was Robben's game-winning penalty against Mexico simulation, a dive or a legitimate penalty?
If it's two of the three, is that a penalty? There was certainly simulation, but was there enough to earn a caution?
Should we have seen the first caution-penalty combination in the tournament's history?
While many other sports around the globe have used technology to purify results, technology can't fix the human error that's engrained in the 'Beautiful Game'.
It can help correct some of soccer's blemishes, but the game will always fall well short in terms of minimizing injustices.
Not necessarily because FIFA is stubborn, but because the 'Beautiful Game' is full of technologically-resistant moments that instant replay can't save.
-Brazil vs. Croatia: Japanese referee Yuichi Nishimura didn't referee another match after incorrectly awarding Brazil's Fred a game-winning penalty in the World Cup opener.
-Mexico vs. Cameroon: An assistant referee stole a potential opener from Mexico's Gio Dos Santos when he came from an onside position to beat Cameroon's 'keeper.
-Mexico vs. Cameroon: Mexico's Gio Dos Santos was robbed again by assistant referee Humberto Clavijo (Colombia) when off a corner, a Cameroon player flicked on to the Mexican. Still, the flag went up.
-Bosnia vs. Nigeria: With the game at 0-0 and Bosnia in a must-win situation, Edin Dzeko got in behind Nigeria's defence before scoring, only to be incorrectly ruled offside.
Spain vs. Netherlands: Diego Costa looked to have been taken down by Dutch defender Stefan de Vrij, but replays showed the Spaniard did well to sell it inside the area.
tap here to see other videos from our team.


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By using the Privileged Key Fob, you will be deemed to have accepted the current Terms & Conditions which will be available to view on the Caravan Owners Club website www.caravanownersclub.co.uk or viewable preceding this document.
The Privileged Key Fob is not transferable to any other party. All discounts or special offers provided by participating businesses are stated within the Caravan Owners Club "Privileged Deals" section of the Caravan Owners Club website: www.caravanownersclub.co.uk.
Caravan Owners Club has taken great care to ensure the accuracy of the special offers and discounts. However, it is the responsibility of the key fob holder to verify all information prior to patronising the establishment or making a purchase. Caravan Owners Club shall not be liable for any loss, damage, expense or inconvenience suffered due to the use of the Privileged Key Fob.
To obtain the available special offer or discount, the user must log in to the Caravan Owners Club website: www.caravanownersclub.co.uk indicating that they are a Privileged Member as directed at member sign up or member login. Alternatively membership can be purchased on the website following the online instructions provided.
Businesses and organisations reserve the right to cancel offers at any time without notification.
All special offers and discounts are subject to availability.
Discounts may not be combined with other offers or discounts that are being provided by participating businesses and organisations outside of the Caravan Owners Club.
Lost or stolen cards can be replaced by emailing: firstname.lastname@example.com. A fee (£5) will be charged upon the discretion of Caravan Owners Club. The Caravan Owners Club cannot assume any liability for correspondence, mail or e-mail that is lost, delayed, or misdirected either to us or to businesses or organisations.
There is an annual membership fee for the Privileged Key Fob which is currently £9.99. This fee is charged solely upon the discretion of Caravan Owners Club. If no fee has been paid then membership cannot be cancelled and will be automatically cancelled when the card expires. Any fee may be changed at any time upon the discretion of Caravan Owners Club. Any changes will only apply to new or renewed membership if a fee has been charged. Any fee charged upon the discretion of Caravan Owners Club is not refundable unless the membership is cancelled during the first thirty (30) days of the membership term (including any renewal term).
Membership can only be purchased directly from www.caravanownersclub.co.uk and no other outlets are available or have permission to sell membership.
The initial term of membership shall commence on the date the Privileged Key Fob is activated through the website's Privileged Membership card activation system. The initial term will be for a period of twelve months unless otherwise stated.
You have the right to cancel a paid membership at any time. If you cancel your paid membership, you will only be entitled to a refund of your membership fee if you cancel during the first thirty (30) days of your initial or renewal membership term. No refunds will be available after the thirty (30) day period.
We may terminate your membership, including any associated accounts, without notice, for any reason in our sole discretion, including without limitation our belief that continued use of such membership would violate any provisions of this document, applicable law, or otherwise be harmful to our interests. In the event of any such termination, you will be entitled to a pro-rata refund of your membership fee if any was paid.
We may terminate any or all of the benefits available under the "Scheme" at any time with or without notice. In the event of our termination of this "Scheme", at our discretion we will either maintain any membership benefits until expiration of the current membership term or refund each paid member a pro-rata portion of any paid membership fee for the remaining portion of their current membership term.
Any and all data collation will be under the guidance of the Data Protection Act 2004.
Use of the Privileged key fob is at your sole risk. The member benefits are provided on an "as is" and "as available" basis. Caravan Owners Club, and all its respective affiliates, Directors, officers and Agents (collectively "Suppliers") expressly disclaim all warranties of any kind, whether expressed or implied, including, but not limited to the implied warranties of merchantability, fitness for a particular purpose and non-infringement. The provider makes no warranty that (i) the Privilege Key Fob "Scheme" will meet your requirements, (ii) Privilege Key Fob Membership will be uninterrupted, timely, secure, or error free, or (iii) the quality of any products, services, information, or other material purchased or obtained by you from your use of the Privileged Key Fob will meet your expectations. The provider shall not be liable for any direct, indirect, incidental, special, consequential or exemplary damages, including but not limited to, damages for loss of profits, goodwill, use, data or other intangible losses (even if the provider has been advised of the possibility of such damages), resulting from: (i) the use or the inability to use the Privilege Key Fob or any benefits thereof; (ii) the cost of procurement of substitute goods and services resulting from any goods, data, information or services purchased or obtained or messages received or transactions entered via the use of the Privileged key Fob; (iii) unauthorised access to or alteration of your Privileged Key Fob data; (iv) any other matter relating to Privileged Key Fob Membership.
This document, and the respective rights and obligations of the parties hereunder, shall be governed by, and construed in accordance with, the laws of England. Any controversy or claim arising out of or relating to this Agreement (including any breach thereof) of the Privileged Key Fob "Scheme" shall be settled by arbitration administered by the English Courts of Law. Any controversy or claim shall be arbitrated on an individual basis and shall not be consolidated with any claim or controversy of any other party. The foregoing shall not preclude Caravan Owners Club from seeking any injunctive relief in English courts for protection of their respective intellectual property rights (including such rights of their respective licensors).
We may change the terms of this document at any time by posting a revised document on the Caravan Owners Club website: www.caravanownersclub.co.uk. We may also notify "Privileged Members" of such change in writing by e-mail if the user email address is available. Any change shall take effect immediately.


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Pelosi is seeking a classified briefing to discuss the cybersecurity risks of releasing some contractor documents.
The battle over releasing contractor documents that may reveal security weaknesses in HealthCare.gov, the Obama administration's online health insurance marketplace, reached the leadership level on Wednesday as House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi sent a letter to Speaker John Boehner requesting a classified briefing about the documents.
Pelosi wants the Republican chairs of several House committees to sit down with the administration's top cybersecurity officials to hear their case for why documents subpoenaed by House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Chairman Rep. Darrell Issa, R-Calif., should not be released.
Contractors submitted unredacted copies of the documents, including a mid-October security review, to Issa last week over the objection of officials at the Health and Human Services Department. They argued releasing the documents could give hackers a roadmap to interfere with HealthCare.gov's operations or to steal insurance seekers' personal information.
Issa has said he will not release any information that would endanger the site's security, but he feels compelled to give Americans' fair warning if their personal data such as social security numbers may be at risk.
He plans to meet with private sector security experts to determine which documents or sections of documents are safe to release, he has said, adding that he asked to meet with Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius this week to go over administration concerns about the documents "page by page."
Administration officials previously gave Issa and other committee members redacted documents from contractors MITRE Corporation and CSSI and allowed them to review unredacted copies of the documents but not keep them. Issa subpoenaed the unredacted documents despite objections from Democrats on the oversight committee.
Democrats have charged that Issa's main goal is tamping down enrollment in Obamacare, which reaches an important deadline on Monday, by raising security fears. People must purchase insurance by Monday to be covered on the first day of 2014.
"Our concern is not simply with Chairman Issa's blatant efforts to undermine the Affordable Care Act; it is the danger of a breach of security and trust across government," Pelosi said in her letter to Boehner.
Health and Human Services officials say HealthCare.gov has passed government standards for information security and that there have been no sucessful breaches of the site since it was launched.
HealthCare.gov performed disastrously upon launch but gradually improved in the following weeks as developers worked around the clock to fix it. Since a self-imposed Nov. 30 deadline, officials say the site has been operating well, with an error rate lower than 1 percent and low wait times.
NEXT STORY: Nearly Half of Feds Deemed Eligible to Telework


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New director, scholars join Society of Fellows
A new director and three new postdoctoral scholars have joined the Society of Fellows in the Liberal Arts this year.
The program, begun in 2000-01, is intended to attract some of the best recent Ph.D. recipients in the humanities, social sciences and natural sciences to the campus each year. It is made possible through the generosity of Trustee Emeritus Lloyd Cotsen.
The new director is Leonard Barkan , the Arthur Marks '19 Professor of Comparative Literature. He succeeds Alexander Nehamas. Barkan came to Princeton in 2001 from New York University, where he had been the Samuel Rudin University Professor of the Humanities and professor of English and fine arts since 1994.
Barkan's fields of interest are Renaissance literature and art history, as well as drama. A graduate of Swarthmore College, Barkan earned his master's degree from Harvard University and his doctoral degree from Yale University.
The new fellows were chosen from among 520 applicants for three-year terms. Based in the Joseph Henry House, the Cotsen Fellows teach half-time in their academic department or the Humanities Council and pursue their own research. They are:
Francisco Prado-Vilar , who recently received his Ph.D. in the history of art and architecture at Harvard University with a dissertation titled "In the Shadow of the Gothic Idol: The 'Cantigas de Santa Maria' and the Imagery of Love and Conversion." His research project will expand on his dissertation, developing an alternative model for understanding Gothic visual culture. He also will continue his research on Spanish painting.
Alexander Rehding , who received his Ph.D. in musicology in 1999 from the University of Cambridge. His dissertation on musical thought in Wilhelmine Germany, "Nature and Nationhood in Hugo Riemann's Dualistic Theory of Harmony," will be published by Cambridge University Press. While at Princeton, he will pursue a new research project on musical monumentality and the critical ambivalence it elicits by examining a number of 19th-century musical works and their contexts.
Hairong Yan , who just received her Ph.D. in anthropology from the University of Washington with a dissertation on "Development, Contradictions and the Specter of Disposability: Rural Migrant Women in Search of Self-Development in Post-Mao China." Her research project will expand on her dissertation by analyzing the notion of "suzhi," or quality, promoted by the post-socialist state as an agent for economic development and as a measure of human value.
The three new fellows join five from the inaugural year of the program and five from last year who are continuing their work at Princeton in 2002-03.
The full story is available in the Weekly Bulletin.
Contact: Marilyn Marks (609) 258-3601


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Networking Protocol Software for Embedded Processors
Click Here to Contact Us via Email.
Also, consider using our Contact Form
NicheStack IPSec and IKE are "bump in the stack" source code solutions for adding security to new or existing embedded systems. Fitting between the TCP and IP layers of an embedded protocol stack, these toolkits provide state-of-the-art secure communication, management and high performance VPN end-point capabilities to networked devices. With these toolkits the embedded device developer can quickly and easily address the three essential services of network security:
These embedded security toolkits are provided as "C" source code and are easily integrated with NicheStack™ or third-party TCP/IP implementations on a wide range of hardware and operating systems platforms. As with all InterNiche products, the implementations are specifically optimized for embedded devices with constrained resources.
InterNiche IPSec provides the bulk encryption and authentication functionality of VPNs in a modular form that provides high performance integration with the underlying IPv4 or IPv6 protocol stack. Its packet classification engine permits export of the classification tree as an XML document for validation or optimization of embedded security policies.
InterNiche IKE is a complete implementation of the Internet Key Exchange protocol that has been based on the KAME project's Racoon2 code-base. A significant number of improvements have been made to complete a commercial quality embedded implementation, including a messaging architecture used to communicate with IPSec, a shared database for security policies and a full configuration API.
IPSec and IKE performance is largely determined by the implementation of public key cryptography algorithms. InterNiche has architected a common CryptoEngine security subsystem for its products which offers a choice of optimized software implementations of required algorithms and easy integration with available HW encryption engines. Such HW engines provide significant performance improvements, especially on low power CPUs and are recommended for applications with high throughput requirements.
InterNiche is the specialist in royalty-free embedded TCP/IP protocols optimized for maximum performance and minimum memory footprint and are provided as source code. NicheStack IPv4 and IPv6 products are engineered for smooth integration and low run-time overhead to address the challenges faced by embedded system development teams in adding networking, security and management to low cost devices.
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and may contain out of date information


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Party on a Bus with Club Class Bus
Party on a Bus with Club Class
Join us on board the Club Class Bus for a night to remember! A silver or black double decker refitted for your comfort will transport you round the top party bars and clubs in town! With Qjump and complimentary entry at all venues, what are you waiting for?!
All Club Class Buses are silver or black vehicles with a superb sound system and party lighting! Also you will be joined on board by our Cabin Crew who are meticulously trained to ensure you have a fantastic night!
Club Class Bus is available for any party!! The Club Class team can facilitate any event, we can also arrange restaurant and accommodation bookings as well as extra entertainment on-board the party on a bus.
Party on a Bus with our City Bar Tours
Prom Night Limo Bus Service
This may be the only prom you go to, so make sure you and your friends arrive in style, we have this tour available in Edinburgh, Newcastle & London
Wedding Day Reception Transfers
Our Club Class Buses are an ideal solution for wedding planners trying to find a way to transfer guests from a ceremony to a reception in an exciting and innovative way. One bride said the experience was the highlight of her wedding! Throw out the tired old Limos or the cliche routemasters and opt for a smart silver or black double decker complete with Valentino red sofa style seating, climate control and sound systems. We even have ice coolers on board if you want to serve champagne on board. If you think this could be an exciting idea and you want to find out some more, please call Jane and ask for advice, information and likely costs so you can add it to the budget. Compared to a limo, we're a steal.
Concert or Event Shuttle Services
 If you have a company launch and you need a way to get journalists or influencers to the event, or you are taking customers and partners to a sports event or live concert, why not use the Club Class Bus to get them there and back safely while they sit back in our sofa seating and chat away. Traffic has never been such fun!
How do you want to party?!
Take a look at all the different options you have above. And, if you can think of something that's not listed - let us know! We're always on the lookout for more ways to help people party so would love to hear from you.


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Big Bark Theory: Barkus Goes to Comic Con 2019 PosterNext
Matt Rinard
Parade Packet Pickup
All parade packets will be picked up at the day of the parade. When entering Armstrong Park, head to will call to collect your wristbands and parade information. Parade packets and items included with packages will not be mailed.
We can ship all merchandise using UPS, FedEx and USPS.
When you place your order, we will ship the merchandise to the shipping address provided
Please note that merchandise may be shipped from different locations and may arrive at different times..


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2008 MINI Cooper S Coupe L4 1.6L Exhaust Parts & Accessories
Original Equipment (OE) suppliers are companies that provide vehicle makers with parts and products used in the original vehicle manufacturing process. ECS Tuning has access to these companies and products, making their parts available to our customers.
Performance exhaust systems increase flows to improve throttle response and add power. Designed to reduce backpressure, our large selection of performance exhaust parts and systems is commonly made from premium materials like stainless steel. Many are TIG welded and polished to make them as attractive as they are functional.
Hand crafting a one-of-a-kind exhaust for a custom application? Need to repair or alter an existing exhaust system? ECS Tuning stocks a large inventory of replacement pipes, exhaust accessories, and universal catalytic converters, available in many sizes to match your project.


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Bikeparkmap - Bike parki v Evropi
Thank you for adding a skatepark. Nowyou can upload more images and videos to the sktaepark.
Bike Park dodajanje
Please zoom and center the map at the location of the bikepark.
In the second step you can upload images and videos to the bikepark.


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As the leading converter and supplier of tamper evident heat-shrinkable preforms, seamed and seamless roll stock, cut flat bands and printed labels, The Dwyer Group is committed to keeping your production rolling and eliminating down time. Achieving this goal requires delivering the highest quality raw materials, maintaining unparalleled manufacturing and quality control standards and constant reinvestment in technology, equipment and facilities. As a result, The Dwyer Group is able to provide the highest quality products at the lowest prices due to our streamlined operations and extremely high efficiencies. Coupled with our immense, nationwide stocking program and manufacturing locations on both coasts (Anaheim, CA and Wilkes Barre, PA) The Dwyer Group is well positioned to service your account, whether it be one case or a national distribution program. Experience the The Dwyer Group difference where we provide the added value of peace of mind.
Many companies say they are "committed to customer service", but when asked, they can't tell you what customer service means. At The Dwyer Group, we know exactly what it means and put it into practice every day. Customer service means on-call consulting, paying special attention to order entry details, pulling orders accurately with an emphasis on inspection and quality control prior to leaving any of our facilities, packaging and preparing shipments to withstand the rigors of shipping, meeting deadlines, making deliveries on-time and on-demand, utilizing easy to read ordering / tracking / confirmation forms containing accurate and up to date information, all so we can say "Yes, your order will ship today," when you really need to hear it. Realizing the need for The Dwyer Group to supply its clients 100% of the time, especially when they get into a bind, James Dwyer, CEO and President of The Dwyer Group, decided years ago to make the investment and stock multiple locations with enough inventory to cover our clients' unexpected crunches. "We aim to put our customers' minds at ease and free up their valuable time to concentrate on more important issues." James views stocking several million dollars of preforms and other products, as a solemn duty to our loyal customers and an investment in their continued success. Compared to brokers or store-fronts who carry little or no stock, the difference is clear. It is The Dwyer Group's commitment to keep you up and running, and we know that is important to you. The bottom line, it is all about your bottom line.
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Neevia Tech is a leader in document conversion and management solutions.
Browse some of our customers and see the many types of organizations that utilize the power of Neevia Tech. Shouldn't your company implement our solutions as well?
Neevia PDFstamp is the right tool in case you need to programmatically stamp batches of PDF files with multiple watermaks.
It is fast and cost effective!
If you have any comments or suggestions about our web site, please feel free to email them to