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The loss of the space shuttle Columbia has sparked difficult questions about how and why the breakup happened — but there are also more general questions that don't relate directly to the investigation. Here are answers to some of the frequently asked questions about Columbia and the space program.
If NASA thought there might have been something wrong, couldn't the crew have flown Columbia to the international space station for a checkup?
NASA says Columbia didn't have the equipment to dock with the space station. In addition, Columbia was flying in an orbit that was about 100 miles (160 kilometers) lower than the station, with a different orbital inclination (39 degrees vs. 51 degrees for the space station). The shuttle was not carrying enough fuel to make what would have been a tortuous journey to the station.
Even for shuttle missions that are designed to include a space station stopover, the orbital mechanics are so precise that the launch window is limited to five minutes or less. For these reasons, it would have been virtually impossible for the shuttle to get to the space station.
Even if it were possible, it would be difficult to construct a scenario for an in-orbit repair operation or a rescue. If NASA knew there was a problem, Columbia could have stayed in orbit for an extra few days — perhaps long enough for the emergency launch of another shuttle, Atlantis. In a series of spacewalks, Columbia's crew members could have been transferred over to the other shuttle. The operation would have required NASA to throw out its rule book, involving extraordinary risks.
I heard that some insulating foam from the shuttle's external fuel tank may have hit the shuttle's left wing after launch. Why didn't they check for damage to the heat-shielding tiles?
During preparations for flight, an inch-thick layer of resin foam is sprayed onto the external fuel tank and hardened, in order to keep the liquid fuel cold and prevent ice buildup. The day after Columbia's launch, engineers reviewed videotapes of the shuttle's ascent and spotted what appeared to be a chunk of the foam, breaking off and hitting the shuttle.
An engineering analysis developed during the flight, based on similar incidents in the past, suggested that the foam could have damaged tiles on the left wing. Mission managers judged that such damage would not pose a serious risk.
A review of that judgment could become a key part of the investigation in the weeks ahead.
It's questionable whether the crew or anyone on the ground could have gotten a direct view of the tile damage. Since Columbia was not being used for spacewalks for this mission, the robot arm was not aboard the shuttle this time around. A camera mounted on the robot arm might have been beneficial for doing an inspection; a spacewalk would have been far riskier and less useful.
Two of the shuttle's astronauts, Michael Anderson and David Brown, had been trained to do an emergency spacewalk if necessary — and their EVA suits were aboard Columbia. But they had no equipment or safe procedure for inspecting the tiles beneath the wing for damage.
In the past, NASA has used military satellite imagery to look for damage to the shuttle's tiles, but shuttle program manager Ron Dittemore said the images "were not very useful to us."
Even if tile damage had been detected, Dittemore said, "we couldn't do anything about it." In the early years of the shuttle program, NASA had looked into developing a tile-patching kit that was basically a caulking gun. But the gunk undermined the performance of the tiles and never flew.
Could the flight have been aborted if NASA spotted the foam problem when it occurred?
The piece of foam came off the tank about 80 seconds after launch. If NASA mission managers had spotted the potential problem in real time and determined that it posed an unacceptable risk, they would have had several options for aborting Columbia's flight.
In the first two and a half minutes after launch, the shuttle would have returned to a Kennedy Space Center landing strip or a backup strip along North America's east coast. After that, the shuttle would have had another two and a half minutes to head for a landing at emergency runways in Spain, Morocco or Gambia. There are also emergency procedures for putting the shuttle into a lower-than-normal orbit.
It's important to remember, however, that NASA did not regard the foam break-off as a mission-ending emergency — even when it was spotted after the fact.
Isn't there an escape pod or an ejection-seat system on the shuttle?
No. For its first four test flights, Columbia had ejection seats for the two pilots, but those were removed once the testing phase was finished. The ejection seats could only be used at speeds of less than Mach 3 — much slower than the Mach 18 speeds at which Columbia was traveling when it broke up. Experts say no human could survive an ejection at the speed and altitude involved in Saturday's tragedy.
After the Challenger explosion, engineers discussed the possibility of retrofitting the shuttles with escape pods, but NASA decided that the option would not increase survivability of an accident and might even compromise the shuttles' structural integrity. In light of the Columbia breakup, the idea has sparked fresh debate.
NASA did install an emergency escape system that would enable the astronauts to parachute from the shuttle, but only during level flight at altitudes of 20,000 feet or less.
What was the shuttle Columbia doing during this mission? What happened to the experiments?
This was the first shuttle mission in three years devoted strictly to onboard science, with no spacewalks or space station visits involved. More than 80 experiments were conducted during the 16-day flight. Among the highlights:
Physicists studied how zero-gravity affected low-level combustion, an experiment that might have helped lead to leaner-burning automobile engines.
Astronauts collected scent molecules from a rose and an Asian rice flower in zero-gravity, in an experiment funded by the fragrance industry. Scientists found during a 1998 shuttle experiment that miniature roses gave off different scents in zero-G — and that those scents could be re-created synthetically on Earth to yield new fashion fragrances. The 1998 study resulted in a new perfume called "Zen" by Shiseido, as well as a body spray called "Impulse."
Instruments made observations of the sun from space, which could have helped scientists gain new insights into the sun's natural role in global climate change.
The crew observed atmospheric phenomena, including smoke and dust particles that could affect climate; and a type of electrical discharge that had never before been seen from space.
Arizona State University researchers sent up a project aimed at turning crew member urine and wastewater into clean water for drinking, cooking and bathing.
Shuttle crew members collected samples of their own blood, urine and saliva to detect possible bone loss, kidney stones, muscle loss or weakening of immune systems. Spiders, cancer cells, ants, carpenter bees, fish embryos, silkworms and rats were studied in space as well.
"I hope they can salvage something," said Hideaki Moriyama, a University of Nebraska biochemist who supplied vials of proteins to the flight in hopes of finding clues to diseases like HIV-AIDS, Huntington's and Alzheimer's.
"It took more than four years to prepare those experiments," Moriyama told The Associated Press.
Scientists will still be able to use the data that could be downloaded during the flight — but the samples that were being brought back to earth, including the fragrances, are likely lost forever.
What will happen to all the debris from the crash?
The fragments of hardware are being brought to investigators at Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana for identification — and eventually they will be taken to Kennedy Space Center for reassembly and analysis.
The remains of the crew are being turned over to a mortuary facility at Dover Air Force Base in Delaware for identification, primarily through DNA analysis, and then are being transferred to the next of kin.
In the wake of the investigation of the 1986 Challenger disaster, debris from that space shuttle was buried in an old missile silo at Cape Canaveral Air Force Station in Florida. Debris from Columbia would most likely be delivered to a similar fate.
How long will the shuttle fleet be grounded?
It's too early to tell. After the 1986 Challenger explosion, it was almost three years before the shuttles flew again. It will certainly take months for investigators to finish their task, and if the other shuttles have to be modified to address safety concerns, the moratorium would have to be significantly extended.
What about the crew currently on the space station?
NASA says the three men aboard the international space station could remain there without shuttle support until at least June, with resupply by Russian cargo ships. In the longer term, there are three scenarios: The investigation could be finished up in time for a resumption of shuttle flights to the station. The Russians could provide more spaceships for crew transfers, perhaps with U.S. financial aid. Or the crew could get in the Russian-built emergency capsule currently docked to the station and ride it back down to Earth, leaving the station temporarily uninhabited.
Wasn't NASA planning to mothball Columbia? Will they build another space shuttle to replace Columbia? What about the Enterprise?
In 2001, NASA considered putting Columbia in mothballs temporarily as a cost-saving measure. Nothing ever came of the idea, however, and Columbia was scheduled to take on a flight to the international space station this November as well as a Hubble Space Telescope servicing mission next year. On Sunday, Dittemore said any discussion about whether Columbia might have eventually been mothballed was now "academic."
When Challenger was lost, NASA had to draw upon spare parts in order to build Endeavour, its replacement. Those parts are now harder to come by, and it seems unlikely that NASA would build another space shuttle like the other three.
There is yet another shuttle in storage — Enterprise, which was so named after a letter-writing campaign by "Star Trek" fans. Enterprise, the first shuttle ever built, was used for aerodynamic testing and was never equipped for space flight. After the tests were completed, some of Enterprise's components were refurbished for use on other shuttles, and the shuttle was given to the Smithsonian Institution.
Enterprise will be put on display at the National Air and Space Museum's Udvar-Hazy Center, which is scheduled to open at Dulles International Airport in December.
The Columbia tragedy may accelerate the development of NASA's next-generation spaceship for human flight, a project known as the Orbital Space Plane. However, NASA hasn't even settled on the design for such a craft yet. It could take a decade of development, at a cost of tens of billions of dollars, to create a brand-new fleet.
What's NASA's total budget? How much does each space shuttle flight cost?
President Bush boosted the budget request for NASA from the current $15 billion to $15.47 billion for fiscal year 2004, and that budget is likely to be adjusted to address concerns about shuttle safety.
Based on past budgets for human space flight, each shuttle flight costs $450 million to $500 million. At the time that the shuttles were built, each one cost roughly $2 billion.
What do we get from space flight? How do we know it's worth the cost and the risk?
NASA and its supporters often highlight the medical and technological spin-offs that result from space experimentation.
"We're not up there in space just to joyride around," retired senator-astronaut John Glenn said on NBC's "Meet the Press" on Sunday. "We're up there to do things that are of value to everybody right here on Earth. It's not always just looking on out and planning to go to Mars."
For example, Glenn said, one of the studies on Columbia could have led to the development of techniques to prevent the transfer of cancer cells from the prostate gland to other tissues — which he said caused the death of his father.
"Maybe we can stop that," Glenn said.
Others say space exploration contributes to our scientific understanding of Earth, life and the universe — as seen through the eyes of space travelers, Earth-observing satellites, deep-space probes and the Hubble Space Telescope. Without the shuttle spacewalks, Hubble's vision would have been permanently clouded.
Still others point to planetary threats ranging from asteroid strikes to global warming to global terrorism, and say that finding a second home beyond Earth is a matter of species survival.
"There may be only a brief window of opportunity for space travel during which we will in principle have the capability to establish colonies," Princeton astrophysicist J. Richard Gott III wrote in the journal Nature a decade ago. "If we let that opportunity pass without taking advantage of it, we will be doomed to remain on the Earth, where we will eventually go extinct."
The Associated Press contributed to this report.


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Maldives the Republic of Maldives is also known as the Maldive Islands, is an island in the Indian Ocean that has 26 atolls. Is a sovereign island country and archipelago. It is located southwest of India and Sri Lanka in the Laccadive Sea.Maldives Islands, which is away from city life and close to the nature. Maldives is another tropical paradise that feels like a dream world. Maldives is a best Tourism Board for the travelers. There are Hundreds of lush islands, lined with the whitest sandy beaches, and surrounded by the clear bluest of water, the Maldives is a heaven of holiday sojourn.
Maldives The Zone Of Island:
1-Alila Villa Hadahaa:
The rumor is now officially confirmed: the Resort Alila Villas Hadahaa, located in the extreme south of Maldives, in North Huvadhoo Atoll is, since today, Park Hyatt Maldives !
Open in 2009 by Alila Villas Design Hotel Brand, Hadahaa was the successful combination of contemporary design (a signature feature across the Alila Hotels) and Maldivian architecture. Alila Villas Hadahaa had also won many awards during the first year of operation : in 2010
Today, Alila Villas leaves to her successors a beautiful island with an exquisite charm and a unique architecture among all Resorts of the archipelago. With Hadahaa, Park Hyatt opens its very first Resort in the Maldives.
2-Anantara Kihavah Villas, Maldives:
Enjoying a prime location in the Maldives' Baa Atoll island archipelago and on the doorstep of Hanifaru Bay, Anantara Kihavah Villas is the perfect place from which to explore the underwater world of the Indian Ocean. Set on Kihavah Huravalhi, one of the most pristine Maldivian islands, the resort is 30-minute seaplane flight from Male International Airport, an unforgettable experience in itself as the plane flies over a string of glowing coral islands amidst turquoise waters.
79 spacious private pool villas, ranging from 260 to 2,730 square meters, are either poised over the water with sweeping ocean views or nestled along a pristine stretch of private beach.
3-Kuramathi Island Resort:
Established on Rasdhoo Atoll Kuramathi stretches all along the palm grove right into the turquoise water. Guests can choose to stay at the garden, beach or water villas and relax on a white sandy beach, enjoy infinity pools and outdoor jacuzzi. There are various water activities, excursions to other islands and entertaining evening program.
4-Alimatha Island, Vaavu Atoll, Maldives:
Alimatha Aquatic Resort is located in Alimatha island in Vaavu Atoll. The island sits on the eastern edge of Maldives, 3°35'39.1″ North of the equator and 73°29'55.5″ East. The transfer to Alimatha takes 20 minutes by seaplane or about 90 minutes by speedboat from Ibrahim Nasir International airport.
Alimatha is the perfect Maldives resort to experience world class diving for both beginners and professionals. TGI Maldives Alimatha Diving Center has been operational since 2006.
5-Sun Island Resort and Spa:
Sun Island set in the magnificent island of Nalaguraidhoo, will capture your heart with its exotic tropical flowers and beautiful greenery in the gardens that takes you to the purest of stunning blue sapphire lagoons. Located 62 miles from the male' airport, Nalaguraidhoo is the most breathtaking and picturesque island in South Ari Atoll. Sun Island, has been noted for its beautiful setting.
Sun Island Resort is the biggest resort/island hotel in Maldives and offers you all the modern comforts, conveniences and facilities that you can ever think of. It is a mature island with dense tropical vegetation and tall coconut palms, numerals enough that you could loose your self amongst them. With wide beaches of fine white sands all around the island, there is no difficulty in finding your own private little cove for the day.
6-Dusit Thani:
Situated on Mudhdhoo Island in Baa Atoll, the resort was inspired by Thai style and philosophy. Luxurious private villas, tennis courts, SPA centers and even boutiques can be found here. The resort is surrounded with the richest marine life in Maldives. Therefore it is the best place to go diving and snorkeling.
7-Six Senses Laamu:
The only resort in the Laamu Atoll, which is only 150 km from the equator, Six Senses is environmentally responsible and contemporary. Its rustic luxury villas blend so well with the nature and do not disturb atoll's vibes. Villas have glass see-through tables, that reconnect with the Ocean.
8-Banana Reef, North Male Atoll, Maldives:
his banana shaper reef belongs to the marine protected areas of north male and has excellent coral reef with very abundant fish life. It lies inside Kuda Kalhi and was one of the very first dive sites of maldives. Close to Club Med resort there are always divers here. Big rocks get to amazing coral formations where sharks, barracuda, traveally and black snapper. On the east side there are alwasy big schools of bannerfish. There are also some caves where groupers and seafans can be found. The last one, at 20m there is a small concave wall where a washing machine is formed with strong currents. Grey reef sharks can be seen there. If you get caught by the washing machine don't try to fight it, and ride it staying close to the reef until you can get out.
9-National Museum:
Located at Male, the number seven spot is the National Musuem of Maldives. The building houses a lot of different kinds of historical artifacts that reflect the history of the country. The original museum was the old 3-story museum that is the only remaining part of the Maldivian Royal Palace. The new museum is built and designed by the Chinese Government, and is where eventually the artifacts from the old museum would move to. It was declared as the official National Museum on July 26, 2010. If you want to know more about Maldivian artifacts and the rich story behind each, this is the perfect place to go.
10-Hukuru Miskiiy Mosque, Kaafu Atoll, Maldives:
Hukuru Miskiy or Old Friday Mosque is an ancient decorated mosque located in the city of Malé, Kaafu Atoll, Maldives. The mosque was originally constructed in 1658 under the reign of Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar I over two-year time. It's a beautiful structure made from coral stone into which intricate decoration and Quranic script have been chiseled. The mosque was built on the foundations of an old temple that faced west towards the setting sun, not northwest towards Mecca. Consequently, the worshippers have to face the corner of the mosque when they pray – the striped carpet, laid at an angle, shows the correct direction.
Collected And Prepared By Nayab Khan

subset: commoncrawl


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Thursday, 5/7/2020 9:30 AM - 11:30 AM
OFJCC Leslie Family Preschool (Bldg C)
Our engaging Yad B' Yad parent participation program is a cornerstone for new and returning families. Developed and led by Yad B' Yad Program Director Shuly Paret, this class provides a safe, warm, loving and welcoming environment—a second home for children and parents/caregivers.
Yad B' Yad integrates age-appropriate early childhood concepts including constructivist/Reggio Emilia-inspired practices, play-based learning and an appreciation for nature with the use of natural, open-ended materials. With their parent or caregiver by their side, children learn to play both cooperatively and independently.
All activities encourage positive interactions between parents and children and stimulating discussions between adults. Each day brings a balance of structured and unstructured fun and learning. The program is designed to encourage friendships and build community rooted in Jewish values.
Activities include:
When your child turns 18 months old, you may choose to keep them in Yad B' Yad or have them join us in our Toddler Program for children 18–23 months (if space is available).
Ages 12−23 months & their parent/caregiver
Tuesdays and Thursdays, April 21–June 11 | 16 classes
OFJCC Leslie Family Preschool
For more information and to register, please contact Shuly Paret at (650) 223-8788 or [email protected]
Oshman Family JCC
Taube Koret Campus for Jewish Life
3921 Fabian Way
Palo Alto, CA 94303
Detailed Contact Info →


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The Serajevo assassinations and the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia. Efforts to avert war. Italy declares her neutrality. We enter the war. News of Goeben and Breslau. Death of Pins X and election of Benedict XV. Propaganda at Conclave. British representation at Holy See. Counter-propaganda. M. Destrée. The anti-war groups in Italy. The interventionists. Salandra and San Giuliano. Importance of Italy's neutrality. Embassy Staff. Sir C. Capel-Cure. Death of San Giuliano. Turkey enters the war.
Having no illusions regarding the ultimate aims of the central empires, I ought not to have been surprised by any sudden move on the political chess-board which a favourable opening might inspire. And yet the spring of 1914 advanced into summer with no graver preoccupations for us in Italy than those of watching the complications on the eastern side of the Adriatic, the troubles at Durazzo, which threatened a renewal of intervention in Albania, and the growing friction between Greece and Turkey. The elder statesmen in Italy, I gathered, like myself, regretted that San Giuliano had contested Serbian access to the sea, which would at that time have offered a barrier to a further Austrian advance, and many thought that he had also been rather intransigent in his opposition to Greek claims in Epirus. His policy had meant making enemies in Serbia and Greece, and had occasioned some impatience in France and Russia, while in Great Britain the veto to a Serbian port had not been well received.
After spending four successive summers in Italy, I had asked for leave in August, and we had taken a place in Scotland, where the boys were to have their first experience of moor and stream. My wife was leaving for England at the end of June, and I had accompanied her to say good-bye to our old friend Princess George Radziwil. While we were sitting with her and the Russian Ambassador in the villa garden, the telegraph sheet arrived, announcing the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife at Serajevo. The news was like a thunder-clap in a clear sky.
It was, and has remained, difficult to account for this determined and cold-blooded murder. For Serbia there seemed to be nothing to gain by a deliberate provocation of the Empire which had been seeking an excuse for coercing her. Only a distorted process of reasoning which sought to prove that ordered government was impossible under actual conditions in Bosnia could account for her complicity or tolerance. It was no less difficult to understand the neglect of the Austrian authorities to take elementary precautions to protect the heir apparent during a visit of inspection in regions of doubtful security. In any case, after the experience of recent years the danger was obvious that this deplorable outrage might furnish the war-party at Vienna with the pretext for attacking Serbia for which they had long been waiting.
The instructive memoirs of Marshal Conrad von Hoetzendorff have revealed that the report of Herr von Wiesner, the official sent to Serajevo to investigate the crime, was negative. He telegraphed on the 13th of July: "Nothing proves, or even suggests, that the Serb Government had a hand in organizing or preparing the murder, or that it supplied the arms." Nevertheless, as the month advanced it became known that the Austro-Hungarian Government would address a vigorous communication to Belgrade asserting that the plot to assassinate the Archduke had been organized there, and claiming guarantees for the repression of Pan-Serb agitation. Italy, although a party to the Triple Alliance, was not shown the terms of the ultimatum before it was dispatched. But enough must have been said to San Giuliano, who had consistently counselled moderation, or to the Italian Ambassador in Vienna, to enable the former to estimate its general character since, already on the 21st of July, at a dinner given by the Persian Minister in honour of the Shah's coronation, he confided to me his anticipation that the note would prove to be inacceptable. On the 23rd the Counsellor of the Austro-Hungarian Embassy informed him that an ultimatum had been dispatched to Belgrade. The text itself, sedulously concealed from the Italian ally until it was communicated to the other Powers, only reached him on the 24th. When we learned the real nature of what were probably the most humiliating demands ever addressed to an independent European state, with a delay of only forty-eight hours in which to signify unconditional acceptance, his comment was that it could only be regarded as a deliberate provocation to war or else as le triomphe de l'imbécilité.. Italy, who had in 1913 firmly refused to be drawn into an attack on Serbia, had now to consider what her own position would be in virtue of Article VII of the Triple Alliance Treaty which entitled her to compensation if her allies should modify, either permanently or temporarily, the status quo in the Balkans.
San Giuliano, whose constitutional gout had assumed a more menacing form, had returned to the baths at Fiuggi, some seventy miles south of Rome, to continue his treatment, and I did not see him again for some days. It was not till long afterwards that I learned that on the 25th he and Salandra had a long conversation at Fiuggi with the German Ambassador, in which the two ministers pointed out that the step taken by Austria without previous agreement with her allies was contrary to the spirit of the Triple Alliance. The note, they contended, which was profoundly offensive to Serbia, and vicariously so to Russia, clearly indicated the intention to provoke war, and if this action led to war with Russia Italy would be under no obligation to come to the assistance of Austria. Should a European war ensue it would clearly be a consequence of Austrian aggression. The Italian Ambassador at Vienna was instructed to hold similar language, and a few days later Berlin and Vienna were informed that if there were any modification of the Balkan situation and Italy did not receive adequate compensation, the Triple Alliance would be at an end. [These communications were textually quoted in the speech which Signor Salandra delivered on the Capitol at Rome on the 2nd of June, 1915.] Nevertheless, the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at Rome, Baron Macchio, who had replaced the pugnacious Merey, informed San Giuliano on the 30th of July that his Government could give no definite undertaking not to make annexations at the expense of Serbia because it was not possible to foresee whether in the course of the war they might not be compelled, in spite of their own wishes, to retain Serbian territory. It is evident therefore that Austria-Hungary and Germany had from the first ample warning of what the attitude of Italy would be. The anxiety which was felt on this account is revealed by a question addressed to the Government at Rome as to whether the institution of an Italian university at Vienna would create a favourable impression in the country. It was answered in the negative.
There could now be no doubt that the war party in Vienna had found or made their opportunity, and that they knew that their action would not be stayed by Berlin, whatever its consequences might be. With Ireland apparently on the brink of civil war and Great Britain simultaneously threatened with immobility by paralysing strikes, risk of intervention on our part might well seem eliminated. Recent disclosures in the French Senate had betrayed serious deficiencies in certain branches of the military organization. There was menace of a revolutionary outbreak in Russia. At the Club where I was dining on the evening after the publication of the ultimatum, one of the Secretaries of the German Embassy expressed to me the conviction, for which he had evidently good grounds, that if, as he anticipated, the great continental Powers were drawn into the coming struggle, Italy would find some pretext for standing out. This would, he trusted, be counterbalanced by our also remaining uninvolved in the conflict. From that moment I had no doubt that Germany was about to seize the occasion offered by our internal difficulties to strike the death-blow at France.
Believing now that war of incalculable extension was imminent, I found myself faced with a perplexing problem. Our younger children were at Hamburg, attending classes, and my wife was in England. I was anxious to withdraw the children at once, but could neither telegraph my real reason to my wife nor instruct the lady in whose charge they were to send them home. The post to England was slow, and events involving restriction of communications might occur at any moment.
I could only telegraph in general terms to my wife a suggestion that the date for holidays had arrived, and supplement the message with a letter which would at best only reach her in three days. Fortunately, she had an intuition that my telegram might mean more than it said, and acted upon it. In Germany, where the coming crisis was evidently anticipated, communications at once became difficult. The children were, however, able to leave Hamburg by almost the last overcrowded train that ran through to Flushing, with repeated delays for the examination of suspicious persons, and they arrived in England just before war was declared. Until I heard of their safe arrival I was naturally in a state of considerable anxiety.
At seven in the evening of the 26th of July, I received instructions to inquire whether Italy would take part in a Conference at London with ourselves, France and Germany with a view to finding some issue from the perilous situation. With the assistance of the permanent Under-Secretary at the Foreign Department, I got into telephonic communication with San Giuliano at Fiuggi, and was able within two hours to telegraph the acceptance of the Italian Government. So began that hectic week of desperate effort to close the flood-gates against the tide. The texts of the most important messages sent and received during the few days in which it might yet have been possible to propitiate the hand of destiny have been published long ago. Two points which impressed me as the horizon darkened are recorded in my diary. From first to last Austria revealed herself as intractable, and Germany, while ostensibly ready and even desirous to concert with the other Powers, always found some plausible reason for not adopting the procedure suggested. The impression thus recorded is justified by the post-war revelations of Marshal Conrad, which make it clear that the military chiefs in Vienna and Berlin were determined to thwart any solution but that of war. If those who had the last word in Germany had really earnestly desired to prevent the conflict they could still have done so at the eleventh hour. Even mobilization is not war, and need not mean that every resource is exhausted for those who sincerely seek to avert catastrophe. That the loyal efforts made by the Entente Powers failed to avert it, pointed to collusion and premeditation on the part of those whose effective collaboration for peace could not be secured. The position in Europe was such that however unwilling the majority of the great Powers were to engage in war, their fundamental interests compelled them to face it if any one of them put a match to the train. Austria, disregarding the interest of the rest of Europe by insisting on an appeal to force instead of diplomatic action, had lit the fuse. Germany, in whose power alone as the dominant partner in the alliance it lay to restrain her, not only refrained from doing so, but had, as we subsequently learned from disclosures regarding the mission of Count Hoyos to Berlin, already by the 7th of July given her a free hand to prefer her arbitrary demands and a promise to stand by her without reserve. Long afterwards, in the autumn of 1915, when Italy had declared war on Turkey and the Italian mission at Constantinople was withdrawn, Sonnino told me that the Italian representative had only on his return to Rome disclosed that nine days before the Austrian note to Belgrade was delivered, the German Ambassador in Constantinople, Baron von Wangenheim, had told him that this note would be of a character which would make war inevitable.
San Giuliano expressed to me the opinion that at this stage the only thing which would have given Germany pause, and which might have induced her to make Austria listen to reason, would have been a frank declaration on our part that we should stand by France. Such a declaration, however, it was not in our power to make, while it might still have served such a purpose. During the grim days which followed the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia it seemed to me as if every effort of human goodwill were doomed to be nullified by some blind, inexorable law of destiny.
By the 31st of July the last hope had died away. An urgent appeal from the Tsar to the German Emperor to intervene at Vienna seemed to have prevailed, but Russia's announcement that her mobilization was not directed against Germany was alleged to be in contradiction with fact, and she was summoned to demobilize forthwith, with the alternative of war if the demand had not been complied with in twelve hours. At the same time the device of proclaiming a condition of Kriegsgefahr (war-danger) enabled Germany to make preparations for action not essentially different from those against which she protested in Russia. France was at the same time requested, in a manner which was tantamount to an ultimatum, to state whether she intended to act with Russia. Italy's course was thus made doubly clear. Firstly, the action of Austria, who had not consulted her, had been provocative, directly against Serbia and indirectly against Russia. No casus foederis could therefore be invoked under the terms of the Triple Alliance, the scope of which was purely defensive. Now in view of the demand addressed to France, who had not moved, her attitude was morally as well as constructively indicated. That demand, which was really a menace, made Germany the aggressor. Under an agreement concluded in 1902, which was not in contradiction with the defensive provisions of the Triple Alliance, Italy could not take arms against France if the latter were attacked without provocation.
I had never entertained serious doubt as to what her decision would be. But it was very satisfactory when any possible doubt was removed from my mind by San Giuliano on the 31st of July. [In Mr. Wickham. Steeds' Through Thirty Years, Vol. II, p. 55, the following words occur: " On the 1st of August San Giuliano informed the French Ambassador of Italy's decision and the French Government informed Great Britain." This statement may not be incorrect. But I received the communication from him on the 31st of July, and naturally reported it to my Government, which did not have to depend on the French Government for its information.] Giolitti, who had been on a visit to London, when passing through Paris on the 1st of August, expressed to the Italian chargé d'affaires his personal opinion that neutrality should at once be declared. The official announcement was only made on the 2nd of August, after the German Ambassador had at midday informed the Minister for Foreign Affairs that war had been declared on France and Russia. Pressure was exercised on Italy to reconsider this decision on the plea that France had violated the frontier before the declaration of war. But the Government remained unmoved. Evidence of the alleged violation was altogether unconvincIng. On the eve of war frontier incidents are almost inevitable, and France had shown every desire to avoid them by leaving an intermediate zone unoccupied. Germany had, moreover, herself immediately violated the neutrality of Luxemburg. A Colonel von Kleist, who arrived a few days later, was reported to be the bearer of a message from the German Emperor, and the Italian Ambassador at Vienna came to Rome to report on the state of feeling in that capital. It would seem that the idea of a deal with Italy was present from the first with the German military authorities, as General Moltke is quoted in Field-Marshal Conrad's reminiscences as having suggested to the latter that her assistance should be secured by the concession of the Trentino. Conrad seems at first to have approved the proposal, with the reservation that after a victorious war one perfidy might be rewarded by another, and the Trentino re-taken from the "traitors."
It was fortunate for Italy that the circumstances leading to the outbreak of war made her course so clear, for there would have been revolutionary protests in some parts of the country against collaboration with Austria, and had not the sea remained open for the transport of supplies, the position of her forces in Tripoli would have become critical. I had some grim satisfaction in recalling the words which a friend of mine had quoted as having been used to him by M. de Mercy, the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador in Rome, who had long anticipated the war: "Italy will hate it, but she will march with us." I thought I knew better.
French subjects in Italy who had to join the flag on mobilization were summoned home on the 2nd of August. Of the diplomatic staff at the Embassy only the Ambassador and the Counsellor remained. Noel, the painter, in whose studio my family had been working, came to consult me where he could best place in safety the little money he had put by for his wife and children, as he was to leave the following afternoon. Great Britain was still neutral, and we were among the oldest friends he had in Rome. I undertook the care of it for him. He was one of the best and most modest of men, and was just beginning, after many uphill years spent in giving instruction, to see a more prosperous future, thanks largely. to the encouragement of my wife and the many commissions for pastel portraits which her patronage had secured for him. Though forty years old, he had to go with the first, and he was one of the first to fall. "It could not be otherwise," his elder brother said to me afterwards, "he was born on a Friday, the 13th."
For us the momentous decision had still to be taken. The obvious intention of Germany to march through Belgium seemed to leave no doubt as to what that decision must be. Throughout the 4th of August we waited in tense anxiety. Fortunately, every minute of the day was occupied. There had been a run upon the banks in Italy, and the Government were compelled to limit withdrawals to a small percentage of deposits. The British subjects normally in Italy were augmented by an influx of fugitives from Austria and Southern Germany, who could obtain no funds, as transfers of money from England were temporarily suspended. I arranged for a credit under my guarantee from the Banca d'Italia in favour of the Consulates, so as to enable them to grant small advances in urgent cases until the financial situation became more clearly defined. Such provision had to be made without a moment's delay, and considerable personal responsibility engaged. Our countrymen, in their perplexity, behaved almost universally as one would have expected, being moderate in their demands and appreciative of the efforts made to assist them. In practically every case the advances made were scrupulously repaid.
Midnight came and still we had received no message. Our instructions for the event of war were precise, and left nothing in doubt. It was for us to see that there was no bungling in their execution. Mounsey, the head of the Chancery, Henderson, Clark-Kerr, Parr and Tyrrwhit (Lord Berners) sat up with me making the necessary preparations. At 2 a.m. I went to bed for a few hours, having taken dispositions for action at any hour. It was at seven on the morning of the 5th that we received the expected telegram, dispatched at 10.45 the previous night, announcing war with Germany. Immediately every consulate in Italy was warned, and all the conditions incidental to a state of war came into force. After breakfast I went to the Italian Foreign Office to announce to the Minister what he already knew. San Giuliano, even at that early stage, foresaw that Turkey would attack Russia, and he also anticipated a Bulgarian invasion of Serbia. There was something paradoxical in the actual situation, inasmuch as Austria-Hungary, after firing the train, had as yet only declared war on Serbia, while Germany was already at war with France, Russia, Belgium, and ourselves.
And so we too were face to face with the issue of life and death. War had been familiar all my life, ever since, as a child, I had touched the fringe of the Austrian and Prussian conflict in 1866. But the hostilities in which we had ourselves actually been engaged had always been in remoter regions of Asia and Africa. Now war was at our very doors, in the Channel and on all the highways that linked us with the daughter lands. Every available man would be needed. I had only one son of military age, and he I knew would go with the first. It seemed uncertain in those first days when I should see any of my family again, or indeed have any news of them.
Early on the 5th of August I received private information from a friendly source that the Breslau had come into Messina and probably the Goeben also. I lost not a moment in transmitting this information to London and Malta, notwithstanding the absence of any telegram from the Vice-ConsuL We then ascertained that telegrams in cypher from Consulates were being refused at the local offices, on the grounds that the use of cypher was restricted to diplomatic representatives. This was at once rectified, and I then received confirmatory news. The cruisers would have to leave on the following day. All through the 6th reports followed one another at brief intervals, and when in the evening I learned that they were steaming eastward through the neutral waters of the narrow strait I went off to dine at the Club with the comfortable conviction that on the following morning I should hear that they had been intercepted. But this was not to be. The escape of the Goeben and the Breslau was the first great disappointment of the war, and its consequences were disastrous. Having had the good fortune to locate them the moment we were free to attack, I felt it the more acutely.
A little incident which took place on the first day of war was characteristic of its pathetic estrangements. A nephew of Field-Marshal von Hindenburg and grandson of Count Münster had married a fellow-countrywoman of ours at Rome while I was counsellor of Embassy. As she was an old friend, and quite alone in the world, she had been married from our house. I well remember then being struck with the tribal spirit of insistence with which the pastor at the chapel of the German Embassy emphasized in his address the words "our people shall be thy people and our God shall be thy God." The Hindenburgs were appointed to Stockholm while I was minister there, and then followed us back to Rome, where he was acting as a secretary at the Palazzo Caffarelli. He now asked to see me, and said that as he felt we should not be able to meet again he wished to come and say good-bye. Naturally we did not discuss the events of the previous days. Only when he expressed his deep regret that our countries should have become enemies, and added that this ought never to have been, I could not help saying: "Why, then, did you violate the neutrality of Belgium?" His answer, in three words, was characteristic : "It was necessary." And so we parted. But I have always gratefully remembered the good feeling which inspired his last visit.
Messages requiring immediate attention at once began to flock in. German merchant vessels actually at Genoa were reported to be making preliminary preparations for conversion into cruisers. Others in various ports were suspected of using their wireless instalment for signalling purposes, a procedure to which the dismantling of the apparatus by the Italian authorities put an end forthwith. The delicate question of the landing from neutral vessels and the transport across Italy of contingent war material had to be studied and discussed. Italian ships were already being detained for search by our cruisers. Problems of which we had little previous experience kept all my staff busily engaged. From the first I found the Italian official world reasonable and even benevolent. There were continual conferences with my French and Russian colleagues as well as with my old friend the Belgian Minister, Count van den Steen, whose calm and dignified attitude was an example to us all while his gallant country was bearing the brunt of a ruthlessness which its heroic determination and constancy made every day more fiercely inexorable.
On the 10th of August Louis Malet, who had been at home on the outbreak of war, passed through Rome on his way to Constantinople. He brought us the first real news from home. The task before him was already a hopeless one in the opinion of the Italian Foreign Office, and had become the more so now that the Goeben and the Breslau had anticipated his arrival. The co-operation of the group which over-awed a weak administration had long ago been secured by Germany.
Letters from England took ten days or more in transit. It was not until the 17th of August that I received my wife's announcement of the safe arrival of our children from Hamburg. A letter from my mother, which reached me about the same time, spoke of the terrible anxiety which she had felt on the 2nd of August when it had seemed as though the advocates of neutrality might prevail. But then, she added, came the violation of neutrality, and "I knew that England's honour was safe from selfish disgrace." She was in her 88th year, and when I read those words I felt proud of my mother.
English newspapers either failed to arrive at all or came in batches ten or twelve days after their issue. The Italian Press provided tolerably full accounts of the opening events of the war, but it soon became difficult to reconcile the contradictory accounts of military movements. Wild rumours were circulated of big naval engagements and holocausts of ships which were reduced in the following days to the sinking of one small cruiser. Such appreciations of the position in the West as the balance of evidence warranted were generally depressing, and in those early days of war one began to wonder how long nerves would stand the daily anxieties and disappointments. At the end of the month, however, the brilliant action of Beatty and Tyrwhitt off Heligoland was a pleasant diversion, after the grim news from Belgium and the unforgivable destruction of Louvain.
The first eminent victim of the European cataclysm was the Pope, at whose enthronement I had assisted some eleven years earlier, for I think there can be little doubt that the outbreak of war accelerated the end of the saintly Pius X. He died in the night of the 9th/10th of August. In so far as his humane sentiments and sincere patriotism might have influenced events, his passing was a loss to the Allies. The contents of his will were touching in their austere simplicity. He had written : "I was born poor, I lived poor, and I shall die poor." He asked that an aged sister might have a pension not exceeding 300 lire a month, and that his valet should receive one of 60. He desired, if his successor would consent, to leave a small sum of money which had been presented to him to his nephews and nieces. What a contrast this modest estate offered to the vast accumulations with which Renaissance and post-Renaissance Popes endowed the families they ennobled. If Pius X was not a great Pontiff, he left behind him the fragrant memory of a lovable nature and a blameless life.
The Conclave which took place a fortnight after his death was brief and apparently calm. And yet the election of Cardinal della Chiesa, Archbishop of Bologna, who had hardly been quoted among the papabili, was rather a surprise. There was, however, method in the choice of one who had been intimately connected with the diplomatic side of ecclesiastical affairs. The prophetic motto for the coming reign, dating from the sixteenth century and attributed to the Benedictine Arnold Wyom, religio depopulata, was significant at such a moment.
A few days later I learned that every Cardinal attending the Conclave, except presumably those of the nations with which the central empires were at war, had received from Germany a long letter in Latin---my informant, who was an excellent judge, added "in bad Latin, too"---representing that Russia was wholly to blame for the war. It was, this tendencious document alleged, in reality a religious war. Russia was the enemy of the Catholic Church, to which her success could only be prejudicial. It was the bounden duty of the ecclesiastical hierarchy to see that all good Catholics opposed the enemy of the Church, with whom it was deplorable that Catholic states like France and Belgium should be in alliance. No opportunity, even in such an unpromising quarter as a Conclave, was neglected by our enemies for the active campaign of suggestion which was initiated the moment hostilities began. At that time France was unrepresented at the Holy See, and the Belgian Minister was a very old man. On the other hand, Austria-Hungary, Prussia and Bavaria had active representatives who were in exclusive possession of the field. I had always advocated that the British Empire, which has so many Catholic subjects, should have means of securing due consideration for their interests by maintaining a diplomatic agent at a centre which has exceptional opportunities for influencing opinion. The latest not very discreet attempt of the enemy to prejudice the Conclave added one more to the arguments in favour of reconsidering our position. These were not weakened by the fact that while the students at the English and Scotch colleges were volunteering in various capacities for the Front, certain members of the Irish college made no secret of their open hostility to the Allies. The decision to appoint a representative was taken in November.
German preparedness for the eventuality of war was revealed by the amount of militant literature with which offices and agencies in Italy were immediately inundated. Means were oven found for introducing such documents into club reading-rooms, from which, however, they were at once removed. One or two minor newspapers were annexed which, while remaining ostensibly Italian journals, disseminated unfavourable appreciations of the Allies. These found so few purchasers that before long the news hawkers retained for their circulation might have been seen distributing them gratis. At the time when the devastation of Belgian towns was exciting universal indignation, I received a letter from a former acquaintance, a German Egyptologist, who bore a distinguished name, inviting me as a credible person who had lived in Germany and had "received kindness from the House of Hohenzollern," to write to the English Press and inform my countrymen that German troops were incapable of acts of vandalism and brutality. The concluding paragraph mentioned that a copy of the letter had already been sent by the writer, without awaiting my answer, to the German Press. This seemed rather foolish and ineffectual, but it illustrated the manner in which every individual, however unofficial or unwarlike, was expected to co-operate. We, on our part, availed ourselves of such opportunities as occasion offered to counter these activities in a manner more discreet and I think more efficient. Such steps, however, the effect of which could only be appreciated by results, did not always satisfy the simplicist mentality of our countrymen, who assumed, because our methods were less apparent, that nothing was being done, and wrote to the papers to complain.
The German effort to influence Italian opinion became the more vigorous after the battle of the Marne and the Russian capture of Lemberg had relieved the anxieties of the black Month of August. The more far-sighted probably already then apprehended that ultimate success was no longer possible.
The Roman correspondent of one of the leading Italian journals told me that it had been suggested to him by the German Embassy that his paper would do well to point out that even if Germany were defeated she would still remain a very strong Power, and that she would have to console herself for what she failed to obtain elsewhere by seeking compensation from Austria, if Austria were doomed to break up. Provided Italy showed patience and remained quiet, Germany would help her to secure Trieste. So, diplomatically at any rate, a prospective sacrifice of the ally was already being contemplated as a propitiation to Italy. I was not surprised when a Minister, to whom I reported the story, ejaculated "Ma! Questo è enorme! " ("No! This is monstrous!")
By that time our organization to correct the propaganda of libel and misrepresentation instituted by our enemies was beginning to have its effect. Willing helpers did not fail us, and I may here a little anticipate events by referring to the splendid work done at Milan for the allied cause by Donna Bettina di Casanova who, as the daughter of an Italian father and a British mother, had an almost dual nationality and, if I may say so without doing violence to the modesty of a dear friend who is happily still alive, combined the best qualities of both. Her influence was all the greater because of a long previous record of useful and charitable service which commanded universal respect. All that was in the first instance attempted was to have available an adequate supply of simple documents showing stage by stage with chapter and verse the effort we had made to avert war. These, which were reproduced without comment, were supplemented by a collection of opinions of high authority from neutral sources, and by first-hand evidence regarding the methods applied in dragooning Belgium. Means were found, through friendly sympathizers, of introducing such literature into popular libraries throughout the kingdom, so that the simple man had opportunity to form his own judgment as to the rights and wrongs of the great issue. The relatively small sum required for translation and printing was the only expense which fell upon the Treasury during the earlier weeks of the war. Later Donna Bettina founded at Milan, with the help of an indefatigable secretary, Signorina Boschetti, a British-Italian Institute, which proved invaluable for maintaining contact between the subjects of the two countries by supplying information, correcting misapprehensions, and organizing lectures. It was copied in its general lines and purposes at Florence, Genoa, and Rome.
My old friend, Dick Bagot, the author, who had lived in Italy for many years, travelled about the country lecturing and writing, and I have no doubt he rendered useful service. But as he elected to act independently and not to fall into line with any organization reporting to the Embassy, I had little opportunity of estimating the value of his activities.
No single individual did more to influence opinion in the country than the Belgian deputy, Destrée, who gave a series of lectures in the principal cities. Gifted with an eloquence which could assume a moving dramatic quality, he had the power of holding himself in reserve until exactly the right moment, when, after a harrowing picture of the sufferings of his country told with effective restraint, he allowed his vibrating voice to break into an emotional appeal to which his audience never failed to respond. Though addressing Italians in French, he was able to sway them with a power which I have known few orators to exercise. Destrée was not only a politician with broad social sympathies, but he was also an eminent authority on Flemish art and a lover of all beautiful things. It was therefore always a pleasure to see him when he came to the Embassy to report progress.
A retrospective study of letters and of notes made at the time justifies me in claiming to have correctly estimated the sentiments of the Italian people long before the question of their active participation became acute. The public feeling in the country which really counted was strongly and consistently with the allies. There was a general approval of the attitude which we had adopted, and a conviction that what we were striving to uphold was also of vital import for Italy. There were, on the other hand, certain very influential sections of the nation to which their own particular interests were of such urgent concern as to make them blind to the issue of right and wrong in the great struggle. A number, in Rome probably a majority, of those who form the privileged class, identified the two groups of combatants respectively with democracy and aristocracy, and saw a new menace to their weakening status in the eventual triumph of the Allies. The magnates of finance were with rare exceptions deeply involved in the German economic machine which had for many years established a dominant grip on Italian economy. The extreme Socialists condemned war on any account. The peasantry, on whom the burden of war falls most severely and particularly in a country of small farmers whose prosperity depends on the labour of their sons, were inarticulate but pacific. Finally, the Church, whose function it is to seek peace and ensue it was not only bound to adopt an attitude of neutrality but could hardly be, and certainly was not, indifferent to the fate of its most faithful supporter, the Austrian Empire, while it could hardly ignore the vitality of German Catholicism. I do not pretend to gauge the accuracy of the various rumours which were current regarding the real sympathies of the hierarchy, though there were moments when the attitude of the Vatican certainly appeared anything but friendly to ourselves. I remember, however, that a witty monsignor was reported, towards the end of the war, to have remarked that it was curious that the Holy Father, who was infallible, should have been convinced that the central empires would triumph, whereas the Cardinal Secretary of State, who was not infallible, believed in the ultimate victory of the Allies. In any case, even if we eliminate the Church altogether, there were, in the groups which I have enumerated and especially among those who were making big profits by the transmission of supplies to Germany, all the elements of a very strong neutralist party.
There was, moreover, present in the minds of many, before the methods of warfare employed had roused the public conscience, a genuine sense of reluctance to take a step which might seem directly to violate the moral pledge connoted by a longstanding alliance. The case for neutrality had been incontestably clear. That for intervention appeared more open to question. There were also practical considerations of vital importance which for a time at any rate were bound to give pause to the most eager advocates of action. Military equipment had been gravely depleted during the war with Turkey, and no one had really believed the ministerial assurances regarding its replacement, which were complacently accepted by a chamber well satisfied to have escaped additional taxation. The troops with the colours had for economical reasons been reduced to a minimum, and conscripts had been allowed to return to the farms only half trained. There was practically no heavy artillery available. The war had taken the country by surprise, and found it unprepared for an emergency. Attacks on the War Department were in fact now pressed home, and they led in October to the resignation of the War Minister and of the Under-Secretary of State.
Notwithstanding all these adverse factors, there were from the first a number of zealots who sought to bring Italy actively into line with Great Britain, France and Belgium. These included not only Nationalists in whose creed the first article of faith was the recovery of the unredeemed provinces, but also Radicals, Republicans and not a few of the Socialists. It was good to hear in my own room a prominent deputy from the Marches make the admission: "Though as a Republican I ought not to say such a thing, what I should like to see would be the King placing himself at the head of the nation to march against the hereditary enemy." But the Republicans in Italy were Republicans of tradition, maintaining the secular protest against the old order, inherited from the gospel of Mazzini, and they are to-day among the best of citizens. During the six years that I had already been Ambassador in Rome I had, while careful not to be more intimate with any one group or party than with another, endeavoured to keep touch with men of every denomination. It was most gratifying to realize how in these critical times men of the most varying political colour gave me their fullest confidence and never abused the frankness with which I met them. But while it was legitimate firmly to maintain our standpoint and to emphasize our determination at all costs to carry the issue to a conclusive end, some discretion in the language used was always necessary, for the very men who were working most actively in support of the Allies would have lost ground if that activity could have been represented as other than spontaneous.
The difficulty at such moments for diplomatists, whom social conditions and conventions have inclined to move in a restricted circle, must always be to find the real pulse of the nation. This was the task which I now set myself. I had to estimate which tendency would finally prevail in a country where the tradition has always been at crucial moments for the people to scendere in piazza, to come out into the public square, and pronounce themselves. Which way would their decision point? While I attached little importance to the opinions of the social world, which were generally influenced by purely selfish considerations, I never doubted that the people who really mattered, the articulate middle class of the cities, meant right and, little more than a month after the outbreak of war, though fully conscious of the counterinfluences at work, I recorded in writing my belief that the Italians would in due course take the great resolution.
The Prime Minister, Signor Salandra, a man of the highest principle and integrity, allowed me, without in any way committing himself, to form a tolerably clear diagnosis of the bias of his own personal inclinations. It was a great satisfaction to find that the Minister of the Colonies, my old friend Ferdinando Martini, the greatest living master of his own beautiful Tuscan speech, saw eye to eye with us. On the other hand, I had some misgivings regarding the attitude of the Foreign Department, where there was an influential group which believed in the necessity of placating Germany. With San Giuliano himself I had been on terms of friendship for many years. He had been so closely identified with Triplicist policy that I felt it would be more difficult for him than for others to take a new departure. He had, moreover, been Giolitti's nominee for the post of Foreign Minister which he retained under Salandra, and Giolitti, though still in those early days maintaining an enigmatic silence, was understood to hold firmly to the principle of neutrality. San Giuliano had, however, a very plastic mentality, and at the opportune moment his unfailing resource would have found a ready way to liberate himself from former obligations. Salandra, who as his colleague and chief can speak with authority, has stated that San Giuliano did not fail to perceive that the European conflagration would hasten the hour for completing the work of the Risorgimento. He did in fact himself suggest to me the initiation of conversations with a view to defining the conditions to which we should be prepared to agree if Italy were eventually to range herself on our side. But his subtle and contriving mind was disposed to contemplate too many hypotheses and to overload proposals with an elaboration of safeguards. At that time the party of action still regarded him as an obstacle.
I look back to the first grim weeks of war, before the mind had adapted itself to circumstances, with the horror of a nightmare. The worst period of all was that immediately preceding the battle of the Marne. Living in a foreign country where every development was being anxiously watched, we who had no accurate knowledge of the military situation seemed to feel the tide closing in with a menace of decisive conclusions before the weight of our effort could be brought to bear on the issue. I shall never forget the immeasurable relief with which we received the series of messages announcing the turn of the tide, or the sense of gratitude we felt to the old Russian Army which sacrificed itself to redress the balance, and to Italy whose immediate declaration of neutrality, enabling some 300,000 men to be withdrawn from the French Alpine frontier, had contributed to that decisive victory. During those early weeks the burden of work imposed on the Embassy by the problems arising from the restriction of maritime transport, detention of contraband and questions of ultimate destination was very heavy. The urgent pressure to obtain releases of cargo, the holding up of which in a country whose industry depended on imported raw material involved the risk to thousands of losing their employment, was a constant strain. The first transitional stage was the most exacting. As time went on the situation was relieved by a series of decrees prohibiting the exportation from Italy of many commodities, including a number of foodstuffs.
My staff was at present restricted to the ordinary peacetime effective, and as our military difficulties increased, all the younger men were impatient to volunteer for the Front. Moved by the pleadings of Clark-Kerr, I expressed my readiness to try and carry on without him, only to be told that as he could be spared he was to proceed at once to the Legation at Teheran. If I was a little ruffled at such advantage being taken of my altruism I must admit that the decision of the Foreign Office to retain all hands at their posts and to make no exceptions was quite sound. I was more successful in bringing about the release of the naval attaché, who was in a condition bordering on melancholia at being chained to a desk in war time, and my friend Boyle soon found an opportunity to add new laurels to a name famous in naval annals. He was replaced by Captain Larking, who had retired before the war as a commander, but had at once rejoined. His appointment was a fortunate one, as no one could have better filled a post which in war time called for special qualities. The military attaché, Colonel Peter Granet, was also soon to be recalled, and his place was taken by Colonel Sir Charles Lamb, who had already acted in that capacity in the days of Lord Currie.
An offer of voluntary assistance from Mr., afterwards Sir, Edward Capel-Cure, who was almost my own contemporary, was very welcome. After taking his degree at Oxford, he had entered the University of Siena, and having passed the greater part of his life in Italy, he had become completely bilingual. His studies of the economic progress of the country had brought him into intimate personal relations with industrialists, politicians and journalists, and his services as a sympathetic exponent of Italian aspirations had already been recognized by the State. We had been slightly acquainted for some years when he proposed at considerable personal sacrifice to leave his home in Lombardy and establish himself at my disposal in Rome, together with his daughter, who quickly became a most efficient secretary and typist. He was a believer in the soundness of an Italian precept which lays down that when you really want something you go about it in person, when you do not much care you write. Capel-Cure always went himself, and with infinite patience he waited or returned for the answer which he never failed to obtain. His services proved so indispensable that I was before long authorized to place him in charge of the commercial work at the Embassy which, under war conditions, ranged far beyond the normal activities of that section. It would not be possible to exaggerate the value of the work he performed, both while acting as a sort of private secretary and later when he was definitely incorporated in the official staff.
The long delay in the arrival of mails became the more trying when the casualty lists included the names of those who were very near to us. Every relative we could claim of military age had gone to the Front. My eldest son, who during his year at Balliol had learned the elements of gunnery in the Officers' Training Corps, had received. a commission in the artillery. He was not yet quite nineteen, having gone to Oxford unusually early. I had not seen him for six months, and any prospect of seeing him again now seemed very remote. The four other children were all settled at school, and my wife was to join me in Rome as soon as possible. A letter announced the rescue, after an hour's swim in the North Sea, of a nephew who had been in one of the three cruisers sunk off the Hook of Holland. From the newspapers of the 21st of September I learned the death of another nephew, David Bingham, of the Coldstreams, a universal favourite who was killed together with George Wyndham's son. I am not by nature superstitious, but I had been impressed soon after the war began by a particularly vivid dream in which I saw my sister-in-law, Rose Bingham, who had been dead some six years, hurriedly enter the room, and felt that she was looking for her boy. This dream, of which I told some of the staff the following morning, had, I must admit, made me watch the casualty lists with some apprehension. Not long afterwards a third nephew to whom we were much attached, John Anstruther, was reported missing. He was one of a group on the manner of whose end no light has ever been thrown, in spite of every effort to obtain information.
In the beginning of October the rheumatic gout, from which San Giuliano had suffered more or less acutely during the whole of his life, assumed a very grave phase. I saw him for the last time on the 12th. His brain was as clear and keen as ever, but the slightest movement gave him pain. "Have you heard," he asked, "the latest announcement made by the German Emperor? His Majesty has been all-graciously pleased, in recognition of eminent services to the House of Hohenzollern, to accord the dignity of von to the Alter Deutscher Gott, who would in future be known as Herr von Gott. " He winced a little as he laughed at his own story. He begged me once more to urge upon my Government the necessity of considering eventual conditions for co-operation which might be mutually accepted without further delay if and when occasion arose. So full was he of the future that when I left him I believed that he had turned the corner. That night his heart became affected. But he would not give in, and continued to work to the last, bearing great pain with admirable fortitude. There was an heroic quality in San Giuliano's struggle for life during the world's crisis after forty years of battle with the hereditary malady. He died on the afternoon of the 16th.
Since the discrediting of the Triple Alliance he had been attacked from several quarters. But he remained serene and content to answer "respice finem." Our conversations justify the presumption that he would not have been less prepared for action than any other Italian statesman when he felt that the moment was ripe, and I have little doubt that in the end we should have had San Giuliano on our side. But he would have been a difficult and elusive factor in the conduct of negotiations. Though I had not always agreed with his policy in the past, and had experienced some difficulty in identifying the direction in which his flexible mind was working, I had a real liking for an old friend whose indomitable pluck commanded respect, and I followed him on his last journey to St. Mary of the Angels in the Baths of Diocletian with genuine regret.
By a curious coincidence his death was almost simultaneous with that of King Charles of Roumania, for whom it was even more difficult to detach himself from association with the Triple Alliance and loyalty to the dynasty whose name he bore.
Salandra assumed temporary charge of the Foreign Office. In taking over the department he addressed the assembled staff, and pronounced a brief but eloquent panegyric on the dead Minister. At the close of his speech occurred the words, "Sacro egoismo per l'Italia," which immediately attracted the attention of critics both in Italy and in other countries. Removed from their context the words might no doubt be interpreted not too benevolently as recommending the exclusion of any but purely selfish national motives from consideration. Taken with the context there is nothing ungracious in their import. The speaker was indicating the qualities indispensable to the statesman who in so grave a moment had to maintain the continuity of policy, and at the end of the enumeration, he concluded by saying: "His mind must be liberated from every preconception, from every prejudice, from every sentiment save that of exclusive and unlimited devotion to our fatherland and of a holy egoism for Italy."
While it seems to me that injustice was done to Salandra in the interpretation which was attributed to the actual words in this address, I do not altogether agree with his defence of them in the notes to the published collection of his speeches delivered during the war. He has there written that the war was not fought for the sake of humanity, for justice, for democracy. The war was fought and won by the Italians for Italy, by the French for France, by the British for Britain, by the Americans for America. Those ideals, which our enemy rejected, he admitted, ennobled the war and triumphed in the final victory. But you cannot make men die for justice, for humanity, for democracy. For their country you still can. I believe and hope to show in the ensuing chapters that sentiment played a very considerable part in preparing the mentality of the Italian people to take the great decision. I am equally convinced that when my own countrymen most reluctantly approved the arbitrament of war they were little moved by considerations of political or commercial rivalry. Their country's word was pledged to support Belgium. Their friends had been aggressively attacked. And they were ready to fight because they believed it to be right.
Grave events now began to follow one another in rapid succession. The tragedy of Craddock's ill-fated squadron was .counterbalanced by the magnificent resistance of the thin khaki line at Ypres which saved the Channel ports. The unprovoked Turkish bombardment of defenceless Russian ports in the Black Sea led to a state of war with the Ottoman Empire, and our enemies, who were responsible for the aggression, saw no reason to restrain their latest ally from launching a sort of Jehad against all Christians with exceptions in favour of Germany and Austria. In the beginning of December the Serbians took the offensive, and after a series of brilliant actions expelled the enemy from their territory with heavy losses of men and guns. In Italy reluctance on the part of the Minister of the Treasury to concede the credits demanded by the War Minister brought about the resignation of the Cabinet.
The withdrawal of our Embassy from Constantinople had for us the happy result of bringing the Gerald Wellesleys to Rome, where the assistance of another experienced secretary was greatly needed. They had been able to carry little with them, and had to leave most of their household goods as hostages to fortune. My wife meanwhile made a prosperous voyage out in a Netherlands steamship. Sea journeys did not as yet give the same grounds for anxiety as during the latter years of the war. But it was a relief when she safely reached Genoa, where I met her, taking for the purpose a brief holiday of two days, almost the only one I was to have for four years. We spent it in motoring to Rome.
Chapter X
Table of Contents


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Prayer Times and Qibla Direction in Gelterkinden
Prayer times in
27 Nov
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- Sunrise07:46
- Dhuhr12:16
- Asr14:22
- Maghrib16:47
- Isha'a18:26
Qibla Direction from
Gelterkinden, Switzerland
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Because I've worked for three different companies within the last year, I've really started thinking about what my likes and dislikes are in the workplace. I tend to ask myself, what would I do if I could have things my way? What would I do if I ran my own company or was in charge of a large department? I definitely have a few "must haves" and "must not haves." Below are my top five. What are yours?
- Seriously, come in when you want: Some people prefer to start work early in the morning so they can get it done and over with. Other people function better later in the morning and would rather work into the evening (like myself). Saying that everyone has to show up at the exact same time is ludicrous. If I had it my way, I would offer a window. You can come in anytime between 7am-10am. I wish I could say that people could start work at 2pm, but, sometimes a little thing called "meetings" have to happen, or, you really need to get a hold of someone because there's a crisis. What if there's an emergency and they don't come in until 2 and it's 8am? What are you going to do? They could still be sleeping for all you know.
- Along with that, leave when you need to: Granted, I wouldn't appreciate it if someone only decided to work three hours a day every day, but don't feel that you have to stay the full eight hours if you've finished everything that you can possibly finish for the day in seven and a half. And, if you need to take time for a doctor's appointment, fine, c ya! Don't worry about "making up the two hours you've missed" unless you are up against a deadline and feel you have to. The bottom line is, if you've finished your work to the best of your ability, it's done correctly, and you can turn it in on time with full confidence, go home!The second part of this deals with vacation and sick time. I don't feel right telling someone that they are only allowed to have 10 days off per year. What happens if you take a big trip across the country in March and use up seven of your 10 vacation days and then a close relative passes away in May? You might need more time to cope. But, you only have three vacation days left. You better hurry up and dry those tears?!…I don't think so. Same goes for sick days. Is it my place to tell someone that they can only be sick for 3 days out of the year? How awful. When it comes to this policy, you would obviously have to state how important it is not to abuse it. But, giving generously can have great rewards.
- No office gossip…ever: You're here to work. One of my biggest pet peeves in the workplace is when coworkers openly talk about how much the dislike one of their other coworkers. You graduated high school years ago, stop acting like you're still there. It's petty, it's annoying, and I'm starting to wonder what you say about me when I'm not around. Let's get the job done so that we can go be with our friends and family…and THEN bitch.
- Sure, wear jeans. Just don't look like you're going to a rugby match: One of the last places I worked at had a very relaxed dress code. I would see plenty of women come to work in flip flops, leggings, and a sweatshirt. No, I don't think that wearing jeans and a sweatshirt is offensive, go ahead! I don't mind flip flops in the summer either. But, for the love of God, leggings are NOT pants! This isn't your home; you're still in an office. Same goes for tank tops or anything that shows cleavage. Guys, don't wear your pants below your butt so that everyone can see your boxers. You don't have to dress up for me, just cover yourself…and leave the tights and form fitting clothes at home.
- Be yourself: Sure, it's hard to say exactly what you feel or be the truest form of yourself at the office. After all, there's a little thing called "Human Resources" that can crack the whip if you get out of line. As long as you're not sexually harassing anyone, seriously offending someone, or physically hurting them, calm down! Choose people to work for your organization who are most like you. You're a lot more likely to have fun that way. Don't be afraid to laugh, crack jokes, be sarcastic, etc. I think a lot of what holds people back is fear. They're afraid to talk to their boss because they don't want to offend, and they're afraid to bring their idea up in a group discussion because they don't want to look dumb. The list of fears could go on and on. I want to take the relaxed approach. I know what it's like to be the "office idiot," and I know what it's like to have no one in the office understand your humor. So, hire those that do.
Granny Smith – over and out


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Thursday, 15 October 2009
Posted by Amrita at Thursday, October 15, 2009
Labels: The Blues
22 Fertilize my soul:
- Buttercup said...
Let affection and caring lift you and know that hugs are sent 8,000 miles to you! You are in my prayers.
- 15 October 2009 at 16:45
- Sherri Murphy said...
I recently have been in this very place. Just drained. Will lift your name in prayer- dear Amrita.
- 15 October 2009 at 17:17
- Julia Dutta said...
Big hugs Amrita!
Only the strong are allowed the feel the darkness around them; It is His Will. Because, that is His way to clear our eyes once again to His Light. Lots of love and prayers coming your way :))
- 15 October 2009 at 18:37
- Teresa said...
Will lift you up to our Father this morning here. I, too, have recently felt this yet am strengthened today. This is a valley that you will come THROUGH and not languish in. He will never leave you or forsake you.
love, teresa
- 15 October 2009 at 18:59
- Carol-Ann Allen said...
Hey there, Amrita!
Sometimes the hardest part of daily life is the fact that it's so daily!
Be encouraged!
Love and prayers,
- 15 October 2009 at 19:05
- ChrisB said...
Amrita I'm sorry that you are not feeling well. I'm sending you hugs.
- 15 October 2009 at 19:32
- Simply Shelley said...
Hello dear Amrita,I know what this feels like. I have said a prayer for you...May the joy of the Lord be your strength....blessings
- 15 October 2009 at 19:44
- Kathryn said...
Oh, Amrita - sometimes life is so hard 'cause we can't "fix it" for others we care about.
Negativity is like shadow boxing. It is so nebulous & persistent & difficult to fight. And it feels hopeless because it is like trying to box - or sweep! - out a shadow.
You are in my prayers. Has David's box arrived yet? I had him add a book. I should write & tell you of it. Wish there was more that i could do for you, but God is good & does answer.
- 15 October 2009 at 21:24
- Annie K said...
I completely understand those feeling and I am praying for you Amrita!
- 15 October 2009 at 21:38
- Felisol said...
Dear Amrita,
I'm praying the Lord to send his special comfort angel to stay by your side for the time being.
We know who is lurking in the shadows when we feel down and out. The fiend has lost once and for all.
I'm sure you are well familiar with the Romans 8. I try to learn it by heart to recite it when I feel like a nutshell on the raging sea.
"More Than Conquerors
28And we know that in all things God works for the good of those who love him,[j] who[k] have been called according to his purpose. 29For those God foreknew he also predestined to be conformed to the likeness of his Son, that he might be the firstborn among many brothers. 30And those he predestined, he also called; those he called, he also justified; those he justified, he also glorified.
31What, then, shall we say in response to this? If God is for us, who can be against us? 32He who did not spare his own Son, but gave him up for us all—how will he not also, along with him, graciously give us all things? 33Who will bring any charge against those whom God has chosen? It is God who justifies. 34Who is he that condemns? Christ Jesus, who died—more than that, who was raised to life—is at the right hand of God and is also interceding for us. 35Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? Shall trouble or hardship or persecution or famine or nakedness or danger or sword? 36As it is written:
"For your sake we face death all day long;
we are considered as sheep to be slaughtered."[l] 37No, in all these things we are more than conquerors through him who loved us. 38For I am convinced that neither death nor life, neither angels nor demons,[m] neither the present nor the future, nor any powers, 39neither height nor depth, nor anything else in all creation, will be able to separate us from the love of God that is in Christ Jesus our Lord."
Let this be a special greeting from God to you just now.
From Felisol
- 15 October 2009 at 22:39
- Olde Dame Penniwig said...
Halloo Amrita. I am sorry to hear you are down. It sounds just as if a curtain has fallen, putting all in gloom. It will lift, in time. But it is hard while it is down, don't rush yourself or blame yourself for being a sensitive person who is affected by the sadness, meanness, cruelty, and vagaries of life. The beautiful side will peek out again when this gloom lifts a bit. I think you have an especially hard time because there you are, going against the flow in your country. It has to get wearing. Well, you are loved and admired by your bloggie friends. And accepted. Hang in there, my faraway friend.
- 15 October 2009 at 23:02
- Paresh Palicha said...
I'm praying for you Sis. God Bless you.
- 16 October 2009 at 00:46
- Sita said...
For you, dear sister...David felt it:
Psalm 42 (Amplified Bible)
Psalm 42
To the Chief Musician. A skillful song, or a didactic or reflective poem, of the sons of Korah.
1AS THE hart pants and longs for the water brooks, so I pant and long for You, O God.
2My inner self thirsts for God, for the living God. When shall I come and behold the face of God?(A)
3My tears have been my food day and night, while men say to me all day long, Where is your God?
4These things I [earnestly] remember and pour myself out within me: how I went slowly before the throng and led them in procession to the house of God [like a bandmaster before his band, timing the steps to the sound of music and the chant of song], with the voice of shouting and praise, a throng keeping festival.
5Why are you cast down, O my inner self? And why should you moan over me and be disquieted within me? Hope in God and wait expectantly for Him, for I shall yet praise Him, my Help and my God.
6O my God, my life is cast down upon me [and I find the burden more than I can bear]; therefore will I [earnestly] remember You from the land of the Jordan [River] and the [summits of Mount] Hermon, from the little mountain Mizar.
7[Roaring] deep calls to [roaring] deep at the thunder of Your waterspouts; all Your breakers and Your rolling waves have gone over me.
8Yet the Lord will command His loving-kindness in the daytime, and in the night His song shall be with me, a prayer to the God of my life.
9I will say to God my Rock, Why have You forgotten me? Why go I mourning because of the oppression of the enemy?
10As with a sword [crushing] in my bones, my enemies taunt and reproach me, while they say continually to me, Where is your God?
11Why are you cast down, O my inner self? And why should you moan over me and be disquieted within me? Hope in God and wait expectantly for Him, for I shall yet praise Him, Who is the help of my countenance, and my God.
- 16 October 2009 at 01:35
- David C Brown said...
Its good to have these friends for you - but better to know the lord Jesus as the Friend that you can always depend on. And the Holy Spirit too can be called upon for help.
The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with you.
- 16 October 2009 at 02:43
- Becka said...
I'm so sorry you are feeling down,
My husband just preached last night on how he wont put anything on us we cant handle..
But I know sometimes it dont seem that way,,
love you ,even though I never have meet you,
hope & pray ,God Grace will bring you through....
- 16 October 2009 at 05:25
- Anonymous said...
Our prayers will always be there for you...don't think of that...just take rest and you will start feeling better soon...life is a part of all the good and bad things and we all have to co-exist along with it in harmony....have a wonderful festive weekend ahead!
- 16 October 2009 at 09:58
- Sita said...
I posted 2 songs on facebook for you--My One Aspiration and In Christ Alone..
Love, Sita
- 16 October 2009 at 23:46
- David Edward said...
i pray for you daily, with my mind and in the spirit
- 17 October 2009 at 07:03
- Amrita said...
I want to thank each and everyone of you for your kind words of encouragement and prayers.
By God 's grace I am feeling so much better. The sun is shining - the shadows have departed.
The scriptures you shared really speak to me .
Yes Kathryn I received David 's box of seeds and 3 lovely books. And my dear friend Penni had sent some packets earlier which i was saving for the winter, now its time to plant them in the cooler weather.
Thank you all.
- 17 October 2009 at 12:11
- Glennis said...
Be lifted up.
- 18 October 2009 at 02:34
- Connie said...
Oh Dear Amrita,I pray you are feeling better as this is two days past this post that you are not well.
I pray for you dear sweet lady.
- 18 October 2009 at 05:59
- Elizabeth Mahlou said...
Praying for you! And I see that many others are, too!
- 21 October 2009 at 12:46


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If you're at PAX Prime this weekend be sure to head over to Harmonix's booth, where cosplayers dancing on stage is hilarious. You can also pick up some fancy slap watch bracelets that make me feel like I'm I'm elementary school again.
Clarification: This is the character Legion, not a generic Geth.


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At every F1 race, car enthusiasts come out of the woodwork to show off their coolest rides. You end up with all kinds of parking lot car shows and highway parades all weekend long. Nothing was different at this weekend's inaugural U.S. Grand Prix at Austin.
Our own reader iceman, the man who follows a trillion people on twitter, spotted this Bugatti Veyron in the Circuit of the Americas parking lot. Makes the Chevy next to it look a little pedestrian, no?
So go ahead and post the coolest cars you saw at Austin, we're sure you can top a lousy Bugatti no problem.
G/O Media may get a commission
10" LED Ring Kit
Photo Credit: iceman


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