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When I read our lawyer's interviews with the deputies in Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio's most notorious division, I had one question: Who staged this piece of theater?
You too can read, for the first time, excerpts of deposition statements from Arpaio's leaders and foot soldiers. The chiefs and deputies drift between truculence, amnesia, and chivalry. The dialogue is worthy of David Mamet.
But that's just my take (and I have an obvious conflict of interest). You can decide for yourself whether the sheriff's men sound scripted.
Sheriff Joe Arpaio
Read excerpts from the interviews and other documents here.
The deputies from the Selective Enforcement Unit were deposed because County Attorney Andrew Thomas rolled over and allowed Sheriff Joe Arpaio to file criminal charges against New Times journalist Ray Stern.
Our writer had started to photograph public records in the office of Michele Iafrate, the lawyer who filters Arpaio's paperwork for media scrutiny.
Iafrate forbade Stern from copying the public documents with his camera. When he questioned her decision, he was evicted from the office.
Stern's cheek triggered yet another assault by county law enforcement on Arizona's public records statute.
Following Iafrate's power play over the public records, Arpaio's elite, plainclothes deputies appeared at Stern's home about 8 that night and presented him with a criminal complaint for disorderly conduct. He was accused of making unreasonable noise. They threatened that he would be jailed if he did not sign the papers.
In addition to the remarkable transcripts from Arpaio's deputies, we also present for your inspection a surprise witness. Originally a critical part of the sheriff's case against Stern, this woman actually confirms the reporter's claim that he was civil throughout the impasse in Iafrate's office.
Furthermore, the surprise witness claims that other prosecution witnesses were coerced into giving testimony against Stern.
The plot contains one other startling twist: Arpaio's own attorney will undermine the sheriff's case.
Ray Stern was home with his two young children on October 18 when the deputies knocked. Their residence is not the usual crime scene. His wife, who smokes neither crack nor meth, and has no apparent tattoos, was absent that evening to teach her class, "Mothers Who Write."
Though charged with a criminal offense, Stern was not led off to jail. He was allowed to sign the complaint. Perhaps the presence of a developmentally disabled youngster and her 6-year-old sister induced some level of restraint. Or, perhaps, the deputies were in a hurry and did not wish to waste time placing the kids with Child Protective Services over a misdemeanor.
After the deputies' departure, they rushed off to Jim Larkin's home.
Larkin, this newspaper's CEO, and I were arrested and hauled off to jail that night for revealing in a New Times cover story the existence of an illegal grand jury that had subpoenaed the notes of our reporters as well as the identity of readers who had viewed New Times online. Our cover story ("Breathtaking Abuse of the Constitution") hit the streets early that morning, October 18.
The same morning our story appeared, Stern had, coincidentally, pointed out to attorney Iafrate that Arizona's public records law contains no prohibition against photographing public records. He did not curse. He did not yell. He did not threaten anyone. His crime was temerity and impertinence. He stands accused of making unreasonable noise.
Emerging from jail, I found the news media in a frenzy and the public in an uproar. Later that day, County Attorney Andrew Thomas hastily called a press conference, killed the illegal grand jury, fired the lawyer behind the grand jury, and dropped all charges against Larkin and myself.
Thomas, however, quietly allowed the criminal proceedings against Stern to proceed. Claiming a conflict of interest, the county attorney kicked the prosecution over to the City of Phoenix, which recently booted the case to the City of Mesa. Because he had not been taken to jail — only cited — Stern was off the public's radar screen.
While the subsequent lawsuit against county authorities (filed because of our arrest) received extensive attention, Stern's court case remained invisible.
Deputy Chief Sheriff Scott Freeman oversees the Special Investigations Division, wherein reside the men who serve in the department's Selective Enforcement Unit.
These few men secure the safety of Arpaio, self-proclaimed "America's toughest sheriff." They protect Arpaio from bombs, bullets, knives, blunt instruments, shrapnel, improvised explosive devices, assassinations, and the dark thoughts and deeds of the tens of thousands of hombres forced to wear pink underwear while incarcerated in a county jail or tent.
The two men who showed up on Stern's porch on October 18 were from the Selective Enforcement Unit.
When New Times lawyer Steve Suskin questioned Chief Freeman on May 29 about Stern's citation, the chief, despite 25 years of service, remembered not a single thing.
He did not remember whether the reporter was from a television station. Or whether the reporter had a gun. Or whether the reporter was from New Times. Or whether the reporter was Ray Stern. He did not remember whether he'd spoken to attorney Michele Iafrate about a disorderly conduct complaint. He did not remember who on the 19th floor — where the sheriff's command staff has offices — might have told him about the alleged crime.
Upper management might not remember, but they are not clueless. If you do not remember, you cannot be accused of lying. You cannot be contradicted. You cannot be charged with perjury. You certainly cannot be accused of participating in a conspiracy.
By contrast, consider the deposition of Sergeant Jerry Gentry. His memory is not perfect; there is much he forgets. But some things he does remember clearly.
Sergeant Gentry remembered that he was informed of the alleged disturbance of the peace by Freeman rather than by the alleged victim, Michele Iafrate.
He further remembered that the disturbance occurred shortly after 9 a.m. yet he was not contacted by Freeman until shortly before noon. This detail sticks with Sergeant Gentry because he promptly phoned Iafrate, who was at lunch.
The roughly three-hour gap between the alleged disturbance of the peace and Sergeant Gentry's call to the alleged victim, Michele Iafrate, will prove, ultimately, to be a busy time on the 19th floor for Arpaio's brain trust.
In fact, there was so much activity that no one, least of all Chief Freeman, can precisely recall what happened. Clearly, the discussion that would lead to the arrest of Larkin and me was already under way.
Asked whether he was aware of his unit's investigation regarding our grand jury article the very morning he was contacting Iafrate, Sergeant Gentry replied, "Well, it's an obvious yes. I did."
The lost three hours at central command is simply called, for now, "the gap."
For example, during "the gap," Sergeant Gentry cannot recall who it was in the Sheriff's Office that Michele Iafrate contacted about Ray Stern's behavior.
Suskin: "She had made some contact with the MCSO prior to the conversation you had with her, right?"
Gentry: "She must have."
Suskin: "And did you then understand . . . who it is that she called at the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office to initiate this?"
Gentry: "I don't know."
Suskin: "You don't recall her telling you in your conversations with her on the phone that day?"
Gentry: "No, I didn't ask her, 'Whom did she call?' And she didn't know whom she called or what number she called or anything like that."
So . . . Sergeant Gentry did not ask. And even if he did ask — which he did not — she did not know. Sergeant Gentry did know that much.
Gentry also knew that Ray Stern cussed and swore in Iafrate's office.
Gentry: "She [Michele Iafrate] called me back and told me that Ray Stern had been there. And had been disruptive . . . he was there to review some records. And that he had gotten disorderly and used profanity and gotten loud and had intimidated some of the employees in her office."
Asked about the cussing, Gentry again confirmed the swearing. Not once but repeatedly.
Suskin: "Okay, you specifically recall her telling you in this conversation that he used profanity."
Gentry: "Yes, profanity, definitely."
Suskin: "That sticks out in your mind?"
Gentry: "Yes."
Though Chief Freeman remembers nothing, Gentry, a Selective Enforcement Unit middle manager, recalled just enough to be contradicted by a grunt, Detective John Graham, who remembers many details.
Detective Graham was dispatched by Gentry to conduct the actual investigation at the crime scene, the offices of lawyer Michele Iafrate.
Unlike other witnesses, Detective Graham admits that he knows precisely who Ray Stern is and where Ray Stern works.
It does not take a trick question to learn that Detective Graham even reads the newspaper that employs Stern.
Detective Graham is equally candid that his investigation was, frankly, unprecedented. He simply could not remember ever before being sent to investigate something so picayune; after all, he is a member of the Selective Enforcement Unit, and targeting this type of crime was not normally his duty: "I don't recall having been dispatched for a disorderly conduct."
Furthermore, the witness was adamant that Ray Stern used no profanity.
"If [Stern] had said a cuss word to a lady," testified the courtly Detective Graham, "it would have been in my report."
Detective Graham's report mentions no profanity.
Asked about the contradiction to his testimony, Sergeant Gentry backtracks and acknowledges that, in any case, profanity is beside the point.
"I don't think [profanity] matters at all," countered Gentry. "It's the volume and the way he was . . . [Stern] refused to leave. And argumentative, loud argumentative."
Actually, Gentry is mistaken about that, too; no one claimed that Stern refused to leave.
Detective Graham interviewed five women at the Iafrate law offices and, according to his report, not a single one alleged that Stern refused to leave.
In fact, according to the official report, he repeatedly asked on his way out the door: "Why are you kicking me out?"
Detective Graham's report quotes Stern only on a single other note. Michele Iafrate remembered the reporter departing with a withering rejoinder upon his lips: "Good luck with your [law] practice."
An ironic tone? Surely. Argumentative? Perhaps.
Whether any attorney should suffer argument, let alone irony, begs the question: Is this disorderly conduct or merely disorderly conversation?
It is here that we must pause to consider terror.
"I believe that Mr. Stern raised his voice . . . which made other people in the building concerned . . . of their safety," testified Detective Graham.
In his report, Detective Graham wrote: "Ray Stern disturbed several employees in a normally quiet business by unnecessarily raising his voice to a level which caused concern for the safety of another employee."
But when interviewed about his report and his recollection of how the women in the law firm described the Stern incident, Detective Graham cannot pinpoint anyone who was actually terrorized.
The primary witness, Carrie Shehorn?
"Well, I don't know if I would actually consider her, what she told me, as being scared. Iafrate told me she was 'rattled,'" recalled Detective Graham.
"Was Courtney [Coleman] scared?"
"I don't believe she was, no," said Detective Graham.
"I don't believe she was scared, no. She was concerned," recalled Detective Graham.
In his report, Detective Graham identified one witness, Beverly, who was so agitated that she considered calling for help.
"Beverly told me she didn't know if she should stay in the basement or come upstairs to see what was going on," wrote Detective Graham about the Stern commotion. "Beverly told me she contemplated calling 911 because she wasn't sure what was going on."
Based upon this, Detective Graham concluded Beverly was scared, though he also admits she never used the word scared.
In reality, Beverly was concerned.
But she was not frightened by Ray Stern.
Beverly was frightened by her boss, Michele Iafrate.
We know this because, in an unsolicited e-mail, Beverly contacted New Times.
"I witnessed the alleged 'disorderly conduct' incident on or about 10/18/08," Beverly Goodman wrote in a letter. "Moreover, I have information that some Iafrate employees were coerced into making less-than-truthful statements to an MCSO law enforcement officer who was summoned."
According to Goodman, the other women in the office, the paralegals and secretaries, took their cues from attorney Michele Iafrate.
Goodman once made the mistake of returning to the law firm with a copy of New Times and was reprimanded — not by Iafrate, but by one of the other women more experienced in the office culture — for reading the paper.
Goodman said the tone at the office came from the top.
"I was told by Michele's assistant that we don't like the New Times," said Goodman. "We don't read the New Times. At first, I thought she was joking. I mean, I like reading the New Times. But it was very clear to me that Michele didn't like New Times, so we weren't supposed to read New Times."
Moreover, everyone at the law firm knew Stern was with New Times and that he was coming to Iafrate's office to review potentially embarrassing documents of the sheriff's.
"I knew someone from the New Times was coming. And there was a big hullabaloo," testified Goodman.
She explained that the staff was geared up for "some sort of confrontation."
What is a legal office without a bit of drama? Why was Goodman convinced that Iafrate had steered the statements of witnesses? What happened as the deputy arrived?
"Carrie Shehorn came into our office," recalled Goodman. "And she told Jill, 'Oh, he's here. He's here' [referring to Detective Graham]."
These were not the first citizens to have ever become anxious at the arrival of a law enforcement officer. But Goodman felt Iafrate clearly signaled to her staff what she expected them to say.
Goodman's answers are both atmospheric and specific.
"They [the other women in the office] just really like Michele," said Goodman of the environment. "Everything Michele liked, they liked."
But there was more to this than just a vibe.
"It's difficult to answer if you don't know this culture," explained Goodman. "Michele recapped, while we were all standing there, what she believed happened . . . That this guy had come in. And from what she was saying, it sounded like she was saying that he had threatened them. And was refusing to leave, and he had been doing something wrong . . . she flat-out said that he had been refusing to leave."
One woman already had said that she did not witness anything.
"I believe it was Courtney," said Goodman.
Iafrate's comment, Goodman claimed, was that this staff person "still needed to give a statement."
"Courtney told me that she could hear yelling and went into the conference room to make sure that everything was all right," wrote Detective Graham in his report.
Well, now . . . Is this coercing witnesses, coaching employees, or simply the mark of an attorney with excellent leadership qualities?
From another perspective, let's cast a gimlet eye upon Ms. Goodman. She worked at the firm for only two months before losing her position.
But even if you characterize Ms. Goodman as that most peptic observer — a disgruntled former employee — her direct testimony, as opposed to her judgments upon office culture, is troubling.
In her deposition, she informed New Times that she never considered calling 911. She was never frightened by Stern's behavior; Stern was not abusive or loud. In fact, she could barely hear him. The only voices she'd heard were those of the women who worked for Iafrate, and Iafrate's.
"I don't recall saying, 'Call 911,'" said Goodman in her interview. "There was nothing that Ray Stern did that would have caused me to think about calling 911."
Asked whether she'd heard any "commotion, yelling, screaming, or curse words of any kind," Goodman repeatedly answered with one word: "No!"
Goodman explained to our attorney that she was nervous about walking past the room where Stern was because Michele Iafrate was demanding that the reporter leave.
But it was not Stern that gave her pause.
Goodman did not wish to get caught in the crossfire with her boss. Though she could not understand why they would evict Stern and had been concerned about this, she was clear that Stern did not cause a scene.
"He was . . . He looked a little puzzled, I guess. I mean, he was trying to explain to her that there is no statute prohibiting whatever it was, photos or whatever," said Goodman.
Suskin: "And so then, did he leave?"
Goodman: "Yes."
Iafrate did not respond to a request for comment.
New Times sued Arpaio in the fall of 2004 over the lawman's refusal to produce public records involving nine separate cases.
Beginning that May, in a run-up to the fall primary election, New Times reporter John Dougherty filed public records requests that Arpaio's staff ignored.
Dougherty sought paperwork regarding jail deaths, the multimillion-dollar vending machine business in Arpaio's jail, SWAT team incidents, building contracts, employee records, and favoritism shown to celebrities convicted of drunk driving.
It is critical to note that Arpaio produced records only after the election, and then only after we filed suit.
The records produced were incomplete.
The state court of appeals decided that the paperwork was not promptly furnished, as required by law, and has ordered the county Superior Court to consider New Times' request for attorney's fees.
The sheriff is appealing to the Arizona Supreme Court.
Today, more than four years after our original request for public records, the case is yet to be resolved.
The sheriff has been represented by Michele Iafrate, the very same attorney in the middle of the unreasonable noise charge against Ray Stern.
The Appellate Court's decision in the Dougherty case contained language that is worth keeping in mind as you consider the Stern prosecution:
"If the court determines that a person was wrongfully denied access to or the right to copy a public record and if the court finds that the custodian of such public record acted in bad faith, or in an arbitrary or capricious manner, the superior court may award to the petitioner legal costs, including reasonable attorney fees."
We must wait for the courts to determine whether taking a photograph of a public record is anything other than copying. Iafrate's bad faith, or lack thereof, also awaits judgment.
But the documented record of outright defiance of the law in the Dougherty records requests is a matter of court record
On July 2004, Dougherty requested the paperwork on the death of an inmate in Arpaio's jail.
The sheriff's director of media relations, Lisa Allen, handled the request. Here is her testimony:
Allen: "I was told that there was no death. I told Dougherty, and I figured that was the end of it."
Attorney: "Even though you learned a few days later that there was a death?"
Allen: "Even though I learned different."
The court noted: "She also testified that MCSO made no records regarding the death at the jail until three months after it occurred, but then testified that she 'honestly did not know what paperwork was available' between the death on July 9 and the release of the records on October 14 because she did not look."
Responding to a tip, Dougherty filed a request to determine whether prominent individuals or supporters of Arpaio convicted of DUIs were given favorable housing in a Mesa county jail facility instead of the harsher, open-air Tent City.
When Arpaio stalled, the court ordered the sheriff to produce the most knowledgeable person on the Mesa inmates. Instead, Arpaio produced a witness who knew less than Dougherty.
Attorney: "If you want to know on any given day what individuals are in the East Mesa Jail Facility, is it possible for you to find that out from the computer?
Lieutenant Edmund Shepard: "Not me. I don't have access."
Attorney: "There's no way to determine who is in the District One Jail on any given day?"
Shepard: "I can only answer by saying I have no idea how to get it out of there."
In summation, attorneys for New Times pointed out a rather extraordinary matter of record.
"The sheriff: never claimed that the papers sought were not public record; never claimed that one single page was privileged; never claimed that the privacy interests of any person was involved; never claimed that production of any page would impede investigations; never raised any other contention that disclosure would not be in the 'best interest of the state'; never claimed that the records were withheld because redactions were necessary; never said that public records could not be disclosed until a judicial in camera examination occurred to determine what records qualified for public access; and throughout the litigation, raised no other justification for withholding records."
Actually, that last point is not entirely accurate.
Lisa Allen made her justification plain.
Attorney: "So, because you were angry, because you didn't like what Dougherty published, you didn't respond to the request for 142 days, correct?"
Allen: "I didn't really want to communicate with him during that period of time."
Attorney: "So the answer to my question is, that's correct?"
Allen: "Yes."
Attorney: "That's why you didn't respond. Is that right?"
Allen: "Yes."
It's striking to me how obfuscation and delay have been replaced by darker tactics. The press is now often menaced and threatened in pursuit of the public's right to know.
For example, the editor of Phoenix Magazine, Ashlea Deahl, described for readers a threatening phone call she received from County Attorney Andrew Thomas' then-special prosecutor, Dennis Wilenchik, last year.
After venting about the magazine's intention to profile Arpaio's election rival, Dan Saban, Wilenchik demanded an advance copy of the story that he could review.
"The cherry on top? Wilenchik wanted to let us know that he knows someone with our magazine has personal ties to a prisoner in one of Sheriff Joe's jails (another story altogether)," wrote Deahl. "There was nothing more to it — no direct threat — but the context was there: Watch what you print about my buddy and boss, Sheriff Joe."
The sheriff's attorney felt free to suggest that the editor's former boyfriend, then incarcerated on unrelated charges, would feel the consequences of her magazine's articles.
This year, Joe Dana of Channel 12 vigorously pursued the sheriff's questionable exchange program with law enforcement units in Honduras. In pursuit of that story, he examined the relationship between Chief Deputy David Hendershott and a vendor, Hummingbird Defense Systems, and the vast expenditures involving Arpaio's office and their Central American counterparts.
Approached for a response at a public meeting, Hendershott refused comment. Instead, he accused Dana of criminal conduct.
"Are you willing to tell me why you impersonated me to achieve my personal financial records, when I was personally on vacation? Are you prepared to tell me how you broke a Class 6 felony law in this state to three people? You broke the law!" accused Arpaio's second-in-command.
Dana explained in his report that he had no idea what Hendershott was talking about.
But given the number of Arpaio's political foes who have been jailed, and given that, eight months before this exchange, the sheriff arrested and jailed two journalists and cited a third for criminal conduct, Hendershott's questions are more threatening than rhetorical.
The latest chapters of the struggle by the media for access to public records occurs against the backdrop of an unprecedented civil rights fight on the streets of Phoenix. These sordid events led to a second attack upon Ray Stern.
At a César Chávez luncheon in March, Phoenix Mayor Phil Gordon had decried the sweeps of Mexican neighborhoods for illegals conducted by Sheriff Arpaio as part of County Attorney Andrew Thomas' election pledge to purge Maricopa County of Hispanic immigrants.
"The posse didn't lock up murderers," noted the mayor. "They locked up people with broken tail lights." And then deported them.
Mayor Gordon subsequently asked the Justice Department to look into allegations of racial profiling by Arpaio and his deputies.
On Arpil 9, the New York Times excoriated Arpaio and urged Congress to subpoena the sheriff to account for the roundups of Hispanics.
The sheriff did not hesitate for a moment.
He lashed out at the critic responsible for the unwelcome attention.
On April 24, his men filed a public records request seeking six months' worth of the mayor's e-mails, cell phone records, and meeting-calendar entries. The demand included a call for similar documents from Phoenix Police Chief Jack Harris and City Manager Frank Fairbanks.
On June 11, New Times' Stern received a tip that the sheriff's deputies had shown up at City Hall to inspect the records.
The two deputies present did not intend to pay for copies of the nearly 10,000 e-mails produced by the mayor's office. Taking a page from Stern's book, they intended to make their own copies; instead of a camera, however, the deputies brought a portable copying device. No one objected this time.
The cooperation at City Hall, however, did not prevent a confrontation. Once again, Sheriff Arpaio's men threatened to arrest Stern.
The reporter asked to inspect the public records being copied, and the sheriff's men informed him that he'd be arrested if he touched the public documents. Phoenix City Attorney Gary Verburg arrived on the scene of the dispute and informed the deputies that Stern had an absolute right to view the public documents.
The deputies ignored Verburg and called for backup.
MCSO Captain Jim Miller arrived with reinforcements.
"Miller proved himself to be a real bully, practically begging me to make a move that would allow him to arrest me," wrote Stern of the incident. "He accused me of wanting to take public records literally from his deputies' hands, warning me that such an action would certainly lead to arrest. He picked up a couple of random folders sitting on the records counter and waved them in my face. 'Take these papers from my hand,' he snarled. 'Take these from my hand.'"
In a June 17 editorial titled "Paranoia-ville," the Arizona Republic described what happened next: "Then, with tensions escalating, Assistant City Attorney Elaine Caldwell arrived along with four Phoenix officers. Reading the relevant statutes, Caldwell stated, for the second time that day, that Stern had as much right to view the records as they did."
In his internal report to Chief Deputy David Hendershott, Captain Miller proudly recounts taunting Stern, provoking the reporter with the barely masked intent of arresting yet another journalist. When the Phoenix Police intervened, Miller suffered a meltdown.
"The [Phoenix PD] Commander told me that I shouldn't arrest Stern because the documents were public record," noted Captain Miller. "I was flabbergasted at his response and became animated with him. I explained that if Stern touched any deputy, he would be arrested and it would not be wise for him to interfere with us if we took that action . . . I warned the commander that if he interfered with our arrest, there would be a problem."
For the record, Stern never touched, expressed an interest in touching, or moved to touch a deputy. This bogeyman sprang from Captain Miller's fervid imagination.
Captain Miller went on to conclude that he and his men were "humiliated" and believed, for numerous reasons, that the "City Attorney conspired in some way to partner with Stern."
This is stunning nonsense. At the very moment that Miller fantasized about a conspiracy, the Phoenix City Attorney was, in fact, prosecuting Stern in the Arpaio/Iafrate/Thomas case. They were hardly co-conspirators.
The confrontation over the City Hall e-mails was defused only when concerned staffers made available to Stern the documents the sheriff's deputies had already copied. With the Phoenix police as bodyguards, Stern reviewed the public records.
Ray Stern has taken photographs of public records, without incident, at the state Department of Public Safety. How did Stern legally take photographs of public records in that instance and then get a criminal complaint thrown at him by Michele Iafrate for the same activity?
In a rather remarkable exchange, Stern's city of Phoenix prosecutor provided a startling insight. Iafrate did not initially seek criminal charges against the reporter.
Suskin asked city prosecutor Diana Herrera why Iafrate had not called Phoenix police, or dialed 911, if she had a disorderly conduct situation on her hands?
Why had she called Arpaio's command staff?
Herrera informed Suskin that Iafrate had merely called the sheriff, her client, to update him on Stern's record inspection. She did not call seeking to file charges.
Herrera recounted her initial remarks to Steve Suskin during the deposition of another witness: "Her primary purpose of calling the sheriff's department at all, was to let them know [that] hey, this is occurring, because it's going to affect another case in which they're involved in."
Prosecutor Herrera added, "She was calling to let them know that this is going to affect the timeline."
Somewhere in "the gap" between Stern's visit to Iafrate's office at 9 a.m. and the phone call from Detective Graham to Iafrate, someone — not Iafrate — decided to go after the reporter on criminal charges.
And what timeline of another case might Iafrate have had in mind?
We do not know precisely, because Iafrate declared herself a victim of Ray Stern and asserted her right not to answer any questions.
But we do know that on the morning in question, October 18, Thomas, Arpaio, and Wilenchik were already preparing our arrests. Grand jury documents, subsequently released by the judge, show that on that day Wilenchik demanded from the court the arrest of Jim Larkin, Michael Lacey, and our attorneys, Tom Henze, Janey Henze, and Steve Suskin. The authorities also sought $90 million in fines. All this retribution stemmed from the article we published October 18 revealing the existence of the illegal grand jury.
We further know that another of Arpaio's attorneys, Wilenchik, was in direct contact that day with the Sheriff's Office.
What we do not yet know is: Who in the Sheriff's Office decided to roll Ray Stern into this ongoing assault upon the press?
When Michele Iafrate called to update the sheriff on Stern's review of the public records, who suggested she had the makings of a criminal complaint?
Who told Chief Freeman to tell Sergeant Gentry to order Detective Graham to snap the Selective Enforcement Unit into action?
By the end of the business day on October 18, everyone had their game faces on.
Around 4:30 p.m., New Times' lawyers received a fax from the courts: Dennis Wilenchik had asked the judge to arrest me, Jim Larkin, and three of our paper's attorneys.
Between 4:30 and 5, Gentry instructed Graham to file criminal charges against Ray Stern.
No deputy had interviewed Stern.
The men from Arpaio's Selective Enforcement Unit did not wait for a ruling from the judge. On the evening of October 18, they descended upon my home, Jim Larkin's home, and Ray Stern's home.
On Wednesday, September 3, nearly a year after knocking on Michele Iafrate's door, Stern will return to court, seeking to have the charge dismissed on constitutional grounds. Non-provocative speech directed at a government agent cannot be criminal because of the First Amendment of the Constitution, Suskin argues.
We are not the only media outlet whose right to public records has been abused by Thomas and Arpaio. In fact, Stern went to Iafrate's office seeking documents related to the sheriff's handling of public records with all the news media.
Stern persisted, even after he was evicted. He got the records and wrote a story about Arpaio's abuse of Arizona's public records statute and the sheriff's cynical manipulation of the state's news media ("The Right to Know," December 13, 2007).
With his appearance in court on Wednesday, Stern's fight against the criminal complaint is closing in on one year.
He continues to file requests for public records in the sheriff's possession.
In June, Stern asked for a list of citizens who were said by Arpaio to have donated money to help finance his immigration roundups.
Stern was allowed to view the documents, but he was not allowed to take notes. Later, he paid for copies of the donations, but all the identifying data regarding the contributions was blocked out.
In other words, Arpaio does not want the public to know who is paying to round up, arrest, and deport illegal immigrants.
Stern asked Captain Paul Chagolla, another of the sheriff's public information officers, why Arpaio publicized the name, address, and phone number of a mayor's aide who claimed she was the victim of racial profiling but kept secret the names of public donors who financed these sweeps?
When contacted for this article, Captain Chagolla advised that we should consult our own attorney on the law . . . "I cannot comment any further."
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According to Stern, Captain Chagolla responded, "These people are deserving of privacy."
That remains to be seen.
The bigger picture, however, is quite clear.
Sheriff Joe Arpaio, with the assistance of County Attorney Andrew Thomas, has pioneered a strategy to subvert Arizona's public records law: stall, litigate, arrest, and prosecute.
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Liner is removable and can be machine washed cold and tumbled dry low.
Safety Information
Basket can be used until Baby is approximately 15 pounds (6.8 kg) or until Baby can push up or roll over unassisted.
Basket should always be placed on a firm, flat surface. Never place it near the fireplace or open flames.
Not to be used to transport your baby. Never lift, move, or carry the basket with your baby inside.
Complies with all current, applicable ASTM safety standards.
Mattress pad is manufactured with the maximum thickness allowable under current safety standards.
Product may vary slightly from shown and described.
Additional Information
Manufacturer: Badger Basket
Assembled Size: 30.5x17x18
Shipping Size: 34x14x8
Shipping Weight: 5.1 lbs
UPC Code: 0-46605-12960-9
Country of Origin: Imported
Needs Assembly: Yes

subset: commoncrawl


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Gouge mining was a type of mining practiced by the Ferengi.
In 2369, Nava came to his Grand Nagus, Quark, to complain that he felt that he had done all he could in the field of gouge mining, and that he longed for a chance to find profit elsewhere. (DS9: "The Nagus")
Background information
It is possible that the material that Nava mined through gouging was arcybite, given his interest in arcybite refineries.
A cut scene from the fifth season's "Ferengi Love Songs" mentioned gouge mining on Feckle Prime. Zek complained that last year that would have been a good idea, but presently he was not sure how much more gouging the planet could take. (Star Trek: Deep Space Nine Companion - A Series Guide and Script Library)
Gouge mining was also mentioned in Legends of the Ferengi, where it was said that there were gouge mines on Ferenginar, and that in the hierarchy of Ferengi jobs gouge mining was third from the bottom.
External links
- Gouge mining at Memory Beta, the wiki for licensed Star Trek works


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For Mitt Romney, in the second Presidential debate, women always seemed to be elsewhere. This was not the only reason that he lost the debate—and a chance to put the election away—but it was one of them. One of the stories that Romney's campaign has told to humanize him is about how, at Bain Capital, he once shut down the office to lead a search for the daughter of a partner after she had gone missing in New York. When he talked, on Tuesday night, about how he had "the chance to pull together a cabinet" as the governor of Massachusetts and wanted to add women, the imagery was similar, and the targets also maddeningly elusive: "all the applicants seemed to be men," he explained. It was as if the women were runaways, deliberately hiding themselves:
And so off they set. Romney did not say if his staff members were all men, but they became determined pursuers of mystery women—"we took a concerted effort to go out and find women who had backgrounds that could be qualified to become members of our cabinet"; "I brought us whole binders full of—of women." "Binders full of women" is a phrase that provoked instant fascination, because it is so strange, and, as a prop and a concept, so vivid. One saw a table at which middle-aged men sat slowly leafing through pages of plastic sleeves with photographs of women tucked inside. Or, more concretely, trapped between covers, battling with metal rings.
One got the sense of Mitt Romney coming from a place where women were generally in the other room, waiting to be invited in only when the moment—or the visibility of the job—called for it. Romney was fifty-six when he became governor, with decades spent in business during which he could have made the sort of contacts that would have turned him into a resource for others looking for qualified women. The Boston Globe pointed out that Romney "did not have any women partners as CEO of Bain Capital during the 1980s and 1990s." Where were the binders then? The Globe added that even today, only four of Bain's forty-nine partners are women. This is a firm he built and a culture he controlled.
(The story, according to the Boston Phoenix, was also not quite true. An outside group put together the binder. Romney didn't put women in the most important cabinet jobs. And he had fewer and fewer working for him as time went on.)
The binders-of-women anecdote did not answer the question, which came from a woman named Katherine Fenton and was about pay. ("In what new ways do you intend to rectify the inequalities in the workplace, specifically regarding females making only seventy-two percent of what their male counterparts earn?") Instead, he said that he knew women would want to leave the office earlier, to make dinner for their children, and that he thought employers could help with flexible schedules. They can, and should. But it is striking that, given an opening to talk about women in the workforce, Romney described people who either had to be dragged on to the stage or would run off of it as soon as they could. They start as a rumor and end up as an echo.
This was not the point where Obama won the debate; it was too early in the evening for that to be settled. (John Cassidy has a full account.) But it put him on the right path. The pay-equity question could hardly have been better designed for him. He talked about his mother's work as a single parent and his grandmother's as a bank employee who "hit the glass ceiling," and about Lilly Ledbetter—"this amazing woman who had been doing the same job as a man for years"—and the act, bearing her name, that helped women go to court to challenge disparities. He attacked Romney for not supporting her, then moved to contraceptive coverage: "It's an economic issue for women."
It is also a women's issue for women. Romney does not have an ear for that sort of thing. During the debate, he seemed to misjudge the effect of his attempts to make the moderator, Candy Crowley—the non-abstract woman in the debate—give him more time, or her willingness to fight back. Once, he traded rudeness points for the chance to make it clear that he did not, of all things, oppose "wind jobs" for Iowa. (Was that one still rattling around in his head from the caucuses?) He forced another interruption to try to explain his position on contraception, which he did ineffectively. It ended up as a jumble about how he didn't think "that bureaucrats in Washington should tell someone whether they can use contraceptives or not," when the issue was the inclusion of coverage for contraception in insurance plans. Nor did he really make the case, as he has in the past, that religious freedom was at stake.
Romney didn't find women where he might have, and then abruptly saw them in places, and in answers to questions, where they didn't really fit. Asked about gun violence, he talked about single parents. He qualified this, faintly, gender-wise—"A lot of great single moms, single dads. But gosh, to tell our kids that before they have babies, they ought to think about getting married to someone"—but the great majority of single-parent households are headed by women. (Like mine.) Perhaps it would help if gay and lesbian parents could get married; this is one of many issues yet to come up in a debate. And, again, this was a question about AK-47s and assault weapons and the sort of shootings after which mothers, both married and single, become mourners. Obama, in his answer, mentioned a particular mother he'd met whose son had been wounded in the Aurora theatre shooting. Romney's answer, in contrast, did not seem designed to slam shut the gender gap—which, leading up to this debate, he had been closing.
But one measure of the lack of intensity afforded to women's issues by either candidate was that, while contraception was discussed, the word "abortion" did not come up at all, except maybe by proxy. Obama mentioned Planned Parenthood five times, once in the same sentence with Big Bird. A woman watching, who did not know either of the candidate's positions going in, might have guessed the general orientation, but would not have known that Romney—at the moment—supports a ban on abortion unless a woman has been the victim of rape or incest, or will die without it. That is an extreme position. How, after all, is it supposed to work, even for a woman who has been raped? Would she have to go in front of a judge and prove that she had been raped before she could end her pregnancy? What if the alleged perpetrator claimed that the sex had been consensual—would he have an interest in contesting an abortion? Or would a woman need to prove that the risk to her life—never mind to her health—was over a certain per cent, say, seventy-five? Which bureaucrats would decide who got access to this medical procedure? There was silence about abortion in this debate, as there was in the first one, but it is not yet as deadly as the silence would be if women, as in the days before Roe, had no safe and legal access to abortions. They would be left to seek them out in streets where nobody knew them—and where some of them would die. Would Romney lead a search party to go looking for them then?
Read our complete coverage of the debates.
Photograph by Saul Loeb/Getty.


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We might be a little partial to that other British motoring show, but how could we resist a brand new Lada Niva test drive?
Fifth Gear took a brand new Niva on a back road trip across Britain to see how the ancient design has aged.
To no one's surprise the Lada proved itself to be both capable off road and rather ridiculous at the same time.
[via @russiancars]


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March 5, 2018 (112UA) Swedish defense minister Peter Hultqvist comes to Ukraine with a working visit on Monday. The press service of Ukraine's defense ministry reported that in the morning of March 5.
"As the Kingdom of Sweden's official delegation arrives in Kyiv, defense minister of Ukraine Stepan Poltorak will meet defense minister of Sweden Peter Hultqvist", the message says. Previously, Sweden and Denmark agreed to step up their common efforts standing up against the Russian propaganda, expressing their concerns about Russia's actions in the hybrid war.


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June 25, 2014 by Peacock Rebellion
We're an SF Bay Area -based, queer + trans people of color crew of artist-activist-healers. We make sassy sexy art to help build a culture of social justice, with an emphasis on healing justice. We think … More
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text: Sijun Forums :: View topic - Futuristic racing game (concept art request) Log in to check your private messages Sijun Forums Forum Index >> Work in Progress View previous topic :: View next topic Author Topic : "Futuristic racing game (concept art request)" armin3djunior memberMember #Joined: 28 Jul 2014Posts: 1Location: Germany Posted: Mon Jul 28, 2014 5:22 am Hi, I'm Armin and I would like to introduce a game project to you which I've been working on in my spare time since some months now: It's a futuristic arcade racing game, heavily inspired by titles like Motorhead, WipeOut and Nitronic Rush/Distance. So far I was aiming for a Tron/Wipeout-style atmosphere, with edged shapes and simple textures with glowy segments. In its current state, you can drive around a simple track, basic controls and simple collision detection are working. Special care was taken to optimize the rendering engine for constant 60 frames per second. My short term goal is to build a more polished and complete prototype demo (single track). Here are a couple of in-engine screenshots to show you how it currently looks like: (A few more screenshots are available at http://science.untergrund.net/racer/) As you can see, the environment art needs a lot more work The next step is to develop the style and mood in more detail and then to build corresponding 3d geometries to populate the level environment. So I'm looking for inspirational concept art in the form of speed paintings, mood boards or paintovers (e.g. based on the screenshots above) to help define the look of the game. Maybe you even already have some existing sketches that might fit the theme? Feel free to either post images directly here or just drop me a line at firstname.lastname@example.com Your designs will be an integral part to further promote the project as well - full credits will be given of course. Back to top AnthonymemberMember #Joined: 13 Apr 2000Posts: 1577Location: Winter Park, FLA Posted: Sun May 31, 2015 2:51 pm Honestly your best bet is probably to just look up a bunch of Syd Mead work and use that as a rough thematic/stylistic base, then get a talented 3d artist or two to help flesh out from there._________________-Anthony Carpe Carpem http://www.anthonyfransella.com Back to top Display posts from previous: All Posts1 Day7 Days2 Weeks1 Month3 Months6 Months1 Year Oldest FirstNewest First Sijun Forums Forum Index -> Work in Progress All times are GMT - 8 Hours Page 1 of 1 Jump to: Select a forum Digital Art----------------Digital Art DiscussionWork in ProgressGallery/Finished Work Miscellaneous----------------Random MusingsArchive : Sep99 - Dec00 You cannot post new topics in this forumYou cannot reply to topics in this forumYou cannot edit your posts in this forumYou cannot delete your posts in this forumYou cannot vote in polls in this forum Powered by phpBB © 2005 phpBB Group


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The Sewage Removal Team at Lilly's Restoration understands the biological dangers of Sewage. Our Sewage Cleaning Crew is highly trained and qualified by the IICRC. We are on call 24/7 near Clarksburg, Massachusetts
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Hover over the image below with the mouse to see a digital enhancement of how the miniature may have appeared to its first audiences.
Elizabeth I and the Three Goddesses, attrib. Isaac Oliver, c. 1590.
© National Portrait Gallery, London, Purchased with the support of Mark Weiss
Whether to leave an object 'as found', or to try and restore it to something approaching its original appearance, is a predicament often faced by curators in consultation with conservators. This was the conundrum we met in considering the treatment of an exquisite and previously unknown cabinet miniature of Elizabeth I and the Three Goddesses, recently acquired by the Gallery. When we first saw the miniature last year prior to its purchase we were enchanted by the artist's skill in depicting a fascinating subject, Elizabeth I triumphing over the goddesses of wisdom (Athena/Minerva), love (Aphrodite/Venus) and marriage (Hera/Juno).
Like all objects that have survived for over 400 years, this small object has suffered with age. The paint layers themselves have faded in places and, although largely intact, there are some areas of loss. This is particularly evident in the sky and hills in the background and in the goddess Minerva's skirt (detail to right). The picture is painted on vellum (fine animal skin) stuck down onto pasteboard, which is made from sheets of paper stuck together. Some of these sheets have started to separate from each other and from the vellum.
A conservator has begun the process of treating this fragile work. One question we asked ourselves was whether or not we should try to restore this picture to its original appearance and touch in the losses in the background? The first principle of modern conservation is that any changes or additions are reversible. However, it was clear that any application of pigment to the surface of this impressive art work could not be easily removed. Where such additions have been applied to pictures they often also age at a different rate, causing changes to the appearance over time. This option was therefore ruled out, and the miniature will be conserved rather than restored. Instead, we have produced a digital enhancement (see above) of how the miniature may have appeared to its first audiences: in particular the areas of loss in the detail, and the original silvery effect of the queen's skirt. Do let us know what you think. You can see this miniature in a month's time, when it will be on display for the first time as part of Elizabeth I and Her People (10 October 2013 – 5 January 2014).


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Mother: Teenage girl killed while sleeping
The mother of the city's latest murder victim said her daughter was sleeping when she was killed.
Tre'Veona Smith was spending the night at her grandmother's home near 42nd and Browne streets when someone shot at a window around 3:45 a.m. Sunday.
One of the bullets hit the 18-year-old's arm and then lodged in her heart. Smith was taken to the hospital where she later died.
Delgracious Smith, the victim's mother, said she is trying to stay strong.
"My child deserves to be here with me and her brother, but she's not with me, so I've got to deal with the pain I'm going through. It's a pain that hurts so bad. I wouldn't wish it on my worst enemy," Delgracious said.
Smith was a senior at Northwest High School. Delgracious said her daughter's first priorities were school, grades and graduation.
"She wanted to be lawyer. She told me she was going to take care of me, said, 'Mama, you'll never go to a nursing home,'" Delgracious said.
There is a memorial fund for Smith at any Wells Fargo bank.
Anyone with information on the case should call a detective at 402-444-5652. If you want to remain anonymous and be eligible for a cash reward, call Crime Stoppers at 402-444-7867.


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You can also contact your Ambassador directly through their profile page.
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Pasta and Beef 'Goulash' Recipe
Delicious, no-compromise recipes for those who need to live a gluten-free lifestyle, but don't want it to taste like it.
Years ago when I mentioned to my husband that I planned to make goulash for dinner, he thought I was making stew. Instead, I put a very American casserole on the table. The conversation that followed went something like this:
"What's this?"
"It's goulash."
"No...no, it isn't. It's like a homemade version of, I don't know, Hamburger Helper*."
Ah, culinary misunderstandings. As long as they don't involve an allergen that could kill me, they're usually funny and often enlightening. In the case of our goulash misunderstanding, Greg assumed I would be making the classic Hungarian stew and had never heard the macaroni and beef casserole I made referred to as goulash. I'm still not sure why the pasta and beef casserole I made is referred to as goulash. At first I thought it was a regional reference; however, I've met people from all over the country that call this casserole goulash.
No matter what you call it, this is a recipe for easy comfort food. Simply combine cooked gluten-free pasta (I like to use elbow macaroni but anything works) with cooked ground beef and tomato sauce. Top the whole thing with a little grated cheddar and in about 20 minutes, dinner is ready.
One little warning for the recipe, don't overcook the pasta. Gluten-free pasta turns mushy when overcooked. To avoid this, check the pasta while it cooks. You want it to be a bit firm when you add it to the sauce. It finishes cooking in the oven. And, like most pasta dishes, this recipe welcomes creativity. Add some additional chopped vegetables and cook them along with the onions and garlic or swap the Cheddar for a different cheese. However you make it, you'll end up with a casserole that's delicious but definitely not a stew. Just ask my husband.
*He has never, ever lived down comparing my cooking to Hamburger Helper, let me tell you.
- Yield:6
- Active time: 20 min
- Total time:30 min
- Rated:
- Nonstick cooking spray
- Salt
- 1 pound gluten-free elbow macaroni
- 2 tablespoons olive oil
- 1 medium onion, finely chopped
- 1 pound 93% (extra-lean) ground beef
- 1 clove garlic, minced or put through a garlic press
- 1 can (28 ounces) tomato sauce
- 6 ounces cheddar cheese, grated (about 1 1/2 cups)
Preheat the oven to 375ºF. Lightly spray a 13 by 9-inch baking dish (or a large oven-proof dish) with nonstick cooking spray.
Fill a large pot three-quarters full with water. Cover and bring to a boil over high heat. Set a colander in the sink for draining the pasta. When the water reaches a boil, add 1 tablespoon salt and the pasta. Stir with a wooden spoon for about 30 seconds, then stir occasionally while the pasta cooks.
In a large nonstick frying pan, heat the oil over high heat until hot and shimmering but not smoking. Add the onion. Cook, stirring frequently with a wooden spoon, until the onion is soft, about 3 minutes. Add the garlic and 1/2 teaspoon salt. Cook, stirring frequently, until soft and aromatic.
Add the ground beef and cook, breaking up the clumps with a wooden spoon or heatproof spatula, until thoroughly cooked and browned, about four minutes. If desired, remove and discard any excess fat.
Stir three-quarters of the tomato sauce into the beef. Lower the heat to low. (This is a good time to check the pasta if you haven't already.)
After about 10 minutes of boiling, check the pasta for doneness. Drain the pasta in the colander and return it to the cooking pot.
Add the meat sauce to the pasta and stir with a wooden spoon to combine. Pour into the prepared baking dish. Top with the remaining tomato sauce and sprinkle evenly with the cheese.
Bake until the cheese is golden brown and the sauce is bubbling, about 15 minutes.
All products linked here have been independently selected by our editors. We may earn a commission on purchases, as described in our affiliate policy.


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WINCHESTER Area Community Action (WACA) has bade farewell to two senior staff members.
The extensive restructuring and cost-cutting programme, sparked by changes to the way the charitable sector is funded, will see WACA move from its current offices at Winchester City Council to rooms at the Discovery and Brooks centres in July, and reshuffle its staff.
Both chief executive Paul Williams and his deputy Elizabeth McKerracher are leaving, as well as person centred planner Caroline Tiza.
A leaving lunch was held on Monday, and trustee chairman Trevor Lewis has stressed that the support the organisation currently provides to more than 230 charities will continue.
"When Paul joined WACA in 2009, the role of CEO was different to the role today," he said.
"There will be a change in our structure but we will be delivering proactive services to all our members, large and small, as we always have."


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by Sharon Polsky
President and CEO — AM¡NAcorp.ca
National Chair — CAPAPA
The recent discussion about Usage Based Billing being a 'cash grab' has generated much debate: Is a cash grab warranted? Should Internet users have to pay according to the volume they download?
Does UBB discourage innovation?
The simple answer to the underlying question is:
ISPs and telcos need a way to fund
the Internet monitoring functions required by
the Anti Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) and Canada's Investigating and Preventing Criminal Electronic Communications Act (Bill C-52).
To understand the real impact, though, it is important to view UBB in context with other issues, which together:
- jeopardize the sovereignty of our nation,
- have a chilling effect on freedom of expression, and
- threaten the privacy and democratic freedoms traditionally enjoyed in Canada.
It can be argued that these measures do nothing to protect Canada or Canadians from the threat of terrorism (real or perceived), US protectionism or other economic threats, or future retribution by the Department of Homeland Security or other agencies.
UBB In Context
ACTA (the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement) is an international agreement to protect intellectual property and guard against piracy. It was hammered out by a handful of countries and requires signatories to have civil and criminal law that complies with it. Canada may have bargained away our ability to create independent legislation simply by being a party to ACTA, with terms allowing Canada to pass laws more stringent than required, but depriving us of the authority to create laws that contravene ACTA. This clearly undermines Canadian sovereignty.
ACTA was Negotiated in Secret
The US declared the draft ACTA text to be confidential as a matter of national security (the economy is a matter of 'national security' in both the US and Canada) so negotiation of the international scheme to guard against piracy and copyright infringement was done in secret, with a level of secrecy that excluded input from Canadian citizens, consumer and human rights groups, or Canada's Information and Privacy Commissioner; yet the draft was circulated amongst rights-holder lobbyists (generally from the recording and motion picture industries). Many experts consider this to be an unprecedented degree of secrecy for a set of copyright protection rules.
Once approved, ACTA member countries are expected to put pressure on their trading partners to have them join the treaty — of course, after ACTA is finalized, so the newcomers will have no option but to accept the terms set by the original negotiating parties.
Prosecution, Remedies and Penalties under ACTA
Under ACTA, allegations advanced by rights holders lead to prosecution, remedies and penalties decided by judicial or 'administrative' authorities, with restitution and "lost profits" calculated by the rights holder. Although an alleged infringer can be ordered to reimburse the rights holder for the retail price and "lost profits", legal expenses, court costs, and other amounts, as well as bearing the expense of destruction of allegedly counterfeit products, if it's ultimately found that there was no infringement, the alleged infringer can ask for damages, but no process or formula is articulated.
Border officials will be compelled to carry out injunctions obtained in other countries, even if legal in the border official's country. ACTA will also:
- facilitate seizure of off patent medicines in the country of production and export,
- empower member countries to seize and destroy exports while in transit to other countries
- encourage countries to seize and inspect personal devices for any pirated material
The costs will be born by the individual being searched or the sender of the seized goods.
Privacy invasive provisions require release of personal identity information about alleged infringers, and information about any party who might be associated with alleged infringers are included in ACTA.
Third parties (i.e., distributors, NGOs, public health authorities) are put at risk of injunctions, provisional measures, and even criminal penalties, including imprisonment and severe economic losses:
- Suppliers of active pharmaceutical ingredients used for producing generic medicines;
- distributors and retailers who stock generic medicines;
- NGOs who provide treatment;
- funders who support health programs; and
- drug regulatory authorities who examine medicines
could be implicated under ACTA. Ascertaining the third party involvement will require inspecting digital records; and ACTA compels disclosure and international sharing of that information.
Potential repercussions may well deter direct or indirect involvement in research, production, sale and distribution of affordable generic medicines.
Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) of online activity is already being used to identify alleged infringements. DPI has been in use by Canadian ISPs and telcos for some time. In August 2009, Canada's Privacy Commissioner ruled on DPI used by Bell/Sympatico (Case Summary #2009-010). The Commissioner recommended that Bell Canada inform customers about Deep Packet Inspection, but did not prohibit its use.
"It is relatively easy to paint a picture of a network where DPI, unchecked, could be used to monitor the activities of its users."
Financial Impact of Bill C-52
Bill C-52: An Act regulating telecommunications facilities to support investigations
— referred to as the "Investigating and Preventing Criminal Electronic Communications Act" — is only one of the many ways that Canada is giving force and effect to ACTA.
C-52 is intended "to ensure that telecommunications service providers have the capability to enable national security and law enforcement agencies to exercise their authority to intercept communications and to require telecommunications service providers to provide subscriber and other information" upon request.
No warrant is necessary.
C-52 also requires the telcos and ISPs to provide the transmissions in an unencrypted form and to "comply with any prescribed confidentiality or security measures".
to provide "any information in the service provider's possession or control respecting:
- the name,
- address,
- telephone number and
- electronic mail address of any subscriber to any of the service provider's telecommunications services and the
Internet protocol address,
- mobile identification number,
- electronic serial number,
- local service provider identifier,
- international mobile equipment identity number,
- international mobile subscriber identity number and
- subscriber identity module card number that are associated with the subscriber's service and equipment".
Under current Canadian law, Internet Service Providers who have the means to spy on their customers (Deep Packet Inspection capability) can be asked to do so by the government, but they cannot be compelled to have such means.
Under C-52, Telcos are required to have and bear the cost of the equipment necessary to comply; and the equipment can be specified by the government or enforcement agencies. The cost of actually determining and providing the information to law enforcement will be billed to and paid by the requesting agency — with our tax dollars.
Usage Based Billing could well pay the costs of the Government mandated spyware that will be required should Bill C-52 become law. Not only will citizens find themselves stripped of privacy and spied on but we will be overcharged to pay for it.
The Future of ACTA
The ACTA text was finalized in November 2010, and the US and Canada (quietly) asked for feedback to be submitted by February 15th, 2011. The request was visible on the DFAIT website for a short time.
ACTA participants successfully completed a legal verification of the finalized ACTA text at a meeting in Sydney, Australia between November 30 and December 3, 2010.
The Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage met to discuss ACTA and other matters on January 31, for 2 hours, and was scheduled to meet again on February 7, 2011.
The final ACTA text includes mechanisms to amend the agreement. That provides a 'back door' to get acceptance of the most contentious issues (such as the three strikes rule) that were rejected during the negotiations.
Even before the three strikes rule is adopted, the scope of ACTA provides the latitude that permits individual member nations to impose a three strikes rule.
So between ACTA and other laws, international agreements, and multilateral treaties to share information it's easy enough to circumvent the provisions of Section 8 of Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms and to circumvent the protections embodied in all of Canada's various privacy laws.
Canadians' most intimate information can be sent outside of Canada to be examined, and then the results back into Canada. Canada and the US have been known to do that on occasion, typically to protect 'national security' or guard against the perceived threat of 'terrorism'.
Stripping Canadian Law of citizen protection measures that have evolved over hundreds of years has not been shown to protect citizens from terrorism, but rather to open up new avenues of compromising and removing the Rights and Freedoms Canadians expect to enjoy under our democratic system.
Guest blogger Sharon Polsky is the President & CEO of AM¡NAcorp.ca as well as the National Chair — CAPAPA More background can be found in Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) Highlights
Image credit:
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms: "Every Canadian Needs A Copy" released under a Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic (CC BY 2.0) licence by Bitpicture on Flickr


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By Elizabeth SheanI belong to the
Caregiver Stress Relief community on Facebook, and I find it a wonderful place to commune with other caregivers. From posts with uplifting stories to practical advice on how I can take better care of myself, the Caregiver Stress Relief page is my one-stop shop for inspiration and information.But perhaps my favorite thing about the Caregiver Stress Relief community is "Fill-in-the-Blank Friday," when moderators post a simple statement for community members to complete. The responses from fellow caregivers never fail to amuse me or inspire me or make me cry. I always look forward to taking a coffee break on Friday morning and filling in the blank before reading what others have said.Recently, the moderators posted this statement: "Today I am grateful for _____________." What a wonderful topic! It's so easy for us caregivers to get stuck in the weeds, to complain about how hard things are or how hopeless things can seem.But gratitude? Sometimes that seems to be in short supply, and I was grateful to the Caregiver Stress Relief page for helping me refocus.Here are a few of the things I am grateful for today:1. That I have the privilege of caring for my mother as her life winds down.2. That she is able to share with me stories about her childhood that I've never heard before.3. Being able to ask her questions about herself, her family, my nuclear family, my own early life—all of the things I one day will wonder about after she's gone and can no longer answer me.4. The expansive, blue New Mexico sky spreading above me, visible in all its glory from my home office window.5. My siblings, all of whom are still alive and with whom I have loving relationships.6. My social network, which to my delight is expanding since I returned to New Mexico.7. Mom's CAREGiver℠, Jessa, who is warm and attentive.8. My perfect little house, where I can spend the rest of my life in peace and comfort.9. Being able to earn a living while working from home. I wish every family caregiver had this luxury.10. All of my wonderful clients.11. The many photos of my late husband on my office desk, which bring me comfort every day.12. A giant rosebush in the backyard that puts out masses of delicate, peachy blooms every spring.13. My wonderful dog, Mitzi, who gives kisses at every opportunity and pushes me to take her on long hikes in the mountains (because sometimes I need to encouragement to exercise).14. A delicious roast currently simmering in the slow cooker and filling the house with delightful smells.15. Meditation, which helps me clear my mind every evening before bed.16. Everyone who reads these posts.And that's a highly incomplete, partial list of things I can think of to be grateful for
just today! Gosh, going through this exercise has made me feel so content inside. I really need to remember to do this more often.What are you grateful for today? You can add a response here, or pop over to the
original question on the Caregiver Stress Relief community Facebook page.
Home Instead offers free monthly newsletters with tips and advice for caregivers of elderly loved ones. (Privacy Policy)


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CLEVELAND, Ohio - Median home sale prices are on the upswing this year for most of Cuyahoga County, and Parma, Parma Heights and Seven Hills are among the places seeing an increase.
The median price is up 7 percent in Parma to $85,500, 6 percent in Parma Heights to $89,950 and 8 percent in Seven Hills to $147,750.
Prices, however, were down for the first nine months of this year by 6 percent to $75,000 in Brooklyn, and by 6 percent to $187,750 in Independence.
Sheriff's sales were excluded from the cleveland.com/datacentral analysis of records from the Cuyahoga County Fiscal Office.
Countywide, the median single-family home price in the suburbs through September was up 7.3 percent to $118,000. That's an $8,000 increase from the same nine months in 2012.
- Database: Find more home sales details for each town
And in Cleveland, the median price was up 12 percent to $25,750.
This trend is a reversal from the same period last year, when prices were down in both the suburbs and Cleveland.
Overall, among 41 communities where there have been at least 50 sales this year to offer a comparison, the median price is up in 30, unchanged in one place and down in 10.
Among these same communities, just 16 showed increases during the same period last year. Median prices are up for two straight years for six of these cities - Brecksville, North Royalton, Parma, Rocky River, Seven Hills and South Euclid.
Prices were not alone in going up. The number of single-family home sales at more than 11,000 for the first nine months of 2013 reached its highest level since 2008.
Yet, home prices are still down significantly from 2007, before there was a sharp drop the following year.
Median prices for the first nine months of 2007 were $114,900 in Brooklyn, $219,250 in Independence, $120,000 in Parma, $126,000 in Parma Heights and $176,000 in Seven Hills.
Overall in 2007, the median in the suburbs was $142,000, or 17 percent higher than this year. And the median sales price in Cleveland was $50,400, double that of this year.
In looking at the places where there were at least 50 sales this year through September, data shows:
- A wide range in pricing breaking down this way: $200,000-plus (10 communities), $150,000 to $200,000 (6); $100,000 to $150,000 (11), $50,000 to $100,000 (8); and below $50,000 (6).
- Only one place, Rocky River, had a higher median sales price during the first nine months this year ($224,000) than during the same period in 2007 ($211,000).
- Topping the price list are Moreland Hills ($425,000), Pepper Pike ($380,000), Chagrin Falls ($287,500), Brecksville ($259,500) and Solon ($253,000).
- Below $50,000, in addition to Maple Heights and Cleveland, are East Cleveland ($8,000), Garfield Heights ($32,300), Warrensville Heights ($32,800) and Euclid ($38,575).
- The sharpest increases this year are in two places that took hits last year. In Bedford, the median price is up 30 percent to $57,000. And in Maple Heights, it is up 22 percent to $27,500.
- The sharpest drops were 21 percent for East Cleveland, 15 percent for Bedford Heights and 8 percent for Warrensville Heights.


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Coming Soon !
Musculoskeletal Physiotherapy Australia
We aim to be the leading physiotherapy health care provider in the field of treating all forms of musculoskeletal conditions that your body may suffer from. Whether you suffer from acute or chronic pain or dysfunction to the body, the physiotherapists at Musculoskeletal Physiotherapy Australia are here to help. We look after the entire body from head to toe. Located in two convenient places in Brisbane in Springhill and Sunnybank Hills.


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The city will for the first time provide mental health care for mentally ill inmates after they are released from jail, thanks to an agreement approved by New York County Supreme Court Justice Richard F. Braun on April 2, which comes after a lawsuit filed by mentally ill inmates themselves.
New York City jails yearly house 33,000 mentally ill pre-trial detainees, individuals not convicted or sentenced of a crime. The average stay in jail for these inmates is as long as 43 days.
While in jail, the city provides these inmates with mental health care and treatment. The care ranges from in-jail, outpatient treatment to placement in segregated mental health units or psychiatric wards. The inmates' treatment can include psychotropic medications and individual or group therapy.
Prior to the settlement, the inmates' care and treatment was terminated upon their release. Once released, the inmates were not provided with care, treatment, government assistance, housing referrals or other assistance to make the transition to society.
Instead, the released mentally ill inmates were taken by bus to Queens Plaza subway station between 2:00 and 6:00 am, given a buck, fifty and a roundtrip Metrocard.
In 1999, several of the inmates who were receiving mental health care during their confinement sued to stop this practice on their own behalf and all other mentally ill inmates.
The city fought the suit, using various legalistic arguments. It claimed that the inmates did not have legal standing in which to sue, since, it argued, even if the city was breaking the mental hygiene law, which required treatment and transition upon the inmates' release, only the state attorney general had the right to enforce that law. The city also claimed that the mental hygiene law applied to developmental centers, patients at psychiatric centers or patients at certain psychiatric inpatient services, but not to city jails.
In a curt decision on July 14, 2000, Justice Braun repudiated the city's arguments. Yes, he ruled, mentally ill inmates do have the authority to challenge the city's policy and enforce the mental hygiene law. And, he ruled, enforcing the mental hygiene law to prevent mental illness is a matter of "public concern" applicable to and enforceable by all, including those incarcerated.
The court ordered the city to continue to provide care to all inmates older than 18 suffering from a mental illness, if that inmate is unlikely to survive safely in the community without supervision, has a history of failing to comply with treatment, is unlikely to participate in the recommended treatment, may relapse, and would benefit from assisted outpatient treatment.
Justice Braun rejected the city's argument that the mental hygiene law did not apply to city jails. The state law, and city regulations, Justice Braun found, specifically provided for intervention and transitional services to released inmates at correctional facilities. The city appealed and the Appellate Division, First Department, the state's intermediate appellate court, upheld the decision.
This decision led to a settlement on January 8, 2003 between the parties, which the court approved on April 2nd.
Under the settlement, the city must provide discharge planning for inmates released from custody. Qualifying inmates are entitled to receive a wide range of mental health treatment and services upon release, including medication, referral to programs, substance abuse treatment and case management service. As part of the discharge planning, qualifying inmates also receive help in submitting applications for Medicaid, food stamps, social security, veteran's benefits and other public assistance benefits. The city has also stated that it would, "in most cases," release mentally ill inmates during daylight hours.
The settlement is valid for five years. During that time, two independent monitors, one chosen by counsel for the inmates and one by the city, will oversee the city's compliance. The monitors will report quarterly, develop performance goals and make recommendations.
Justice Braun's bold July, 2000 order should be recognized as the impetus for the settlement and for remedying a dangerous and compassionless policy of releasing mentally ill inmates in the middle of the night with no transitional assistance. The devastating effect the policy had on former inmates is difficult to ascertain, but, as Justice Braun noted in his order the former inmates were simply "return[ing] to the cycle of likely harm to themselves and/or others, through substance abuse, mental and physical health deterioration, homelessness, indigence, crime, re-arrest, and re-incarceration."
The injustice brought about by this policy has now been remedied though an 80-page settlement. The benefits will not only be felt by the individual former inmates, but also by society. Again, quoting Justice Braun's decision "[i]t is not only to the[ inmates'] benefit to provide them with a discharge plan but to that of all of us if such a plan can aid at least some of [the inmates] to become healthier and thus more productive members of society who are not harmful to themselves and/or others."
The case is: Brad H. v. City of New York, Index No. 117882/99 (Braun, J.) (N.Y.Cty.Sup.Ct.) (Attorneys: Christopher K. Tahbaz, Patricia G. Corley, Emily O'Neil Slater, Douglas Lasdon, Raymond H. Brescia, Heather Barr, John A. Gresham, John Beaglehole, Eileen Sullivan, Faune Devlin, Jeffrey K. Powell, for Brad H.; Michael A. Cardozo, Thomas C. Crane, Jeffrey S. Dantowitz, for NYC).
Jonathan Rosenbloom is the associate director of the Center for New York City Law at New York Law School


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Google+ at 2 Years: An Assessment
Two years ago Friday, Google unveiled its social network Google+ to the world.
In the early days, Google described Google+ as a "social layer" rather than a pure social network, partly because Google+ permeates lots of different services, and partly to offset the idea that Google+ was an attempt to directly compete with Facebook and Twitter.
Make no mistake, however, two years in, Google+ is most definitely a social network. There are more than 500 million Google+ users and reportedly more than 300 million of those users are active.
Although Google hasn't formally made any Google+ anniversary announcements, the Google+ team is certainly in a celebratory mood.
When you're logged into Google+, a special logo shows up commemorating two years of the network.
Moreover, Google+ hashtags such as #GooglePlusLove and #GooglePlusIs2 are showing memories of Google+ team members and celebratory congratulations from users.
Dave Besbris and Google+ chief Vic Gundotra shared this GIF with the community:
From Facebook Killer to Ghost Town to Something Else
When Google+ launched in 2011, it was the company's third attempt at social - coming after the high-profile failures of Google Wave and Google Buzz.
Initial enthusiasm around Google+ was high — especially in the early months when the service was invite-only and before brands were technically allowed on the platform. Many were quick to laud Google+ as the next Facebook or Twitter.
By the time the service launched to the public at large, however, some of the luster had worn off.
It didn't help that when Google started touting its strong Google+ user numbers, the company failed to distinguish between people who have Google+ accounts as the result of being harangued into creating an account via Gmail versus those genuinely engaged in the Google+ social network.
As a result, the narrative for much of 2012 was that Google+ as a ghost town — a classification its most loyal users vociferously deny.
Two years in, I think that neither position represents the true reality of Google+.
For whatever reason, I was on the original suggested user list that Google put out for Google+ (to the best of my knowledge I'm no longer on that list and have not been for well over a year). As a result, I'm in more than 900,000 circles on Google+.
While I can't say that I see the same amount of interaction on Google+ as I do on other social networks for all of my content, I can say that I tend to see a very specific level of engagement on certain types of content, particularly stuff that is related to Google, Google+ or Android.
Beyond that, however, I fully acknowledge that Google+ has its own ecosystem of users. Early on with Google+, I remarked on the similarities with it and FriendFeed. Two years later, I still think that's true. The core users of both services are similar, though Google+ has obviously grown broader than FriendFeed ever could.
Google+ is not a ghost town. By the same token, the service doesn't have the immediacy of a Twitter nor the ubiquity of Facebook. Still, for certain types of content and certain groups of users, it's the best sharing platform on the web.
Google+ Hangouts: The Unsung Hero
The best part of Google+ is undoubtedly Google+ Hangouts. I know so many people who don't bother using Google+ to update their status or share information, but absolutely use the Hangouts feature as a way to hold video chats with teams. Moreover, while the brand results with Google+ may be mixed, Hangouts are a consistently popular way to host discussions, interview and conversations.
At Mashable, we've been experimenting with Hangouts every Friday on the Tech team, opining about various news that has happened throughout the week. The tight integration with YouTube makes Hangouts On Air a great way to archive great moments and discussions too.
Part of the reason I like Hangouts so much is that it's truly unlike anything available on other networks. Rather than trying to bring similar functionality that Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr or any myriad of other services has, Google created something unique and something that really shows off the best of what Google can do.
Google+ in the Future
Two years later, I finally feel like Google+ is finding its place in the world. The network doesn't have to replace Facebook as the most popular destination — it can be something different than what Twitter offers.
In the first year and a half of Google+'s existence, many of the integrations with other Google products felt forced and ill-fitting. Today, it finally seems like the company is on the same page when it comes to platform strategy and the role Google+ plays in that strategy.
The way that Google Glass integrates with Google+, as an example, feels much more natural than the way Gmail ever has. Moreover, the quality of the stand-alone Google+ apps for iOS and Android are some of the best in the business.
So here's to you Google+ on two years of experimentation. Here's to the next two years!
Images courtesy of Google


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Shortly after Hurricane Katrina, Randy Newman's Louisiana 1927 became a familiar anthem for New Orleans and was performed regularly by various artists at various benefits and performances. For a few years, the song couldn't be performed without producing teary eyes throughout the audience.
While the song talks about flooding, it's a bit ironic that it became an anthem for the City of New Orleans. You see, in 1927 levees south of New Orleans were actually blown up to divert flood waters AWAY from and out of the "bowl" known as New Orleans where the levees were being pressured from 14 inches of rain inside of New Orleans and the swollen Mississippi River on the outside of the levees.
What resulted was The Great Flood of 1927, an event that was to paralyze the Deep South for nearly six months and leave nearly 1,000,000 people (mostly poor farmers) homeless and penniless just before The Great Depression would deliver a similar blow to other areas of the country.
My father was a year old when "the flood" created tent cities throughout South Louisiana. My grandmothers referred regularly to the flood mostly in terms of before and after. There was a certain disdain for the "city folk" of Baton Rouge and New Orleans who were saved and protected while the poor Cajun farmers were sacrificed. It took decades to recover.
I was nine years old in 1973 when flooding that year caused the new Morganza Spillway to be opened, again flooding millions of acres of "country" land. While the spillways relieve pressure on the levee system and save the cities, they are the equivalent of blowing up the levees in 1927. Today, May 14th, the Morganza Spillway was once again opened to relieve the levee system. Evacuations have started and the wait begins…
Say a prayer or two for the people of South Louisiana. This is what they face in the coming weeks…
After Katrina, then the Oil Spill, and now an epic flood it's getting harder and harder to keep getting up after the body blows. But, somehow I know that the enduring spirit of the Cajun spirit will prevail….yet again.
For now, all I can do is listen to my favorite rendition of the ode to that great flood over 80 years ago and pray that they actually don't "wash us away".


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A Kempsville Building Material (a division of Carter Lumber) Inside Sales Representative is responsible for selling and providing professional customer service to contractors and do-it-yourselfers. This is accomplished by assisting customers make purchase decisions, efficiently processing sales transactions and ensuring the customer has everything needed to complete a project. Handling sales transactions, inventory control and communication are all components of this position. A strong belief in the mission and goals of the company are necessary to this position.
Requirements to be Considered for the Position:
Responsibilities of the Position:
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Around Town
Get started with College Greenlight to compare the Framingham State University weather with your hometown!Create an account now!
The gameroom in McCarthy, Natick Mall and campus eventsRead More
There are on campus activities and games that are hosted and some dorm activities.Read More
Aside from sports games, there are a variety of clubs and events hosted by either the students (and their advisers) or the Student Board.Read More
Sometimes they have different on campus events like watching a movie or you can go to the sports teams' games. As far as off campus, there are many stores and places to go out to eat. You can take either the shuttle or the bus to the Natick Mall.Read More
Framingham State University is a $8 train ride away from Boston. We have the Natic mall near by, which has every store imaginable. There is also Shoppers World. The university TRIES to put things together but a lot of times people don't come.Read More
There's a mall and movie theater close enough if you have a car. The school provides a shuttle for a fee. Many chain bars are also in the area if you're of age.Read More
There is the Ram Tram that will take you to the mall, movies, supermarkets etc. The student center has things going on you can sign up for. They always have movies playing, plays, musicals etc. on campus so check it out!Read More
Clubs, events, going out!Read More
There's a lot of great places to shop, eat, and hangout along with the fact you're about 30 miles from Boston. Route 9 runs right through the college and serves for a lot of walking distance activities for those who can't have cars on campus.Read More


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Deputies: Slain teen may have had stalker
Body of 16-year-old found near Lake Lanier
Grief counselors are expected at a teenage girl's high school after her body was found in a wooded area near the shoreline of Lake Lanier northeast of Atlanta.
Hall County sheriff's Sgt. Kiley Sargent said authorities are encouraging anyone who might have information about 16-year-old Hannah Truelove to come forward.
Hannah was found dead late Friday.
Hall County Deputy Coroner John Abernathy said Monday an autopsy was performed, but results are not being released because of the investigation. The probe involves the Georgia Bureau of Investigation and other law enforcement agencies.
Truelove's mother reported her daughter missing on Thursday. Her body was found near the Lake Lanier Club apartments in Gainesville.
Police are also investigating whether the teenager had a stalker, and they are examining her Twitter account in pursuit of leads that she feared someone.


text: Weekly News Wrap Up: Young Money Album Details, Man Involved In T.I. Shooting Pleads Guilty, & Jay-Z On DJ Hero And His Future As A Bar Mitzvah Performer? iHipHop Admin | October 29, 2009 2,852,883 0 Like Tweet Read More Category: Business, exclusive, Features, New Releases, News Tag: bar mitzvah, Blueprint 3, cinncinati, Details, DJ, DJ Hero, guitar hero, Hosea Thomas, Jay-Z, may 2006, murder, new album, padron thomas, Philant Johnson, plaza hotel, Q-Tip, Rebirth, serato set, shooting, TI, weekly news wrap up, Young Money


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26/01/2019 6:25:00 foreign car insurance foreign car insurance
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foreign car insurance is high paying keyword (HPK), the CPC estimation ever recorded is about $107.59 per click. This value is estimated by Google Adsense Publisher experts in 2015. This keyword is really important for you to get more money with Google Adsense.
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