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One year after 200 workers walked off the job in New York City, the movement for justice for fast-food workers has grown significantly. Today, in their largest demonstration yet, workers in more than 100 cities across the country are expected to walk off the job. The actions are part of the movement for a $15 an hour standard rate—a significant and much-needed raise from the current median of $8.81—and the right to join a union.
Add you name to the call to the incredibly profitable fast food companies to pay their workers $15 an hour. Then, if you have some time today, find a rally near you and put your body on the line for fair wages.
The Nation's Allison Kilkenny talked to some of the striking workers about the challenges of living off low wages.
Many people assume that fast-food workers are teenagers earning beer money. In a video promoting today's historic strike, economist and former Secretary of Labor Robert Reich debunks the many false assumptions people hold about fast-food workers and outlines the benefits we'll all see if they're finally given the raises they deserve.
On Wednesday morning, President Obama left the White House and made a six-mile drive from the center of the richest city in America to the east side of the Anacostia River, where nearly half of the children are poor. It was an appropriate location for a speech on the American economy, and in particular for Obama's announcement that he would devote the remaining three years of his presidency to income inequality and declining social mobility, which he called "the defining challenge of our time."
"The idea that so many children are born into poverty in the wealthiest nation on Earth is heartbreaking enough," the president said. "But the idea that a child may never be able to escape that poverty because she lacks a decent education or health care or a community that views her future as their own—that should offend all of us. And it should compel us to action."
The actions Obama laid out included several progressive policies (although none of them new), including an increase in the minimum wage. The speech was another indicator that inequality will be the issue that animates Democratic Party politics in coming election cycles.
Contrary to what John Cowan and Jim Kessler of the dubiously Democratic think tank Third Way say, there are many signs that economic populism is the right message. However, it's one thing to assume the language; it's another to live up to its demands. As many others have pointed out in recent weeks, confronting economic inequality exposes the dilemmas of a party that has grown close to business interests.
To really reverse the cycle of economic and social stratification, to significantly increase investment in schools, infrastructure and institutions, means big changes to the tax code—way bigger than closing loopholes in exchange for lower corporate tax rates, as Obama proposed in his speech. It means taking on Wall Street, not promoting bills written by banks to undercut financial reform. It means reconciling the lip service Democrats pay to labor and education with attacks on teachers and, broadly, the undermining of the public education system. It means a firmer rejection of austerity. It means, in effect, stabbing the Big Money that all politicians have come to rely on in the post—Citizens United era in the back.
Obama's speech exemplified some of the quandaries within his party. He called for several specific progressive policies that have broad Democratic support, including a raise in federal minimum wage, universal pre-K, the Employee Non-Discrimination Act, extending long-term unemployment insurance and ensuring that women are paid equal wages for equal work. He called for stronger collective bargaining laws "so unions have a level playing field to organize…for a better deal for workers and better wages for the middle class." All of these policies are needed, and overdue. They're also popular among voters, and the fact that congressional Republicans are likely to prevent them from being enacted is fodder for Democratic candidates.
But in an apparent pitch for the middle, Obama gets a lot wrong. Closing loopholes in the tax code is great, but there is little evidence that swapping them for a lower corporate tax rate will trickle down in the form of many well-paying, middle-class jobs. Obama himself said as much earlier in the speech when he outlined the history of policy decisions that have steadily widened the gap between rich and poor: "As the trickle-down ideology became more prominent, taxes were slashed for the wealthiest while investments in things that make us all richer, like schools and infrastructure, were allowed to wither," he said. "So the basic bargain at the heart of our economy has frayed."
Obama also mentioned his "trade agenda that grows exports and works for the middle class," although so far the free-trade agreement he brokered with South Korea has cost 40,000 American jobs, many in manufacturing. The Trans-Pacific Partnership Obama is seeking fast-track authority for could be even worse. And while some Democrats like Elizabeth Warren are calling for an expansion of Social Security benefits to support seniors still reeling from the dissolution of their retirement savings during the financial crisis, Obama spoke vaguely of "reforms that actually strengthen these programs and make them more responsive to a twenty-first-century economy," which sounds a lot like conservative euphemisms for cuts.
Still, in a time when faith in government is ultra-low and deficit hand-wringing high, Obama did offer an important defense of government spending. "These programs are not typically hammocks for people to just lie back and relax. These programs are almost always temporary means for hardworking people to stay afloat while they try to find a new job, or going to school to retrain themselves for the jobs that are out there, or sometimes just to cope with a bout of bad luck," he said. "A relentlessly growing deficit of opportunity is a bigger threat to our future than our rapidly shrinking fiscal deficit."
He also took on the racial undertones of the attacks on the social safety net, rejecting the "false notion" that the economic inequality "is an issue exclusively of minority concern." He asked viewers to "reject a politics that suggests any effort to address it in a meaningful way somehow pits the interests of a deserving middle class against those of an undeserving poor in search of handouts."
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And Obama offered a strong challenge to the GOP, one that bears repetition, again and again: "If Republicans have concrete plans that will actually reduce inequality, build the middle class, provide moral ladders of opportunity to the poor, let's hear them," he said, and went on to address conservatives directly: "You owe it to the American people to tell us what you are for, not just what you're against."
So Obama delivered another great speech, rhetorically. There's momentum for a few of the policies he called for, particularly raising the minimum wage. But what remains, immediately, are millions of people who don't have jobs to begin with, a "post-policy" GOP in control of the House and a Democratic party split between the people and its patrons.
Fast-food employees in 100 cities are striking for higher wages this week. Allison Kilkenny reports.
This one commercial should be enough to make every parent vow to never ever again shop at Toys"R"Us. The spot, airing in numerous markets coast to coast, suggests that trees are boring and nature sucks while a stroll through the plastic corridors of Toys"R"Us is just what young minds need to stimulate their inner creativity and happiness. It views like satire but it's no joke. Join Climate Parents in telling Toys"R"Us to stop pushing anti-environmental messages on our kids.
On November 20, hundreds of unionized graduate student instructors at Berkeley went on a 24-hour solidarity strike to protest the university's intimidation tactics against university support staffers who'd gone on strike this past spring. An e-mail from a mathematics faculty member to his grad instructors explaining why he was crossing the picket line and why they should too went viral. For the prof, named Alexander Coward, also saw reason to protest: to dissent against the silly notion of solidarity in the first place.
He wrote: "Whatever the alleged injustices are that are being protested about tomorrow, it is clear that you are not responsible for those things, whatever they are, and I do not think you should be denied an education because of someone else's fight that you are not responsible for."
So what are they responsible for?
You need to optimize your life for learning.
You need to live and breath [sic] your education.
You need to be *obsessed* [sic] with your education.
Society is investing in you so that you can help solve the many challenges we are going to face in the coming decades, from profound technological challenges to helping people with the age old search for human happiness and meaning.
That is why I am not canceling class tomorrow. Your education is really really important, not just to you, but in a far broader and wider reaching way than I think any of you have yet to fully appreciate.
Society, and one's education, apparently have nothing to do with issues of decent wages and working conditions and keeping higher education affordable and its institutions accountable. Good to know.
There is something about the very grown-up action of sacrifice for the sake of solidarity that turns some professors into patronizing asses. For Professor Coward also wrote, "All this may sound like speaking in platitudes. However it is a point worth making to all of you because you are so young. One of the nice things about being young is that your thinking can be very clear and your mind not so cluttered up with memories and experiences. This clarity can give you a lot of conviction, but it can also lead you astray because you might not yet appreciate just how complicated the world is." According to his CV, Coward was born in 1981. That makes him a grizzled thirty-one or thirty-two years of age.
Coward, I've found, has plenty comrades in anti-comradeship who are old enough to know better. I'll never forget the first time I heard the argument that, "even though I support unions I don't support graduate students unions," since graduate students were "apprentices," not "workers." It was over dinner with an Ivy League professor (not this one, another one) whose writings had taught me a great deal about what union solidarity was and why it mattered in the first place.
Then there's this letter I was shown, sent by a political science professor at the University of Chicago, answering a public letter from students in his department about why they were working to organize a union. The professor's response began this way: "First off, let me preface these remarks by saying that when I was in graduate school at Berkeley in the 1990s, I was very active in the graduate student unionization movement. I was shop steward for the political science department for several years and was very active in a three week campus wide teaching strike we held in the fall of 1992. It may also be worth mentioning that I come from a working class family (I was the first and only person in my family to go to college) and I grew up around a lot of issues of collective bargaining. So I'm highly sympathetic to issues of collective action."
Just not your collective action. For he continued, "That said, I found your co-signed letter to be naive, unconvincing, and, quite frankly, kind of offensive. It is naive in that you seem to really think a union would not change relationships between graduate students and the faculty. I don't know if either of you have ever been members of a union or worked in a unionized environment, but unions inevitably alter the relationships between union members and the people the interact with, be they management, clients, customers, or what not. The formalization of such relationships is, in fact, the central goal of a union. Your letter says 'Our goal is simply to gain a voice in the decisions that affect our working conditions.' Well, these decisions are largely made by the faculty. Thus, if you want a collectivized voice in these decisions, you will be unavoidably shaping your relationships to faculty members."
God forbid!
He then claimed, "Let's say each quarter of being a teaching intern requires about 200 hours of work (which is a high estimate), as graduate student 'employees' you are effectively making at least $300 an hour for the limited amount of time you are 'working.' What's more egregious is the fact that most of the faculty I know do not think of interns [the University of Chicago's term for teaching assistants] as employees but think of the internship as another educational experience."
He also said the grad-student-union organizers' arguments were "unconvincing because you do not specify any significant hardships regarding your 'working' conditions"—that word, working, was in quotes—and that he found the letter "off-putting in the tone of entitlement that rings through it. Every year there are hundreds of applicants for a very small number of slots to study here. You are very lucky to be here, just as I am very lucky to teach here. When you were admitted to the university, you were not hired. You were offered a spot as a student. The university owes you nothing beyond what it initially proposed and what you accepted. To call yourself an employee and complain about an absence of cost-of-living adjustments, health insurance, or the burdens of being a graduate student…sounds both presumptuous and petulant."
Nothing off-putting, entitled, presumptuous or petulant about that.
It's interesting to consider such arguments, which are common among faculty, in the context of a brilliant analysis of what this supposedly entitled life of the aspiring scholar actually looks like in the real world. It appeared during the Berkeley strike, and argues that the process of winning a tenure-track job, and then earning tenure, resembles nothing so much as climbing the greasy pole in a drug gang.
If you take into account the risk of being shot by rival gangs, ending up in jail or being beaten up by your own hierarchy, you might wonder why anybody would work for such a low wage and at such dreadful working conditions instead of seeking employment at McDonald's. Yet, gangs have no real difficulty in recruiting new members. The reason for this is that the prospect of future wealth, rather than current income and working conditions, is the main driver for people to stay in the business: low-level drug sellers forgo current income for (uncertain) future wealth. Rank-and-file members are ready to face this risk to try to make it to the top, where life is good and money is flowing.
What you have is an increasing number of brilliant Ph.D. graduates arriving every year into the market hoping to secure a permanent position as a professor and enjoying freedom and high salaries, a bit like the rank-and-file drug dealer hoping to become a drug lord…. Because of the increasing inflow of potential outsiders ready to accept these kind of working conditions, this allows insiders to outsource a number of their tasks onto them, especially teaching, in a context where there are increasing pressures for research and publishing. The result is that the core is shrinking, the periphery is expanding, and the core is increasingly dependent on the periphery. In many countries, universities rely to an increasing extent on an 'industrial reserve army' of academics working on casual contracts because of this system of incentives.
And indeed this analysis notches perfectly with the stories I solicited for my series—here, here, and here—on the plight of young aspiring scholars. I still get responses, including one from a junior professor, rated one of the best in the history of Indian River State College by students. He was assigned six classes to teach. He asked the school's human resources manager how to apply for health insurance. "I lost all my classes as the college avoids the Affordable Care Act in contempt of Congress. So I established the Adjunct Faculty Union at Indian River State College (AFU-IRSC). The college blocked my e-mail access to the Campus Coalition (Student) Government in violation of Section 7 of the Labor Management Relations Act. Adjuncts teach 75% of IRSC classes for $1600/16 weeks, about the lowest in the state. Admin treats adjuncts like we are invisible, refusing to talk to us or give us job security for doing a great job. Corrupt patronage has replaced merit in higher education." He offered the story in memory of the now-famous adjunct professor of French Margaret Mary Vojtko, who died from inadequate medical care. Vojtko never earned more than $25,000 a year and received no health benefits despite her twenty-five years of loyal service to a Catholic University, Dusquesne, which argued that its "religious beliefs" should exempt it from federal labor laws.
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I also got responses from tenured professors. And their dominant tone was that same clueless arrogance we see above. One, a philosophy professor at a small liberal arts college in the Northeast, allowed that while things could be improved, and "I would like to see more tenure-track jobs and fewer adjuncts," academia was still after all a meritocracy. He argued that "[f]riends like your autodidact"—he was referring to the example I gave of a recent PhD from one of the greatest universities in the world, who wrote brilliantly and insightfully, was a natural-born teacher and applied to a hundred jobs to no avail before realizing "tenured employment is almost unimaginable" because of his undeveloped suck-up skills—"will slip through the cracks if, despite actual excellence, they can't muster what the academy considers evidence of excellence…. I think of a tenure-track job like an actor getting a job at a repertory company, or a baseball player being hired to play baseball full-time—there are just too many people lining up to do such jobs to give them to everyone."
This was supposed to be a defense of the system.
Another, who teaches at one of the nation's largest, richest and best public universities, complained that after renting a conveniently located house, paying for daycare and servicing his student debt, "groceries end up on the credit card by the 20th of every month." As a result, "my credit rating is just above Charles Manson's and my hair is falling out."
A sad story, but not quite at the level of Margaret Vojtko's, is it?
Rick Perlstein on the death of Margaret Mary Vojtko.
Correction: This post has been updated to indicate that the University of California strike lasted 24 hours, not three days.
Barbara Gertz is 25 and works at a Walmart in Aurora, Colorado, stocking shelves on the overnight shift. She and her husband, a cement mason, can get by most months, but there have been days Barbara has called in sick because she can't afford the gas to drive to work.
Higher wages would obviously benefit Barbara and her colleagues at Walmart who protested last Friday. They would also benefit fast food workers striking tomorrow in 100 cities across the country who earn, on average, $11,000 a year.
But according to Zeynep Ton, an adjunct professor at MIT Sloan School of Management, higher wages are better for companies, too.
Ton's book, The Good Jobs Strategy: How the Smartest Companies Invest in Employees to Lower Costs and Boost Profits, comes out in January and in it, she describes how large retail companies like Mercadona, Trader Joe's and Costco have been able to invest in workers without raising prices. "These companies think about employees not as costs to minimize but as capable human beings with the potential to generate sales and profits," Ton recently wrote on her blog. "Doesn't all this cost a lot? Of course it does. But that's only part of the strategy. These companies also design and manage work in a way that makes their employees more productive and takes full advantage of a committed, motivated, and capable (that is, well-paid, well-trained, and well-treated) workforce."
Here's one of Ton's favorite examples of why the so-called Good Jobs Strategy works: During the recession, both Walmart and Mercadona, Spain's largest supermarket chain, had to cut costs and did so by reducing the variety of products they carried. Walmart customers were annoyed when their local store stopped carrying their favorite brand of potato chip, or toilet paper or T-shirt. Sales dropped; Walmart's chief merchandising officer had to leave the company. At Mercadona, customers were unfazed if an item they wanted was out of stock because workers, who as a matter of company policy are trained in every department, were able to recommend a replacement. Sales figures increased, even after Mercadona reduced its prices by 10 percent. Workers would let management know if there was a particular product that too many customers seemed to miss. "They could do this because they are empowered, cross-trained and have the time to engage the customer," Ton writes. By comparison, Barbara told me that "there's just a total lack of respect" for associates at Walmart. She mentioned a friend who politely pointed out an inventory problem to her supervisor and was fired the next day for the very mistake she tried to correct.
Ton's argument is that workers who are paid fairly and treated respectfully are more productive and more innovative, across industries and on all salary levels, at Google or at Walmart. "Low-cost retail work is not trivial and how you perform that work makes a big difference for the company's bottom line," Ton has written. Retail work requires intuition and charm, quick decision-making, a good memory. As Mike Rose, an education professor at UCLA, has eloquently written the intellectual rigors of low-wage work are too frequently dismissed.
Ton's Good Jobs Strategy also applies to fast food industry. In-N-Out Burger, the cultishly beloved West Coast hamburger chain, is a good example. The starting wage is $10.50 per hour, significantly higher than at McDonald's. They have the lowest turnover rate in the fast-food industry. Like Mercadona and Trader Joe's, In-N-Out keeps overhead low by limiting their offerings, by doing just a few things—hamburgers, cheeseburgers, milkshakes—really, really well.
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With more than half of fast food workers on public assistance, costing taxpayers an estimated $7 billion a year, the demands of Thursday's strike is in the public's best interest as well. On Tuesday, the Washington, DC, Council voted to increase the minimum wage to $11.50 per hour and to extend paid sick leave to tipped workers, having found, despite theories to the contrary, that such a policy does not discourage new businesses from opening or cause preexisting businesses to relocate. President Obama recently endorsed raising the federal minimum wage to $10.10 an hour.
If political pressure and public protest don't cause McDonald's and Walmart to increase worker pay, perhaps pure profit-driven thinking will. After all, what if Barbara had to call in sick on one of the busiest days of the year?
Watch Zeynep Ton's Ted Talk here:
Fast food workers will walk out of stores in more than 100 cities tomorrow, Allison Kilkenny reports.
In 2004, Ohio had the longest lines in the country on Election Day, with some voters—particularly in large urban areas—waiting as long as seven hours to vote. A DNC survey estimated that 174,000 Ohioans—3 percent of the state's electorate—left without voting. George W. Bush won the state by just 118,000 votes.
In response to the long lines, Ohio adopted thirty-five days of early voting in 2008, including on nights and weekends, to make voting more convenient. But following the large Democratic turnout in 2008, Ohio Republicans drastically curtailed early voting in 2012 from thirty-five to eleven days, with no voting on the Sunday before the election, when African-American churches historically rally their congregants to go to the polls. Voting rights activists subsequently gathered enough signatures to block the new voting restrictions and force a referendum on Election Day. In reaction, Ohio Republicans repealed their own bill in the state legislature, but kept a ban on early voting three days before Election Day (when 98,000 Ohioans voted in 2008), adding an exception for active duty members of the military, who tend to lean Republican.
These cuts disproportionately impacted black voters, who made up a majority of early voters in large urban areas like Cleveland's Cuyahoga County and Dayton's Montgomery County in 2008. Ohio Republicans brazenly tried to cut early voting hours in Democratic counties while expanding them in Republican ones. GOP leaders admitted the cuts in Democratic counties were motivated by racial politics. "I guess I really actually feel we shouldn't contort the voting process to accommodate the urban—read African-American—voter-turnout machine," said Doug Preisse, the GOP chair in Columbus's Franklin County.
These voter suppression efforts backfired in 2012. The Obama campaign successfully sued to reinstate early voting on the three days before Election Day (although Secretary of State Jon Husted limited the hours) and the overall share of the black electorate increased from 11 percent in 2008 to 15 percent in 2012.
But now Ohio Republicans are once again resurrecting efforts to make it harder to vote. Last month, the GOP-controlled Ohio Senate, on a party-line vote, voted to cut early voting by a week, eliminating the "Golden Week" when Ohioans can register and vote on the same day during the early voting period (Senate Bill 238). The legislation was introduced and passed in one week, with almost no time for substantive debate. The Senate also passed a bill preventing the secretary of state or individual counties from mailing absentee ballots to all eligible voters unless the legislature provides the money, which they are unlikely to do (Senate Bill 205). The Ohio House, which is also controlled by a large GOP majority, is holding hearings on the bills this week.
These restrictions—and additional measures being considered by the legislature—have the potential to impact millions of voters in the Buckeye State: 600,000 Ohioans voted early in 2012, more than 10 percent of the state's electorate, and 1.25 million voted by mail, 22 percent of the electorate.
"The voting rights community is raising the alarm because these laws in and of themselves are significant, but we fear they are the beginning of a wave of bills to make it harder to vote in Ohio," says Ellis Jacobs, founder of the Miami Valley Voter Protection Coalition.
Jacobs fears that the legislature could soon consider proposals to further cut early voting hours, particularly on weekends when it's most convenient to vote, along with a strict voter ID law (900,000 Ohioans, including one in four eligible African-Americans, don't have a government-issued ID). The unpopular voting restriction bill of 2012, which the legislature repealed after opponents forced a referendum, "is being reintroduced in pieces," Jacobs says. "It's an effort to sneak it in under the radar and to make it very hard to overturn by referendum." Incidentally, the first elections bill passed by the legislature this year and signed by Governor John Kasich made it much more difficult for citizens to challenge legislation via referendum.
Republicans have claimed that cutting early voting and Ohio's Golden Week are necessary to stop voter fraud—their one-size-fits-all justification for all voting restrictions—but there's no evidence that early voting or same-day registration has led to voter fraud in Ohio, just as there's no evidence of voter impersonation that a voter ID law would stop.
Jacobs testified before the Senate:
The Secretary of State's office reported that 5.6 million voters turned out for the November 2012 general election and just 625 ballots showed irregularities. Of those, 115 were investigated by law enforcement and 20 were sent to the Attorney General Mike DeWine. The Attorney General's office said 13 cases of voters casting ballots in multiple states were ultimately turned over to the prosecutor's office.
In other words, .00023 percent of votes in 2012 were referred for prosecution, none have resulted in a conviction so far, and none would have been stopped the legislature's proposed voting restrictions. [UPDATE: There have been three convictions in the Cincinnati area stemming from 2012: a poll worker voted in three elections for her sister, who was in a coma; a nun voted for a fellow sister who passed away before she could cast a ballot; and a man submitted his wife's absentee ballot before she died. These are abuses of the system, but hardly evidence of a wide-ranging conspiracy to commit voter fraud.]
The legislature has done nothing to address the real problems in Ohio during the 2012 election, namely that voters in large urban areas waited much longer to vote than those in small rural counties. "On the last weekend of 2012, waiting times from 1-4 hrs were the rule in almost all larger counties," reported Norman Robbins of Northeast Ohio Voter Advocates. "Smaller counties with populations less than 160,000 had waiting times of less than 0.5 hour."
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Congresswoman Marcia Fudge of Cleveland, chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus, recently sent a letter to Attorney General Eric Holder suggesting that cuts to early voting and a voter ID law would violate Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. "I believe both of these proposals are designed to systematically restrict the access of eligible Ohioans to the voting booth, particularly minorities, students and the elderly," Fudge wrote. "After this summer's dismantling of a key provision of the Voting Rights Act by the US Supreme Court, it is even more important that we remain vigilant and promptly address attempts to limit access for eligible voters."
Ari Berman discusses the two-tiered voting systems emerging in Kansas and Arizona.
Marco Rubio's foreign policy isn't quite ready for prime time. A pair of recent speeches by the Florida Republican, who's widely considered to be preparing a presidential bid for 2016, reveals a less-than-stirring approach to global affairs, indicating that Rubio hasn't quite decided how far he'll go this way and that in the Republican civil war, as least as far as it applies overseas.
Just as the GOP is divided on domestic policy between Tea Party radicals and more centrist, pro–Big Business and Chamber of Commerce types, on foreign policy it's split between interventionist, neoconservative hawks and non-interventionist, libertarian Ron Paul types, with plenty of establishment centrists in the mix, too. Rubio, speaking first at the American Enterprise Institute in November and then, yesterday, at the august venue of London's Chatham House, is tilting, at least a little, toward the interventionists and hawks. During his November 20 speech to AEI, for instance, Rubio painted a picture of conflicts overseas that seem complex and which resist American involvement, adding, in regard to the isolationist, non-interventionist wing of the GOP:
And they have created an opening for voices that have long desired to disengage and isolate America from the world. Their rhetoric is more careful than the isolationists of the past. But their actions speak clearly. On issue after issue, these voices have used the increasing uncertainty abroad and the economic insecurity at home to argue that it's best for America to stay on the sidelines.
Still, Rubio hedged his bets, implying that he's neither hawk nor dove himself:
Meanwhile, at home, foreign policy is too often covered in simplistic terms. Many only recognize two points of view: "doves", who seek to isolate us from the world, participating in global events only when there is a direct physical threat to the safety of our homeland; and "hawks", who believe we should use our mighty military strength to intervene in response to practically every crisis.
In the rest of the speech, Rubio threw in some token criticisms of the Obama administration, suggesting that the White House is presiding over a global decline in American power and influence around the world. Instead, Rubio held up the United States as—what else?—the exceptional nation without whose global leadership the forces of "darkness" will prevail. He concluded:
And so I ask you: if America stops leading, who will fill the vacuum we leave behind? Is there a candidate nation for this role that can offer the security and benevolence that America can? Is there any other nation we can trust to spread the values of liberty and peace and democracy? There is not.
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In contrast, Rubio's widely publicized Chatham House speech was far less political, far more modest in scope, and mostly filled with pabulum about the eternal important of Anglo-American relations. He threw in references to GOP icons such as Churchill and Thatcher, naturally. But he was oddly concerned about explaining to the British establishment audience why exactly the United States seemed so reluctant to get involved now in world and regional conflicts. He said:
We send billions of dollars in aid to people around the world, and in turn we watch as they celebrate our tragedies and burn our flag. And we mourn the murder of four of our diplomats in Benghazi, the very city in which we intervened to prevent mass murder.
Yet, in the rest of the speech, Rubio rarely took a stand on anything of importance, at least if it smelled of controversy. The one exception: he reiterated his opposition to and suspicion of the US-Iran deal that's being negotiated:
I am personally skeptical of the interim agreement that the P5+1 have concluded with Iran. I am convinced that Iran's ultimate goal for these negotiations has been to achieve relief from the pressure of international sanctions, while retaining the option of developing a nuclear weapon. This model has been used by others in the past, such as North Korea, to successfully exploit talks to create the time and space to go nuclear.
Rubio did venture into a few foreign-policy minefields, calling on the West to take stronger measures to bring Ukraine into the Western camp and out of Russia's orbit, and he called for NATO to intensify its collective engagement with the rest of the world, citing NATO-led wars in Afghanistan, Libya, and Kosovo. On NATO, Rubio said:
We need to explore ways that NATO can prepare for its future missions. For instance, despite the sacrifices borne by many allies in Afghanistan, our militaries gained valuable experience in coalition warfare. We should determine how these capabilities can continue to be relevant in the future.
And on Ukraine:
In particular, the United States needs to continue to work closely with the EU to bring Ukraine into the Western fold. We should all be concerned about the Ukrainian government's recent decision to bow to Russian pressure and not sign an association agreement or free trade pact with the EU. Our thoughts are with the hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians who have taken to the streets to express concern about the future of their country.
And, of course, Rubio threw in some lines about the need for more defense spending.
But overall Rubio has yet to draw a sharp contrast between his vision for foreign policy and that of either the Obama administration or the rest of the Republican field.
Read Eric Alterman on why American foreign policy can be so difficult to understand.
This article was originally published by the invaluable Generation Progress.
Last April, Cornell University found itself in the midst of a bit of controversy. A series of documents released by the Electronic Frontier Foundation showed that Cornell was one of a handful of educational institutions and a larger number of police stations with a certificate of authorization from the FAA to fly a drone. While a certificate of authorization (referred to simply as a COA by those enmeshed in the world of unmanned aviation systems) hasn't been held by the university for a few years, they're still quite involved in the development of drone technology.
The extracurricular group Cornell University Unmanned Air Systems (CUAir) "aims to provide students from all majors at Cornell with an opportunity to learn about unmanned air systems in a hands-on setting," according to its website. CUAir took home first place at the Student Unmanned Air Systems Competition held at the Naval Air Station Patuxent River in Maryland in June. The website for the group lists Lockheed-Martin and Electronic Warfare Associates as its platinum sponsors.
Unmanned aircraft systems have received a growing amount of media coverage in the context of their militarized uses in Pakistan and Afghanistan, yet general knowledge of the fact that unmanned systems for domestic uses have been growing is limited and they are poised to become integrated into general airspace as soon as September 2015.
Two pieces of federal legislation passed in January of last year: The Federal Aviation Administration Modernization and Reform Act of 2012 and the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012 require the FAA to choose six national test sites for research centers for remotely piloted aircraft, and begin their integration into national airspace in 2015. Since the announcement, there has been a flurry of activity by the drone industry and research sectors to establish themselves as frontrunners in the contest to be approved for both the use and development of these systems.
A New York Times editorial explained what the legislative aim of developing these technologies is: "The drone go-ahead…envisions a $5 billion-plus industry of camera drones being used for all sorts of purposes from real estate advertising to crop dusting to environmental monitoring and police work."
A variety of organizations have submitted applications to be chosen as one of the six test sites. According to Sen. Chuck Schumer (a big proponent of New York being chosen as one of them) out of fifty initial applications the list of applicants has been narrowed to twenty-five. The winners will receive a five-year contract with the FAA to conduct research. In New York State, that applicant is the Northeast UAS Airspace Integration Research Alliance (NUAIR). Made up of forty public, private and academic organizations, their research would potentially happen in many parts of New York and Massachusetts (probably mostly in existent military airspace) but would be focused in central New York. Alliance members include Lockheed-Martin, many of the existent upstate New York airports or military testing areas, as well as about a dozen academic institutions, according to Andrea Bianchi, program director of NUAIR, among them both SUNY Binghamton and Cornell University.
Bianchi said that Mark Campbell, director of the Sibley School of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering at Cornell, was one of NUAIR's primary contacts at the University. Campbell also said he believes he was the first person at Cornell that NUAIR reached out to, but expressed that his involvement in NUAIR had been limited thus far. He "had done some unmanned aerial vehichle (UAV) work in the past," and after NUAIR contacted him he contacted other Cornell faculty with UAV experience so that they could "bring any input they might have to the [FAA] proposal process." As for the privacy concerns? "For the most part, we're going to be away from that fray," Campbell said. "We're so focused on the research…we see the benefits but we understand the concerns."
Campbell was chosen as a member of the Institute for Defense Analyses' (IDA) Defense Science Study Group in 2011. IDA's website describes the group as "a non-profit corporation that operates three federally funded research and development centers to assist the United States Government in addressing important national security issues." While a non-profit, IDA said that it "only works for the government," and they claim "to ensure freedom from commercial or other potential conflicts of interest, IDA does not work for private industry."
Apparently the IDA does not see a potential conflict of interest in working with academic leaders and top government intelligence officials, however. The site proudly proclaims the Defense Science Study Group's purpose of bringing together "young professors from many of the nation's top universities" who are "invited to participate focus on defense policy, related research and development, and the systems, missions and operations of the armed forces." According to the program's website "members interact with top-level officials from the Defense Department," as well as visiting military bases, defense labs and interacting with Congress.
In short, it seems to be a total overview of the United States' defense operations. Campbell's interest in UAVs would seem to extend beyond being a purely research-focused interest. Incidentally, the Institute's CEO and President, David S.C. Chu, served as under secretary of defense for personnel and readiness for the entirety of the George W. Bush administration, so any argument for IDA being anything other than an extension of the government with more autonomy in how it operates is definitely dubious.
While the research NUAIR hopes to conduct would be for civil and commercial purposes, the existent military assets in New York and Massachusetts still set NUAIR's application apart in the alliance's view, according to Bianchi. She said this is because drone technology is already used for military purposes. The large amount of existent military airspace in the state would also allow NUAIR to begin testing very quickly once their application is approved.
The 174th Air National Guard Attack Wing is one of the key military assets in NUAIR's proposal, and is located at the Hancock Airfield just outside Syracuse. It is from here that one of the now-infamous MQ-9 reaper drones deployed in Afghanistan is controlled from. The group Upstate Coalition to Ground the Drones and End the Wars, as well as other activist groups, have protested there multiple times, and many people have been arrested, although five arrestees just received a groundbreaking acquittal. There was a resolution supported by the Syracuse Peace Council and some Common Council members that was set to be voted on to make Syracuse a "warrant-less surveillance drone-free zone" until Congress accepts legislation that protects people from spying from the unmanned aircraft, but as of October 2 the Syracuse City Council put the decision on hold because they needed more information about the mesh of local rule and federal law. NUAIR naturally lobbied against such proposed legislation.
The Syracuse Peace Council is " worried about first and fourth amendments being violated," according to Ann Tiffany, an anti-drone activist and council member who has been working on the anti-drone resolution. Tiffany thinks there's the potential for good uses of drones, but given the fact that "the FAA has given permits to 80 police departments" already, the council is worried about where uses are heading. "I think every time a community drafts a resolution like this, it helps to strengthen the national picture," Tiffany said.
Medea Benjamin, co-founder of CODEPINK and the Global Exchange, echoed these sentiments. "It's going to come from the grassroots because there's so much opposition…and it's such a broad spectrum of odd political bedfellows as well," she said. Benjamin is also the author of Drone Warfare: Killing by Remote Control. She's led coalitions to Pakistan and Yemen against drone killings, and last May drew a lot of media attention when she interrupted President Obama during a foreign policy address to question his actions regarding Guantanamo Bay and drone warfare. Benjamin believes there is already growing awareness that drones are entering our airspace, and are poised to be everywhere, but she does think a national conversation about how to safely integrate them is missing. "I wouldn't be opposed to drones that are used for positive things," Benjamin said, however there's a need to "sort out the good and the bad and the industry isn't helping with that. By ignoring the tremendous problems with drone warfare they have put themselves in the category."
Despite the lack of national political discussion, Benjamin does think the media has a certain fascination with drones, that the allure of flying robot-servants is too large for it to not grow in scope as an issue. "The media does show all these cute uses of drones––to bring you your pizza, and your taco," she said. "I think the media's very intrigued by drones…and that will spur backlash. Imagine when the first drone…gets shot down by somebody."
Ann Tiffany notes that a few states have already passed bills restricting drone use, and that there are a few bills in Congress aimed at ensuring privacy concerns are properly heeded in the integration into national airspace. Rep. Edward Markey (D-Massachusetts) sponsored a bill in Congress titled the "Drone Aircraft Privacy and Transparency Act of 2012." Among other things this would require the Secretary of Transportation to establish certain procedures to allow for civil operation in the national airspace system of small drone systems and would ensure that the integration of drone systems into the national airspace system is done in compliance with certain privacy principles. However, the bill is still only in committee, and it's likely to be kept on the back burner for quite some time
The economic potential is huge for central New York if NUAIR's application is one of the winners, and would be for any region chosen as one of the six. Civil and commercial use of unmanned aircraft systems in the U.S. could supposedly have an $82 billion-plus economic impact in the first 10 years. Perhaps these promises of an economic boom are causing politicians to waive security and privacy issues aside?
So far the nature of how these systems will be integrated into our airspace is almost entirely undetermined. We only know that they will be a part of future skies. The frightening part is that the integration will be so soon and has been pushed for relentlessly by industry without there being sufficient public dialogue beforehand.
Mark Campbell said that when he "saw that UAVs were coming out, before 9/11, there was a big push for commercial UAVs," and post-9/11, with ongoing national security interests, that meant research and uses shifted to the military sector. Now he thinks that "Over the past few years it has gone down," and that that's attributable to both moving away from the wars, as well as the budget battles and sequestration that "has had an effect on defense funding at universities and [I think it] will continue to do that."
Benjamin puts it in starker terms: "I think it's natural that the industry would go for anything that it can," she said, and "when it saw particularly that the wars were winding down it was really anxious to look for other venues to develop a market for its technology."
Benjamin thinks the research sectors of many universities and military contractors have "certainly merged because so many of the grants have come from the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA.)" In response, she offers the idea that college activism efforts should take a page out of other movements that exposed underlying conflicts-of-interest between academic institutions and unethically profitable companies. "It would be good to have a divestment movement that focuses on divesting from military companies," she said, "not just for drones. In general I think our military contractors are out of control."
All of the mainstream coverage of the FAA plan has acknowledged security and privacy concerns, but ultimately echoed the view of government and industry officials who claim that those issues will be addressed to the fullest extent possible during the testing process.
While group representatives are quick to offer lists of the many uses drones can be used for that will be beneficial on a mass scale, the only address of privacy concerns at the national level seems to be an assurance that they will be addressed.
In just over fifty years we've gone from being warned of a burgeoning military-industrial complex, to the normalization of privatized national security services with academic institutions being outwardly involved in the development of technology used to keep the military-industrial gears churning. It almost seems the term "military-industrial" doesn't properly account for the nuanced, yet substantial and profitable role of academic institutions as liaisons between the military and industrial factions of the American economy. Academia gives these government-industry relationships credence by validating their ethical purpose through acceptance of military research money, and speaking on the technology's merits as veritable government spokespeople.
Fast-food workers in New York City are expected to walk off their jobs Thursday, one year after their first strike, joining a 100-city strike wave. Organizers say actions will take place all across the country as part of the movement for $15 an hour and the right to form a union without retaliation.
In New York City, there are more than 57,000 fast-food workers, and the median wage is $8.89/hour, the lowest of any occupation in the city.
With support from union groups such as the Service Employees International Union, the fast-food protests have dramatically grown over the course of the last year. The early protests in New York City in November grew to thousands of protesters waging actions in seven other cities during the summer. An August strike spread to more than fifty cities, including areas in the South that have historically been hostile to union actions.
This Thursday, there will be more new strike locations in Charleston, South Carolina; Providence, Rhode Island; and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
Mary Coleman, known to her co-workers as Ms. Mary, works at a Popeye's in Milwaukee for $7.25 an hour. Coleman, 59, lives with her daughter, who has a heart condition, and her two grandchildren. She also relies on food stamps to make ends meet and says she would gladly trade in her Qwest card for higher wages. Thursday marks Mary's fourth strike. Previously, she walked off the job on May 15, August 1 and August 29.
"I'm tired of working for $7.25," Coleman says. "I can't take care of my household, I can't even take care of myself."
Little amenities many individuals take for granted, such as deodorant, are unaffordable for Coleman on fast-food low wages.
"Every day struggles are being able to keep food on the table, being able to get the necessities that's needed for every day living…. And then if you need to go to the doctor, you can't afford that either."
Coleman says she is inspired by the organizing of low-wage workers in other states.
"I'm very excited about it, and it lets me know people can come together and do what's right," she says.
Some workers Coleman's age might consider protesting a job for younger people, but she felt compelled to join the strikes, if only to show apathetic youth that change is possible.
"If we sit back and leave everything to the younger generation, we'll never get anywhere," she says. "At this point, it seems like a majority of the younger generation thinks that their voices don't matter. I want to let them know that their voice does matter."
Danielle, 23, is a fast food worker at Bojangles' Famous Chicken 'n Biscuits in Charleston who will be going on strike
Danielle has worked at Bojangles for four years, started as a cashier and is now a manager making $11 an hour, and though she makes more than entry-level position workers, she still can't survive on her wages. Over the past year, Danielle's mother, father, and grandmother have all passed away, so she is now struggling to support herself.
She walks five miles every day to work, and because she's on her own, says she has trouble paying her bills on time. Sometimes she receives her paycheck and sees it isn't even enough to cover rent.
"I'm tired of living paycheck to paycheck. I can't live like that," says Danielle.
Like many fast-food workers, Danielle says she isn't scheduled for enough hours, but works hard while she's at the restaurant, and yet she isn't fairly compensated for her labor. However, she too draws inspiration from the wave of strikes and walkouts occurring at major big-box stores and fast-food chains all across the country.
"It makes me feel good because people are opening their mouths and going on strike, and saying we want a raise. We've been busting out butts and we finally want a raise. I'm glad to be one of the people going on strike because this is ridiculous," she says.
Danielle adds she doesn't fear retaliation from her employers for going on strike.
"I know my rights as a manager. They can't fire me for opening my mouth. I earned [my paycheck], I'm a hard worker."
Brooklyn KFC worker Naquasia LeGrand, 22, will be going on strike for the fifth time this week. While she doesn't have children, LeGrand does have an extended family that she helps support, and even though at $7.70/hour she earns slightly above New York's minimum wage ($7.25), LeGrand says the fifteen-hours-per-week cap at KFC makes it impossible to earn a living wage.
"I have to pay for my Metro card, I have to pay $100 for my phone bill, I do try to put food in the house…. Sometimes I can't even feed myself," says LeGrand, who has been working at KFC for two years.
The lack of resources finally drove LeGrand to participate in her first strike: "I realized that we needed a change. I thought about the future. Are we going to be living off $7.25 in twenty years?" she asks.
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LeGrand says she feels under-appreciated by an industry that makes lavish profits off the hard labor of workers like herself. To the naysayers and critics, who say fast-food jobs are low skill, and therefore deserve low pay, LeGrand says these businesses could not profit without workers.
"Why do you think these corporations are an over $200 billion a year business? Off our hard work. [The CEOs] aren't working. They're just collecting all the money."
LeGrand has participated in the fast-food strikes since they began in November, and hers is a unique perspective, since she's witnessed the movement grow and flourish, an evolution that mirrors her own transition from skeptic to passionate activist.
"In the beginning, I was afraid. I was skeptical. I didn't know what was going on. I didn't even know what a union was. People say, 'You're not gonna get $15 [per hour].' But I would tell people to look at what's going on. Look at where we started in New York City. On November 29, 2012, it was 127 workers who decided to walk out on their jobs to make a statement and say we want $15 [per hour] and a union. Now, [this week] 200 cities are about to have actions. This is spreading around the whole country."
Take Action: Support the Fast-Food Strikes
Last week, Allison Kilkenny reported on the nationwide Black Friday protests against Walmart.
Pierre Omidyar, new-media publisher (with Glenn Greenwald and others) and First Amendment advocate, last night at The Huffington Post revisited his former company's move to block donations to WikiLeaks three years ago. We speak, of course, of PayPal. That affair has prompted one of several criticisms leveled at Greenwald of late (see my piece here this week) and now Omidyar writes at length about the sensitive issue.
Omidyar explains how he joined an editorial about the WikiLeaks protest (at his Honolulu newspaper), but then hits the excessive Anonymous efforts to crash and otherwise hurt PayPal. This comes as the trial of the "PayPal 14" is about to begin. Omidyar seems to argue for leniency in any sentencing of those found guilty, especially since they are standing in, one might say, for the actions of thousands of others. "Their case as well as PayPal's actions in 2010 raise important questions about press freedoms and the nature of online protests," he explains.
And now WikiLeaks responds to his piece on Twitter, including: "Appreciate some of the other comments but they are undermined by the central issue of the blockade being falsely presented…. As far as we are aware the PayPal blockade of WikiLeaks has never been lifted. No direct transactions to WL. You list 3rd parties."
Also yesterday, PandoDaily, which had published the major Mark Ames critique of Greenwald and his alleged "privatizing" of and "profiteering" off the Snowden leaks (which Greenwald then rejected in his full response), posted a pro-Greenwald piece by David Sirota.
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Sirota charges that a "smear campaign" against Greenwald "is, in short, an effort by those reliant on an old power structure and outdated media business models to selfishly maintain that structure and those models—journalism, facts, and democracy be damned." And he contrasts the treatment of Greenwald with that of Bart Gellman of The Washington Post, who has also made wide use of the Snowden docs but as an "insider" has drawn much less criticism.
Greg Mitchell surveys the dustups between Glenn Greenwald and his critics.


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Discover Canada Tours » Company » Partners
Discover Canada tours prides itself on providing the best possible value and experience, we also work with some great partners that have the same standards and professionalism.
We are happy to recommend any of our partners and suggest you take a look at their websites and see what they offer. We are happy to provide any information on any tours in Vancouver.
We are sure that when you visit Vancouver and Canada you will have the time of your life.
Please feel free to book any of our partners products through the Discover Canada Tours to recieve the best discounts.
Adrenaline Zipline – Victoria Tours
At Adrena Line Zipline Adventure Tours, experience an exhilarating ride up to 60km/hr as you soar up to 150 feet off the ground on eight scenic zipline courses ranging from 150 feet to an unforgettable 1000 feet.
Starting February 12, 2010, this adventure will be available on all of our Victoria tours.
Canadian Outback Adventures
Canadian Outback Adventures creates corporate team building events, unique group activities and exhilarating outdoor adventures throughout Canada.
Canadian Snowmobile Adventures
Canadian Snowmobile Adventures is World Famous for its Snowmobile tours suited to all abilities and skill levels. Other tours include Dog Sled, Fondue and Jeep.
Great Pacific Adventures
Great Pacific Adventures offers whale watching tours from the spectacular Inner Harbour of Victoria, BC.
Harbour Air – Vancouver Tours
At Harbour Air they take pride in providing a safe and professional flight experience. With over 25 years of service and more than 30 aircraft they have proudly become the largest all-seaplane airline in the world. Experience scheduled flights, scenic tours and private charters that will show you British Columbia's spectacular coastlines from a new point of view!
Kananaskis Heli Tours – Rocky Mountain Tours
Kananaskis Heli Tours is specialized in year-round sight seeing tours over the spectacular Rocky Mountains.
Their experienced pilots provide informative and exciting commentary on all flights as they fly you over beautiful Provincial Parks and through breathtaking Mountain Ranges.
Safety is their main concern, allowing you to sit back, relax and truly enjoy the most memorable way to see the Canadian Rockies.
Ocean Outfitters – Tofino Tours
Ocean Outfitters operates whale watching, marine and wildlife tours from Tofino on the west coast of Vancouver Island.
River Safari
The RIVER SAFARI is an unforgettable and awe-inspiring one hour ride through Grizzly Bear Valley, right in the heart of the world's only inland temperate rainforest!
Located in the picturesque Monashee Mountains of British Columbia, Canada, the RIVER SAFARI is an activity that both the seasoned adventurer and the not-so-daring can both enjoy. That's right! We've made our Safaris accessible to all ages and abilities.
Our custom built, eco-friendly boats will voyage through the mountains' glaciers & jade-colored waters in search of bear, moose, eagle and osprey, to name only a few of the magnificent creatures we see during this breathtaking wilderness experience!
Surf Sister – Tofino Tours
Surf Sister is Canada's largest surfing school and was founded in Tofino in 1999. Dedicated to promoting women's surfing in Tofino and worldwide, Surf Sister's goal is not to exclude men from our lessons, rather it's to make sure that women feel included when trying surfing in Tofino for the first time. Let the girls at Surf Sister teach you how to surf!
Tofino Air – Tofino Tours
Tofino Air Lines operates a floatplane travel service to six destinations via Adventure & Spa Packages, Customized Charters, Daily Scheduled Fights, and Scenic Daytrips – the safe, scenic and spectacular option for your West Coast travel needs.
Vancouver Trolley Company
Enjoy the best of Vancouver in a replica, turn-of-the-century, San Francisco-style trolleys. Visit the city's most spectacular attractions, parks, gardens, galleries and restaurants. The trolley ticket is your passport to fun!
Vancouver Whale Watch
Vancouver Whale Watch provides passengers with the adventure of a lifetime through excellent customer service, first class vessels, the highest possible safety standards and added value from an on-the-water education of the west coast eco-system. We emphasize science and conservation while maintaining a fun and professional atmosphere.
Whistler Blackcomb – Whistler Tours
The Experience
With the PEAK 2 PEAK Gondola, we are breaking the routine once again. Spanning the distance between Whistler and Blackcomb it's an eleven-minute journey to infinite possibilities.
To new runs, new vistas, new ways of making the most of each day.
Dig the high alpine?
Do Symphony and 7th Heaven – all before lunch.
Craving waffles at Crystal Hut and BBQ at Dusty's?
Go ahead and do both.
Want to ski it before the next gold medalist?
Carve up Whistler's Downhill then head to Blackcomb for a victory lap.
The best part is that everything you love is all in one total mountain experience. It's your alpine playground, your ideal gateway, and your inclusive village – where everyone comes and anything goes. Here, routines get broken, and memories get made.
Whistler Blackcomb. Infinite possibilities.
Most of our guests choose to ski either Whistler or Blackcomb Mountain each day. The PEAK 2 PEAK Gondola will link 8,171 acres of terrain into one continuous lift system allowing skiers and riders to maximize their day by moving quickly and effortlessly across the valley to the best snow and weathe.
Whistler Bungee
Whistler Bungee, British Columbia's highest and most pristine year round bungee jumping site, located 15 min south of world renowned Whistler Village Resort, off HWY 99.
Experience bungee jumping in the beautiful wilderness of the Whistler Resort Valley nestled between old growth forests and rugged basalt column cliffs
Feel the exhilaration of jumping from a 160ft ( 53 meter ) bridge spanning 300 ft over the glacial fed cheakamus river .
Whistler Bungee has an unblemished safety record and it's jump masters and operators have over 17 years experience.
Ziptrek Encounters
Ziptrek Ecotours is a world leader in the design, development and operation of zipline-based eco-adventures. Ziptrek offers an entertaining combination of education and adventure.
Canada Intercambio
Canada Intercambio is Vancouvers best Brazilian school agency
Pacific Premiere
Pacific Premiere Consulting Group Co., Ltd. We are a full-scale international education and travel consulting firm founded by management team with extensive experience in the international education industry. Our vision is to be the trustworthy consulting firm offering quality education consulting and on-going support to our students to ensure that they have the best experience with us. We mainly focus on promoting Canadian education and travel due to our expertise and experience in Canada.
Our services include education counseling, tour packages, medical insurance for international students and travelers, visa advisory, guardian service for young students, etc. We aim to provide quality customer experience to our students.Please feel free to contact us if you are interested to set up a free, one-on-one counseling session with one of our consultant, and find out some great programs and great tours to suit your needs.
Brewster's Attractions
For over a century, Brewster has been providing unique travel experiences to visitors in Canada. Brewster's operating divisions include three must-see attractions; the Banff Gondola, Minnewanka Lake Cruise and the Columbia Icefield Glacier Experience.
Butchart Gardens
Benvenuto, Italian for 'welcome', is the name the Butcharts used for their original estate, now a National Historic Site of Canada, and still privately owned by family descendants. The Butchart Gardens offers 22ha (55 acres) of wonderful floral display located in Greater Victoria on Vancouver Island. The family's commitment to horticulture and hospitality continues to this day.
Capilano Suspension Bridge
Follow in the footsteps of the millions of visitors who have crossed Capilano Suspension Bridge since 1889.
The original bridge was constructed of hemp rope and cedar planks. 450 feet (137m) long and 230 feet (70m) high, today's bridge is made of reinforced steel safely anchored in 13 tons of concrete on either side of the canyon. Can you say "I made it!"?
Craigdarroch Castle
Craigdarroch Castle, Victoria British Columbia's "must see" attraction, is located a short drive or a leisurely walk from the downtown harbour. Craigdarroch was built between 1887-1890 for Robert Dunsmuir, a Scottish immigrant who made his fortune from Vancouver Island coal.
LookOut Tower
Ascend from street level to the observation deck in 40 seconds aboard an exterior glass elevator. Enjoy a unique bird's-eye view of the most beautiful city in the world.
Royal BC Museum
The Royal BC Museum Corporation is one of the foremost cultural institutions in the world. Each exhibit and gallery tells important stories about British Columbia and provides an engaging and thought-provoking window on the province's past, present and future.
Royal London Wax Museum
A visit to the Royal London Wax Museum is a journey into the pages of time. The museum documents a myriad of events through some three hundred historical personages from early to contemporary times.
Squamish Cultural Centre
The Squamish Lil'wat Cultural Centre – where rivers, mountains and people meet – embodies the spirit of partnership between Whistler's two Native cultures, the Squamish Aboriginal people and the Lil'wat Aboriginal people.
Vancouver Aquarium
The Vancouver Aquarium Marine Science Centre is a self-supporting, non-profit association dedicated to effecting the conservation of aquatic life through display and interpretation, education, research, and direct action.
The Aquarium is home to over 70,000 amazing animals. Located in Stanley Park, the Aquarium is open to visitors from around the world 365 days a year.
Vancouver Art Gallery
Vancouver is one of the most vibrant, progressive cities in the world and the Vancouver Art Gallery has a responsibility to reflect this wealth of creativity and dynamic energy.
The Gallery stands in the centre of a city recognized as a nurturing ground for artistic talent.
Aurora Nightclub - Rocky Mountain Tours
The Aurora Nightclub is located at 110 Banff Avenue, in Banff Alberta Canada. We are on the lower level of the Clock Tower Mall.
Banff's Premiere Nightclub can cater to public, semi-private and private bookings of all kinds and sizes. With Catering and Private DJ's, your corporate event, special occation or VIP night can be addressed with ease at the Aurora.
The Aurora Nightclub is made up of different Rooms. Our Main Hall, The Main Bar and Dancefloor, the ONYX Bar and the Lounge. Check out our website photo tour of each of our special rooms, or take a video tour of Aurora Nightclub, Banff's Premiere Celebration Venue.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Lormarins 1200 Launch Leads £10M of Classics Through Mayfair
Filed under: Luxury Cars & Autos, Events
London's packed with exotic and classic automobiles, but the usual array was no match for the parade that drove through the city's Mayfair neighborhood the other day. Some £10 million worth of classic motors – including a 1932 Alfa Romeo 8C Monza and a 1957 Ferrari 250 GT Tour de France – were led through the streets to the home of fashion icon Alfred Dunhill by none other than former world champion Jody Scheckter in a 1952 Jaguar C-Type, with the South African ambassador riding shotgun.
The event was held to announce the launch of a new classic rally in South Africa. Modeled on the iconic Mille Miglia in Italy, the Lormarins 1200 will be held for the first time this October around the country's Western Cape wine region, with some 40-50 classics anticipated to participate.


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Let's take a look at the facts. AMD's move to design 64-bit ARM technology-based processors in addition to its x86 processors is a bold strategic move. AMD is targeting cloud and data center servers with its first ARM technology-based processor, which it says will be a highly integrated, 64-bit multicore System-on-a-Chip (SoC).
AMD is optimizing for dense, energy -efficient servers that now dominate the largest data centers and power the modern computing experience. AMD's first ARM technology-based AMD Opteron processor won't hit production until 2014. If AMD is looking to get acquired, it's a long-term bet. And if AMD is hoping to one-up Intel, it's going to be awhile -- and Intel likely has enough time to counter.
Tapping a Growing Demand
There's a lot we don't know. But here's what we do know: AMD's new design initiative addresses the growing demand to deliver better performance-per-watt for dense cloud computing solutions. Unless Intel shifts its strategy, it's probable that AMD will be the only processor provider bridging the x86 and 64-bit ARM ecosystems. If all goes according to plan, that would pave the way for new levels of flexibility and drive optimal performance and power-efficiency for a range of enterprise workloads.
Rory Read, president and CEO of AMD, is reminding the naysayers that AMD led the data center transition to mainstream 64-bit computing with AMD64. He's now predicting AMD will lead the next major industry inflection point by driving the widespread adoption of energy-efficient 64-bit server processors based on both the x86 and ARM architectures.
"Through our collaboration with ARM, we are building on AMD's rich IP portfolio, including our deep 64-bit processor knowledge and industry-leading AMD SeaMicro Freedom supercompute fabric, to offer the most flexible and complete processing solutions for the modern data center," Read said in the product announcement.
Bridging the Gap
AMD has identified a market need. It's true that the explosion of the data center is offering an opportunity to optimize compute with vastly different solutions. AMD is providing a compute ecosystem with more choice by including solutions based on AMD Opteron x86 CPUs, new server-class Accelerated Processing Units (APUs) that leverage Heterogeneous Systems Architecture (HSA), and new 64-bit ARM-based solutions. (continued...)


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Find your way to the best Subaru service center in Gwynn Oak, Maryland with AutoMD.
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6400 Windsor Mill Rd, Gwynn Oak, MD, 21207 (Map)410-944-7800
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1801 Gwynn Oak Ave, Gwynn Oak, MD, 21207 (Map)410-944-6850
6423 Windsor Mill Rd, Gwynn Oak, MD, 21207 (Map)410-284-4545
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text:
Item specifics
- Place of Origin:
- Beijing China (Mainland)
- Material:
- Metal
- Model Number:
- old
- Metal Type:
- Silver
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Packaging Details
- Unit Type:
- piece
- Package Weight:
- 1.000kg (2.20lb.)
- Package Size:
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- Bank Transfer
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text:
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Civil War Interactive Discussion Board > Civil War Talk > Battles and Campaigns > Other Eastern Theater > The Dahlgren Affair |
Moderated by: javal1 |
The Dahlgren Affair | Rate Topic |
Author | Post |
Posted: Sat Apr 4th, 2009 09:51 pm |
1st Post |
1861-65 Running Reb
Do you think there was any that Gen. Kilpatrick's raid on Richmond could have worked? I feel he could surely not have freed the prisoners at Libby prison without getting them all blown up the day the raid happened. I feel that if they had come a few days earlier though they actually accomplished some of their objectives. Do you think they could have maybe freed the prisoners or even captured Robert E. Lee because I read he was in Richmond about a day before the raid began? ____________________ That old man...had my division massacred at Gettysburg!" - George Pickett said these words to John S. Mosby shortly after paying Lee a visit in Richmond "Well, it made you famous" - Mosby's reply to Pickett |
Posted: Sat Apr 4th, 2009 11:18 pm |
2nd Post |
ole Member
The books are full of dumb-*** ideas that never could come to fruition. Lee, on his way to Sharpsburg, expected a groundswell of Marylanders to jump on the bandwagon. Bragg, at Frankfort, had wagon loads of rifles to issue to the hordes of Kentuckians who were going to rush to the banner. Dahlgren's raid was to release thousands of prisoners into the countryside. Today, we have no lock on dreaming. Ole |
Posted: Thu Apr 16th, 2009 08:09 pm |
3rd Post |
gettysburgerrn Member
He (Dahlgren) should have burned the papers or at the veery least not brought them with him!! :-) ...I recently read an article that suggested that Lincoln's assissination was tied to this raid (by Stephen Sears) ....interesting speculation certainly... ken |
Posted: Fri Apr 17th, 2009 03:14 am |
4th Post |
CleburneFan Member
My oversimplified rules of combat include these that Kilpartick ignored at his well-intentioned but ill-conceived Richmond Raid. 1. The more complicated the battle plan, the more likely it is to fail. A corellary of this is that if everyone does not have a perfect understanding of the plan, some one will mess up. A second corellary is that one must allow for challenges such as bad weather, bad maps, unreliable guides, swollen rivers, no bridges, and surprise attacks by the enemy. 2. If there is no contingency plan, there will be disasters if things go wrong. 3. Generals who lead by guess and by golly get too many of their men killed. |
Posted: Mon Apr 27th, 2009 02:45 am |
5th Post |
Eric Wittenberg Member
Not a chance. There are lots of reasons why, in no particular order:
My biography of Ulric Dahlgren is due out some time in June, and I've spent a number of years on the Kilpatrick-Dahlgren Raid. Eric |
Posted: Mon Apr 27th, 2009 03:15 am |
6th Post |
CleburneFan Member
What is the name of your book? I'll place a pre-order at Amazon.com. Whoops! Just checked Amazon and they haven't posted a pre-publication notice for this book. I'll keep checking. I may be way too early. Guess what! I didn't give up. I had checked under Wittenberg. So I tried Dahlgren and found the book. It is "Like a Meteor Blazing Brightly: The Short But Controversial Life of Ulric Dahlgren. The date given for release is June 1. I have it on pre-order. Kilpatrick is such a colorful character. While I don't admire him, I enjoy books that describe his life. I'm afraid I don't know nearly enough about Ulric Dahlgren. Be careful if you check. There is a book about Cleburne with a similar name--A Meteor Shining Brightly or something similar...shining might be burning. Last edited on Mon Apr 27th, 2009 03:30 am by CleburneFan |
Posted: Mon Jul 27th, 2009 02:11 am |
7th Post |
Eric Wittenberg Member
UPDATE: After unacceptable and inexplicable delays caused by the printer, the book just shipped last week. It will finally be available to the public this week, nearly six weeks late. Eric |
Posted: Mon Jul 27th, 2009 02:48 am |
8th Post |
CleburneFan Member
Thanks for the heads up. I'm going to Amazon now to check on my backorder of the book. I can't wait until it comes. |
Posted: Mon Jul 27th, 2009 03:14 am |
9th Post |
Eric Wittenberg Member
No problem. I hope you enjoy the book, and I look forward to your comments on it. Eric |
Posted: Thu Aug 27th, 2009 11:20 pm |
10th Post |
Eric Wittenberg Member
The book is out and is readily available. Eric |
Current time is 04:24 pm | |
Civil War Interactive Discussion Board > Civil War Talk > Battles and Campaigns > Other Eastern Theater > The Dahlgren Affair | Top |


text:
The Number Twelve Looks Like You
Nuclear. Sad. Nuclear.
If there is a poster child for the love it or hate mentality that plagues extreme music these days, the scarf and corduroy clad noisters are certainly it. And I must be a glutton for punishment for A) continually supporting them, and B) making my support public in a large metal forum such as this where detractors make scald me publicly.
Anyhow, fucking finally after two appetite whetting EP's, here is the full length debut, quirky title, track names and artwork included. 12 songs, two of them "Like a Cat" and "Clarissa Explains Cuntertainment" lifted from the An Inch of Gold for an Inch of Time EP, and basically if you liked those more melodic, emo leanings, you will like this album.
Starting with the Mediterranean flourish that I can only describe as "Flamenco-core", "Devils Dick Disaster" is quick to prove that TN12LLY are not about to be pigeonholed as they still deliver the typical spazzed out atonal chaos that the kids love, but what sets TH12LLY apart is not only their technical prowess that delivers flurries of precise notes, but their ability to make chaos sound moderately creative and inviting. Of course the sticking point for most is the adolescent wail of Jesse Corman, even if backed by the ultra deep death throes of Justin Pedrick, they still will grate most. The melodic development of the band as heard early on for "Texas Dolly" and "Clarissa Explains Cuntainment" is a clever addition to their sound. It can only be described a chaotic melody or melodic chaos, as it's not immediate or catchy but subversively harmonic if still ridiculously frenetic and initially unstructured.
"The Proud Parents Convention Held In The ER" will make most cringe with its barrage of off kilter riffs and stuttering notes, all backed by the glass shattering cries of Jesse Corman, but it does also deliver a solid down tuned growl laden groove in small doses. For me, the epitome of TN12LLY's 'new' sound is "An Aptly Fictional Description" which starts with a delicate jazz segue before unleashing yet more strained angular riffs and blast beats but the song takes an interesting turn halfway where guitarists Jamie McCoy and Alexis Pareja deliver a simply jaw dropping solo that shows how truly talented these annoying to most kids really are before the song lulls away into an ambient haze. After the excellent "Like a Cat" (I won't rehash it, read my EP review), and the surprisingly haunting instrumental "Remembrance Dialogue", TN12LLY launch into the quick exhaustive, flailing chaos of "An Exercise In Self-Portraiture: Go Shoot Yourself" then follow it up with the rockin' "Operating on a Re-Run Episode" that shows TN12LLY can pen straight forward, effective rock riffs. Rhetorically, TN12LLY musically sound like a foaming, epileptic Thursday thrown from a 30 story building and the awkward, disjointed poses they landed in, is allegorically TN12LLY's music. "Category" closes the album in raucous style with extended use of the cookie cutter growls and somber solos, briefly baring the bands teeth from behind their playfully chaotic guise.
Nuclear. Sad. Nuclear wont give TN12LLY any new fans as they still come across as a group of pretentious, musically ADD drenched emo teens, but jealousy does breed despondency and I think die hard grindcore fans are afraid that this stupidly talented band is barging in on there genre. It will however please current fans, like myself will lap this up. My only minor gripes are the contrived titles, artwork and lyrics and that cries "Hey look how abstract and craaaaaaaaazily scene defying we are" and the slightly muted production that forced me to really crank my stereo to get any real density from the record.
Still, the album doesn't really surprise or disappoint if you are a fan of the band but it does open up a plethora of possibilities and directions for the next effort from this group of pigeonhole ignoring and skilled youngsters.
The Number Twelve Looks Like YouWorse Than Alone
3/10/2009 The Number Twelve Looks Like You
6/19/2007 The Number Twelve Looks Like You
An Inch Of Gold For An Inch Of Time EP
1/25/2005 The Number Twelve Looks Like You
Put On Your Bloody Rosy Red Glasses


text:
Kurt Williamsen
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Americans are told almost nonstop to ignore prohibitions against free sex and that indulging in unrestrained, promiscuous sex means everyone goes away happy. Bad idea.
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Back in 2008, I had a difficult time detecting any substantive difference between the top-tier candidates — Barack Obama and John McCain — both of whom had surprisingly similar campaign themes: Regulate industry to control greenhouse gases through a cap-and-trade program; play a decisive role worldwide through aggressive foreign policy and generous foreign aid; institute "comprehensive immigration reform" (aka amnesty); ramp up the already huge amounts of deficit spending by backing such programs as the Troubled Asset Relief Program to boost the economy; and maintain the status quo with social welfare programs or even increase spending, etc.
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On January 22, the Worldwatch Institute, a group having the goal of bringing the global community together to address climate change, environmental degradation, population growth, and poverty, approvingly said about the UN's Convention on the Law of the Sea: "The Law of the Sea [Treaty] has set international standards for fishing, deep sea mining, and navigation since the majority of the world's countries signed it in 1982. It provides coastal nations with exclusive rights to ocean resources within 200 nautical miles of their borders — areas known as 'exclusive economic zones,' or EEZs." (Note: the treaty was initiated in 1982, but didn't enter into force until 1994.)
No Compromise on Compromise
From infancy on, most Americans hear a steady litany of "compromise, compromise, compromise." Whether parents are breaking up a toddler fight in a sandbox over a big, yellow Tonka truck or a teen scrape between siblings over which child will get to use the home computer, kids hear, "Work it out. Compromise!"
Mary Jane Looks to Prop Up 10th Amendment
In California on August 20, U.S. District Court Judge Jeremy Fogel denied a request by the federal government in Santa Cruz v. Mukasey to dismiss a lawsuit brought by Santa Cruz city and the Wo/Men's Alliance for Medical Marijuana that accuses the federal government of unconstitutionally trying to nullify California's medical marijuana laws.


text:
The hustle and bustle of the holidays seems to be inevitable each year, especially if you plan to fly to your destinations.
Valley International Airport is a constant hub for travelers flying in and out of the valley on a daily basis.
But this holiday season, it will be more packed than usual.
"If you haven't reserved a seat yet, you need to do so right away," said VIA Director of Aviation Michael Browning. "The seats are filling fast."
Browning said although Spring Break is a top contender for booked flights, the holidays still remain number one..
"We're actually seeing more people earlier, which is kind of an interesting twist," he said.
The Wall Street Journal recently reported a dramatic increase in sales this year for flights during the Christmas and New Year's Eve holidays.
Those sales are already up more than fifty percent from just a year ago.
Trends show that families will travel farther distances this holiday season and stay longer at their destinations.
"That may be because they get a price break if they don't come back immediately after the holidays," said Browning. "There are more seats to fill, so the airlines may give them a break."
However, if you have not booked your holiday flight just yet, Browning said not to worry, but don't wait another minute.
Although there will be a shortage in seats and chances might be slim, there is still a possibility in squeezing your way into one of the flights.
"You can try to book your flight right now," said Browning. "You're probably going to pay a little bit more than you would have two or three weeks ago."


text:
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text:
See How It's Made!
See How It's Made!
Silver Zac Jean
$98.00 Item #88165408PI120- Regular fit jean
- Straight from knee to hem
- Mid-rise, 19" bottom opening
- Embroidered double back pockets
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- Zip fly
- Leather Silver label on back