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Dragons Den Business Future Growth Secrets4
by admin on Nov.15, 2011, under game online
Business owners should study the TV series Dragons Den to identify the modus operandi of the individual Dragons like Peter dragon nest gold Jones, Duncan Bannatyne, Theo Paphitis, Deborah Meaden & James Caan. Much can be learnt from watching any business Pitch on this riviting BBC TV series. Hopefully as we head out of the current economic downturn, the new Dragon's Den (DD) 2010 series will identify future growth trends for investors & aspiring entrepreneurs. As we cruise through one of the worst economic catastrophes in British history, business owners are finding some comfort in the green business shoots that are appearing on the landscape. However many business directors and entrepreneurs are left wondering if this economic downturn has altered the types of new businesses being launched. Given that Peter Jones is considered a business visionary, DD offers a fantastic resource for identifying future growth. The DD TV dragon nest gold series is growing from strength to strength, and if there were a league of top business entertainment TV programmes, then the DD would probably be fighting for the top slot with The Apprentice. Peter Jones offers conventional businesses owners and aspiring business entrepreneurs the inside view of investment finance required to grow a business. Every established business owner recognises the value in this service. Thanks to an outstanding production team at the BBC, watching a DD business Pitch is both exciting, exhilarating and often cringe worthy. Avid business fans are anticipating the new DD 2010 series featuring Peter Jones, Duncan Bannatyne, Theo Paphitis, Deborah Meaden & James Caan will be the best series yet. In previous episodes of the the DD, all kinds of business pitch ideas have been presented to Simon Woodroffe, Rachel Elnaugh, Richard dragon nest gold Farleigh and Doug Richard. However the real success of the DD TV series lies in the new team of Dragons namely Peter Jones, Duncan Bannatyne, Theo Paphitis, Deborah Meaden and James Caan. Much of the success of DD and the Dragons can be attributed to addressing future growth, and Peter Jones is the Master Business Visionary who specialises in exponentional business growth. Hosted by Evan Davis who is recognised as an economics expert. Probably the last thing he factored for in his career path was the role of TV presenter and dragon slaying with the BBC. Even though Evan Davis is better placed than most of the Dragons in understanding the viability of most of the DD ideas. Given that most of the high profile focus is on the DD investors, it will be interesting to see if the BBC retain the services of Evan Davis as the host for the 2010 eighth Series. The DD TV series seems to be going from strength to strength. The BBC seems to have found a perfect synergy between business, which is typically viewed as somewhat boring by a TV audience, and top quality entertainment. A high percentage of the DD 2010 audience will no doubt be riveted by the drama of watching an aspiring business entrepreneur crumbling under the pressure of the fierce Dragons as they deliver their Pitch. Many viewers anticipate the new DD 2010 series will seek to identify business opportunities with scope for fast future growth. In fact DD and the Dragons looks set to capitalise on the current credit crunch affecting business traders by running its longest TV series to date. This means that the Dragons, Peter Jones, Duncan Bannatyne, Theo Paphitis, Deborah Meaden and James Caan will be gracing our TV screens for a 10 week series in 2010. From an entertainment perspective most of the DD TV series is like car crash TV. Entrepreneurs fold under interrogation about their financial projections, their gross and net profits and the anticipated return on the Dragons investment.


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Topics in the News
American Universities and World War I
Faculties Support Allies.
By 1917, when the United States finally intervened in the First World War, most American professors had long favored the Allied powers, primarily because the professors identified with England, but also because most of them saw the war as a genuine contest between good and evil. When President Woodrow Wilson and Congress declared war against the Central Powers, the widespread support from college professors was so enthusiastic that the New Republic editors in 1917 labeled the conflict "the thinking man's war" and remarked that "College professors, headed by a President who himself is a former professor, contributed more effectively to the decision to go to war than did farmers, businessmen, or politicians."
Contributions to the War Effort.
Professors from all disciplines contributed to the American war effort. At Harvard emerging star chemistry scholar James Conant worked energetically to produce poison gas as well as the gas masks to ward it off. Academics in the social sciences and history were especially eager to serve. When in 1917 the editor of the National History Review, Franklin Jameson, organized the National Board for Historical Service, historians across the country wrote that they would "do anything and go anywhere to help the cause." These history professors helped shape public opinion...
(The entire section is 1821 words.)
Emergence of the Modern University
The Elective System.
When streams of new students entered American colleges early in the century, they found most colleges in a state of disarray and poorly prepared to educate them. This situation was partially because of a fragmentation in the existing curricula. In the first years of the twentieth century, most colleges and universities had established an elective curriculum. Although Harvard was not the inventor of this system, the university, under the leadership of Charles W. Eliot, had become its chief proponent. Under the elective system students (even freshmen) had been free to study any courses they wanted, and their options had expanded exponentially. Old courses of study had been subdivided into many subjects, and new courses were added to the curriculum. Under the spectacular advances of science, for example, the old courses in natural philosophy were replaced by the whole range of sciences, just as old courses in political economy were subdivided into many different social sciences. These new fields allowed students to learn subjects in a way that was impossible in the old curriculum. However, there were no guarantees that students would choose wisely from the scores of elective choices, and, indeed, the majority of students took the easy and elementary courses, the popular lectures, the classes scheduled at convenient hours. As the example of Harvard's elective system spread...
(The entire section is 1303 words.)
Ideals of Progressive Education
Origins of Progressive Education.
The term progressive education refers to a diverse group of theories and practices that developed in Europe and the United States during the late nineteenth century. The movement's theory was not derived from any single source but from various beliefs united only in their opposition to traditional schooling and their support for schooling that was concerned with the emotional and physical well-being of the child. The principal forerunner of progressive education in the United States was Francis Parker, who opened several schools in the 1880s and 1890s, featuring a flexible curriculum that included self-expression and claimed to teach pupils rather than subjects. John Dewey, a philosopher whose books on educational method provided intellectual foundations for the progressive education movement, was largely responsible for popularizing this new approach to teaching and learning. William Heard Kilpatrick, faculty member of Teachers College, Columbia University, helped make that institution an important center for the dissemination of progressive ideas during his tenure (1909-1930).
Progressive Education Association.
In 1919 educators gathering in Washington, D.C., furthered the cause of progressive education by founding the Progressive Education Association. An early leaflet of the organization, by...
(The entire section is 995 words.)
Intelligence Testing and Statistics
Statistical Analysis.
Education administrators collected data for decades before any general attempt was made to state what truths were revealed by their columns of figures; most superintendents counted children, income, expenditures, attendance, and passes and failures annually mainly to have a collection of official statistics. However, in the early twentieth century various mathematiciansA New Discipline.
In the United States, Edward Thorndike became a leading proponent of the statistical measurement of social and economic facts, and he offered in 1902-1903, for the first time in this country, a course at Teachers College, Columbia University, called Education 108—Practicum: the application of psychological and statistical method to education. Soon courses in statistical method were offered at Chicago (1910), Brown (1911-1912), Harvard (1912-1913), and scores of other universities by middecade. In 1904...
(The entire section is 1500 words.)
Reform of Teacher Training
Normal Schools.
For the greater part of the decade, the so-called normal school continued to be the chief institution for training teachers for America's elementary schools. In some states the normal schools also furnished high-school teachers for rural schools, but most states required high-school teachers to have a college degree and to acquire certification to teach. Normal schools offered a two-year course to young students who usually had little more than an elementary education or two years of high school; the course included academic studies, a review of the material an elementary-school teacher would be expected to teach, and observation and practice teaching in a training school under the supervision of experienced teachers. Critics of normal schools charged that the academic work was weak and too much time was devoted to techniques and methods of instruction instead of content. In part to counter such criticism, in part to have the right to train secondary as well as elementary teachers, and in part to facilitate the passage of their graduates to liberal arts colleges, normal schools across the country began to improve their standards.
(The entire section is 960 words.)
Schools in the South
Decades of Neglect.
The optimistic story of progressive education in the 1910s does not include the seriously impaired educational systems in the South. Beset by economic woes and overwhelming rates of illiteracy, education in the former slave states had failed to develop and advance in the years following Reconstruction. As historian Edgar Knight wrote in 1920, the educational system in the South "bore the odium of bad rule and partisan politics; in consequence, indifference to it was so deadly as to equal outright hostility." Reform efforts had been attempted by the General Education Board, a philanthropic organization formed in 1903 to identify areas of need and render financial assistance. The board promoted secondary education and gave financial gifts to build and maintain hundreds of high schools throughout the South. Through the U.S. Department of Agriculture the GEB in 1906 set up demonstration farms under the supervision of demonstration agents. Despite these ambitious efforts, however, education in the South in 1910 showed the effects of general neglect and dis-interest, with the average annual school term lasting only 121 days and no plan of compulsory attendance in effect, even for elementary schools.
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(The entire section is 826 words.)
Segregation and the Schools
Southern Problem.
The story of black education during the decade was set almost completely in the South. Nine-tenths of the total black population of the United States, according to the census of 1910, resided in the South. About 30 percent of the population of the South was black, while less than 2 percent of the population of the northern states was reported as minority in that census. In South Carolina and Mississippi more than half the population was black at the beginning of the decade. The South was handicapped by dire poverty, with incomes averaging just $3,449 per school-age child in the eleven southern states in 1912 (an amount derived by dividing the states' total incomes by the number of children in those states), compared to the wealth in Iowa at the same time of $13,473 per school-age child. All public schools in the South suffered from decades of poor economic conditions and neglect, but the black schools suffered disproportionately from both poverty and oppression. A second-class system of education existed for blacks, but it was second class to a rudimentary education given to whites. Public schools for blacks in the South were open three to four months per year, and the teachers, earning between $17 and $25 per month, made less than the wages black convicts were paid. According to black educator Booker T. Washington in his 1911 memoir My Larger Education, "ten million...
(The entire section is 1386 words.)
Vocational Education
Economic and Social Changes.
At the turn of the century the changing economy of the United States created new demands on the nation's schools for more vocational training in the new scientific farming methods and in industrial skills. Largely because of improved farm machinery, the total value of agricultural products grew from less than $5 billion in 1900 to nearly $8.5 billion in 1910 and almost $12.5 billion by 1919. At the same time, the growth of manufacturing made the United States the world's leading exporter of manufactured goods in 1910. In northern cities industries were particularly dependent on public schools to provide industrial education for workers because immigration from countries with a high percentage of unskilled and illiterate workers was replacing immigration from countries with skilled and better educated workers. The demand for more industrial training was further increased by the rise of American labor unions, whose restrictions limiting the number of apprentices changed the way workers were trained on the job. The Board of Education in Chicago set a precedent for industrial training when it made provisions in its system for courses in cooperative education; under this plan students could study arithmetic, English, drawing, architecture, and woodworking three months a year, then spend the rest of their school time on vocational instruction. Large commercial...
(The entire section is 694 words.)
Women and Education
In Secondary Schools.
A key debate during the decade was how to educate women for congenial work and financial independence while fitting them to be homemakers as well. In 1918, 57.9 percent of all students enrolled in secondary schools were girls. Some conservatives lamented that higher education for women and their success in professional training was "disinclining women for marriage and the cares of housekeeping and child rearing." A powerful group of educators, including John Dewey, demanded that the education of women be brought in touch with the vocational needs of the community. Though Dewey was not suggesting that women's studies be confined to home economics, he and other educators held that preparation for a life career and genuine culture were not alien to each other. Most women during this period, however, opted for a traditional classical education. The vast majority of young women enrolled in secondary schools during the latter part of the decade were engaged in academic rather than vocational studies. In the 1917-1918 Biennial Survey of Education, published by the U.S. Bureau of Education, 73 percent of girls enrolled in secondary schools opted for the academic track, compared with 10 percent in the home-economics course and 2 percent in the teacher-training course. Although the percentage of all students electing the academic course work, surrounded as it was "with an...
(The entire section is 1848 words.)
Headline Makers
Andrews, Fannie Fern Phillips 1867-1950
Lifelong Interest in Schooling.
Fannie Fern Phillips Andrews was an educator who campaigned tirelessly for an international bureau of education to promote peace studies. Born in Lynn, Massachusetts, she was the daughter of a shoemaker father and a mother who was president of the Women's Christian Temperance Union. Deciding at age three that she wanted to be a teacher, Andrews later attended Salem Normal School in Massachusetts and then taught for six years before receiving her degree in psychology and education from Radcliffe College in 1902. Her work in the public schools of Boston convinced her that students from different ethnic and economic backgrounds had to be taught to communicate and negotiate with each other. Her core belief that men who make war are spurred to conflict by their inability to understand one another's perspectives fueled her interest in "teaching peace."
The American Peace League.
In 1908 she founded the American Peace League, an organization that sought to promote peace by teaching the principles of "international justice" in American schools. She extended her influence by organizing the Boston School-Parent Group and serving as president of the Boston Home and School Association from 1914 to 1918. Andrews campaigned nationally for her ideals, and by 1915...
(The entire section is 456 words.)
Beard, Charles Austin 1874-1948
National Reputation.
Charles A. Beard has had an enduring influence upon the interpretation of the American past. He was born on a farm in Indiana and educated at a small Quaker academy nearby. After graduatingfrom DePauw University, he undertook graduate study at Oxford, where he helped to found Ruskin Hall, a workingmen's college. He returned to the United States and married Mary Ritter, who later became his lifelong collaborator. After receiving a doctorate from Columbia University in 1904, he accepted a faculty position there, where he was a popular teacher and highly productive scholar until 1917. Among his influential historical texts produced during this period were American Government and Politics (1910), American City Government (1912), Outlines of European History (1912-1914), The Supreme Court and the Constitution (1912), American Citizenship (1914), and Economic Origins of jeffersonian Democracy (1915). However, his fame began in earnest in 1913 with the publication of An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, an "intellectual bombshell" in which Beard claimed that the Constitutionwas designed to protect the commercial interests and property rights of the framers.
Controversial View of the Constitution.
The book...
(The entire section is 1012 words.)
Dewey, John 1859-1952
John Dewey was an American philosopher, educator, and psychologist whose widely hailed work provided the basis for much of the teaching practice in the United States in the early twentieth century. He had been a prominent national figure since receiving his Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins University in 1884, and his growing reputation was marked by his election as president of the American Psychological Association in 1899 and president of the American Philosophical Association in 1905. His distinctive educational philosophy began to take shape in 1896 when he founded an experimental school at the new University of Chicago. This laboratory school, officially called the University Elementary School, blended and utilized many of the new trends in educational thought and practice at the elementary-school level; it especially encouraged constant experiment and inquiry as the principal learning methods for its children. Dewey consciously intended this Chicago school to be an educational laboratory that could serve as a...
(The entire section is 1169 words.)
Maxson, Henry Martin 1853-1930
Theory into Practice.
Dr. Henry Martin Maxson was born in Stonington, Connecticut, and graduated from Amherst College in 1877. After receiving his M.A. from Amherst, Maxson taught at and served as the principal of the North Attleboro High School in Massachusetts. In later years, after receiving his Ph.D., he served as superintendent of the Plainfield, New Jersey, school system from 1892 until his retirement in 1926. When Maxson was honored by his colleagues in 1917 at the National Superintendents' Association dinner in Kansas City, his twenty-five-year career exemplified the dramatic progress of education in the United States during these years. With a record that was increasingly emulated by his colleagues, Maxson effectively translated the theories of progressive education into the facts of daily school practice. His accomplishments were even more startling, his champions said, when one realized that "not many years ago, education was limited to the 3 R's." Among his accomplishments, Maxson set the standard by which auxiliary agencies became an established part of the American school district.
Frills Become Requirements.
Maxson was one of the nation's first superintendents to recognize the importance of medical and dental inspections and the need for a...
(The entire section is 619 words.)
Mitchell, Lucy Sprague 1878-1967
A Different Path.
Lucy Sprague Mitchell, writer, teacher, and social reformer, is remembered primarily for her work in building experimental schools and as a researcher who carefully studied children's language-learning patterns. At a time when many educated women who sought careers spurned the notion of marriage and family, Sprague chose to marry economist Wesley Clair Mitchell and raise four children while pursuing a full career.
Lucy Sprague, the daughter of a wealthy Chicago family, grew up in an archetypal Victorian household. She viewed her mother as "ardent but suppressed, delightful but tragic" and eagerly embraced the notion of education as a means of escaping a similar fate. She was largely self-educated before college but attended Radcliffe as an undergraduate and graduated magna cum laude with honors in philosophy (the first honors awarded to a Radcliffe student from that department) in 1900. Like many female graduates of the day, Sprague found herself after four years of exciting college life back at home with her family. At the turn of the century a popular manual for girls titled After College, What? warned that for many educated women the answer to the question of the title was "deep and perplexing unhappiness"...
(The entire section is 880 words.)
Moton, Robert Russa 1867-1940
Plantation Childhood.
Robert Russa Moton was a leading black American educator in the 1910s who graduated from Virginia's Hampton Institute in 1890, then served as the school's commandant of cadets from 1891 to 1915. He succeeded Booker T. Washington as principal of the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, a vocational school for blacks, where he raised the curriculum to college level. Moton grew up on a plantation called Pleasant Shade in Prince Edward County, Virginia, where his father, a former slave, had hired himself out to a wealthy white family, the William Vaughans. Moton, with many responsibilities in the Vaughan house, wrote that it was in that home that he "caught my first glimpses of real culture and got my first inspiration as to what I would like to be." Moton was educated by Mrs. Vaughan and also in a free school, one of the first in the country to educate blacks. According to Moton, his childhood was happy and carefree until one of his closest childhood friends, a white neighbor, left to attend Virginia Polytechnic Institute. Moton confronted racial prejudice in a very personal, immediate manner when his friend, returning home at Christmas, refused to shake hands with Moton. Moton decided then that getting an advanced education was the best thing for his future....
(The entire section is 866 words.)
Woodson, Carter Godwin 1875-1950
Son of a Former Slave.
Carter Godwin Woodson, the son of a former slave, rose from humble origins and against steep odds to a remarkable career as a scholar and educator. Though he did not begin high school until the age of twenty, Woodson went on to study at Berea College, the University of Chicago, the Sorbonne, and Harvard University, where he earned a Ph.D. in 1912. Later, from 1919 to 1920, he was dean of the School of Liberal Arts at Howard University.
Framework for the Study of Black History.
In 1915 Woodson founded the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History to train black historians and to collect, preserve, and publish documents on blacks, Woodson lived in an era that had completely neglected the history of black Americans, and the absence from textbooks and from historical volumes of any information about the history of blacks in the United States was his motivation for establishing a framework for the scholarly study of black people. What information there was in most history texts on African Americans presented a highly distorted view of their past and their...
(The entire section is 402 words.)
People in the News
Edith Abbott of Hull House, and founder of the Chicago School of Social Work, noted in 1918 that the "efforts of the professional woman to realize a new ideal of pecuniary independence constituted a social revolution."
Felix Adler, founder of the Ethical Culture Movement, advocated progressive education, free kindergartens, and vocational training schools in 1910.
Professor Frank Aydelotte of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology organized a course on the historic background of the war and the social philosophy of the belligerent nations; called the War Aims Course, it was soon offered at all colleges in the United States training conscripted men.
Charles Caldwell, of the Chicago Tuberculosis Sanitarium, announced in 1917 that approximately 30 percent of Chicago's schoolchildren were anemic, underfed, and possibly affected by tuberculosis.
Dr. P. P. Claxton, of the U.S. Bureau of Education, wrote a foreword in a 1915 pamphlet issued to all rural schools by the Victor Talking Machine Company of Camden, New Jersey, on how to use the machine and its records in country schools.
Andrew Draper, commissioner of education of the state of New York, said in 1910 that the "affairs of the school should be wholly separated from municipal business; the public school system...
(The entire section is 1066 words.)
Henry Adams, 80, professor of history at Harvard and the author of The Education of Henry Adams, the classic literary autobiography, 27 March 1918.
Clarence Ashley, 67, dean of the New York University Law School, 26 January 1916.
George Willis Botsford, 61, professor of ancient history at Columbia University and author of influential text-books on the history of Greece and Rome, 14 December 1912.
Professor Francis Cuyler, 58, Van Dyck Chair of Mathematics and Music at Lawrenceville School, Trenton, New Jersey, 25 January 1916.
Martin Luther D'Ooge, 76, professor of Greek at the University of Michigan and former president of the American Philological Association, 14 September 1915.
Charlotte Drinkwater, 84, general superintendent of Boston YWCA and founder of Hillside School in 1901, 2 March 1916.
Edward Kidder Graham, 42, professor at the University of North Carolina, 26 October 1918.
Dr. Karl Guthe, 59, dean of the graduate school at Michigan, 10 September 1915.
Frederick Guion Ireland, 70, charter member of the Schoolmasters Association of New York, 5 February 1916.
John Sinclair, 68, professor emeritus of mathematics at...
(The entire section is 249 words.)
Carter Alexander, School Statistics and Publicity (New York: Silver, Burdette, 1915);
Leonard Ayres, The Public Library and the Public Schools (Cleveland: Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation, 1913);
Lydia Balders ton, Housewifery (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1918);
Henry Eastman Bennett, School Efficiency (Boston: Ginn, 1917);
Frances Sage Bradley, How to Conduct a Children's Health Conference, Bulletin No. 23 (Washington, D.C.: Children's Bureau, U.S. Department of Labor, 1917);
J. C. Chapman and Grace P. Rush, The Scientific Measurement of Classroom Products (New York: Silver, Burdette, 1917);
Henry Curtis, Recreation for Teachers, or the Teacher's Leisure Time (New York: Macmillan, 1918);
Arthur Dean, Our Schools in War Time—and After (Boston: Ginn, 1919);
John Dewey, Democracy and Education (New York: Macmillan, 1916);
William Dooley, Vocational Mathematics for Girls (Chicago: D.C. Heath, 1917);
John Robert Gregg, Gregg Shorthand (New York: Gregg, 1912);
John Haaren, Natural Freehand Writing (New York: D.C. Heath, 1916);
Warren Horner,...
(The entire section is 342 words.)
Important Events in Education, 1910–1919
- Thirty-nine percent of undergraduates in U.S. colleges and universities are women.
- Embryologist Thomas Hunt Morgan begins to attract graduate students to Columbia University not for the curriculum but for opportunities in research.
- Admissions directors at Columbia, Harvard, Yale, Princeton, Dartmouth, and Amherst begin discussions about the increasing number of Jewish male applicants.
- Only eight states have school attendance of 90 percent or higher of children ages six to fourteen. Four are in New England, and the remainder are in Iowa, Nebraska, Michigan, and New York.
- Examinations by local officials for teaching certificates are replaced in all states by examinations conducted by state boards or state departments of education.
- The U.S. Census reports that 550,000 children ages ten to fifteen are at work in factories, shops, and in other nonagricultural positions rather than at school.
- In February, the Journal of Educational Psychology, a forum for the research of educational psychologists, is founded.
- In May, a union of eight Boston institutions of higher education forms the Commission on University Extension Courses.
- In May, faculty in the Department of Physics at the University of Chicago vote to...
(The entire section is 2273 words.)
Source: American Decades: 1910-1919, ©1996 Gale Cengage. All Rights Reserved. Full copyright.


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INCREASE OF THE ARMY. Debate Between Senator Seward and John P. Hale. The Army in Utah—Dangers of Military Despotism—Partisanship and the Public Good. From the Congressional Globe. IN SENATE, Tuesday, Feb, 2,1858. The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill to increase the military establishment of the United States, the pending question being on the motion of Mr. TOOMBS to strike out the first section of the bill, Mr. SEWARD—Mr. President, when this bill was under debate on a previous occasion, I intimated that I had some words to speak on the subject, and I will proceed to make my remarks now. I shall not detain the Senate long; and, in what I say, I shall hardly labor to convince Senators to bring them over to my opinions, for I am, in regard to this bill, but half convinced myself. My object is to place myself right upon the record, in order that the reasons for the votes I shall give may be understood hereafter. It would be impossible, Mr. President, to engage with any advantage in this debate; for, so far as I have observed its progress, there is no dispute on principle involved in the subject. On the one side, the bill is opposed by those who deprecate a standing army, and we have pictures drawn of the dangers of a standing army in the country; and, on the other side, the argument is only to show that this bill does not contemplate a dangerous in-crease of the standing army. Now, upon princi-ple, I suppose we are all agreed; there is no one here that is in favor of a large, dangerous, standing army—one that would menace the liberties of the country, or bring them into jeopardy. So, on the other side, I think there is no one here who sup-poses that the police of this great Empire can be conducted without some military force, some regu-lar troops. There is no one who is for a large standing army; there is no one who is for no regu-lar force; there is no one in favor of a universal or general police; there is also no one who is for no Federal police; there is no one who will argue that the fortifications of the country ought to be abandonded, and suffered to go to desolation and ruin; and so there is no one who will argue that any greater force than is necessary for the present emergencies, whatever they may be, shall be raised; there is no one who is in favor of a standing army of one hundred thousand men; there is no one, so far as I know, who is against a standing of five thousand men. The trouble, then, arises out of collateral ques-tions, out of a view of the exigencies to which the armed power of the country may be applied if it shall be increased; and our difficulty on this sub-ject is to discuss and consider it fairly in the ab-sence of a knowledge of what will be the action of the Government on some other questions I am perfectly clear in my own mind about what I would do. I would grant this increase of force if I knew that when it was granted the army which is now in Kansas would be withdrawn from that Territory. I am reluctant to increase the armed forces of the United States, while an army is re-maining in Kansas; but I cannot know, nor can any one else know, what will be the disposition of the army in Kansas. I can only make up my judgment in regard to it from the facts which are before me; and taking the condition of the Kansas question as it stands, I have made up my mind that it approaches its solution, and that whether the Administration favors a Free State, or whether it continues its intervention there in favor of a Slave State in Kansas, things are reaching such a crisis that the President of the United States will not dare to maintain an army in Kansas to enforce a Constitution which the people of that State re-ject, and against which they array themselves with armed force; and that is the issue which I expect to see if such a Constitution shall be forced on Kansas. I do not expect to see the Lecompton Constitu-tion carried through Congress—a Constitution to establish Slavery in the Territory of Kansas with-out the consent of the people; a Constitution framed by a Convention which they never called, which they have absolutely repudiated three dis-tinct times, and at the moment when the Territo-rial Legislature representing, under the sanction of Congress, the people of that Territory, have abolished Slavery and are sustained, as we all know they are, by five-sixths or sixth-sevenths of the whole people. Sir, I think there has been great skill in manipulating returns from Kansas Territory; I think there has been great skill mani-fested at the other end of the avenue in bringing this question before Congress; but I have no fear that there is such political skill here or in the Ter-ritory, separately or combined, as will be able to force that Constitution upon Kansas, nor such boldness and desperation as to attempt to main-tain it by the use of the army. My impression, therefore, is, that the army which is in Kansas will have to be withdrawn. Then I have endeavored to frame an amendment to this bill, which would compel the withdrawal of the troops in Kansas. I have been unable to frame one that would be practicable, and I have, there-fore, to give that up. Suppose I shall be disap-pointed in this, and the army is to be retained in Kansas: what then? Well, Sir, if the army is to be retained in Kansas, it has got to be paid, and it is Congress that is to grant the supplies for the Army. When I look over this Chamber and the other, and see how they are constituted, I have no fear that the Congress of the United States this year will appropriate money to maintain an army in Kansas to enforce a Constitution on the people which they have rejected, and to which they will never submit. It is only a year ago, when we were much weaker here than we are now, that we brought this Government to a dead stand upon the appro-priations for an army to maintain the usurpation of the Missouri invaders in Kansas, and to enforce Slavery on that people. If all had stood with the same firmness that I stood, and that I recom-mended to others, the Government would have stood to this day before a soldier would have been in Kansas. There I shall stand now, and it may as well be understood first as last, that those who attempt to send an army into Kansas to maintain that Constitution, must look into the Senate and House of Representatives elsewhere than to me, or any upon whom my opinions may operate, for support. This disposes of the matter in that aspect. Yes-terday I was quite disposed to take the substitute offered by my honorable and esteemed friend from Massachusetts, (Mr. WILSON.) That Senator pro-poses to raise five thousand volunteers, and that they shall be disbanded at the expiration of one year. It is attractive, as showing a preference for a volunteer force to a regular force; but on reflec-tion I see that his proposition is embarrassed with precisely the same difficulties with my own. If we raise five thousand volunteers upon the system which he recommends, and they are to be sent to Utah and employed there exclusively, as his prop-osition suggests, then the Army may all be left in Kansas, or five thousand regular troops may be left in Kansas, while the volunteers are sent to fight our battles in Utah; and, therefore, I do not find in that proposition any relief. My very much respected friend from the State of Maine, [Mr. FESSENDEN,] suggests that I am impressed with too deep a sense of the importance of an increased army in the present emergency, I will only restate what I have stated before. It does not seem to me unreasonable to suppose that this great empire, extending now from the Atlan-tic coast, with fortifications there on every hill which overlooks a port, with garrisons stretched across, on two or three lines, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, with the Indian population gath-ered into compact bodies, and pressed to the point of starvation, is to be maintained so as to preserve peace on the frontiers and in our provincial or ter- ritorial settlements, without a force of seventeen thousand, or eighteen thousand, or twenty thou-sand men, under any circumstances. I am pre-pared to expect that the Army of the United States must increase with the removal of the borders of the United States in every direction; and I am prepared to see those borders continually extend-ing—I mean the borders of settlement. I suppose the Army to be adequate to the present emergen-cies, except for the urgent difficulties that have arisen in the Territory of Utah; and it is with reference to this, and this alone, that I am willing to increase the armed force of the United States, and to increase it as far as may be necessary for that purpose. When I present this as my single reason for favoring this bill, I am told by my excellent friend from Maine, that the Government does not put its proposition on this ground, and that therefore we have no official evidences of an exigency existing in the Territory of Utah which would require this increase of the Army. I must admit that he speaks with much reason; but the sources of information are open to us, as well as open to the official or-gans of the Government—the Executive Depart-ments. If the Secretary of War, if the whole Cabinet, were to tell me that there is no danger of disturbance, no danger of resistance, no danger of civil war in Utah, I would not believe one wor that they should tell me, because I must judge from the facts which I know. The facts which I know are simply these: that a leprous band of foreigners are concentrated in a valley in the cen-ter of this continent; that they, having been un-wisely favored by the Government of the United States with the appointment of their own officers and the making of their own laws, and the admin-istration of their own laws, and the execution of their judgments, till they have come to regard themselves as independent in their isolation and to defy the Government, are now found in combi-nation with the Indian tribes by whom they are surrounded, and that the lives and the property of emigrants passing upon the highway across which they are located, between the Atlantic and Pa-cific, are exposed to depredations which are com-mitted by them with the aid of the Indians. Now, Mr. President, we are told that, notwith-standing these indications of a hostile nature on the part of that people, still there may be no col-lision. I agree to that. I trust there will be no collision. I am prepared to go further, and say that there will be no collision—that there will be no outbreak—that there will be no civil war; but it is upon one condition, and that is that an armed demonstration, which has now become necessary, and which, whether necessary or not, has been adopted by the Administration, and is in the course of execution, shall be made so imposing as to com-mand respect and extort obedience. Therefore it is that, with a view to save the public peace, and with a view to bring the Territory of Utah into submission to the authorities of the land without bloodshed, I favor the increase of force which is to be sent there, and for no other reason. I would have it continue only so long as is necessary for that purpose. I am told that these Mormons will not fight; and I know that it is not until after a long time that any community makes up its mind to defy an imperial power like this; but, Sir, these Mor-mons are exceptional, in the first place. They have done nothing but fight from the beginning. They are an armed and military sect, a supersti-tious sect, and war is an element of their progress. They fought themselves out of the State of New-York, when they were but a handful of men, into Ohio. They wrangled themselves out of Ohio into Missouri. Civil war grew up around them in Missouri, and they fought their way into Illi-nois, and established themselves at Nauvoo, and a civil war attended their exit from Nauvoo to the Salt Lake. They are worthless for any other purpose but to fight. Their religion makes them fighting men; for it is a religion which can submit to no civil authority that is administered or exer-cised over them by a Christian people. It is a religion which gives license, in the name of gov-ernment and God, to the indulgence of the basest propensity of human nature. I never yet have read, I never yet have heard, I never yet have seen, any superstition of this kind that did not take in, as its weapon for proselytism, the sword. Sir, the worst that can come of all this is, that I shall have committed an error; I shall have con-sented that the Government of the United States shall employ an additional force of five or six thousand men for this occasion. It will be a safe error, whatever may happen. If my proposition shall be adopted, as I trust, it will, it will be guard-ed by a stipulation that the additional force shall be disbanded as soon as order is restored in Utah. To those who may object to that, I have but a sin-gle argument to urge in favor of the proposition. If there shall be a necessity. Congress will then be able to continue the force. If, on the other hand, my apprehensions are right in regard to the disturbances in Utah, and their probable course and development, then I shall feel that, whatever responsibility may rest upon me for errors of judg-ment here, there will not rest on me the responsi-bility of having left, by my own act or default or neglect, a single citizen of the United States to suf-fer violence at the hands of this belligerent people for want of the necessary supplies of troops and money, to compel them to respect the authorities under which we live, and forbear from cruelty upon the citizens of the Government which has fostered and protected them. Mr. HALE.—Mr. President, it is with great reluc-tance that I throw myself on the indulgence of the Senate for a few moments; for I had hoped not again to feel the necessity of trespassing on the patience of the Senate; but I am impelled by a sense of duty to say a word or two after the re-marks which have fallen from the Senator from New-York. He will not deem me unkind, if l say that I have listened with extreme pain and disap-pointment and mortification to the speech which he has made—a pain equal to that with which I heard the great statesman of New-England, DANIEL WEB-STER, some eight years ago, with the ripe honors of nearly three score and ten years, bring himself and his fame and his reputation, and lay them down as an offering at the footstool of the Slave power, to find himself used and spurned afterwards. This is no question of detail, no matter of unim-portant legislation; but it is a deep, vital, funda-mental question that must divide the people of this country, and must rally the friends of free, inde-pendent and liberal government on the one side, and the supporters of power on the other. Sir, the question of increasing the military power has been a question which has divided the friends and the opponents of free government in all times; and as the Senator from Georgia (Mr. TOOMBS) well said, the experience of forty centuries speak to us, in characters of blood, lessons of warning upon this great question. Let me say that the army which this bill proposes is no small, no insignifi-cant, no unimportant force. It will, if completed, according to the terms of the bill, be equal to twenty-five thousand men. Give me a President disposed to use that military force, in order to coerce the people of these States to his purposes, and with the command of the Federal Treasury, and with the means of concentration which our multiplied system of railroads and steamboats fur-nishes, and he can come like the lightning of heaven at any moment, with this concentrated and tremendous power, upon any State, or upon any portion of the people that he chooses. I do not desire to go to the Departments; I do not wish to go to the Secretary of War, or to the President, or to anybody else, to tell me what he wants with this Army. Here I will do all credit to the distinguished gentleman who has charge of the bill, the chairman of the Committee on Mili-tary Affairs, Mr. DAVIS. He tells us it is not for Utah; it is for no pressing emergency; it is for nothing of to-day; it is not to be used to meet the dangers which now environ us, and then to be laid aside; but he wants it for a permanent increase of the standing army of this country. The use to which this standing army is to be put is exempli-fied by the use which is now made of it in the Ter-ritory of Kansas. Two thousand five hundred troops are kept there; and the Honorable Senator from New-York says he would not vote for an in-crease if he thought they would be sent there. Sir, if I may be indulged in quoting a remark of a very illustrious and a very distinguished patriot and orator of the Revolution, I would say that I have no light to guide my path except that of experi-ence; and the experience of the past year, the ex-perience of the present moment, tells me to what uses the army is to be put. Here let me say, that while that most danger-ous, that most fallacious, that most monstrous doctrine which has lately been broached and prac-ticed upon by the Executive of this country, that under the general power to see the laws faithfully executed, he has a right to call out at his will the Army and the Navy, under the name of a posse; while that doctrine is proclaimed and acted upon, it is not a time for me, however it may be for others, to strengthen the hands of a man who is disposed to use it for such purposes and on such authority. I deny here, utterly and totally and forever that he has any such right; and I say that it is an usurpation, a dangerous, an alarming, a fatal one—one that if it be tolerated by this Gov-ernment, will bury our liberties beyond the reach of resurrection. No, Sir; we cannot stand it. There is not a crowned head in Europe that would desire a greater power over the standing army of his realm than to make him the guardian to see that the laws are faithfully executed, and under that grant to have power to call in the army to do it. Sir, is it a time for me, is it a time for my friends, is it a time for the distinguished Senator from New-York—upon whom the eyes and the hearts of the friends of liberty have centred and clustered—when such dangerous, and fatal, and damnable doctrines are proclaimed and practiced upon by the Executive of the United States, to vote seven thousand extra men to him? No, Sir, it is not for me, however it may be for others. The honorable Senator refers to the experience of two years ago, when the Government was brought to a dead lock, and when, he says, we were not so strong as we are now. We were not then so strong on this floor as we are now; but we are not so strong now but that our strength is weakness, for we are but a third of this body, with a majority of two-thirds against us; and we were stronger then in the House of Representa-tives than we are to-day, by a very considerable number. What was the result of that dead lock? Why the President said it was his duty to see that the laws were faithfully executed, and he issued his proclamation immediately, called Congress to-gether, and kept them until they became subservi-ent to his purposes. That is the history of that dead lock, and I do not doubt the President would like such another, with the same result. In the history of my political life, I have seen a time when I stood solitary and alone the repre-sentative of the views which I entertain. I have looked with joy, with gladness, with gratitude to the increasing hosts that have rallied around our banner in the Free States, until the Democratic Party has been stricken down in the large major-ity of them. I have seen these accretions made to our ranks with gratitude, but I have seen also I the accretions of other men coming to our ranks, who might have relieved me from a position which I occupied with reluctance, and that was to be the representative of this party, when it was nothing but a sentiment, and political power was not even among its dreams. But, Sir, when a new star is dawning; when light is beaming in upon us; when one party has been shattered so that its his-tory may be written as among the things of the past, and when from its ruins and its wrecks we were building up a new fortress to storm the bat-tlements of the heretofore impregnable Democracy—at such a time as this, it does fill my heart with pain and my mind with fearful apprehensions, when I see any one upon whom I have looked with the hope that he might lead great hosts to the consummation of their hopes and their wishes, baiting upon a question which, in my humble ap-prehension, is fundamental, vital, and characterizes the whole controversy. We must come to an issue on this subject. The history of the republics that have lived and gone down is full of warning on this subject. We are apt to boast of what we are, and of what we have done, and to look back on our history with exulta-tion and pride. Why, Sir, we are not yet one hun-dred years old. The Republic of Rome lived more than six hundred years, strong, conquering the world, and adding new kingdoms to her territory; but she at last fell, and her liberties perished under the insidious policy which converted her into a great military power: until, at last, the imperial crown was set up at auction, and knocked down to the highest bidder from the walls of the Praetorian camp. I confess that upon this subject I have very deep feelings; for, if the party with whom I act, the party with whom are my hopes and my expectations, do not take ground on this subject, firm and deci-ded ground, against the increase of the military power of this Government, they will go down, and they ought to go down, and my humble voice and my humble services shall be found rallying the people to set the seal of their condemnation on a party with great professions and high principles, but, in my humble judgment, wanting in the car-rying out of those measures which their policy and principles should dictate. If I had supposed that I should speak on this subject to-day, I should have referred to an author-ity, and I should have had the author by me. I was reading it not long ago, an ancient history, in which, speaking of the final destruction of the Roman Empire, the author said that whenever the people began to get turbulent, whenever there be-gan to be danger to the agrarian law being car-ried, or any great measure of popular liberty indi-cated, it was the favorite policy of the aristocracy to get up a foreign war; "for," said the historian, "in war the State is strong and factions weak." I believe it is just exactly that policy which dic-tated a foreign war whenever the public liberty was in danger of being vindicated in Ancient Rome, that dictates this Utah war now. Let me ask, if I must go to that, where is the evidence that the affairs in Utah are more threat-ening now than they were when President PIERCE appointed BRIGHAM YOUNG Governor? Are their sentiments any more leprous, or their practices any more abominable now, than they were then? Not that I know of. I have seen no evidence that their depravity or their principles have made pro-gress since that time, and I am utterly at a loss, if this is an army to go to Utah, to know of any rea-son or any fact which would justify sending an army to Utah, when there is not, so far as I am advised, any difference in the state of affairs now from what there was when they were basking in the sunshine of Executive favor Mr. DAVIS—Will the Senator allow me to ask him what is the date at which President PIERCE appointed BRIGHAM YOUNG Governor of Utah. Mr. HALE—He was appointed by President FILL-MORE. Mr. DAVIS—You said President PIERCE. Mr. HALE—Well, he continued him. Mr. DAVIS—Ah ! Mr. HALE—He continued him in office. Mr. DAVIS—He did not remove him. Mr. HALE—Well, he did not remove him, but he kept him in, just in the same way that he kept in all his Federal officers, I am obliged to the Sena-tor from Mississippi for correcting me; because when he makes such such a very slight correction as that, it shows he is watching me closely, and sees that I am very correct, [laughter,] and need only that slight correction. The state of affairs there, so far as I am advised, is no different now from what it was then. The Hon. Senator from New-York—I know he will not misinterpret what I am saying—says that if he errs it will be a safe error. I should like to make a very small addition there and let it read "unsafe," and I shall then agree with him entire-ly. It is an unsafe error. It is an error that I fear cannot be retrieved. For several years past we have been marching in the path of increasing our army; and it is avowed here on this floor, that this bill provides for a permanent increase. I see no backward steps. I am like the cautious ani-mal who, when he was reproached for not going into the sick lion's den to pay his respects to the monarch, said he would have gone in, but, as he looked around to see the tracks, he found that they were all going in and none coming out. So it is with the increase of the army; all the measures are for increasing and none for decreasing it; they are all one way; and I feel called upon to take my stand here, and say I will not vote another man, or another dollar, to increase the expenses of the army. The honorable Senator suggests another thing; which, it seems to me, has an infirmity about it which does not often attach to suggestions or ar-guments that come from his lips. He says we will give them this army, and then we shall have the power over them, because we will not pay them if we are not satisfied with the uses to which they are put; or we can refuse the pay. So we can; but we can refuse the men much easier. The argument is a great deal stronger for refusing the men, than it will be for refusing the pay after you have granted the men. If we are going to exercise that wholesome control over the Executive, which in theory belongs to this body and the body at the other end of the Capitol, here is the place, and now is the time to stop. If things were twice as threatening as the honor-able Senator thinks they are in Utah, let me ask you if we have not an army more than four times sufficient for all the emergencies? I have heard it said by those who pretend to know, and who, I think, do know, that five thousand men will be as many as you can possibly use in Utah, even if there shall be a necessity for them, which is not conceded. We have an army now capable of being filled up to eighteen thousand men, and, I am told, practically, it is fifteen thousand at this moment. I do not know the necessity of increas-ing the force beyond that, when they will not want one-third of that force to put down the troubles in Utah. Nor am I disposed to make very great drafts on my confidence in behalf of the manner in which this affair has been managed thus far, from the accounts which I have read, and which purport to be official accounts of the manner in which the force, that is now on its way to Utah, has been precipitated there. Utterly regardless, if you are to believe the accounts which have come to us, of any single suggestion, not only of military fore-sight, but of common prudence, you have sent your men there to suffer their beasts to die, and expose them to the inclemencies of the Winter, where they are locked up in the mountains. I think half the animals sent out with them died from mere starvation and the effects of cold. If this was a bill to furnish the Executive with pru-dence and discretion, I would vote liberal appro-priations; but it being a bill to increase the mili-tary force at a time when I think the friends of liberty would be jealous of increasing it; and it being a time when, if the accounts that, we read be true, there has not been such conduct displayed as should entitle them to our confidence, I shall vote against it. For these and many other reasons I am utterly opposed to the bill. Opposed as I am to it, I should not have said a word if there was not danger, from the position which the distinguished Senator from New-York occupies, and justly occupies, in the public estimation, that the words which fell from his oracular lips might be supposed to compro-mit or compromise feebler and humbler men who I sit at his feet. But for that, I should not have ven-tured thus openly before the Senate and the coun-try to dissent from what be has said; but looking upon it, as I do, as a very dangerous error, and one which I am ill prepared to have go out under the sanction of his name unchallenged, I have deemed it my duty, in all the kindness that I entertain for him, and all the profound respect that I feel for him, thus publicly to differ from him on a question which I consider vital and fundamental to the dearest and best interests of the country. Mr. SEWARD.—Mr. President; I certainly shall not complain of my honorable friend from New Hampshire, or regard it as any unkindness that he has presented this subject in a manner which makes an issue between him and myself, or between me and others with whom I am accus-tomed to act in the country. I know his gen-erosity; I know his independence; I know his spirit, and I know his devotion to the great prin-ciples which are common to us all. So far from complaining of it, I give him my thanks with all my heart. I never yet have seen the time when I could not bear a difference with friends, as I never yet have seen the time when I cared in the least for unkind or hostile reproaches from my enemies. But, Sir, I shall not imitate the example of my honorable friend, for I think he himself will come to the conclusion that, so far as the special objects which he and I have in view are concerned, it would have been quite as well to indulge me in an explanation of the reasons why I dissented from the course which he had adopted for his government, and to let it pass without being sig-nalized as a great difference calculated to divide great bodies of men who follow his lead, or my own, or that of some other man. I have not one word of complaint or reproof for the honorable Senator. I must, however, say for myself that I am not influenced by the appeal which the honorable Senator makes to me in re-gard to the success of the party of which he speaks. Sir, I have been some twenty years, more or less, in the public service, here and in my own State. Since I have been here I think every word that I have uttered in this Chamber has been recorded in books, and will go down to history; and so of a large portion of what I uttered in other places. I think I may claim that, when ten years shall have passed over the debates of to-day—when ten years of rest shall have been allowed to me after my service here shall have been completed—there will be no man living who, with the records all open before him, will be able to tell whether I belonged to one party or another. No, Sir; I know noth-ing, I care nothing—I never did, I never shall—for party. I should be unfit to be here if I had not learned to postpone my own advantage to that of the respective and honored friends with whom I cooperate in public life; and if I had not learned to postpone their advantage and their benefit to the greater good of the whole country. If there is a reproach that is more proverbial against me throughout this land than any other, it is that I dare postpone the good of the whole country under a false and demoralizing Administration, to the rights and interests of mankind under the laws of eternal truth and justice. Sir, I am not to be de-terred from giving an honest vote by any fear of the party with which I act going down. I have a different idea about parties going down. I have a different idea about men going down. They are not thrown down by false analogies. The honorable Senator has referred to a great statesman, now dead, who, for a large portion of his life, led the vanguard of the army of freedom—of freedom in the Territories, of freedom in the States; and who, on the great day when the con-test came to a decisive issue, surrendered that great cause here in his place, and derided the pro-viso of freedom, the principle of the ordinance of 1787. The Senator considers this analogous to my case, because here I think five thousand sol-diers not too many, and he thinks five thousand less just enough. That is all. If the question was, whether one hundred thousand should be the standing army, we should both be against it. If the question was whether it should be five thou-sand, we should both vote in favor of that num-ber. There is no principle in this dispute. It is a question of the application of great principles. Now, I may say for myself, in regard to this point, that, having bad a sense more profound, per-haps, than others have conceived, for twenty years of my life, that it belonged to somebody to restore the equilibrium of freedom, which was depressed in the scales held by this Government so as to give Slavery a preponderating balance, I, with as much power and ability as I have, have devoted myself to cooperate with the honorable Senator, and all others who might engage in that great and benefi-cent enterprise. I knew, Sir, that there would be times when I should have to stand alone. I saw him stand alone; and I think the first ally who came to his side here was myself, which meeting could not be accomplished until one great State of the Union had been revolutionized, so as to pro-duce a combination in favor of his purposes and mine. I knew that I should have to stand alone; I have stood often alone; but I have never com-plained of it, and I do not now. I knew that in standing alone in this cause I exposed myself to a danger which easily besets the reformer; and that danger is, that the sense of injustice, the sense of isolation, will make him sometimes un-just, unwise, partisan and factious. The danger of every reforming party is the danger of seeking to build itself up by drawing in false, spurious and collateral issues, having nothing whatever to do with the main question. I am sorry to say, but I must say it, that my experience has only shown that there was, in the position which I have occupied, an ex-posure to this great danger of being beset to cut own this measure, of the Administration here; cut off the head of this appointee of the Admin-istration there; defeat the Administration on this appropriation for a railroad; defeat the Adminis-tration upon this measure of organization; cut off the supplies of the clerks in some of the depart-ments; refuse to give to those who will not vote for your measures and your policy your support for measures to which they may be attached. I determined, knowing that I was exposed to this danger, that with the grace of God I never would be found wanting in my place to assert and maintain my principles, and the measures and policy which were to carry them out; and on the other hand, that when I should retire from the Senate, there should be no man living who could charge that I had ever given a vote influenced by passion or prejudice against the interests, and fame, and honor of my whole country. If I have not been unsuccessful, I have done this. That is just what I am doing now, and the result will be just the same when we reach the end of this mat-ter. I remember that an excellent friend, half a dozen years ago, solicited me to lend my aid and my name to the organization of the American Party, because it was necessary to give success to the principles of freedom which otherwise would be lost without it. "Well," I said, "suppose I should, what would be gained?" "Well, then, your cause would prevail, and you yourself would be elevated to a place," much higher than I dare speak of. "But," said I, "that movement is ephemeral; it will last only to-morrow, and how is the party to be relieved from the consequences of the falseness of its position then?" "Oh," said he, "we will look for you to do that." I was to lead them in and I was to lead them out! I have but one word more to say, and I shall not detain the Senate. I am very sorry that the faith of the honorable Senator from New-Hampshire is less than my own. He apprehends continual dis-aster. He wants this battle continued and fought by skirmishes, and to deprive the enemy of every kind of supplies. Sir, I regard this battle as al-ready fought; it is over. All the mistake is that the Honorable Senator and others do not know it. We are fighting for a majority of Free States. There are already sixteen to fifteen, and whatever the Administration may do—whatever anybody may do—before one year from this time we shall be nineteen to fifteen. If that is so, what danger are we exposed to? It is that the Free States will, nevertheless, go for Slavery. If they will, that is a matter that we are not to help in this way. I do not believe that either. I think it is simply a question whether the Administration shall surren-der and grant freedom to Kansas, under the Con-stitution of her choice, or whether they shall break their necks in resistance to it. The result is pre-cisely the same in either way; and I come to my conclusion, notwithstanding I am so unfortunate as to differ from my honorable friend, that it is the safest side to vote the men and the money to save the lives and property of the American people.
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Pink bookcase holds up to 11" tall books with large display shelf on top. Storage chest features permanently attached lid. Designed with a back panel to prevent items from falling behind bookcase. Holds up to 5-1/2 cubic ft of storage.
"R"Web#: 954149
Manufacturer #: 885000
Assembled Dimensions (in inches): 22.5 x 21 x 28.5
Product Weight:28 pounds
Product Dimensions (in inches):30.5 x 30.0 x 30.0
Shipping Info:
Average Customer Rating:
(based on 115 reviews)
Ratings Distribution
5 Stars
4 Stars
3 Stars
2 Stars
1 Stars
of respondents would recommend this to a friend.
Best Uses
Most Helpful Positive Review
i love this toy box! its HUGE!
this toy box is great, it was super easy to put together, took maybe 10 minutes. my daughter LOVES this toy box, she likes to play in it too. she can get in...Read complete review
this toy box is great, it was super easy to put together, took maybe 10 minutes. my daughter LOVES this toy box, she likes to play in it too. she can get in and out with no trouble. once she gets her eye on something in there theres no stopping her from getting it. its great, very sturdy and durable. it hold soooooo much stuff. i would buy this product again and again. it is really easy to clean. i got this about a year ago after purchasing a wooden toy box that i also love but it just didnt hold enough. my daughter is now almost 18 months and it hasnt giving us any problems in the last year of use. i would recommend this to everyone!
Most Helpful Critical Review
It is okay
The toy box storage is big. The book shelf can fit smaller books but if they are tall books they do not fit right. The lid likes to pull out alot so I am ...Read complete review
The toy box storage is big. The book shelf can fit smaller books but if they are tall books they do not fit right. The lid likes to pull out alot so I am constantly fixing it. If the toy box is not against the wall the child can push it apart. It is easy to slide together.
Reviewed by 115 customers
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Just what we hoped it would be!
By Anna's Dad Ed
from Cincinnati, OH
About Me First Time Parent
Comments about Step2 Lift and Hide Book and Storage Case - Pink:
It was easy to assemble and it fits nicely in the allotted space. Our 1-year-old daughter loves it!
Comment on this review
My 2n'd Grandaugher and 2n'd toybox!
By Grammie
from Northford, Ct.
About Me Grandparent
Very easy to put together. Very durable and plenty of room for not only toys but shelves for stuffed animals, books, and a lamp! Looks great in the room. After comparing the other toys boxes found this one was the best choice. Liked so much bought not only one for my first grandaughter but also my second grandaughter!
Fun box
By Lextherex
from Portland, Oregon
About Me First Time Parent, Stay At Home Parent
See all my reviews
We use this toy box to store all the bigger toys we have. And we put our stuffed animals on the "bookshelf". My daughter loves to open it and pull toys out like she is rediscovering things each day. Its kind of hard for her to open but she is only 18 months so that will change quickly!
lift & hide book & storage case
By Irne - the loving nana
from Port Richey, FL
My granddaughter (who just turned 1 yr old) loves putting her toys and books in the box. I like it because it has no sharp edges
Love it!!!
By Mom of 16 month old princess
from channelview, Tx
I love this toy Box for my daughter because it's low enough in the front where she can get things out with out getting hurt. The lid slides in & won't just slam down on her hands. Plus I can store her books on the top part. All around great choice for my dsughter
I should have bought it sooner!
By Dad
from Bastrop, TX
About Me Parent Of Two Or More Children
This toy box, has plenty of storage. The shelves are a wonderful touch to display favorite toys and books. I love that the lid can fold out of the way while my daughter is playing but easily comes down when play time is over.It is a great addition to her bedroom.
Great toy chest
By Emmas mom
from Greenville, SC
About Me Education Oriented, First Time Parent, Working Parent
very easy to put together and holds a lot of toys! the only things I did not like was that the holes for the screws were not pre-drilled and the opening edge is a little sharp, so when my little girl went to get something out of the toy box and leaned on the plastic it would hurt. I just put a little rubber edging around it and now its perfect.
By hpb33
from wichita,ks
About Me Grandparent, Parent Of Multiples (Twins etc), Parent Of Two Or More Children, Stay At Home Parent
perfect size, color, easy to assemble....great product!!!
By Debbie
from Washington, DC
My granddaughter loves her toy chest as I call it. She always in it playing with her toys and putting them back where they belongs. It has more than enough space and the book case area is perfect for all her books. I'm glad I purchase this item.
Great toy box
By T H
from Fresno, ca
This toy box is perfect for my 2 year old. She enjoys putting her toys and books away. It is very spacious and was easy to put together.
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Born in Spanish Harlem in 1936, Eddie began piano studies at an early age, as did his celebrated older brother, the late Salsa legend and pianist, Charlie Palmieri. For Latin New Yorkers of Eddie's generation, music was a vehicle out of El Barrio. At age 11, he auditioned at Weil Recital Hall, which is next door to Carnegie Hall, a venue as far from the Bronx as he could imagine. Possessed by a desire to play the drums, Palmieri joined his uncle's orchestra at age 13, where he played timbales. Says Palmieri, "By 15, it was good-bye timbales and back to the piano until this day. I'm a frustrated percussionist, so I take it out on the piano."
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Over the years, we've developed several traditions among our group of friends. Without a doubt, my favorite is our annual Friendsgiving. It's a potluck event the weekend before Thanksgiving that's been hosted by the same couple for the past 6 years. Good friends and good food always make for a good time :) This year I was tasked with making the stuffing (more on that later this week) and, of course, I also wanted to make a dessert. This week's Sweet Melissa Sundays, chosen by Jennifer of Oh, Sweet Day, was chocolate bourbon pecan pie and as much as I wanted to participate, I was too nervous to make an untested recipe for Friendsgiving, especially since I was baking at the last minute and wouldn't have time to make a second pie should things go awry with the SMS recipe.
So although I didn't make the chocolate bourbon pecan pie, I didn't stray far. Instead, I chose a chocolate pecan pie I'd seen over on Kristin's blog a week ago. Truth be told, I'm not big on pecan pie, but I know it's a favorite of many and I couldn't resist the concentric circles of pecans Kristin had created atop her pie (which I imitated on mine), they were stunning! She'd vetted the recipe and declared it a winner so I felt confident it would be a good choice for Friendsgiving. The pie came together easily with just a few bowls and spatulas. Unlike many single crust pies, the recipe did not call for pre-baking the crust and while I enjoyed avoiding the hassle of pre-baking, my crust didn't take on much color in the oven. Were I to make this pie again I might partially bake the crust before adding the filling. I'm never quite sure what it means when a recipe instructs to bake "just until set" (most say until the filling jiggles "slightly" when the pie plate is tapped, but that doesn't really clarify things much for me) so I was a bit unsure about the baking time for the pie. I wound up pulling it out at about 55 minutes mainly because the filling was cracking like crazy and seemed set.
Despite my concerns, the pie was a hit at Friendsgiving! The nice thing about it, especially for people who dislike nuts, is that the pecans only sit atop the pie so they're easy to avoid. Adding chocolate to pecan pie definitely ups the deliciousness factor for me. It was sweet and gooey, rich but not too much so. It's a pie with a wow factor, and would surely make a great addition to any dessert table at Thanksgiving.
Jennifer will share the SMS recipe for chocolate bourbon pecan pie on her blog today. I still hope to try it eventually, but for now, you can check out the list of bakers this week to see how it turned out for everyone else.
Chocolate Pecan Pie
from Everyday Food, November 2008 (via The Kitchen Sink Recipes)


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