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Taylor 956ce Rosewood Grand Symphony 12-String Acoustic-Electric Guitar
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The Taylor 956ce Rosewood/Spruce Grand Symphony 12-String Acoustic-Electric Guitar represents the upper echelon of the rosewood models and features T...Click To Read More About This Product
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An exquisite 12-string guitar made of premium Indian rosewood and Sitka spruce with Cindy inlay and Taylor Expression System electronics.
The Taylor 956ce Rosewood/Spruce Grand Symphony 12-String Acoustic-Electric Guitar represents the upper echelon of the rosewood models and features Taylor™s popular œCindy inlay, Indian rosewood binding, red purfling accents, and abalone top trim that also borders the fretboard extension. Among Taylor's three classes of rosewood guitars, the fine detailing of the 900 Series sets it apart with exceptional design sophistication.
Grand Symphony (GS)
Body Width: 15" / Body Depth: 4-3/8" / Body Length: 19-1/2"
The ultimate Taylor strummer.
The Grand Symphony shape joined the line in 2006 and delivers Taylor™s boldest, richest acoustic voice. Think of it as a Grand Auditorium with a turbo boost, thanks to expanded physical dimensions, including a slightly wider waist and a bigger lower bout. Strummers and pickers with a driving attack will love the fullness, volume and sustain. Yet for such a robust voice, the GS is also clear and responsive to fast picking runs or a light fingerstyle touch, so if you'e a dynamic player, this shape is a true contender. And the big voice doesn™t come at the expense of balance. The piano-like bass, meaty midrange, and thick, shimmering highs blend seamlessly. These traits also make the GS a great vehicle for 12-strings. If you like a lush, potent guitar tone that has the horsepower to compete with other acoustic cannons out there, the GS shape is a worthy choice.
Indian Rosewood
Origin: East India
One of the most popular and traditional guitar woods of all time, rosewood takes the basic sonic thumbprint of mahogany (which has a strong midrange) and expands it in both directions. Rosewood sounds deeper in the low end and brighter on the top end (one might describe the treble notes as zesty, sparkly or sizzly, with more articulation). If you look at its frequency range visually, rosewood would appear to be more scooped in the middle, yielding less midrange bloom than mahogany. Like mahogany, rosewood™s vintage heritage has helped firmly establish its acoustic legacy. It™s a great sound in part because we know that sound. In some music circles in which preserving the traditional sound helps bring a sense of authenticity to the music " certain strains of Americana, for example " rosewood has an iconic status. Also like mahogany, rosewood is a versatile tonewood, which has contributed to its popularity. One can fingerpick it, strum it and flatpick it. It™s very consistent, so players can usually rely on it to deliver.
Goes Well With: Most applications. If you like a guitar with fuller low end and brighter treble (bluegrassers, for instance), rosewood will do the trick. Its high-end sizzle and clear articulation will benefit players with œdark hands. If you'e looking for a traditional acoustic sound, a rosewood Dreadnought or Grand Auditorium is right up your alley.
Expression System
Natural Sound Made Simple
People love the clear, full acoustic tone of their Taylors. Why should it be any different when they plug in? That™s why we spent several years developing the onboard acoustic pickup and preamp. Taylor™s ground-breaking Expression System (ES) was designed to naturally amplify the warm acoustic sound of your guitar.
The ES is an all-magnetic acoustic guitar pickup system that works like a microphone to produce a pure signal and a warm, natural acoustic sound. When you plug in, you'll hear the sound of your guitar, not the sound of the pickup. No complicated controls. No tone simulators. Just a clean amplified acoustic guitar sound supported by three simple controls " volume, bass and treble.
Breakthrough Technology
Years of research brought Taylor to a simple realization: Nothing sounds as true and musical as a microphone. With that as a starting point, Taylor™s David Hosler led the team responsible for the Expression System's breakthrough technology. Utilizing a unique Dynamic Body Sensor mounted to the soundboard, a Dynamic String Sensor embedded beneath the fretboard, and a discrete preamp, the advanced ES technology is unlike any other guitar pickup system.
Integrated Design
The ES was designed in-house, alongside their acoustic guitars, which allowed Taylor to build the ES seamlessly into the design of the guitar, for an integrated pickup system unlike any other. From the design and location of the body and string sensors to the voicing of the preamp, the ES is fully optimized for the Taylor sound. The elegant design, including the non-intrusive control knobs, also preserves the aesthetic of a Taylor guitar.
- Shape: Grand Symphony
- Back/Side Wood: Indian Rosewood
- Top Wood: Sitka Spruce
- Neck/Heel: Tropical Mahogany
- Electronics: ES
- Bracing: 12-String Bracing with Relief Rout
- Binding: Rosewood with Red Purfling
- Fretboard Wood: Ebony
- Fretboard Inlay: Cindy
- Headstock Overlay: Ebony
- Bridge Inlay: Cindy
- Bridge Pins: Ebony with Abalone Dots
- Nut & Saddle: Bone
- Tuners: Gotoh
- Truss Rod Cover: Ebony
- Back/Side Finish: Gloss
- Top Finish: Gloss
- Neck Finish: Satin
- Cutaway: Venetian
- Pickguard: None
- Includes Taylor hardshell case
Enjoy signature Taylor sound and playability. Order today.


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"The Spot"
By David Means
Faber and Faber, $23.00, 166 pages
It's always interesting, I think, to notice the way in which we first discover the fine work of seriously gifted short story writers and novelists. Most of them don't start out with large audiences, and most of them never get very far in building the kind of reader base that puts their names on the lips of the county's best readers. So that while four short story collections over the course of nearly twenty years, short story collections of exceptional quality, should have made David Means something resembling if not a household word at least a name bruited about by aspiring writers in writing workshops, writing programs, and other such venues, he's hardly there yet.
But look at what he's done. His second collection, Assorted Fire Events, won a Los Angeles Times prize and was a finalist for a National Book Critics Circle award. His third collection, a book with the (to me, alas, off-putting) title of 'The Secret Goldfish,' showed off some fine fine work.
Means is more than a conventionally accomplished realistic story writer. As I've written before in these pages, his fiction sometimes skitters up to the borderline of legend, and all the traditional rules of story-making—focusing on clear beginnings, middle struggles, and sharp recognitions at the end—now and then fade into the hazy air of Midwest thunderstorm and boiling sky, as in the story "Lightning Man" from 'The Secret Goldfish.' But when he wants to he can produce work that holds up even in comparison with his most gifted ancestors like Sherwood Anderson and Ernest Hemingway, employing some of the most sharp-edged and beautifully spare language of any writer of his generation. The stories in 'The Spot' show him working at the top of his powers, which doesn't mean flat-out, highly plot-driven fast-rushing short fiction, even though he often focuses on characters (many from the Midwest) who live at the lower end of the social scale and make their way in the world by hook and by crook, often caught up in situations (crime, drugs, adultery) that usually lend themselves to straightforward realism. But Means' style couldn't be further away from the crude and the lewd. He writes a forceful, if not entirely elegant, often effectively muscular sentence that gives us the minds and hearts of the characters from angles quite oblique and in rhythms often hypnotic.
The title story takes on the depiction of where mad vision crosses the line into murder, and it's told, in lucid killing fashion, from a sociopath's point of view. There is a spot, "a little pucker", as we hear it described, "on the surface out there…where the Cleveland water supply is drawn in, right there, and if you were to dump enough poison on that spot you'd kill the entire city…". Means gives us the impression in this story of pathetic mayhem and murder that he's hit that spot.
In "Reading Chekhov", Means' version of the classic story of modern adultery, Chekhov's "Lady with the Pet Dog", we learn in brief bursts of paragraphs of the affair between a thirty-five year old student at New York City's Union Seminary and a married female officer worker who commutes thirty miles each way every day. They even read "Lady with the Pet Dog" together while lying on a blanket on the grass in the park near Grant's tomb. That should suggest to us how the affair will end, though Means' story turns out to be a memorial to the immediate passions of adultery rather than a tomb for such hopes for forceful love.
Botched crimes, an amateur but deadly crucifixion of a high school boy by his friends, at least one "fire event" (which recounts, as the title tells it, "The Facts Toward Understanding the Spontaneous Human Combustion of Errol McGee", an alcoholic former Midwestern businessman who goes up in flames), and a deeply pathetic but terribly moving account of a father trying to come to terms with the possibility of his child's devastating illness—these make up the matter of the stories, all of them worked through in Means' by now distinctive style.
All the stories show off a deep and enduring talent for imitating complexity without usually turning so opaque that the reader does not know where to look. With this new collection readers with a taste for high art in the short story will want to place him up there with writers such as Evan Connell, James Salter, and, from a slightly younger generation, Tobias Wolff and Richard Ford. Yes, I know that list might suggest that Means is more a man's writer than anything else. But he's not. He's a human writer, and should become part of your reader's lexicon.
Alan Cheuse's most recent book, "To Catch the Lightning" is out in paperback.
Find 'The Spot' and other titles in the Chicago Tribune Amazon store.

subset: commoncrawl


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Jeb Bush is a powerful man. Like his brother, he is a star. But Jeb can't run for president. Why not
There are two kinds of stories about Jeb Bush.
In the first story, which comes in many forms and flavors but is always roughly the same, the storyteller finds himself in a private moment with Jeb—a chance, at last, to bond. Maybe they are on Jeb's personal jet over Tampa. Maybe the back nine of a Sarasota golf course. Maybe inside a limousine near Dsseldorf. Wherever they are, the storyteller is excited to buddy up to Jeb and, after a bit, clears his throat and tries to say something casual. At which point Jeb, who has been either deep in thought or reading or doing something equally serious, looks up and breaks into a smile and begins to chat, too. About education reform. Or Medicaid statistics. Or the judicial nominating process. "This is fascinating," the storyteller says after a while, "but let's talk about football, man! Let's talk Seminoles!" And Jeb, with some embarrassment, says, "Oh, sure," and for about eleven seconds they do…until Jeb has somehow worked his way back to the topic of school vouchers. Or hurricane preparedness. Or prison demographics.
Jeb Bush, the story goes, is a man of policy, not politicking.
In the second story, the narrator is also alone with Jeb, traveling to a public event. Once again, Jeb is smushed down into his seat, reading or writing or mumbling into the phone, being very Jeb. But as they arrive and the doors swing open and he strides into a crowded room, there is suddenly a strange sensation, as though a bright light has come on, and the air is expanding, and the ceiling is rising, and all of the eyes in the room have received a magical signal to pull toward Jeb like spindrift caught in a riptide. Hands reach out to touch him, old ladies gasp.
Jeb Bush, the story goes, is a natural politician.
The first time I saw Jeb, at a Rotary Club lunch in Tallahassee, both of these stories made sense immediately. Watching him dazzle the men and women who approached him, then sprint to the stage for an extemporaneous, free-form declaration of his most complex political ideas, I could instantly see that Jeb was indeed both things: a political natural and also a man for whom politics is merely the delivery system of policy. Having followed him over the past six months, I've only become more convinced of this. Bush represents the twin pillars of modern politics: He is introvert and extrovert, glad-hander and wonk. He is an inexhaustible flurry of energy, traveling constantly, often overseas, and packing more meetings into his schedule each day than most men hold in a month, sometimes six or ten high-stakes sessions before lunch, then working late into the evening with his staff and later still at home, bent over his computer to produce a torrent of e-mails, even while absorbing stacks of reports and data, deep into the night, every night, not so much from a sense of urgency as pure, intellectual delight. When he stands on a stage, he towers, six feet four with a full head of tousled hair and piercing brown eyes that dart across the room as he expounds in neat, crisp paragraphs on his ideas and his intentions, drawing statistical minutiae from the ether of his memory with a readiness and eagerness that is impossible to fake or resist. Drop him into the heart of a crowd and he radiates, hugging women and children and men with equal ease, holding their hands and kissing their cheeks and pausing, briefly, to listen.
To find a man like Jeb Bush, positioned where he is in the political landscape, is a rare thing. He stands at a unique nexus, in a unique moment, with a unique set of talents. He is not only the popular governor of one of the largest, richest, and most politically significant states in America; he is also the first member of his party ever to win that office for two terms and has amassed within that office more power than any other governor in Florida history. Despite presiding over a period of economic uncertainty and record natural disasters—at one point, he oversaw eight hurricane-relief efforts in fourteen months—he has added $7 billion to the state's cash reserves, maintained high personal approval ratings, and used his popularity to lead his party to total dominance in the state. Today the Florida GOP occupies every statewide elected office except one and controls the Florida legislature by astonishing margins of 84–36 in the House and 26–14 in the Senate. Now entering his final year in office, with a national party in disarray—plagued by scandals, an unpopular war, and record deficits, not to mention a lame-duck president with no heir apparent—Bush stands before the most obvious opportunity of his life: If there was ever a man positioned to run for the White House, if there was ever a time suited for a campaign, if the stars have ever aligned for anyone, anywhere, it would seem to be Jeb Bush, right now.
Except for one thing.
In Florida the line on Jeb is this: He is the smart brother, the better brother, the one who should have been president. "If Jeb had been the one who was president, a lot of decisions would have been different," says Lucy Morgan, the grande dame of the Florida press corps. "He is significantly more intelligent than his brother," agrees Martin Dyckman, who has covered Florida politics for nearly fifty years. "My private belief is that he would not have been suckered into a war in Iraq." If Jeb were president, I was also told, we wouldn't have a national deficit, wouldn't have given away the ports, would have saved New Orleans. Under Jeb, the story goes, everything would be different.
In reality, this is almost certainly false. Jeb Bush shares nearly all of his brother's political ideas and many of his methods. They are much more similar to each other, for example, than either is to his father—and on issues like Iraq, Jeb's commitment to the war may even predate his brother's. As early as 1997, he was a founding member—along with Donald Rumsfeld and Paul Wolfowitz—of the Project for the New American Century, which authored the now-famous letter to President Bill Clinton advocating a unilateral strike on Saddam Hussein. As a former trustee of the conservative think tank the Heritage Foundation, he stands among the most rarefied echelon of the Republican guard, along with far-right stalwarts Grover Norquist and Ed Meese. And in Florida, his record has been unfailingly, unflinchingly, unhesitatingly conservative on virtually every issue he has touched, from the first statewide school-voucher program in the country to the privatization of the state's Medicaid system to the tax cuts he has proposed, promoted, and signed every year since taking office. This is a man who told voters in 1994 that his contribution to black citizens would amount to "probably nothing" and who fantasized in his 2003 inaugural address about a government so choked for tax revenue that state office buildings would be "empty" and "silent monuments." On the surface, Jeb may seem like a kinder, gentler, more centrist version of his older brother, but seem is the operative word. In all probability, if Jeb Bush were president right now, the world would look about the same as it does.
Still, it's striking how pervasive the sentiment has become, even among his opponents. Bush may have political enemies in Florida, but few of them doubt his ability. To understand why, it is helpful to consider what Bush has accomplished in the past seven years. In the span of less than two full terms, he has not only consolidated an unprecedented level of power in Florida, seizing control of statewide boards, departments, and procedures but also cultivated an almost eerie reverence around himself, an awe that sometimes borders on mysticism, even among the opposition. As the incoming House Democratic leader, Dan Gelber, put it, "In this state, he is the guy. Everybody else is not even in the ballpark. He's a rock star. I mean, I don't like the Detroit Pistons, but there is no question they are tearing up the league right now. And Jeb is tearing it up in state politics."
What makes Bush's ascendance even more significant is that prior to his election in 1998, the office of the Florida governor had been notoriously weak. Forced to share power with six other cabinet officials, each of whom was elected independently, a governor could very well find himself outnumbered, outvoted, and overruled by his own cabinet. For all practical purposes, he was just another member of the staff.
"Until 1998, there was no state except North Carolina where the governor was weaker," says Martin Dyckman. "He was first among equals in the cabinet."
Today the Florida governorship bears little resemblance to its impotent past. Almost from the moment Bush arrived in Tallahassee, he began to accumulate influence and transform the balance of power. He started with the state's educational system. Since the 1960s, Florida's universities, community colleges, and public schools had always been managed by a slate of boards overseen by the cabinet. In 2000, Bush decided to seize control of them all himself. First he abolished the existing boards, including the board of regents at state universities; then he replaced them with a single seven-member "megaboard" that he handpicked himself. With the stroke of a pen, he consolidated the entire educational system under his direct control.
Next, Bush took the same approach with the state's judicial system. Since 1972, judges in Florida had been nominated by commissions of nine members—three of them chosen by the Florida Bar, three by the governor, and the final three by a vote among the first six. In 2002, Bush decided to dictate them all. Working with allies in the state legislature, he designed, promoted, and then signed a bill granting himself the authority to appoint all nine members of the state's judicial nominating commissions. When the bar association protested, Bush reluctantly allowed its members to suggest four of the nine, but he reserved the right to reject their suggestions as often as he wanted, for any reason he liked, until he got a suggestion he liked.
"Now that he picks all nine members of the commission, the members have become much more partisan," says Dyckman. "They are suddenly, preponderantly, Republican."
In recent years, both of these power grabs have been challenged, but even after some modification, the essence remains the same: Today, every member of the board that oversees state universities has been appointed by Bush, every member of the board that oversees public schools has been appointed by Bush, and every member of the state's judicial nominating commissions is appointed by Bush.
But nowhere is Bush's dominance more apparent than in the presence of Florida Democrats. Once the reigning power in state politics, with majorities in both houses, the Democratic machine has sputtered in recent years, then stalled, and, finally, fallen out of service entirely. What struck me the most when I met with Democratic leaders in Tallahassee earlier this year was not their lack of power so much as their willingness to own up to it. Most politicians have a knack for turning out hopeful platitudes and optimistic banalities even in the face of hideous defeat. Not so in Florida, where the crush of history is simply too great to spin.
I found the outgoing House minority leader, Chris Smith, tucked away in a minuscule office on the third floor of the Capitol building, a room so small that it might as well have been a cubicle, with bright fluorescent lights and walls so thin that I could hear shouting and laughter in the next room. (By contrast, when I met with his Republican counterpart, Speaker Allan Bense, I waited in Bense's expansive sitting room, with dark wainscoting and crown molding, soft recessed lighting, and large green armchairs, not to mention a plush sofa, a model of a three-masted ship, and two enormous wooden desks staffed by secretaries, all of which was dwarfed by Bense's personal chamber, with its thirty-inch state insignia on the carpet, large bronze eagle on the wall, and massive wooden conference table with a sitting area nearby.)
But Smith was unfazed by the accommodations. He had other things on his mind. A black man in his mid-thirties with an easy smile and a cherubic face, he motioned for me to sit down beside the state's Democratic communications director, Tara Klimek, and he spoke in a calm, disappointed voice.
"The legislature is not its own branch of government anymore," Smith began. "We're Jeb's workroom. Because of the Republican numbers, they can do whatever they want. They don't really negotiate with us. And once Jeb became governor, they laid down for him. They have bent over backward to give him more and more power. They gave him the power to appoint the secretary of state. They gave him the power to appoint all the trustees for the universities. Before, members would tell a governor, 'Screw you, you're out in eight years, and I'll be here for twenty,' but now that we have term limits, members think, 'I'm gonna be out of here in a few years. I don't want to have the governor mad at me.' So term limits have got him in a real good spot."
Klimek interjected, "A few members do stand up to him, but they pay for it. Senator [Alex] Villalobos has had money taken away from him that he was trying to get for a children's brain-tumor center in Miami."
Smith nodded. "If you don't walk the line, your appropriations get zinked. Because the governor has the veto pen."
I asked Smith and Klimek how Jeb had become so powerful so quickly, but at this they both shook their heads.
"The guy just came in, and everything aligned for him," Smith said. "That's the disappointment. There is so much that he could have done, so much potential that he's wasted. Damn, I wish I was Jeb Bush. There's no reason, when you're the big bad kid on the block, to beat people up all the time. You can be the big bad kid and help the little weakling kids sometimes. But he's been the big bad kid, and he's wielded that power mercilessly."
I found the same sentiment in the Florida state Senate, where I met with Senate minority leader Skip Campbell in his office just before the 2006 legislative session. A round man in his fifties with a shock of white hair, a lopsided smile, and a large gnarled nose, Campbell leaned way back in his chair while we spoke and passed a Slinky from hand to hand.
"It's slipped pretty much as far as you can go," he said. "We're totally outnumbered. Republicans can lock down at any time they want. If the Senate president or the Speaker of the House says, 'I want this,' then it's a lock-down position. We can't win. I hear from Democrats all the time about feeling totally alienated. We're drowning out here. Someone has to save us."
I asked Campbell the same question that I had asked Smith—how had the Republicans become so powerful so quickly—but he, too, seemed mystified by the reversal of fortune.
"Jeb is an effective leader," he said. "He is, in my opinion, much brighter than the president of the United States, and probably a better politician, too. Now, that sounds kind of funny because he's not the one who's president. But I think that has to do with timing."
Many of the same people who were eager to tell me that Jeb is smarter than George were also quick to add, sometimes in the same breath, that whether you agreed or disagreed—in fact, no matter what you thought of George W. Bush—it was a bad idea to mention him to Jeb. If there's one thing Jeb doesn't like talking about, I was told, it's his brother George.
At first it was tempting to read all manner of pop-psychological hokum into this. A trace of hostility Of jealousy Resentment But with time, it became clear that Bush's reticence to discuss his brother was even more deeply rooted than that.
For half a century, Jeb has been playing the famous-family game. Fifty years ago, his grandfather was a senator. Forty years ago, his father was a congressman, then the ambassador to China, then the director of the CIA, then the vice president of the United States, and, finally, president. Now Jeb's brother is president—his older brother, who used to drink too much and party with abandon—and after a lifetime under the microscope, in a family where even a stray impropriety could mean disaster, a culture in which the less said the better, having been born into that world and having spent his life there, having never once slipped or crossed a line, never sharing the wrong anecdote about the wrong relative with the wrong person, and after struggling to build the same barrier around his own family, to block the media from his daughter's battle with drugs and his wife's entanglement with U.S. Customs (she failed to declare nearly $20,000 worth of purchases after a 2002 trip overseas), after a lifetime of building the protective wall, raising it and steeling it and reinforcing it, Jeb Bush is not about to pop open like a bottle of cheap champagne.
Besides, talking about his family only brings trouble. Within five minutes of hearing the name George, he can count on some crass attempt to curry favor. People will either ask to speak with his brother, or ask him to speak with his brother for them, or ask his true opinion of his brother, or tell him how much smarter he is than his brother, or tell him how he should have been president instead of his brother, or split hairs over his policy differences with his brother, and whichever one it turns out to be, he doesn't want any part of it. To the people who deal with Bush every day, it is simply an uncrossable line.
"He's not wild about it when someone says, 'I'm sure your brother can help get this done,' " says Florida's Speaker of the House, Allan Bense. "Don't say that to him! Ooooooh! You can just see him stiffen up. And I want to go to the guy and say, 'That's not the approach you want to take!' "
"The trouble is," says Bush's friend Susan Story, the CEO of Gulf Power, "no matter what he says, they use it against his brother. He says that. 'If I do something bad, they use it against him. If I do something good, they say, "Why isn't your brother as good" I can't win!' "
"He does not like comparisons with his brother," agrees Lucy Morgan, who has had Bush to her house socially several times. "He's very aware that people call him the bright brother."
I even picked up on this sensitivity from Bush's staff. Before my first visit to Tallahassee last fall, the phone rang in my office one Wednesday, and one of Bush's press secretaries asked cautiously, "Is this another brother story He hates that."
It's easy to understand why. The "brother story" has become a dominant theme in the national media, and it does tend to become rote. What is missing, most often, in stories about Jeb is…Jeb himself. But it is also a mistake to ignore the brother story entirely. Despite rising to power in different states, with different political organizations and somewhat different ideas, the brothers' careers have always been conjoined, intertwining over the past dozen years like the strands of a double helix.
Particularly the year 1994. It was 1994 when Jeb first ran for governor in Florida and when his brother first ran in Texas. It was 1994 when their mother, speaking to Texas Monthly magazine, described them like this: "With my son Jeb, you still see the old gentle Bush demeanor… George, he's something else entirely."
But it was 1994 when George won, and Jeb, conspicuously, did not.
It was 1994, then, when everything changed. When Jeb, after a lifetime of achievement, after earning a Phi Beta Kappa key and graduating in three years from the University of Texas, after running a bank in Venezuela and making a small fortune in South Florida real estate, slipped for the first time, and failed. Just as it was 1994 when George, after a lifetime trailing his little brother, after stumbling through school, stumbling through the National Guard, and stumbling in the oil business, finally did something that his brother couldn't: follow in their father's footsteps.
And maybe it didn't undermine their relationship or their standing in their parents' eyes. Maybe it didn't trigger some family melodrama that would play well on reality TV, the way some of their biographers suggest. But the simple and unassailable fact is that it changed the course of their lives. By the time Jeb finally won the Florida governorship in 1998, his brother George would be one step closer to the White House, and Jeb would be a step behind. In the year 2000, it would be the brother in office since 1995 who could launch a credible campaign, not the one who was just sworn in for the first time in 1999. Just as, four years later, in 2004, with his brother seeking reelection, Jeb's chances would be nid again.
With the 2008 election heating up now, most of the people around Jeb concede that his chances are no better this time. No matter what his record in Florida may show, no matter what his natural talents may be, a third Bush president in twenty years is just, on the face of it, unlikely. When Jeb says he isn't running for president in '08, when he says "my answer is definitely no," it doesn't mean that he wouldn't like to be president or that he won't run some other year. What it means is that he won't run this time around.
What it means is that he can't.
"If he wasn't Dubya's brother," says one national Republican strategist, "his chances would be greatly enhanced."
"We're into dynasties in America, not royalty," says a Democratic strategist.
Yes, being a Bush has always helped him, and he's never denied that. It opened doors in the business world when his father was president. It opened doors in the political world when his brother was governor before he was. It opened doors when they both were governors, meeting up at national Republican conventions like twin stars in a rapturous sky. It even opened doors after his brother became president and Jeb could let his most loyal staff go to Washington, then watch the rest of the Florida GOP scramble to become his next choice. But now the flip side has come to bear. Now there is a price.
Being a Bush always opened doors.
Now it slams one shut.
The question for Jeb is whether that door will ever open again. As he prepares to step down from office next January, many of the qualities that would help in a bid for the White House may become liabilities in the future.
As governor, Bush has been defined by his isolation, the absolute dominance with which he has ercised his power. Whereas many politicians, including his brother, are known for surrounding themselves with men and women of equal or greater ability, consulting them and relying on them, Jeb is known for the opposite. Behind the doors of his office in the Tallahassee capitol, there is no Karl Rove, Dick Cheney, or Karen Hughes. There is no mistaking the hierarchy: There is Jeb, and then there is everyone else.
"He has almost never surrounded himself with people who might be his intellectual equal," says Martin Dyckman, who saw eleven Florida governors come and go in half a century covering politics at the St. Petersburg Times.
"We call them Kool-Aid drinkers," adds Representative Chris Smith. "They're these Republican youth—radical kids from the University of Florida, Florida State, or the University of South Florida—that just want to come up and make a name for themselves. There is not enough white hair in his office."
"He has no key people," agrees another longtime Florida reporter. "His spokesmen are generally these kids out of college, and they rotate in about once every year or two. The current one looks like she's about 12." According to one writer, Shirish Dáte, this command structure is entirely deliberate.
"One of the books that is required reading for anybody who works in the governor's office is A Message to Garcia," says Dáte, who is working on a biography of Bush. "The Cliffs Notes version is: You don't ask why, you just do it. Shut up and do what I tell you."
Even among his friends, Jeb is known to keep a certain elevated distance. In fact it's debatable whether he has any real friends—if he does, they're hard to find. While I was reporting this story, Jeb's office gave me the names of two "close friends" to speak with, both of whom, it turned out, did not consider themselves close to Jeb at all but, rather, business associates. When those "friends" gave me the names of other people they believed were close to Jeb, those people told the same story. After a while, it became difficult to shake the suspicion that "close" is a relative term with Jeb.
This fit with other things I'd heard about Jeb. Despite having a politician's capacity to enchant large crowds, I was told that he is notoriously remote one-on-one. "You can't have a discussion with him that is not a policy discussion," says Lucy Morgan, the recently retired Tallahassee bureau chief of the St. Petersburg Times. "He's serious as a heart attack." According to Morgan, Bush's isolation and reticence have also made him highly sensitive to criticism. "He's very thin-skinned," she told me, "and he does not like navel-gazing, as he calls it."
Outside Tallahassee, Bush has proven even more remote. Unlike many governors—think George Pataki, Bill Richardson, Mark Warner—he is temperamentally allergic to media attention. In the course of two terms, he has refused nearly every invitation from the national media, including virtually every major newspaper and magazine in the country, including this one, to cooperate with articles about his leadership. On the rare occasion when he has agreed to talk, he has come to regret it. During a taping of the Today show in 2002, when interviewer Jamie Gangel asked Bush about his daughter's drug problem, Bush, who is rarely asked personal questions by the Florida press corps, began to choke up. "I'd like to wave a magic wand and have this devil be exorcised from her life," he said, visibly starting to cry. It was the last time he would visit the Today show.
Instead, Bush prefers to do the bulk of his communicating by e-mail. Unless you have pressing business that dictates a meeting, the best way to reach Bush is by shooting him a message. Jeb being Jeb, the message doesn't get farmed out to some assistant; he reads every bit of it himself and usually replies in the abrupt, sarcastic, rapid-fire way that has become his trademark. Never far from his BlackBerry, he is famous for the sheer volume of these notes—dozens if not hundreds of personal messages each day, not only to state officials and political insiders but also to just about anybody and everybody who happens to get hold of his e-mail address: the guy from New Orleans who lost everything and decided to ask the governor of Florida for help; the couple from Germany who couldn't find a way to refill their prescription medications during a Florida vacation; the man from New Smyrna Beach upset about the junk in his neighbor's yard. They all hear back from Jeb Bush, sometimes in the middle of the night.
"You get e-mails from him at three or four o'clock in the morning," says his friend Susan Story. "I don't think he sleeps but three hours a night."
"I'm not aware of any other public official who exchanges as many e-mails," says Justin Sayfie, a former staffer.
One night recently, I tested these claims. At about 5 p.m., I sent Bush an e-mail from my personal account. "People keep telling me that you respond to your own e-mail," I wrote. "Any truth to that"
At about nine o'clock, he wrote back: "Yes, that is true."
I wrote again. "People also tell me that you don't want to do an interview in GQ. Any truth to that"
Minutes later: "Yep, it is true."
I wrote once more, but Bush was done.
To a large extent, Bush's appetite for direct control has been one of his strongest assets in Florida. Legislators can rely on a clear signal from their leader and do not have to worry about a clash of factions within his cabinet. In Bush's office, there is only one line to toe, and a price for anyone who doesn't. As one Republican legislative staffer told me, "It is extremely problematic when you don't go along. Jeb Bush can be very, very pushy. He's a pushy Bushy."
He can also be, according to some Republican legislators, vindictive to anyone who resists him. When three Republican senators balked at a 2003 effort to limit medical-malpractice lawsuits, they quickly found out just how vindictive. According to an e-mail written by Bush's chief of staff at the time, Alan Levine, the governor's office was prepared to find Republicans who would challenge the disobedient senators in the next primary election.
"He fights hard," one of the senators, Mike Bennett, told me. "We've had some wars. I made Bush so mad that when he ran for reelection, he actually sent my campaign-contribution check back to me. But I gotta tell you, I admired that. Who wants to fight a pussy"
But as Bush prepares to leave office this year, the towering stature and direct engagement that have been hallmarks of his two terms might come back to haunt him. Although he has wielded his power with extraordinary skill, getting in the dirt and twisting arms, commanding party loyalty and obliterating the Democratic opposition in a traditionally liberal state, many GOP legislators are concerned that his successor will have a hard time filling his shoes—or keeping the party together.
"It's a big void," says Speaker Allan Bense. "We'll keep it together, but it won't be easy."
Some members of the party are even less confident. Signs of fracture, they say, are already apparent: with a Republican primary battle heating up to replace Bush this fall, the Florida GOP is dividing into two camps, with rumormongering and smear campaigns already under way; twice in the past four years Bush has had to throw the legislature into special session to get his budgets approved; and his decision to intervene in the Terri Schiavo case, demanding that the legislature give him the authority to reinsert Schiavo's feeding tube, created massive political fallout for many frustrated members of the Florida GOP—at the height of that episode, some members of the legislature were receiving as many as 4,000 e-mails a day. With many of Bush's most zealous proposals under review by the state court system, it is unclear whether the moderate faction of the Florida GOP will continue to stand behind Jeb and his policies after he is gone. As one moderate Republican senator, Mike Bennett, told me, "The main reason the Republicans are gonna lose control is because absolute power has let us move to the right. We're moving further and further off to the right, and we are going to lose the majority. First we are going to lose the Democrats who voted Republican, and then we will start losing Republicans. When you've got the power to push anything through, and there's nothing they can do about it, I think that's bad."
On the first day of the Florida legislative session this year, I took a seat in the press gallery of the House of Representatives to watch Jeb's final State of the State speech. After seven years, it would be his last chance to present a legislative agenda and cement his legacy in Florida.
With an hour to go before Bush's arrival, the chamber was rowdy with legislators returning from a long recess, and as Speaker Allan Bense tapped his gavel to call the House to order, most of the members ignored him, laughing and chatting freely, wandering around and hugging one another.
"Members, please take your seats," said Bense repeatedly. "The House will come to order. Please take your seats."
After opening the session with a prayer, one Republican, J. Dudley Goodlette, stood to propose a series of motions on lobbyist regulation and House procedure, but as voting began, a commotion stirred in the back.
"Mr. Speaker," said a Democrat, rising to his feet, "with all due respect, we were told not to bring our computers today, and we don't have copies of what's being heard here today."
"Mr. Goodlette, your response" said Bense. Goodlette was visibly annoyed. "Let me try to give Representative Seiler some comfort on this," he said. "All these amendments are technical amendments. That's all we're trying to do, is simple amendments, Representative Seiler."
Now two other Democrats stood to speak. "Mr. Speaker," one said, "we were specifically instructed that we could not bring our computers down here today, and as many of you know, I have never voted on a bill that I haven't read. I'm very uncomfortable moving this forward."
"I rise in opposition to this rule," said the other, fumbling through a stack of paperwork. "I don't think it's right."
"Further debate" said Bense quickly. "All those in favor say aye, all those opposed say nay, the resolution is approved."
As the session continued, Republicans promoting and passing their motions, Democrats rising in opposition, members coming and going throughout, Bense hammering the table to get their attention, pleading, "It's only the first day" and "Would the members please take their seats" it was easy to imagine what Florida would look like without Jeb Bush: messier, but perhaps more democratic, too.
And then he stepped into the room.
Like a surge of electricity, the room erupted. Applause filled the air, reporters leaned forward in their seats, all the movement of the chamber—all the vectors and arcs of members commingling—seemed to join at the center: Jeb. Here. Among us.
As Bush passed toward the front, the members seemed drawn toward him, clustering around and calling out for his attention, but when he reached the podium there was total silence.
"Good morning," he said, the words ricocheting off the walls. "It is my privilege to come before you one last time to review the state of our beloved state."
For the next forty-five minutes, he would command the room, proposing a new slate of ideas for the year's agenda—a constitutional amendment to reinvigorate his school-voucher program, $1.5 billion in tax cuts, $250 million to lure new businesses to Florida—while members of the legislature stood in thrall, hanging on the words and cheering. With only ten months left in his tenure as governor, nothing in the room, not even a word of disloyalty, would signal his lame-duck status. It was still Jeb Bush's agenda. Jeb Bush's House and Senate. Jeb Bush's Florida.
But as those ten months dwindle into days, ticked off by the countdown calendar that Bush keeps on his desk, another clock is dwindling, too. Bush stands at the top of a tidal wave, the crest of a sea change in Florida: He is indisputably the most powerful governor in state history, with a legacy of conservative ideas and the political dexterity to enact them—the kind of platform that wins primaries, the kind of charisma that makes presidents. He has delivered the state to the national party twice—not only to the party but also to his own brother. His record as a conservative is unimpeachable; his personal aura may be unmatched in the fifty states. Yet the wave in Florida is now coming to a head. As Bush returns to private life next year and his party tries to move on without him, as the law of averages pulls the Democratic numbers up and the Republican numbers down, as the pendulum swings back to the center and away from the Era of Jeb, that wave is going to break and recede.
For Jeb Bush, governor, now is the time to run for president—while the party needs him, while his record stands. Now may be his last, best chance.
But now is not an option.
Wil S. Hylton is a GQ correspondent.


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Home > 2009 Massachusetts Student Leadership Conference
2009 Massachusetts Student Leadership Conference
|Friday, April 3, 2009
|8:30 a.m. to 3:30 p.m.
|University of Massachusetts Boston
Campus Center
Boston, MA
The annual student leadership conference is held each spring to provide a forum for students to identify issues of importance regarding campus life and the public higher education experience and to share these issues with leaders in higher education and state government.
Students and advisors, please register through our online form!
Related Links
Student Advisory Council


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Follow RFF News on your cell phone. Text follow rff to 40404 you will receive txt messages with RFF News
0 Members and 1 Guest are viewing this topic.
If I keep sitting here on my butt I may have to apply next season 8-)'
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Distributed Inter-Vehicle Argumentation
Budget $30-250 USD
Consider a group of 5-10 vehicles (nodes of an internet of things) engaged in Dung style distributed argumentation about lane change in a highway. Furthermore, model arguments as virtual voronoi cells and argument topic is an area to be filled with cells. This is a novel conception that may be a good way to consider distributed argumentation, visually. Contradictions will be represented as overlaps among cells. Each vehicle is an agent and must dynamically argue with others about its case about its choice of lane.
The project is to prototype a platform for experimentations using any appropriate programming language such as netlogo. Display key feature of argumentation space using voronoi cells.
2 freelancers are bidding on average $250 for this job
Hi there! I have read what you exactly need, however I would like to ask you a few questions. I wouldn't call myself a master but I do work smart and do not rest until I get the job done. Please feel free to ping me an More


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Judge Admits She Was Wrong To Order Playstation Jailbreaker To 'Retrieve' Code From Elsewhere
from the good-for-her dept
Well, it appears that the judge has reconsidered, and actually agrees with me and apologized for the original order:
The judge also backed off on an order that Hotz "retrieve" the code from anybody who he may have forwarded it to.That said, the article does still highlight how she has allowed Sony to comb through Hotz's computers looking for any information "that relates to the hacking of the PlayStation." Hotz's lawyers had protested this, and the judge said that it's standard to search through the entire contents of someone's computer to find things like child porn, to which his lawyer noted that "we're certainly not dealing with child pornography," but the judge didn't bite. Despite concerns from Hotz's lawyer, the judge told them "That's the breaks."
"It's information. It can't be retrieved. It's just not practical," Illston said. "What would they do, Xerox it and mail it back?"
Illston said she changed her mind because she was not clearly aware of the details in her earlier order.
"This kind of got away from me and I apologize for that," she said from the bench.


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text:
Saturday, 31 December 2011
Happy New Year!
I have no predictions or anything, just a great big thank you!! Your sweet comments and emails have brightened up many a grey day this year :-)
I wish you all a wonderful exciting and creative New Year, may it bring you all you could ever wish for and more!
I'll be taking a short break for some much needed rest and family time {away from the computer - eek!} in order to start the New Year off rested and refreshed ...well that's the idea anyway ;-)
x Leila
19 comments:
Lovely mosaic, your X and Y quilt is one of my favourites from this year. Happy New Year - looking forward to meeting you next year hopefully in London.ReplyDelete
Happy 2012 Leila! Your + & x quilt is one of my faves and has inspired me to make one too. I love the AMH dress - you look gorgeous in it.ReplyDelete
Enjoy your break Leila - I have loved finding your blog and have been inspired by several of your lovely projects.ReplyDelete
Enjoy your well deserved break and see you in the new year! My eight year old is worrying about the end of the world, pooor thing. Some bright spark at the school mentioned it to her and it has led to some crazy disscussions!!!ReplyDelete
Great makes Leila! Happy New Year to you and yours xReplyDelete
Lovely cushion spree, but I still think your + & x is one of my top quilts of the year :-) Love it! Here's to a wonderful 2012, see you in June! xReplyDelete
Such beautiful work! Enjoy your break and I wish you a wonderful new year!ReplyDelete
Fab makes love the paper piecing and the egg rug - may have to make a couple of them for my parents :oDReplyDelete
Happy new year!
Happy travels, happy new year!ReplyDelete
Have a nice blogging break! We'll be here when you get back. :) You're also invited to join our year-end link party at http://www.craftbuds.com/craft-buds-2011-year-in-review-link-party if you'd like.ReplyDelete
Lovely makes. Happy New Year! xReplyDelete
You have created some of my favorite quilts and projects, ever! Enjoy your rest and see you in a few weeks. Happy New YearReplyDelete
i love your Japanese x Quilt so much,it:s one of my top Quilts.Happy new Year.ReplyDelete
I'm another to find your + & X a favourite of the year!ReplyDelete
what lovely projects... can't wait to see what 2012 brings!ReplyDelete
Happy New Year, Leila! I am drooling over your yummy creations seeing them altogether like this here! Oh you are just soooo amazing!!!!!!ReplyDelete
I hope you get to rest well! We'll be looking forward to having you back in blogland ;)
Happy new year Leila, I love reading your blog and I look forward to more of your lovely projects in 2012 :)ReplyDelete
I'm so glad that in 2011 I found your blog - I'm always totally amazed by your ideas and color/fabric choices. Great year - that's for sure!ReplyDelete
i hope you know how much i adore your work. finding your blog and you joining the cocorico bee are two bright spots in my 2011 :)ReplyDelete


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|Version 20 (modified by 13 years ago) (diff),
Please feel free to share the things that tripped you up when you started with Django. We'll try to improve Django's error handling to catch such mistakes in the future.
POST to views loses POST data
You are having a form that does a POST to some view and the view doesn't get the POST data from the form.
Probable cause
You might missing the / at the end of the form action. If that is the case, the CommonMiddleware redirects to the exact name of the view - and that always includes a trailing /. Because it does so by using the standard HTTP redirection through Location header, it can't pass on the POST data - and that's why it gets lost.
Allways make sure that your form actions end with / like this:
<form action="/registration/login/" method="POST"> <input name="username"> <input name="password" type="password"> </form>
URLconf include() misbehaving
You're trying to get your URLconf files to work, but getting cryptic errors about how there is no module 'index' (where 'index' is some function you are trying to assign as a view), or module 'foo' has no attribute 'urlpatterns'.
Probable cause
You may have tried to load your view files using include() in the URLconf file (in tutorial 3, this is myproject/settings/urls/main.py). The include() call assumes that the file it's loading is also a URLconf file.
Remove the include(). Just give the module and function name (e.g.,
'myproject.apps.polls.views.polls.index') as a string, with no include() around it.
Blank object names
The automatic admin interface is showing nothing (or a single
) in the "Select [object_type] to change" view.
Probable cause
You may have forgotten to create a
__str__() function for your model. Django calls
__str__() to find out how to display objects in the admin interface. An alternate cause is the string you return from
__str__() includes brackets (an therefore looks like an html tag), and is cleaned up by the
strip_tags template filter, resulting in blank entries.
Add a correct
__str__() function (without brackets in the output) to all your models. Make it a habit so it becomes automatic.
Integer & NULLS
When you have a Field: current_zip = meta.IntegerField(maxlength=5,blank=True)
django will create a not nullable field in the DB. However leaving the field blank (in admin/web) django will try and insert a NULL value in the DB.
Add null=True:
current_zip = meta.IntegerField(maxlength=5,null=True,blank=True)
Date & NULLS
Same problem as Integer & NULLS with the same solution.
Appending to a list in session doesn't work
If you have a list in your session, append operations don't get saved to the object.
Copy the list out of the session object, append to it, then copy it back in:
sessionlist = request.session['my_list'] sessionlist.append(new_object) request.session['my_list'] = sessionlist
Errors about undefined attributes with one-char names
You get an AttributeError with some weird attribute name that's only one char long. You don't have that attribute name anywhere in your code.
Search your model and code for situations where you have to pass a tuple of values and want to pass a tuple with one element - and that element is a string like in this sample:
class META: ... admin = meta.Admin( list_display = ('total_price'), ... )
You are just missing a comma in the list_display assignement like this:
class META: ... admin = meta.Admin( list_display = ('total_price',), ... )
Remember, in python:
>>> a = (1) ## This causes problems 1 >>> a = (1,) ## These are fine. (1,) >>> a = [1] [1] >>> a = [1,] [1]
Since a tuple is expected but a string provided, the code will merrily iterate over the characters of the string instead of the tuple elements - and that's where the single-char attribute names come from. If the commas are consistently causing you problems, try using brackets [] instead of parentheses.
I'm using formfields.FormWrapper and none of my form fields show up
You are using code similar to that documented here, but when you put {{ form.field_name }}, you get nothing.
Make sure when you create your form object, you are passing in empty dictionaries, not tuples. For example:
manip = things.AddManipulator() form = formfields.FormWrapper(manip, {}, {})
manip = things.AddManipulator() form = formfields.FormWrapper(manip, (), ())
If you pass in empty tuples for data & errors, it will silently fail to insert your form fields.
Django says "Unable to Open Database File" when using SQLite3
You're using SQLite3, your DATABASE_NAME is set to the database file's full path, the database file is writeable by Apache, but you still get the above error.
Make sure Apache can also write to the parent directory of the database. SQLite needs to be able to write to this directory.


text:
>In waters near metropolitan areas, bacteria in the water column can be a problem from a variety of sources, including pet waste and sewage overflows. EPA's Beach Environmental Assessment and Coastal Health Program (BEACH) provides regular bacterial counts at popular marine and Great Lakes recreational sites. Information on sewer discharge location, overflow frequency and publicly available bacterial count information can be a valuable dive planning tool.
NOAA's Mussel Watch Program. Outfalls, which are places where drains or sewers empty into a body of water, can also discharge a variety of harmful chemicals to the dive site. EPA's Envirofacts database presents outfall location and data that can be of use in planning for worst-case water quality at a particular dive site. You can also obtain a list of chemically impaired water bodies from EPA's 303d list. Even use of up-to-date navigation charts can provide some level of outfall information. Internet searches on fish advisories may also help indentify polluted waters.
>It is important to note, many Superfund Sites are near or include bodies of water, which typically must be treated as polluted water dives. Most Superfund sites have some online chemical data available on the water column and/or sediment.
>If specific chemical contaminants are known or suspected on a site, a hazard analysis should be included in the dive plan to address potential exposure pathways and identify specific equipment or procedures necessary to minimize risk factors. Several online chemical data bases, such as EPA Integrated Risk Information System (IRIS), NOAA CAMEO Chemicals Database of Hazardous Materials, Center for Disease Control (CDC) NIOSH Pocket Guide to Chemical Hazards or CDC Agency for Toxic Substance and Disease Registry, contain useful information on chemical properties and chemical hazards to human health.
>Drysuit manufacturers can also be consulted to obtain permeation data for known or suspected contaminants. If decontamination solutions (soaps, detergents, biocides) are necessary, the material safety data sheets (MSDS) or the manufacturer's web site should be consulted to assess toxicity and biodegradability. Check with local jurisdictions before discharging any solutions into a water body; in most cases any rinse solution other than potable water must be collected and treated via a publicly owned treatment works. EPA has shown a potable water rinse on decontamination compatible gear is effective for the removal of the majority of microbes.
>EPA often uses protective gear and protocols when diving known or suspected contaminated areas (e.g., hazardous waste sites, urban areas, ports/harbors, sites with fish consumption advisories, or sites with a high number or close proximity of outfalls) rather than relying on real-time water analyses as levels can change with the turn of a valve. To safely dive in chemically or biologically polluted water, divers must receive proper training to recognize and mitigate hazards. Online tools will help divers assess what contaminants may be present at the dive site, what effect these contaminants may have on the diver or the diver's equipment, and what equipment and decontamination procedures may be necessary to protect the diver.
- EPA scientific diving publications
- Dive team safety and standard operating procedures for polluted water diving
- Dive team resources


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[glow=purple,2,300]hey everyone, I just wanted to know if anyone had any ghosts in there house that they talk to and are firendly. Thanks![/glow]
Friendly ghost?
Started by prettynpink , Jun 06 2003 08:36 PM
1 reply to this topic
Posted 06 June 2003 - 08:36 PM
Posted 07 June 2003 - 03:23 AM
Prettynpink...well...we have at least two ghosts in our house(we believe). If you would like to find out what it is like in our haunted house just read new old house in this section. ;D
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text:
The Dying Eagle is the ninth round in the ten round Zombucks series. These rounds are designed to awaken the sleeping amongst us, and to save humanity from itself! This round is a modern interpretation of the US Mint's Flying Eagle Cent, minted from 1857-1858. The Flying Eagle has been described as "by all odds the best design on any American coin". The last 150 years have not been kind to noble Eagle...
The reverse side shows a bio-hazard symbol with blood splattered around it, reminding humans of the apocalypse hazards. The words "Zombucks Currency of the Apocolaypse" leave us in no doubt as to possible future usefulness of this round.
The obverse features a decaying and ragged looking eagle, having lost most of the feathers on it's wings and all of the feathers on it's legs. The eagle still looks noble, although it's appearance will not strike fear into anyone. The year 2019 is the predicted date of the apocalypse with a denomination of 50 Zombucks, the currency of the zombie apocalypse.
As with the rest of the Zombucks series, these rounds will be produced for a limited period of time. Production concluded October 1st, 2015, and total mintage was 36784.
In multiples of 20 these coins will be shipped in a plastic tube.
|Brilliant uncirculated
|Decaying eagle in flight and the words "Dying Eagle Z 50 2019"
|Biohazard symbol | Zombucks | 1 oz .999 fine Silver | Currency of the Apocalypse | Provident Metals compass logo


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Daveman needs to sticky this.
this thread must never die. when the op is in practice, it will still be floating around bringing shame and disgrace. it will even be a valid arguement for opposing counsel.your honor, i object. counsel for the defense was the original poster of the infamous '2006 us news ranking' thread.sustained. bailiff, escort that ninny out of my courtroom
agreed. we have essentially acomplished nothing positive in this thread. it exists only to shame and humiliate some hapless chump who stumbled upon our little hideout one day, pwned himself, and bade us farewell.bravo, OP. and bravo, us.


text: 5/22/2012 2:00:00 AM Former Wyoming Football Coach Selected Posthumously To College Football Hall of Fame May 22, 2012 DALLAS - The National Football Foundation (NFF) announced Tuesday the members of the College Football Hall of Fame 2012 Divisional Class. The Divisional College Football Hall of Fame considers players and coaches from the NCAA Football Championship Subdivision (formerly I-AA), Divisions II, III and the NAIA (National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics) for induction. This year's class will be inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame during the Enshrinement Festival, July 20-21, 2012, in South Bend, Ind.Among the three coaches and four players selected to the College Football Hall of Fame 2012 Divisional Class is former Wyoming head football coach William H. "Lone Star" Dietz, who coached the Cowboys from 1924-26."This year's class of Divisional College Football Hall of Fame inductees represents a wide range of competitors across our great sport," said NFF Chairman Archie Manning, a 1989 Hall of Fame inductee from Ole Miss. "They have all achieved a great deal of success, and they should be applauded for their induction into college football's ultimate shrine. We look forward to celebrating their accomplishments this summer." William "Lone Star" Dietz Head-coaching Record: 96-62-7 (.603)With a lengthy career spanning many schools and decades, William "Lone Star" Dietz provided a foundation for football success at many universities across the nation. He served as a head coach for 19 seasons, coaching seven different teams and enjoyed a distinguished career as an assistant coach, helping College Football Hall of Fame coach Pop Warner prepare Stanford for two Rose Bowl appearances. Dietz launched his head-coaching resume in 1915 by leading Washington State to a 7-0 mark and a 14-0 RoseBowl victory over Brown. He led the Cougars to a 17-2-1 (.875) record for three seasons until the school discontinued football for World War I. He contributed to the World War I effort by coaching the Mare Island Marines from 1918-19, claiming a 20-3 (.870) mark as the head coach of the Marines and guiding the squad to an appearance in the 1919 Rose Bowl. His Mare Island Marines lost, 17-0, in the 1919 Rose Bowl to the the Great Lakes Navy team that featured as a player future NFL head coach George Halas. After a one-year stay at Purdue in 1921, Dietz pushed Louisiana Tech to an 11-3 (.786) record from 1922-23. Dietz then coached three seasons at Wyoming from 1924-26, where he also spent time leading the baseball team. His record as head coach of the Cowboy Football team was 10-13-2 (.440), including a successful 6-3 record in 1925. He coached at the Haskell Indian Institute for four seasons from 1929-32, enjoying a 26-15-2 (.628) record, until the school de-emphasized sports following the 1932 season. Dietz next took his coaching talents to the professional level. His authentic Native American garb inspired Boston Braves owner George Preston Marshall, whom Dietz was serving as head coach for in 1933 and 34, to rename the football club the Redskins before he moved the franchise to Washington in 1937. Dietz landed at his final head-coaching position at Albright College in 1937, earning a 31-23-2 (.571) record over six campaigns before the school discontinued football for World War II. Dietz played tackle at Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Carlisle, Pa., before graduating after the 1914 season. Dietz was also an accomplished artist, contributing sketches for the Walt Disney picture Bambi. He is also a member of the Helms Athletic Foundation Hall of Fame. Print Friendly Version Related Headlines


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Plenty By Tracy Reese Dolman Magnetic Spots Dress
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Shipping Time
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text:
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Cauliflower Soup with White Truffle Oil...from the kitchen of One Perfect Bite
2 tablespoons (1/4 stick) butter
1 large leek, finely chopped
1 teaspoon minced garlic
1 pound cauliflower florets (about 5 cups)
2 (14.5-ounce) cans low-salt chicken broth
2 teaspoons O&CO. white truffle oil, divided use
1 tablespoon thinly sliced chives or minced parsley
1) Melt butter in heavy large pot over medium heat. Add leeks and sauté until tender, about 8 minutes. Stir in garlic and cook until fragrant, about1 minute. Add cauliflower and sauté 2 minutes. Add broth. Cover and simmer until cauliflower is tender, about 25 minutes.
2) Working in batches, transfer soup to blender and purée until smooth. Return soup to pot. (Soup can be prepared 1 day ahead. Cool slightly. Cover and refrigerate.) Bring soup to simmer. Remove from heat and stir in 1 teaspoon truffle oil. Season with salt and pepper to taste.
3) Ladle soup into bowls. Drizzle remaining 1 teaspoon truffle oil over. Garnish with parsley or chives. Yield: 6 first course servings.