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Accent in Japanese Phonology
Summary and Keywords
The word accent system of Tokyo Japanese might look quite complex with a number of accent patterns and rules. However, recent research has shown that it is not as complex as has been assumed if one incorporates the notion of markedness into the analysis: nouns have only two productive accent patterns, the antepenultimate and the unaccented pattern, and different accent rules can be generalized if one focuses on these two productive accent patterns.
The word accent system raises some new interesting issues. One of them concerns the fact that a majority of nouns are 'unaccented,' that is, they are pronounced with a rather flat pitch pattern, apparently violating the principle of obligatoriness. A careful analysis of noun accentuation reveals that this strange accent pattern occurs in some linguistically predictable structures. In morphologically simplex nouns, it typically tends to emerge in four-mora nouns ending in a sequence of light syllables. In compound nouns, on the other hand, it emerges due to multiple factors, such as compound-final deaccenting morphemes, deaccenting pseudo-morphemes, and some types of prosodic configurations.
Japanese pitch accent exhibits an interesting aspect in its interactions with other phonological and linguistic structures. For example, the accent of compound nouns is closely related with rendaku, or sequential voicing; the choice between the accented and unaccented patterns in certain types of compound nouns correlates with the presence or absence of the sequential voicing. Moreover, whether the compound accent rule applies to a certain compound depends on its internal morphosyntactic configuration as well as its meaning; alternatively, the compound accent rule is blocked in certain types of morphosyntactic and semantic structures.
Finally, careful analysis of word accent sheds new light on the syllable structure of the language, notably on two interrelated questions about diphthong-hood and super-heavy syllables. It provides crucial insight into 'diphthongs,' or the question of which vowel sequence constitutes a diphthong, against a vowel sequence across a syllable boundary. It also presents new evidence against trimoraic syllables in the language.
Keywords: Japanese accent, pitch accent, unaccented word, default accent, loanword accent, compound accent, rendaku, emergence of the unmarked, syllable structure, branching condition
1. Basic Features of Japanese Pitch Accent
The word accent system of standard Tokyo Japanese has been studied for many decades from both phonetic and phonological perspectives. These studies have revealed the basic properties of the system, which are summarized here.
1.1. Pitch Accent System
Japanese dialects have pitch accent systems, systems where pitch, rather than intensity or other phonetic features, is used as the primary phonetic property of words (Beckman, 1986). Moreover, most dialects, including Tokyo Japanese, use pitch contrastively (see Haraguchi, 1977; Kubozono, 2012, 2015b; Uwano, 1999, 2012 among others, for the diversity of pitch accent systems in Japanese). Most of them are sensitive to an abrupt pitch fall and use it as the primary phonetic correlate of the phonological pitch accent (Hattori, 1960; McCawley, 1968; Pierrehumbert & Beckman, 1988). This can be demonstrated by the following data from Tokyo Japanese, where lexical meanings can be differentiated by the presence or absence of a pitch fall as well as the position of the pitch fall. In (1) and the rest of this article, apostrophes are used to denote word accent, or the position where a sudden pitch fall occurs. Words without an apostrophe are unaccented words that exhibit a rather flat pitch pattern, often beginning with a phrase-initial pitch rise—they are marked with superscript° in this article so that they can be clearly distinguished from accented words. Dots and hyphens indicate syllable and morpheme boundaries, respectively; /ga/ is a nominative particle (Nom).
Tokyo Japanese permits multiple accent patterns for nouns, which increase in number as the noun becomes phonologically longer. In contrast, adjectives and verbs exhibit only two patterns irrespective of the length of the word; they contrast only in the presence or absence of pitch accent, since accent is fixed on the penultimate mora and hence its position does not function contrastively.
1.2. Unaccented Words
Tokyo Japanese permits (n+1) patterns for nouns with n-syllable length: monosyllabic nouns exhibit two patterns, bisyllabic nouns three patterns, and trisyllabic nouns four patterns, etc.1 The additional one pattern in each case is attributable to the unaccented class of words, the feature that is attested in some pitch accent languages such as Japanese dialects (Kubozono, 2012), Northern Bizkaian Basque (Gussenhoven, 2004), and Nubi (Gussenhoven, 2006).
Interestingly, this class of words is not marginal in the lexicon but accounts for a majority of nouns and a good portion of verbs and adjectives. This can be seen from Table 1, which compares the ratio of trimoraic accented nouns with that of unaccented ones in the three major types of Japanese vocabulary—native, Sino-Japanese, and foreign (loanwords from languages other than Chinese).
Table 1. Accentedness in Three-Mora Nouns
Accented, %
Unaccented, %
Native words
Sino-Japanese words
Foreign words
Note: Reprinted from H. Kubozono (2006). Where does loanword prosody come from? A case study of Japanese loanword accent. Lingua, 116, 1140–1170.
Not surprisingly, most minimal pairs that contrast in word accent contrast in terms of the accentedness, between accented and unaccented patterns. This is true not only in verbs and adjectives but also in nouns (see (1) and (2) above). This means that the contrastive function of word accent in Japanese is attributed primarily to the presence or absence of pitch accent rather than its position.
1.3. Default Accent
While Tokyo Japanese permits (n+1) accent patterns for nouns of n-syllable length, this does not mean that the multiple accent patterns are equally distributed across the vocabulary. First of all, nouns fall largely into two accent groups, those accented on the antepenultimate mora and those that are unaccented, while nouns accented in other positions are relatively rare. This can be seen from the data in Table 2, which shows how infrequent the final-accent and penultimate-accent patterns are in three-mora nouns. In fact, the two dominant accent patterns combined account for 95% of all three-mora nouns. The same is true of four-mora or longer words: the accent patterns other than the two dominant ones become rarer as the word becomes longer. This means that the antepenultimate accent represents the default accent pattern in accented nouns in Tokyo Japanese (see Katayama, 1998; Kubozono, 1996, 2006, 2008 for a new pre-antepenultimate pattern in nouns, as well as the crucial similarities between the antepenultimate rule and the Latin accent rule). The same observation led Kubozono (2008, 2011) to propose that nouns in Tokyo Japanese basically form a two-pattern system just like its verbs and adjectives, but with a certain number of lexical exceptions, especially in the native vocabulary.
Table 2. Accent Patterns and Their Frequencies in Three-Mora Accented Nouns (N = 3,788 words)
Accent Position Word type
Antepenultimate Mora, %
Penultimate Mora, %
Final Mora, %
Native words
Sino-Japanese words
A second noteworthy asymmetry found in Japanese accentuation is that the balance between accented and unaccented words varies greatly depending on the lexical strata. As Table 1 shows, the unaccented pattern accounts for a good majority of three-mora native nouns and about a half of Sino-Japanese nouns, but it accounts for less than 10% of loanwords. The general tendency observed here is that words become unaccented as they exist for longer periods in the language. Moreover, the extremely low ratio of the unaccented pattern in loanwords can be accounted for by positing that native speakers of Japanese are sensitive to the sudden pitch fall in the citation forms of English words, just as they are when they perceive their own language (Kubozono, 2006). Namely, Japanese is faithful to the input of English words, which accounts for 84% of all loanwords in modern Japanese (Sibata, 1994).
Most accented loanwords are accented on the antepenultimate mora or, more precisely, on the syllable containing the third mora from the end of the word: /ba'.na.na/ 'banana,' /o.re'n.zi/ 'orange,' /wa.si'n.ton/ 'Washington' (McCawley, 1968). As Table 2 suggests, this loanword accent rule comes from the native phonology of Japanese where it accounts for a majority of accented native nouns (Kubozono, 2006). In other words, the dominant accented pattern in non-loanwords is simply applied to words that have entered the language recently. This is an instance of TETU, or the emergence of the unmarked (McCarthy & Prince, 1994).
The antepenultimate effect in accented nouns can be attributed to the interactions of several independent constraints, notably the Nonfinality Constraint penalizing phonological prominence at the very edge of the word and the Edgemostness Constraint (or any analogous constraint) that prohibits the prominence from occurring too far from the same edge (Kubozono, 2006, 2008; Shinohara, 2000).
1.4. Compound Accent
Unlike morphologically simplex words, morphologically complex words, or compounds, are more or less rule-governed with respect to their accentuation. They are similar to morphologically simplex words in that they may be either accented or unaccented. However, they are different from the morphologically simplex words in that they are mostly accented rather than unaccented.
Putting aside unaccented compounds for a moment, the basic compound accent rule in Tokyo Japanese is to preserve the lexical accent of the final member in compounds with the accent (or any other phonological feature) of non-final members playing little or no role. This is illustrated in (3).
This right-dominant rule is subject to the NonFinality Constraint by which the accent on the very final syllable (and often on the very final bimoraic foot) cannot be preserved. In such a case, a default compound accent emerges on the syllable immediately before the final member if it is 'short' (monomoraic or bimoraic), as in (4a), or on the initial syllable of the final member if it is 'long' (three-mora or four-mora long), as in (4b).2
This is another instance of the emergence of the unmarked, a case where the default accented pattern of the language has surfaced. Two points must be noted here. First, the two patterns in (4) can be generalized if the notion of bimoraic foot is introduced: compound accent is placed on the rightmost, non-final foot (Kubozono, 1995a, 1997). Moreover, the accent patterns in (4) can be further generalized with the antepenultimate rule responsible for the accentuation of accented simplex nouns (Kubozono, 2008, 2011). These accent rules place phonological prominence as close to the end of the word as possible, while avoiding the final syllable or bimoraic foot at the right edge of the word. This is illustrated in (5), where the foot structure is minimally shown.
The idea of the emergence of the unmarked also explains why the same pattern emerges in compounds whose final member is lexically unaccented: /to/ in (6a) changes into /do/ by rendaku voicing (see Section 3.1).3
While the accentuation of accented compounds is largely rule-governed, that of unaccented compounds is more or less lexical, since it can be attributed largely to the class of morphemes called 'deaccenting morphemes' (McCawley, 1968). As illustrated in (7), these morphemes exert a deaccenting effect on the nouns to which they are attached. They are constrained by both morphological and phonological structures. Morphologically, they are either native or Sino-Japanese morphemes in origin. Phonologically, they are either monomoraic or bimoraic in length. Stated conversely, neither trimoraic or longer morphemes, nor foreign (loan) morphemes can be deaccenting morphemes. Furthermore, almost all deaccenting morphemes are accented on their final syllable when they are pronounced in isolation although not all finally accented elements are deaccenting morphemes (Kubozono, 1988; Poser, 1984).
It is worth adding here that the deaccenting effect of deaccenting morphemes is sensitive to the internal structure of the compounds. For example, the following compound nouns bear a compound accent in the default position, although they end in a deaccenting morpheme. The difference between the unaccented compounds in (7) and the accented ones in (8) is that the deaccenting morphemes are the final constituents of the entire compounds in the former, whereas they form an internal compound with the immediately preceding elements in the latter.4
2. Unaccentedness
One of the most crucial questions—and the biggest mystery—regarding Japanese pitch accent concerns the emergence of the unaccented pattern, the pattern that accounts for a majority of native and Sino-Japanese words. This peculiar accent pattern emerges due to various factors. We have already seen one factor, the morphological category of deaccenting morphemes, which operates in compounds. Unaccented words emerge for other reasons, too, as will be discussed in this section.
2.1. Unaccented Loanwords
Generally speaking, the unaccented pattern in morphologically simplex words is difficult to explain, especially in native words. For example, it is not possible to explain why /a'.me/ 'rain' is lexically accented, while /a.me°/ 'candy' is unaccented. However, this is not true of loanwords, where the distinction between the two accent patterns is by and large predictable.
While the average unaccentedness ratio is only 10% in loanwords on the whole (Sibata, 1994), the ratio rises to 19% in four-mora loanwords (Table 3), and goes up even higher in those that end in a sequence of two light, i.e., monomoraic, syllables (Table 4). Relevant statistics are given in Tables 3 and 4, which are based on NHK (1985) and NHK (1998), respectively: H and L in Table 4 denote heavy (bimoraic) and light syllables, respectively. Typical examples are given in (9).
Table 3. Word Length and the Percentage of the Unaccented Pattern in Loanwords (N = 1,863 words)
Three-Mora, %
Four-Mora, %
Five-Mora, %
Average, %
Note: Reprinted from H. Kubozono (2006). Where does loanword prosody come from? A case study of Japanese loanword accent. Lingua, 116, 1140–1170.
Table 4. Prosodic Structure and the Percentage of the Unaccented Pattern in Four-Mora Loanwords (N = 963 words)
Prosodic Structure
Unaccentedness ratio
Note: Reprinted from H. Kubozono (2006). Where does loanword prosody come from? A case study of Japanese loanword accent. Lingua, 116, 1140–1170.
The data in Tables 3 and 4 raise an interesting question of why the unaccented pattern is so popular in four-mora loanwords with the specific prosodic structure. This question can be answered, at least in part, by the fact that the unaccented pattern tends to appear under the same conditions in native and Sino-Japanese words. As shown in Table 5, it is generally most popular in four-mora nouns as opposed to nouns of other lengths. Moreover, Light-Light sequences represent the most typical word-final structure in native words. This suggests that the two phonological conditions triggering unaccentedness in loanwords come from the native phonology.
Table 5. Unaccentedness Ratios in Native and Sino-Japanese Nouns Combined as a Function of Word Length
Three-Mora, %
Four-Mora, %
Five-Mora, %
Average, %
2.2. Unaccented Acronyms
The two phonological conditions illustrated in Tables 3 and 4 can be observed more clearly in alphabetic acronyms such as BS (broadcast satellite) and FM (frequency modulation), which are commonly used in contemporary Japanese. In prosodic terms, alphabetic acronyms are mostly accented rather than unaccented: when accented, they behave like compounds in preserving the lexical accent of their final members although they are not constrained by the NonFinality Constraint (Kubozono, 2003, 2010).
However, alphabetic acronyms permit the unaccented pattern in some phonological contexts. Typically, they tend to become unaccented if they are four moras long and end in a sequence of light syllables, as illustrated in (11). This observation can be borne out statistically, too, as shown in Table 6.
Table 6. Unaccentedness Ratios in Alphabetic Acronyms
Four-Mora Long, %
Five-Mora or Longer, %
Prosodic structure
Unaccentedness ratio
Note: Adapted from H. Kubozono (2003). Accent of alphabetic acronyms in Tokyo Japanese. In T. Honma, M. Okazaki, T. Tabata, & S. Tanaka (Eds.), A new century of phonology and phonological theory (pp. 356–370). Tokyo: Kaitakusha; and from H. Kubozono (2010). Accentuation of alphabetic acronyms in varieties of Japanese. Lingua, 120, 2323–2335.
It is interesting to find that alphabetic acronyms show the unaccented pattern in exactly the same phonological contexts as morphologically simplex loanwords like those in (9). On the other hand, it remains a mystery why they exhibit non-compound behavior in these contexts, although they otherwise behave like compounds as shown in (10).
2.3. Truncated Compounds
We have seen that four-mora nouns tend to be unaccented in morphologically simplex words and alphabetic acronyms. The same tendency is found in truncated compounds, too. Japanese displays two major patterns of compound truncation: one is to retain the initial element and delete the second, e.g., /kee.tai°/ for /kee.tai-de'n.wa/ 'mobile phone,' while the other is to combine the initial two moras of the first element with those of the second one (Ito, 1990). The second of these generally yields four-mora truncated words, most of which are unaccented.
Note that these truncated outputs are unaccented regardless of the prosodic structure involved: they are unaccented not only when they end in a sequence of light syllables as in (12a, b) but also when they end in a heavy syllable as in (12c, d). Truncated compounds are thus free from the prosodic structure condition imposed on unaccented loanwords and alphabetic acronyms. The reason for this difference is not clear, but it can probably be related to the fact that native compounds also tend to be unaccented if they consist of two bimoraic nouns. For example, /hi.to-ka.ge°/ 'person + shadow; silhouette' and /wa.go-yo.mi°/ 'Japanese word + reading; Japanese kun reading' are unaccented as opposed /hi-to'.ka.ge/ 'fire + lizard; fire lizard (a Pokémon's name)' and /wa-go'.yo.mi/ 'Japan + calendar; traditional Japanese calendar,' which attract a compound accent on the second element. Truncated compounds are hence similar to native compounds consisting of two bimoraic nouns in that they do not obey the regular compound accent rule and become unaccented instead.
2.4. Deaccenting Pseudo-morphemes
Another source of unaccented nouns in Tokyo Japanese is a class of loanwords ending in a particular sound sequence. Typically, loanwords tend to be unaccented if they end in /ia/, /in/, or /ingu/ (see Giriko, 2009 for exceptions).
Two points must be noted here. First, these loanwords do not fulfill the phonological conditions described in Tables 3 and 4 and are hence different from the 'ordinary' unaccented loanwords sketched above. Second, the unaccented loanwords in (13) are conditioned not only morphologically but also semantically: those in (13a) are place names, usually those of the country or area, those in (13b) are medical terms typically referring to medicines, and those in (13c) are deverbal nouns denoting a particular action. These semantic conditions are necessary for the deaccenting effect since the same loanwords do not become unaccented if they have different meanings: those in (13b) would be accented if they were used as personal names, for example. These facts led Giriko (2009) to propose that /ia/, /in/, and /ingu/ function as deaccenting foreign morphemes comparable to the native and Sino-Japanese morphemes that exert the same effect as shown in (7). This analysis implies that the unaccented loanwords in (13) are pseudo-compounds involving a pseudo-morpheme boundary.
2.5. Compound Nouns With an Overlong Final Member
Another interesting source of unaccented nouns in Tokyo Japanese is compounds involving a long unaccented noun as their final member. Generally speaking, compound nouns with an unaccented final member are accented by the compound accent rule, as illustrated in (6): namely, they attract a default compound accent immediately before the final member if it is 'short' and on the initial syllable of the final member if it is 'long.' However, this rule admits a notable class of exceptions. If the final member is an unaccented noun with five or more moras, the unaccented nature of this member is preserved in the entire compound. This is illustrated in (15): compounds in (15a) have long loanwords as their final members and exhibit a contrastive accent pattern with /mi.na.mi-a'.me.ri.ka/ and /nyuu-me.'ki.si.ko/ in (6), which display a regular compound behavior. Compound nouns in (15b) involve an unaccented native or Sino-Japanese compound as their final members. In both cases, the accent, if any, of the first member is lost, like ordinary compounds in (6), but the second member does not attract a default compound accent.
These observations led Kubozono, Ito, and Mester (1997) to propose a foot-based account of compound accentuation, according to which compound nouns preserve the accentuation—both accentedness and accent position—of their final member if this member is longer than two feet. Under this analysis, the compounds in (6) and those in (15) differ in prosodic structure as shown in (16), which gives rise to the difference in accent patterns (parentheses denote foot boundaries). In other words, compounds with a short or long final member achieve the accentual integration of the two members, as in (16a), while those with an overlong second member in (16b) respect the accentual independence of this second member.
Moreover, this analysis allows us to generalize the unaccented pattern in (15) with the accented pattern in (17), where the final member is more than four moras long and keeps its original accent in compounds.
Under the Kubozono et al. (1997) analysis, the crucial difference lies between compounds whose final member is up to two feet long and those with a longer final member. Those in the former class tend to preserve the accent of their final member, whereas those in the latter class preserve the accentuation (accentedness and accent) of the same member. This analysis further accounts for the mysterious unaccented pattern found in compound nouns, such as those in (18), whicht have an unaccented four-mora final member made up of three (Sino-Japanese) morphemes. Adopting the general idea that each morpheme forms at least one foot (Kubozono, 1997), the final members in question are comprised of more than two feet just like the final members of the compounds in (16b) and, hence, keep their unaccented status in compounds.
2.6. Idiosyncratic Compounds
Finally, compound nouns often become unaccented in certain phonological contexts even if they do not end in a deaccenting morpheme. These are more or less idiosyncratic compounds that do not obey the regular compound accent rule. Specifically, these compounds differ from ordinary compound nouns in being sensitive to the phonological structure of their initial members.
Personal names ending in /zi.roo/ and /ta.roo/, denoted as X-ziroo and X-taroo here, are typical examples. These compound names yield three different accent patterns depending on the phonological length of their first member, that is, X. X-ziroo (i) takes the unaccented pattern if X is monomoraic, (ii) attracts a compound accent on the final syllable of X if it is bimoraic, and (iii) preserves the original accent of /zi'roo/ if X is three moras long or longer. The last of these is the regular compound accent pattern shown by ordinary compounds, as in /bii.ti-ba'.ree/ 'beach volleyball'. X-taroo exhibits similar patterns to X-ziroo, the only difference being that it yields the unaccented pattern if X is monosyllabic rather than monomoraic (Kubozono, 1999). For example, /kin-ta.rooo/ is unaccented, while /ki'n-zi.roo/ is accented.
These three patterns are summarized in (19). It remains unclear why the unaccented pattern emerges in these personal names if the first member is short and, moreover, why X-ziroo and X-taroo exhibit the observed difference.
(19) Accentuation of X-ziroo and X-taroo
Place names ending in the Sino-Chinese morpheme /tyo'o/ 'town' also display similar idiosyncratic patterns as they tend to be unaccented only if their initial member is three moras long. These compounds are exemplified in (20a), which contrasts with the regular compound accent pattern shown by other place names with the same morpheme given in (20b). Note that the place names in (20a) are five moras long but are nevertheless unaccented.
The native morpheme /mo.no'/ 'thing' displays more complex accent patterns. This morpheme combines with other morphemes, especially deverbal nouns, to produce nouns very productively: /no.mi'-mo.no/ 'to drink + thing; drink,' /ta.be'-mo.no/ 'to eat + thing; food'. Interestingly, the resultant compound nouns split into three accent groups, those that are accented as in (21a), those that are unaccented as in (21b), and those that fluctuate between the two patterns as in (21c).
The general tendency is that accented first members yield accented compounds, while unaccented first members produce unaccented compounds (Kawahara, 2015). A careful examination of the data further reveals that the unaccented pattern is expanding its domain as in (21c), while the accented pattern readily occurs in very restricted contexts. In other words, the accented pattern occurs only if the initial member is derived from an accented two-mora verbal stem as in (21a), while the unaccented pattern now emerges elsewhere—if the initial member comes from a verb that is lexically unaccented as in (21b), or if it has an accented stem that is not two moras long as in (21c). Obviously, this situation is different from all other cases that have been discussed so far, where the unaccented pattern emerges in certain restricted contexts and accented patterns occur elsewhere.
Like /mo.no/ in (21), the suffixal morpheme /ya/ 'shop' also yields unaccented compounds except in some restricted environments: it generally yields unaccented compounds except when it is attached to two-mora nouns: /ko.me'-ya/ 'rice shop,' /ma.me'-ya/ 'bean shop,' /ku.tu'-ya/ 'shoe shop' vs. /o.ko.me-ya°/ 'rice shop,' /sa.ka.na-ya°/ 'fishmonger,' /ni.ma.me-ya°/ 'cooked beans shop,' /ka.ree-ya°/ 'curry restaurant,' /na.ga.gu.tu-ya°/ 'boot shop'.
In sum, it is difficult to generalize the contexts where the unaccented pattern emerges in idiosyncratic compounds in Tokyo Japanese. What one could do at best is to define the conditions for each morpheme, that is, the conditions where each morpheme yields the unaccented pattern when it is combined with other morphemes.
3. Interactions With Other Processes and Structures
Having seen how accent patterns are determined in Tokyo Japanese, let us now consider how compound accentuation interacts with other phonological processes and other linguistic structures such as syntactic and semantic ones.
3.1. Interaction With Rendaku Voicing
Compound accentuation is related to rendaku, another phonological process characteristic of compounds. Rendaku is a sequential voicing process by which the first consonant of the non-initial member of compounds is voiced (/h/ alternates with /b/ in Japanese for historical reasons) (Ito & Mester, 2003; Vance, 2015).
This process interacts with compound accentuation in that it appears to trigger deaccenting of the entire compound. This effect is most clearly observed in compounds ending in the morpheme /ta/ 'rice field', which attaches to other morphemes productively to yield family names, such as Shibata, Honda, Yamada, Yoshida. Interestingly, those names with rendaku voicing tend to be unaccented, as exemplified in (23a), whereas those without it tend to be accented, as in (23b) (Sato, 1989; Sugito, 1982).5 The other combinations do also exist, as shown in (24a, b), but they are much rarer.
A similar correlation can be found in personal names involving /si.ma'/ 'island': /na'.ka + si.ma'/, for example, is pronounced without an accent when it undergoes rendaku voicing, i.e., /na.ka-zi.ma°/, whereas its counterpart without rendaku tends to be accented, i.e., /na.ka'-si.ma/.
It is not clear whether rendaku voicing triggers deaccenting or accent patterns determine the application of rendaku. In either case, the correlation observed here presents an interesting case where segmental features interact with suprasegmental ones.
3.2. Interactions With Syntactic Structure
So far, we have restricted ourselves to compound words that are pronounced as one prosodic word, with at most one accent. However, Japanese permits many expressions that are compounds both morphologically and semantically but behave like phrases in phonological terms. In these compound expressions, the compound accent rule is blocked between their components, with the result that they are realized in more than one prosodic word. These multi-phrasal compounds are discussed in this and the next subsection.
One of the major sources of multi-phrasal compounds consists of three or more words and involves a right-branching structure. To take one pair of words, Boston Red Sox and New York Yankees exhibit contrastive accent patterns in Japanese, with the former manifested in two prosodic words. This prosodic difference can be accounted for if the internal morphosyntactic structure of the compounds is considered. Namely, the compound accent rule is blocked in the right-branching structure as in (25a), but not in its left-branching counterpart as in (25b): { } denote prosodic word boundaries.
This structural condition, which is called 'Branching Condition' or 'Right-branching Condition' (Kubozono, 1988), accounts for many instances such as those in (26).
These compounds are readily fused into one prosodic word if the right-branching structure is removed when they are shortened. This means that it is the morphosyntactic configuration, and not the semantic content of the compound, that is relevant to prosodic phrasing.
The Branching Condition illustrated in (25a) and (26) accounts for the two phrasing patterns found in segmentally homophonous but structurally different pairs of compounds. For example, the compound expressions in (28) are structurally ambiguous, but they can be disambiguated by different prosodic patterns, biphrasal and monophrasal.6
Given the Branching Condition, one may naturally wonder why the right-branching structure exhibits marked prosodic behavior, or, in other words, why right-branching compounds behave differently from their left-branching counterparts. A descriptive generalization is that a sequence of two elements in compounds, [A B], do not undergo the prosodic compounding rule if A does not modify B.
This generalization can be captured more formally in the following two ways. One is an analysis based on the syntactic notion of 'c-command,' which Otsu (1980) proposed to account for a similar branching effect in rendaku voicing. Under this analysis, [A B] undergoes the compound accent rule if B 'c-commands' A, that is, if the first branching node that dominates B also dominates A. In the two compound nouns in (25), for example, the second element c-commands the first in (25b), but not in (25a). The third element c-commands the second in (25a) and (25b), thus yielding biphrasal and monophrasal prosodic structures, respectively, in the entire compounds.
A second, and more functional, explanation is that [A B] undergoes the prosodic unification if B is its semantic head. This analysis posits that prosodic compounding is not merely a juncture phenomenon as is often assumed in the literature (Kubozono, 1995a), but is a head-marking process manifesting the modifier-head relation in compounds. Under this analysis, prosodic compounding is blocked between the first two elements in (25a) since the second element is not the head of the sequence. In contrast, it readily applies to the second and third elements in (25a) because the third element is the semantic head of the two-element sequence. The same analysis correctly predicts that compounding occurs between the first and second elements as well as between the second and third ones in (25b).
The two formal accounts proposed here explain the prosodic asymmetry between right-branching and left-branching structures equally well. However, the semantic analysis based on the the notion of semantic head turns out to be better and more general than the syntactic one involving the notion of c-command, as we will see shortly (Section 3.3).
Finally, it is worth emphasizing that the Right-branching Condition in question is a constraint of a general nature. For one thing, this condition constrains many phonological processes in Japanese including rendaku voicing, intonational phrasing by which two adjacent phrases are intonationally amalgamated into one 'minor phrase,' and downstep, by which word accent of one phrase lowers the pitch range of the following phrases in the same utterance (Kubozono, 1988). The effect of the Branching Condition on rendaku voicing is illustrated below: the second element /si'.ro/ 'white' undergoes voicing in (28b) but not in (28a) (Otsu, 1980; Sato, 1989).7
The Right-branching Condition is also effective in languages other than Japanese. English, for example, exhibits a marked prosodic pattern in right-branching compounds such as [evening [computer class]], where the main stress appears on the second element, computer (Chomsky & Halle, 1968; Liberman & Prince, 1977). This contrasts with the regular compound stress pattern found in left-branching compounds such as [[computer class] instructor], where the main stress is placed on the initial element, computer. A similar right-branching effect is found across languages such as Ewe (Clements, 1973), Italian (Napoli & Nespor, 1976, unpublished manuscript), and Mandarin Chinese (Chen, 2000).
In sum, it is highly interesting to find that the same constraint is at work in different types of prosodic systems across languages as well as in different phonological processes within the same system.
3.3. Interactions With Semantic Structure
Prosodic phrasing in compounds is also constrained by the semantic structure involved. A most typical semantic structure that blocks the compound accent rule is the coordinate structure found in dvandva compounds (see Kubozono, 1988, 1995b for other types of semantic constraints). Thus, the two-element compounds in (30) fail to undergo the compounding rule and are hence manifested in two prosodic words (Kubozono, 1988, 1995b).
The same constraint is at work in three-element or longer compounds, as exemplified below. What is interesting here is that prosodic compounding is blocked between two elements constituting a coordinate structure, but not in other positions. In three-element compounds in (31a–c), for example, the first and second elements are not unified into one prosodic word due to the semantic constraint, but the second and third elements are readily fused into one prosodic word: /to'o/ in (31a) is a deaccenting morpheme, as discussed in (7b). Note, furthermore, that this semantic constraint does not work any longer if the coordinate structure is resolved due to shortening, as illustrated in (32).
The Semantic Condition illustrated in (30) and (31) raises several important questions. The first one is why the coordinate structure blocks the prosodic process and how it can be formalized. A plausible account is based on the notion that prosodic compounding is a head-marking process, an idea that was proposed to account for the branching constraint above. Namely, prosodic compounding is blocked between the two elements constituting a coordinate structure since [modifier + head] relation does not hold there. In the case of (30a), for example, the right-hand member, /su.ro.ba'.kia/, is not the semantic head of the whole compound. This analysis has an advantage of being capable of providing a principled account for the Branching Condition and the Semantic Condition alike: the two seemingly different constraints can thus be generalized by the notion of semantic head.
A second question that arises regarding the semantic constraint in question is how general it is in natural languages. Previous studies have shown that the same constraint accounts for the lack of rendaku voicing in dvandva compounds in Japanese (Ito & Mester, 2003; Sato, 1989). This is illustrated in (33), where dvandva compounds are compared with non-dvandva ones.8
The coordinate structure blocks prosodic processes in other languages, too. In English, for example, it is well known that the compound stress rule is blocked in dvandva compounds such as coca-cola, producer-director, Czecho-Slovakia, and parent-teacher association (Fudge, 1984; Ladd, 1984). Prosodic compounding is blocked in dvandva compounds in other languages such as Malayalam and Vedic Sanskrit (Han, 1994). These facts suggest that the Semantic Condition illustrated in (30) and (31) is a constraint of a rather general nature.
4. Implications for Other Phonological Structures
Japanese pitch accent sheds new light on other phonological structures of the language, particularly its syllable structure. A long-standing question regarding syllable structure in Japanese has been which vowel sequence forms a diphthong, a sequence that belongs to one syllable, and which does not. Equally important is the question of whether Japanese permits superheavy, i.e., trimoraic, syllables. Evidence from word accent provides invaluable insights into these questions.
Tokyo Japanese is basically a mora-counting language where phonological distances are measured in terms of the number of moras (McCawley, 1978). The famous antepenultimate rule sketched in Section 1.3, for example, places an accent on the third mora from the end of the word. However, Tokyo Japanese does not permit an accent on the non-head mora of heavy syllables; if an accent is placed on such a marked mora by rule, it automatically shifts one mora to the left, i.e., onto the head mora of the same syllable. Because of this, the antepenultimate rule is formulated as in (34) (McCawley, 1968).
Similarly, the default compound accent is placed (a) on the syllable immediately before the final member if this member is 'short' (monomoraic or bimoraic) and (b) on the initial syllable of the final member if it is 'long' (three or four moras long).
These rules can be used to examine which vowel sequence forms a diphthong as opposed to a heterosyllabic vowel sequence. This accent test shows that /ai/, /oi/, and /ui/ function as diphthongs in Tokyo Japanese, whereas other vowel sequences do not (Kubozono, 2005, 2015a). This is demonstrated in (36) and (37): the compound accent placed at the end of the first member shifts one mora to the left in (36) but not in (37).
It is interesting to note here that /au/ behaves differently from /ai/; that is, there is an asymmetry between /ai/ and /au/. Moreover, /ao/, /ae/, and /oe/ do not form diphthongs although they are legitimate vowel sequences in native Japanese morphemes just like the three vowel sequences in (36) (see Kubozono, 2015b for similar evidence from other dialects of Japanese).
The same accent test also gives a clue as to the status of superheavy syllables in Japanese. Although the language appears to permit several trimoraic syllables such as /ain/, /ein/, and /oin/, the accent test shows that these trimoraic sequences are, in fact, composed of two syllables, one monomoraic syllable plus a bimoraic one. This is illustrated in (38), where the inputs are underspecified with respect to syllabification.9
Interestingly, /ai/, /oi/, and /ui/ pattern with /au/ in these instances, thus splitting into two syllables when followed by a moraic nasal. In other words, the three vowel sequences form diphthongs on their own, but not when they are followed by another non-head mora. On the other hand, /au/ does not form a diphthong in any context. What appears to form a superheavy syllable does not actually function as such. One potential exception to this is the past tense form of the verb /tooru/ 'to pass,' i.e., /toot-ta/, where the accent placed at the end of the stem moves to the left by two moras rather than one: /toot'-ta/ → /to'ot-ta/, */to.o't-ta/ 'passed'.
In summary, phonological tests using lexical pitch accent provide crucial insight into 'diphthong-hood,' or the question of which vowel sequence constitutes a diphthong as against a vowel sequence across a syllable boundary in Japanese. It also presents new evidence against trimoraic syllables in the language.
The work reported in this article was supported by the JSPS KAKENHI grants (Grant no. 25580098 and no. 26244022) and by the NINJAL collaborative research project 'Cross-Linguistic Studies of Japanese Prosody and Grammar.'
Further Reading
Akinaga, K. (1985). Kyōtsūgo no akusento. In NHK (Ed.), NHK hatsuon akusento jiten (Appendix). Tokyo: Nihon Hōsō Shuppan Kyōkai. (Accent of standard Japanese: NHK pronunciation and accent dictionary.)Find this resource:
Beckman, M. E. (1986). Stress and non-stress accent. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris.Find this resource:
Haraguchi, S. (1977). The tone pattern of Japanese: An autosegmental theory of tonology. Tokyo: Kaitakusha.Find this resource:
Haraguchi, S. (1991). A theory of stress and accent. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris.Find this resource:
Hayata, T. (1999). Onchō no taiporojī Tokyo: Taishukan. (Prosodic typology.)Find this resource:
Hirayama, T. (Ed.). (1960). Zenkoku akusento jiten. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin. (All-Japan accent dictionary.)Find this resource:
Kawahara, S. (2015). The phonology of Japanese accent. In H. Kubozono (Ed.), Handbook of Japanese phonetics and phonology (pp. 445–492). Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.Find this resource:
Kawakami, S. (1995). Nihongo akusento ronshū. Tokyo: Kyūkoshobō. (Papers on Japanese accent.)Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (1988). The organization of Japanese prosody (PhD diss.). University of Edinburgh. Published by Kurosio, Tokyo, 1993.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2006a). Where does loanword prosody come from? A case study of Japanese loanword accent. Lingua, 116, 1140–1170.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2006b). Akusento no hōsoku. Tokyo: Iwanami. (Laws of accent.)Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2008). Japanese accent. In S. Miyagawa & M. Saito (Eds.), The handbook of Japanese linguistics (pp. 165–191). Oxford: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2011). Japanese pitch accent. In M. van Oostendorp, C. Ewen, E. Hume, & K. Rice (Eds.), The Blackwell companion to phonology, Vol.5 (pp. 2879–2907). Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2012). Varieties of pitch accent systems in Japanese. Lingua, 122, 1395–1414.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2013). Japanese word accent. In M. Aronoff (Ed.), Oxford Bibliographies in Linguistics. New York: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
Matsumori, A., Nitta, T., Kibe, N., & Nakai, Y. (Eds.). (2012). Nihongo akusento nyūmon. Tokyo: Sanseidō. (Introduction to Japanese accent.)Find this resource:
McCawley, J. D. (1968). The phonological component of a grammar of Japanese. The Hague, The Netherlands: Mouton.Find this resource:
McCawley, J. D. (1978). What is a tone language? In V. Fromkin (Ed.), Tone: A linguistic survey (pp. 113–131). New York: Academic Press.Find this resource:
NHK (Ed.). (2010). NHK hatsuon akusento jiten. Tokyo: Nihon Hōsō Shuppan Kyōkai. (NHK pronunciation and accent dictionary.)Find this resource:
Poser, W. J. (1984). The phonetics and phonology of tone and intonation in Japanese. (PhD diss.), MIT.Find this resource:
Poser, W. J. (1990). Evidence for foot structure in Japanese. Language, 66, 78–105.Find this resource:
Sugito, M. (1982). Nihongo akusento no kenkyū. Tokyo: Sanseidō. (Studies on Japanese accent.)Find this resource:
Tokugawa, M. (Ed.). (1980). Akusento (Ronshū nihongo kenkyū 2). Tokyo: Yūseidō. (Accent: Papers on Japanese studies 2.)Find this resource:
Uwano, Z. (1999). Classification of Japanese accent systems. In S. Kaji (Ed.), Cross-linguistic studies of tonal phenomena: Tonogenesis, typology, and related topics (pp. 151–186). Tokyo: ILCAA.Find this resource:
Uwano, Z. (2012). Three types of accent kernels in Japanese. Lingua, 122, 1415–1440.Find this resource:
Beckman, M. E. (1986). Stress and non-stress accent. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris.Find this resource:
Chen, M. (2000). Tone sandhi: Patterns across Chinese dialects. Cambridge Studies in Linguistics 92. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.Find this resource:
Chomsky, N., & Halle, M. (1968). The sound pattern of English. New York: Harper & Row.Find this resource:
Clements, G. N. (1973). Tone ad syntax in Ewe. In D. J. Napoli (Ed.), Elements of tone, stress, and intonation (pp. 21–99). Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press.Find this resource:
Fudge, E. (1984). English word-stress. London: George Allen & Unwin.Find this resource:
Giriko, M. (2009). Nihongo ni okeru go-ninshiki to heibangata akusento (PhD diss.). Kobe University. (Word recognition and unaccented pattern in Japanese.)Find this resource:
Giriko, M., Oshita, T., & Kubozono, H. (2011). On the nature of the morpheme [zu] in Japanese. NINJAL Research Papers, 2(2), 1–18.Find this resource:
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Han, E. (1994). Prosodic structure in compounds (PhD diss.). Stanford University.Find this resource:
Haraguchi, S. (1977). The tone pattern of Japanese: An autosegmental theory of tonology. Tokyo: Kaitakusha.Find this resource:
Hattori, S. (1960). On'inron kara mita kokugo no akusento. In S. Hattori (Ed.), Gengogaku no hōhō (pp. 240–275). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. (Japanese accent seen from phonological perspectives.)Find this resource:
Ito, J. (1990). Prosodic minimality in Japanese. In M. Ziolkowski, M. Noske, & K. Deaton (Eds.), CLS 26-II: The parasession on the syllable in phonetics and phonology (pp. 213–239). Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.Find this resource:
Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2003). Japanese morphophonemics: Markedness and word Structure. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Find this resource:
Katayama, M. (1998). Optimality theory and Japanese loanword phonology (PhD diss.). University of California at Santa Cruz.Find this resource:
Kawahara, S. (2015). The phonology of Japanese accent. In H. Kubozono (Ed.), Handbook of Japanese phonetics and phonology (pp. 445–492). Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.Find this resource:
Kawahara, S. (2016). Japanese has syllables: A reply to Labrune. Phonology, 33, 169–194.Find this resource:
Kawahara S., & Wolf, M. (2010). On the existence of root-initial-accenting suffixes: An elicitation study of Japanese [-zu]. Linguistics, 48(4), 837–864.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (1988). The organization of Japanese prosody (PhD diss.). University of Edinburgh. Published by Kurosio, Tokyo, 1993.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (1995a). Constraint interaction in Japanese phonology: Evidence from compound accent. Phonology at Santa Cruz (PASC), 4, 21–38.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (1995b). Gokeisei to on'in kōzō. Tokyo: Kurosio. (Word formation and phonological structure.)Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (1996). Syllable and accent in Japanese: Evidence from loanword accentuation. The Bulletin (The Phonetic Society of Japan), 211, 71–82.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (1997). Lexical markedness and variation: A non-derivational account. In B. Agbayani & S-W Tang (Eds.), WCCFL 15: The proceedings of the fifteenth West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (pp. 273–287). Stanford, CA: CSLI.Find this resource:
Kubozono, Haruo (1999) Mora and syllable. In N. Tsujimura (Ed.), The handbook of Japanese linguistics (pp. 31–61). Oxford: Blackwell.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2003). Accent of alphabetic acronyms in Tokyor Japanese. In T. Honma, M. Okazaki, T. Tabata, & S. Tanaka (Eds.), A new century of phonology and phonological theory (pp. 356–370). Tokyo: Kaitakusha.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2005). [ai]-[au] asymmetry in English and Japanese. English Linguistics, 22(1), 1–22.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2006). Where does loanword prosody come from? A case study of Japanese loanword accent. Lingua, 116, 1140–1170.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2008). Japanese accent. In S. Miyagawa & M. Saito (Eds.), The handbook of Japanese linguistics (pp. 165–191). Oxford: Oxford University Press.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2010). Accentuation of alphabetic acronyms in varieties of Japanese. Lingua, 120, 2323–2335.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2011). Japanese pitch accent. In M. van Oostendorp, C. Ewen, E. Hume, & K. Rice (Eds.), The Blackwell companion to phonology, Vol. 5 (pp. 2879–2907). Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2012). Varieties of pitch accent systems in Japanese. Lingua, 122, 1395–1414.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2015a). Dipthongs and vowel coalescence. In H. Kubozono (Ed.), Handbook of Japanese phonetics and phonology (pp. 215–249). Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.Find this resource:
Kubozono, H. (2015b). Japanese dialects and general linguistics. Gengo Kenkyu, 148, 1–31. (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan.)Find this resource:
Kubozono, H., Ito, J., & Mester, A. (1997). On'in kōzō kara mita go to ku no kyōkai In Onsei Bunpō Kenkyūkai (Ed.), Bunpō to onsei (pp. 147–166). Tokyo: Kurosio. (The phonological boundary between the word and the phrase.)Find this resource:
Ladd, D. R. (1984). English compound stress. In D. Gibbon & H. Richter (Eds.), Intonation, accent, and rhythm (pp. 253–266). Berlin: de Gruyter.Find this resource:
Liberman, M., & Prince, A. (1977). On stress and linguistic rhythm. Linguistic Inquiry, 8(2), 249–336.Find this resource:
Lyman, B. S. (1894). The change from surd to sonant in Japanese compounds. Philadelphia: Oriental Club of Philadelphia.Find this resource:
McCarthy, John J., & Prince, Alan S. (1994). The emergence of the unmarked: optimality in prosodic morphology. In M. Gonzàlez (Ed.), Proceedings of NELS 24 (pp. 333–379). Amherst, MA: GLSA.Find this resource:
McCawley, J. D. (1968). The phonological component of a grammar of Japanese. The Hague, The Netherlands: Mouton.Find this resource:
McCawley, J. D. (1978). What is a tone language? In V. Fromkin (Ed.), Tone: A linguistic survey (pp. 113–131). New York: Academic Press.Find this resource:
NHK (Ed.). (1985). NHK hatsuon akusento jiten. Tokyo: Nihon Hōsō Shuppan Kyōkai. (NHK pronunciation and accent dictionary.)Find this resource:
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Otsu, Y. (1980). Some aspects of rendaku in Japanese and related problems. In Y. Otsu & A. Farmer (Eds.), Theoretical Issues in Japanese Linguistics (pp. 207–227). MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 2. Cambridge, MA: Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, MIT.Find this resource:
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(1.) This syllable-based rather than mora-based generalization is attributed to the fact that heavy (bimoraic) syllables can bear an accent only on their initial moras (see Section 4 for details). See Kawahara (2016) for a summary of evidence for the syllable in Tokyo Japanese.
(2.) This rule is also responsible for the accentuation of verbs and adjectives, all of which are morphologically complex, i.e., stem + ending. This explains why most verbs and adjectives are accented rather than unaccented (Kubozono, 2008, 2011).
(3.) The idea of the emergence of the unmarked also explains the seemingly peculiar accent patterns shown by a group of words derived from unaccented nouns. For example, proper names such as /ra'i.on-zu/ 'the Lions,' /to'n.ne.ru-zu/ 'the Tunnels,' and /do.ra.e'.mon-zu/ 'the Doraemons' become accented, although the base forms from which they are derived are unaccented, /rai.ono/ 'lion,' /ton.ne.ruo/ 'tunnel,' and /do.ra.e.mono/ 'Doraemon, an anime character.' The accent patterns of these derived words can be explained if one assumes that the covert accent in the base has emerged in the derived forms without being interfered by the extrametrical ending /zu/: e.g., /ra'i.on + zu/ → /ra'i.on-zu/ (Giriko, Oshita, & Kubozono, 2011; see Kawahara & Wolf, 2010 for a different analysis).
(4.) These compounds are not sensitive to the right-branching condition to be discussed in Section 3.2, since the second and third elements are not independent 'words'; in other words, they are compound nouns consisting of two morphological 'words,' the second of which consists of two morphemes.
(5.) Many words that resist rendaku voicing have a voiced obstruent in the final mora of the first member: e.g., /siba-ta/. Lack of rendaku in these cases is due to Lyman's Law, by which a voiced obstruent in one mora blocks the voicing of another obstruent within the same word (Ito & Mester, 2003; Lyman, 1894; Sato, 1989; Vance, 2015).
(6.) Left-branching compounds often split into two prosodic words if they consist of four or more elements: e.g. [[[too.nan° + a'.zi.a] syo'.ko.ku] ren.goo°] → {too.nan-a'.zi.a}{syo.ko.ku-re'n.goo} '(((south-east + Asia) + countries) + association); Association of South-East Asian Nations, ASEAN.' This is due to a rhythmic constraint by which a long prosodic word consisting of four (or more) elements splits into two prosodic words each consisting of two elements (Kubozono, 1988).
(7.) These compounds are integrated into one prosodic word since they are made up of short, semi-bound morphemes. This analysis implies that rendaku is not merely a juncture phenomenon linking two morphemes, as is often assumed in the literature (Ito & Mester, 2003), but a head-marking process denoting the modifier-head relationship in compounds.
(8.) The dvandva compounds presented here are manifested in one prosodic word despite the coordinate structure because they consist of short native (and mostly bound) morphemes. In contrast, the non-dvandva compounds are unaccented because they are four-mora compounds consisting of two bimoraic nouns (Section 2.3) and also they undergo rendaku voicing (Section 3.1).
(9.) Note that the trimoraic sequence in (38f.), i.e., /donk/, splits into /do/ and /nk/, the latter being a bimoraic syllable headed by the moraic nasal /n/. This syllabification is superior to the other bisyllabic structure, i.e., /don.k/, in which the first part of a geminate consonant forms an independent syllable on its own. The same syllabification is observed in other dialects of Japanese, too (Kubozono, 2015b).


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We are currently in Alabama with the We Belong Together delegation of activists and thought leaders who are working to protect and promote the rights of immigrant women. Read more about our trip here and a statement from the ground below:
Together, we are a diverse group of women leaders representing national advocacy communities. We represent faith-based, legal, human rights, worker rights, civil rights, immigrant rights, children advocate and reproductive justice organizations. We have traveled from throughout the country to come together with our sisters here in Birmingham, Alabama – the battleground of the civil rights movement – to bear witness to the impact of the harshest anti-immigrant law in the US – HB56.
Last night we listened to the stories of Jocelyn, Trini, Tere, Elvia, Araceli, Jovita, Maricela:
• The story of a 14-year old girl left alone in Alabama, the only home she's ever known, when her parents were forced to leave for Mexico – a courageous young woman who has become an outspoken youth leader in the movement for immigrant rights.
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The common bond among these women is the dream for a better life for themselves and their families and the right to live without fear. The sacrifices that these women have made for the well-being of their families, to earn a living to support those families, to obtain life-saving health care for their children, are the same sacrifices that generations of women have made in coming to this country to provide for the ones that they love. Moreover, the women who shared their stories with us made it clear that the ability to stay in Alabama is, in many cases, a matter of life and death. The reality is that for these women, the decision to leave or to stay here in their homes is an impossible weighing of unthinkable risks. We listened with empathy and compassion to the stories of fear, psychological abuse, and torment that are representative of the experiences of immigrant women and children in Alabama. Woven throughout these stories is the spirit of resiliency, courage, empowerment, and most importantly – love. As Trini told us, "If we were going to stay, we were going to act!"
That is our pledge: that we, too, will act to fight HB 56 and all other anti-immigrant, anti-family laws. We cannot have a democracy if any group is denied basic human rights and access to basic human needs. Today, we stand in solidarity with our sisters, and all immigrant women around the nation, by pledging to hold these stories in our hearts. We pledge to bring these stories back to our communities, to share them with our constituencies, and to use these stories to educate our nation's decision-makers. In turn, we call upon everyone who values human rights and social justice to join our courageous sisters in Alabama who are fighting for the right to live with dignity, humanity, and justice. Stand with us and stand with our sisters to support the repeal of HB56, fight the spread of racist anti-immigrant policies, and uplift our shared humanity, and the dream for a brighter future.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Selecting your vehicle's make, model, and year allows us to display only parts and items specific to your car's model and year.
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This sleek air conditioning delete cover is ideal for removing the bulky evaporator box from your firewall while retaining the use of both your heater and defroster. Depending on application, covers are manufactured in ABS plastic or fiberglass. Our ABS covers feature pre-drilled mounting holes, while our fiberglass covers will require some drilling for installation. All covers feature a smooth finish.


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Cool drawings of Roberto Luongo and Ryan Kesler by "Birdsong27"
We included Chloe Ezra's bad-ass (but super adorable) Canucks stickers in Headshots yesterday, and Fort Nucks has more on them today. Also you can actually order the stickers from Chloe's website now, which is pretty awesome. [Fort Nucks/Blue Soup]
Excellent stuff from Iain Macintyre on Keith Ballard, who "makes all the little plays," and has performed admirably for the Canucks in the early going this season. [Vancouver Sun]
Read on past the jump for more links and other nonsense.
Here's an interesting quote from former Chicago Wolves headcoach Craig MacTavish:
MacT says Canucks GM Gillis is always looking for new ways to get a competitive advantage. Says sometimes that can be counterproductive.
— OilersNow (@OilersNow) February 7, 2013
Not a big surprise. MacTavish's Chicago Wolves deployed completely different systems from those used by the Canucks during his time coaching Vancouver's AHL affiliate, and for what it's worth I don't necessarily think MacTavish is completely of base here. There's certainly a few things that the Canucks did last season that even I've described as "too cute by half." That said, Mike Gillis' win/loss record as an NHL General Manager kind of speaks for itself, doesn't it?
Mitch(EmDee), whose last name I somehow don't actually know, debuted his new weekly post at the Legion of Blog. Excellent stuff from one of the Smylosphere's most consistent, readable and hardest working bloggers. [Legion of Blog]
Andy Eide points out that the Canucks are relying on stellar goaltending and stingy defense in the early going this season, which harkens back to the early days of Alain Vigneault's tenure as head coach. [The Hockey Writers]
Harrison Mooney has a laugh at a silly photo of Jannik Hansen's elbow all up in Jordan Eberle's nether-region. [Pass it to Bulis]
This is a little bit cruel of me to point out, but Ben Kuzma spends an awful lot of time in his Wild v. Canucks game preview talking up Wild rookie forward Charlie Coyne. Charlie Coyne who, probably has a very similar skillset to prized rookie Charlie Coyle, is possibly related to Liberal Leadership contender Deborah Coyne but I haven't verified that at the time of this writing. [The Province]
Finally, the Hockey Writers put together a guide of essential Canucks follows. I made the list but I got described as a "honcho" which, I don't really think offends me at all. [The Hockey Writers]


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Product Overview
The Tubb Final Finish Bore Polishing System is composed of a series of 50 bullets that are impregnated with 5 different progressively finer compounds. Enhances accuracy by polishing out bore imperfections. The smoother bore results in reduced fouling and less drag. Also makes the barrel much easier to clean. Removes no more than .0003" of metal from the bore and includes a reusable plastic case. This is not loaded ammunition. Reduced loads must be used when loading Final Finish Bullets. Bullets are made by Sierra. The grain weight of the bullets will be listed on the end of the package. Tubb recommends using the starting load listed in the Sierra reloading manual for that grain weight and bullet. Tubb also recommends not to go above the starting load for any reason.
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BAKER � Two District 1-1A football teams heading in opposite directions square off Friday night when Baker School�s Gators travel to Freeport to take on the Bulldogs at 7 p.m.
BAKER � Two District 1-1A football teams heading in opposite directions square off Friday night when Baker School�s Gators travel to Freeport to take on the Bulldogs at 7 p.m.
Baker is riding high with a 4-0 record and has yet to score less than 35 points in a game. The Gators� potent offense could spell bad news for a Freeport team off to a 0-5 start and whose defense is giving up an average of better than 51 points per game.
Gator senior tailback D.J. Thomas, who has scored 10 touchdowns while rushing for more than 700 yards, could have another explosive game against the Bulldogs.
Despite what the numbers might say, Baker coach Matt Brunson isn't overlooking the Bulldogs.
"This is a big game because it's the first game of district play and because we haven't been successful against Freeport in a couple years," he said. "We lost a close one in overtime at their place two years ago. And then last year they beat us on a last-second touchdown in a pretty high-scoring game.
"Coach (Jim) Anderson does a great job ... those guys have been battling Northview, and we want to get to where they have been. We need to beat these guys to get there."
The Bulldogs suffered a huge loss during the off-season when senior quarterback Gabe Moore elected to step away from football to concentrate on a budding track career.
Brunson doesn't expect many changes in the Freeport offensive scheme, even without Moore at quarterback.
"Again, Jim Anderson does a great job and his fingerprint is all over this team," Brunson said. "They play tough; although they don't have the big national (caliber) athlete at quarterback, they will be battle-tested and ready for the Baker Gators.
"Don't put it past Jim Anderson to go to any lengths to try and set a trap for Baker."
Brunson expects to see a mix of run-and-pass from the Bulldogs. He said they have a little package that uses some power football and they also will mix things up and go into a shotgun formation and throw the ball around.
Freeport runs a defense similar to the five-man front the Gators use.
"The last couple of years, it's been kind of a chess match because we are so similar defensively," Brunson said.
Brunson looks forward to taking the Gators to Freeport and expects an exciting game.
"It's a good little 1A atmosphere, just like I think we have here at Baker," he said. "They have a great tradition started there.
"We love to compete with Freeport and our guys will be amped up and ready to go Friday night."
Want to go?
What: Baker at Freeport
When: 7 p.m. Friday
Randy Dickson is the Crestview News Bulletin�s sports editor. Email him at firstname.lastname@example.com, tweet him @BigRandle, or call 682-6524.


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We hardly need another predictable indictment of the automobile or America's car culture. Plenty of social commentators have already weighed in with "feet good, wheels bad" assessments of current U.S. transport patterns. But the time does seem right to stir up our creative juices and reconsider continued reliance on autos as our default mode of transportation.
Deep down, I am ambivalent about cars. On the one hand, like most Americans, I frequently drive about and actually derive considerable pleasure from the experience. There is nothing like whizzing down an open highway (if you can find one anymore) with some up-tempo music (I recommend early Bruce Springsteen or Tom Petty) blasting from the speakers. Full disclosure: I am lucky enough to be able to walk to work each day and, as a Jesuit, have never actually owned a car. But, typical of folks my age, I fondly recall the satisfaction of stepping out the door of the Department of Motor Vehicles on my 17th birthday with my first unrestricted driver license in hand, thus completing the final stage of that great American rite of passage into adulthood.
On the other hand, for all the satisfaction and practical advantages associated with driving an automobile regularly, I find it hard to deny the downside of excessive car use. Owning and operating a vehicle is expensive, ecologically harmful and has a pernicious way of insulating us from our social and natural environments. Burning endless gallons of imported gasoline to propel our self-contained private vehicles on nonessential trips near and far is the very embodiment of self-indulgence and unsustainability.
We are coming off a summer that afforded automobiles a rather high profile. The rollercoaster of gasoline prices had us buzzing. The media covered the rollout of an impressive new generation of hybrid and electric cars. The Disney Pixar animation feature "Cars 2" received plenty of attention. Depending upon your perspective, the movie either delighted and entertained millions or contributed to the brainwashing of yet another generation into a decadent car culture (see, my ambivalence persists).
One particularly revealing spectacle was the Los Angeles Freeway saga widely dubbed Carmageddon. For an extended period over a July weekend, north-south traffic in our nation's second-largest city was all but halted when road construction shut down the 405 freeway. Ironically, the major purpose of this roadwork is to widen and strengthen the Sepulveda Pass in order to increase the volume of traffic the road can carry in the future. Recall the "if you build it, they will come" principle from the movie "Field of Dreams." Once again, an American public works project will serve to perpetuate gridlock, at a time when many European cities are actively discouraging the use of cars in congested areas through traffic-calming measures, parking restrictions and hefty tolls on those who spurn public transportation.
Besides employing disincentives for auto traffic, especially single-passenger use, urban planners and transportation officials should continue to enact positive measures to enhance reliable public transportation and encourage pedestrian-friendly zones rather than allow cars to dominate public spaces. Recent budget cuts in many regions have reduced bus and rail service precisely when we should be making public transit more attractive and affordable, not more of a hassle. We should seize opportunities to create truly walkable and bikeable neighborhoods.
Of course, even forward-thinking public officials will need to accommodate our existing car culture. Our preferences will not change overnight; piling into the family car remains the most convenient option for most commuting, shopping and vacationing. Indeed, some destinations are unreachable by other means. But does our need for mobility always justify maneuvering several thousand pounds of metal through town? Can we muster up the collective imagination to consider some practical alternatives to unrelenting car use?
I hesitate to recommend breaking entirely with the automobile. But to avoid the folly of getting stuck in unsustainable patterns of living, we must face up to the imperative to renegotiate the relationship. Since our reliance on gas-guzzling vehicles is not serving us well, it is time to challenge our overly car-centric culture.
It appeared to us that the most fuel-efficient way to travel was also the most expensive and least convenient. I agree with Fr. Massaro that if we as a society wish to conserve resources, we should make public transportation more affordable, and decrease subsidies for highways.
no parking fees, no gas. no hassle. When public transit is good nothing beats it.
However, these days in the Boston area .25 cents doesn't get one anywhere. The table of fares on subways and buses shows a very distressing picture. Having to use public transportation to get to a minimum wage job means that about two days' wages per month, at least, are spent on public transportation alone.
A commitment to "job's recovery" and "motoring" any kind of economic boom will depend on a robust and financially accessible public transportation system. For many reasons (mismanagement among them) fares in the Boston area public transportation system keep rising while effective wages of those who most need it keep decreasing.
Working for labor justice and a living wage requires the kind of reflection you are offering, acknowledging that the economic "motors" of society need to include the going to, getting to, and coming from jobs.
Thanks for the article. Anna M. Seidler
If you believe in public transport, and I do, two things are essential:
1) that you are registered and do VOTE in your city, state, and national elections (this includes the Primary elections), and
2) that you support (financially, vocally, and with your personal energy) candidates that understand that fixing roads, expanding public transport is NOT throwing money away.
There is nothing more important than that in terms of making change. If you are dissatisfied with the pace and direction of change, you need to elect representatives who will move these issues forward instead of erecting a logjam.
As Dr. Martin Luther King said, "It is not the voices of our enemies that we should be worried about but the silence of our friends."
Older cities such as your beautiful and densely populated San Francisco, or my hometown of New Orleans, which were set up around trolleys (and canals in the case of NO) are naturally conducive to relatively effective and efficient public transportation. The more modern great cities, such as Houston and others, were set up around suburbs and the new interstate and highways systems. much less conducive to efficient public transportation. It may work well some places, but not others.


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Miu Deco Feather Ring Gold
Miu Deco Feather Ring Gold
Product : Beautiful
Product : A bit too sharp /spiky to wear daily. Ruins clothes and skin
To keep your jewellery in perfect condition, avoid direct contact with perfumes, water and lotions
There are days when you just don't want to take them off, but keep them safe in our gift boxes and velvet covers when not being worn to keep it in wearable condition
View More Sonal BhaskaranRings
Meet The Designer
Sonal's jewelry represents a journey through Sonal's culture and heritage, designed with a modern and edgy twist drawn from her life in London and love of geometric form. Subtly woven into each design is a tradition to be shared, a mythical tale to be told or a talisman to be treasured. Distinct in design and rich in culture, Sonal Bhaskaran London perfectly fuses British design with Eastern spirit and has been regularly featured in Harper's Bazaar, Elle, Vogue, Grazia, Instyle, Glamour amongst others and worn by the likes of Rita Ora, Mel B, Laura Whitmore, Alexandra Burke and PIxie Lott


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Chayse Evans Coeds Need Cash
This chayse evans college bookbang gallery pictures has 900 x 602 185 kb Jpeg. Chayse evans coeds need cash is a popular picture for wallpaper. If you have a problem about intellectual property, child pornography or immature images with any of these pictures, please send report email to webmaster at Farimg.com, we will remove it immediately.
- Previous College College
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This pirate castle is an easy & inexpensive recycle Preschool craft activity that boys will love to make. Just add a few plastic figures for additional fun.
Items needed:
- 4 toilet paper rolls
- Lightweight cardboard
- Black paint
- Straw
- Glue or tape
- Scissors
- Brush
- Pirate Stickers or print Pirate Stickers from "Printables" section
- Cut four pieces of cardboard, 31/2 in. x 51/2 in.
- 1/2 in. from both sides (sides are 31/2 in. high), cut a slit 21/4 in. long from bottom.
- Use one piece to cut an arched doorway, also from the bottom.
- For each tube, cut one slit 21/4 in. lengthwise, towards center. Then cut a second slit a quarter of the way around from first slit. (0 and 90 degree mark)
- Attach a tube to each side end by sliding the two pieces together where slit meet and push together.
- When attaching the final side, insert side into both tubes, simultaneously, and slowly push together.
- Cut a triangle or square flag, then cut a small slit halfway up the side of the flag and slide onto the straw "flagpole".
- Paint castle and flag. When dry, attach flagpole to inside of tower with glue or tape.
- When completely dry, attach stickers.


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New York Times Tells Startup It Can't Even Mention The NY Times
from the fire-your-lawyers dept
Okay. Whatever. The guys at Scroll Kit agreed that Snow Fall is a nice example, and they knew that it took the NY Times many months to design it. So, in a compelling example of their own product, they showed how Scroll Kit could be used to recreate Snow Fall's design elements in about an hour, and put up a video showing that. This is called "good marketing." But, to the NY Times, they claimed it was copyright infringement, sending the following email to Scroll Kit founder Cody Brown:
In response to Brown's request for more info, he received a third email, from a different lawyer at the NY Times, Richard Samson, with a statement that is even more ridiculous:
Dear Mr. Brown: We are offended by the fact that you are promoting your tool, as a way to quickly replicate copyright-protected content owned by The New York Times Company. It also seems strange to me that you would defend your right to boast about how quickly you were able to commit copyright infringement:Again, this is completely bogus on many levels. The tool is not "an infringement tool," it's a creative tool for creating this type of thing. Anyone with any even rudimentary knowledge of design and development know that it's fairly standard for people to create tools based on creating things that others have created in the past. In fact, lots of websites copy elements and style from other websites. Even the NY Times tends to be a fairly derivative site design-wise. Second: being "offended" is no legal basis for making a threat. Brown was not boasting about "committing copyright infringement," but about using a tool to be able to do a similar design. It had nothing to do with infringement, and everything to do with making the design process easier.
The NYT spent hundreds of hours hand-coding "Snow Fall" We made a replica in an hour.
If you wouldn't mind using another publication to advertise your infringement tool, we'd appreciate it.
Richard Samson
The NY Times is being absolutely ridiculous here.
Once again, however, we see what happens when companies focus on legal strategies rather than supporting innovation. Sure, Scroll Kit could make it easier for competitors to the NY Times to create compelling stories, but it also might help the NY Times drive its own efforts forward. Perhaps, rather than spend many months of its own designers' time, it could use something like Scroll Kit to make it easier for their staff to design such compelling stories. Instead, they focus on stifling it with highly questionable legal threats. You know how you can tell when a company is really in trouble? When it focuses on legal attacks on others, rather than driving its own innovation.


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The four lessons in this unit build toward a student understanding of each component of the energy budget formula - and how the contribution of each component changes due to location and time of year. In order, the four lessons consist of: deriving... (View More) the formula for Earth's energy budget, analyzing data from NASA's CERES instrument, learning to code using the RStudio program, and using RStudio to explore and evaluate the energy budgets of specific locations and seasons. The unit includes a pre/post test; each lesson follows the 5E model and contains worksheets with answer keys. (View Less)
Materials Cost: Free
This series of laboratory lessons and activities uses authentic solar imagery and data to introduce students to solar science. Students are asked to explore details in imagery, including how to deal with the issues of noise and resolution, and... (View More) understand scale. They are introduced to the concept of space weather and how that affects both observing instruments and the Earth. Students learn about spectra, how helium and coronium were discovered, and go on to explore real spectra from the Sun. Most activities are mathematically based, and targeted for grades 9-10. Imagery is included from NASA/ESA's SOHO mission, NASA's SDO mission, and Japan's Hinode satellite. (View Less)
Materials Cost: Free
As science extension activities, this book of problems introduces students to mapping the shape of the Milky Way galaxy, and how to identify the various kinds of galaxies in our universe. Students also learn about the shapes and sizes of other... (View More) galaxies in our universe as they learn how to classify them. The math problems cover basic scientific notation skills and how they apply to working with astronomically large numbers. It also provides exercises in plotting points on a Cartesian plane to map the various features of our Milky Way. (View Less)
Materials Cost: Free
This activity is a short engineering design challenge to be completed by individual students or small teams. A real-world problem is presented, designing buildings for hurricane-prone areas, but in a simulated way that works in a classroom, after... (View More) school club, or informal education setting. Students are given simple materials and design requirements, and must plan and build a tower as tall as possible that will hold up a tennis ball while resisting the force of wind from a fan. After the towers are built, the group comes together to test them. If there is time after testing, which can be observational or framed as a contest between teams, students can redesign their towers to improve their performance, or simply discuss what worked well and what didn't in their designs. (View Less)
Materials Cost: $1 - $5 per group of students
Students confront the challenge of improving global agricultural production in order to feed increasingly larger populations. Students evaluate tables, maps, graphs, photos and satellite images detailing global population growth patterns and... (View More) agricultural production levels in order to formulate recommendations. The role of technology is examined throughout. This investigation includes two activities: 1. Students form six teams representing major world regions to consider the need for increasing agricultural production; 2. Students conduct a case study of Mozambique and conclude by distributing and defending monetary investments for possible agricultural production increases. The URL opens to the investigation directory, with links to teacher and student materials, lesson extensions, resources, teaching tips, and assessment strategies. This is Investigation 3 of three found in the Grades 9-12 Module 2 of Mission Geography. The Mission Geography curriculum integrates data and images from NASA missions with the National Geography Standards. Each of the three investigations in Module 2, while related, can be done independently. (View Less)
Water supply in the Southwestern United States depends on snow. Students discover its importance through analysis and evaluation of data, satellite images, space shuttle photos, and ground-based observations, and then apply their findings in a... (View More) role-play. Working in seven groups representing the states in the Colorado River watershed, students assume the roles of U.S. senators to propose and defend their stand on the allocation of Colorado River water by state and by usage. The URL opens to the investigation directory, with links to teacher and student materials, lesson extensions, resources, teaching tips, and assessment strategies. This is Investigation 4 of four found in the Grades 9-12 Module 1 of Mission Geography. The Mission Geography curriculum integrates data and images from NASA missions with the National Geography Standards. Each of the four investigations in Module 1, while related, can be done independently. (View Less)


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Elizabeth Prout Gardens, Social work activities with accommodation, listed under "Social Work Activities With Accommodation" category, is located at High Street Rowley Regis West Midlands, B65 0EJ, United Kingdom and can be reached by (01215) 595575 phone number. Elizabeth Prout Gardens has currently 0 reviews.This business profile is not yet claimed, and if you are the owner, claim your business profile for free. If you are not the owner you can invite this business to join by email or by phone.Browse all Social Work Activities With Accommodation in Rowley Regis West Midlands.
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Khadki PIN CODE : 411003
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|Pune City East
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|Pune City
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|Post Master, Khadki, Pune City Taluk, Pune District, MAHARASHTRA, India.
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khadki Map, pune District, maharashtra
What is Pin code of Khadki?
Khadki Pin code or Postal zip code of Khadki is an unique Post index number provided to the post office of Khadki, Pune City East Division, Pune District of Maharashtra state, India. These Pin codes are provided by India Post. Apart from Pune City East Division in Pune District, the other Postal Divisions in Pune are listed below. If you are not sure about the division in which you are searching for the pin code, we recommend you to search for the pin code in other postal divisions as well.
Pune City West
Pune Moffusil


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[quote author=wanderer link=topic=4730.msg55503#msg55503 Oh, I know what ya mean. I used "jack off" in my PS, but as you say context is everything. I went with the noun. Said...hey, if you jack off's look at my last year instead of the overall gpa, I think we can make this baby work. I'm still waitin'. Quotei'm totally down with this use of "jack off," but i fear adcoms might be troubled by your misplaced apostrophe!
nope, still wrong, unless you're jane austen; i think it was right when she wrote. apostrophes for plural are rare-- best example is with abbreviations, like "i got two B's this semester so i bought a couple DVD's to celebrate."
Assigning the term Jackoff's to *persons* is the same usage as Smith's, Wilson's, etc. Any rationalization to the contrary is coming from one who intellectualizes using "masturbation" in her PS.
wtf is wrong with you people?
Oookay, let's just say you're right. And, you're right about masturbation!! But, please capitalize Fenway Park even if you are a lower case poster.


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Published on
Quantum dots can grow spontaneously during molecular beam epitaxy of two materials with different lattice parameters, Stranski-Krastanow growth mode. We study a mathematical model based on the continuum approximation of the growing layer in two dimensions. Nonlinear evolution equation is solved using finite element method and spectral methods together with stress calculation based on the Goursat analytic functions. Effect of the film/substrate interface is included in the dependence of surface tension on height of the film. The effect of directional anisotropy of surface tension on the evolution is established together with stability of faceted island arrays and their shape transitions. Corner between facets and strong anisotropy lead to difficulties in the numerical analysis, which are prevented by including the regularization terms. Simulation results qualitatively agree with experiments.
Cite this work
Researchers should cite this work as follows:


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Chalet La Cognee Reviews
4 nights, 3 days skiing at the Cognee. Fabulous time, snow and sunshine. Our chalet host Jodi, great cook and made everything easy - she is a credit to the company. Would use these guys again
Apres Ski: 4/5
Accommodation & Value: 5/5
David Bowers
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Dr. Cordell Adams will be the guest speaker at Southeastern Oklahoma State University's fall commencement on Dec. 15.
Adams, is a board-certified practicing ophthalmologist at Baylor University Medical Center in Dallas, Texas, with a subspecialty in glaucoma. He has been in private practice for 17 years, and is a three-time recipient of the Physician Recognition Award from the American Medical Association.
In 2009, Adams was honored as a Distinguished Alumnus of Southeastern.
At Southeastern, he was a Presidential Honors Scholarship recipient and earned a bachelor's degree in chemistry. He was involved in numerous campus activities, including Student Senate, the American Chemical Society, the University Players, and as an undergraduate research participant in Minority Biomedical Sciences. Adams graduated Summa Cum Laude.
Adams has also embarked on a literary career, and his first novel, "Light Bread," was ranked No. 1 for local paperback fiction in the Dallas Morning News, in which he pays homage to his maternal grandmother's wit, wisdom and insatiable curiosity.
His father, the late Claude Adams, was an assistant professor of English at Southeastern.


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Sept. 14, 2009
SANTA BARBARA, Calif. - UCSB Athletics is proud to announce season tickets are now on sale for 2009 men's and women's basketball. Highlights include new seating zones, lower prices and special family and group packages to help during tough economic times, added donor amenities and flexible buying options.
The men's home schedule features San Diego State, Santa Clara and all the Big West rivals, while the women's team will host top programs Fresno State, Kentucky, UCLA and Pepperdine.
"We are excited about the new options to enjoy Gaucho basketball," said Tom Hastings, Executive Associate Athletics Director. "Our main goals were to award those donors who help us stay fiscally competitive and directly support our amazing student-athletes, along with filling the T-dome more.
"Lowering the season ticket price for women's basketball allows us to grow attendance and continue to make the Thunderdome a tough place to play. At the same time we will also offer priority seating, free parking and hospitality to those who help fund our rising student-athlete scholarship and support bills."
Season tickets are only $125 for men's basketball and $100 for women's basketball (35% lower than last year). Similar to the successful men's soccer family plan, a new Family Plan season ticket is now available for both men's and women's basketball. Family plans, which include five season tickets (two adults and three youth season tickets), are $300 for men's basketball, $225 for women's basketball or get the combo plan (both men's and women's) for just $400. That's just $2.66 per game!
UCSB faculty/staff will also receive 50% off pricing on all season tickets.
Something for You in Gold, White And Blue!
Seating sections at the Thunderdome are now marked as Gold ( Gaucho Fund or G-Fund for short, donation area), Blue (reserved season tickets and students) and White (families and groups). This option is only available to donors who contribute to the Gaucho Fund.
New seating charts for the Thunderdome outline the Gold, White and Blue zones. To view the new charts, click here.
G-Fund donors can also enjoy the Gold (Founders Room) hospitality room in the Thunderdome before the game and at halftime. After the game, the room will continue to serve for post-game Fastbreakers chalk talk (women's basketball) and Hoop Club gatherings (men's basketball).
Donors who buy tickets in the Gold Zone will also receive complimentary season parking. Fans who purchase Blue Zone or Family Plan (White Zone) can purchase season parking through the UCSB Athletics Ticket Office.
For complete details on the Gaucho Fund, please read the Donor Benefits and Ticket Guide.
Priority Renewal is November 1
Fans can renew their season tickets, upgrade or buy additional seats online at UCSBgauchos.com or by calling (805) 893-UCSB. The deadline to renew current season tickets is Nov. 1. New season tickets can be purchased now with available open seats assigned. After Nov. 1, seats will be assigned based on best available and/or per season ticket holders requested seats. Upgrades and new seats in the Gold Zone, including extra parking requests, will occur on a priority (points) basis.
One Donation Is Gold
New this year, donations to the Gaucho Fund - regardless of the sport it supports - are part of the "One Donation is Gold" system. This allows donors to purchase priority/premium seating and parking at UCSB games across several sports in addition to other benefits.
Last year, Olé gave $500 to the Fastbreakers to support women's basketball and bought two season tickets in the old "Priority 1" area for an additional $85 per seat "tax" ($170 total) and paid $153 for the season tickets. Olé also bought a $40 season parking pass. Olé's total was $1,016.
This year, Olé would donate $300 per seat for his two seats ($600 total) to the Gaucho Fund (which can be earmarked to directly support women's basketball) and receive free parking. Olé would then buy season tickets at $100 per for his two seats ($200 total). Olé would now pay only $800. If Olé joined the Fastbreakers this year - which is encouraged - for the new $50 membership, he would be at $850.
Olé would also now have the opportunity, through the "one donation is Gold" system of the Gaucho Fund, to buy Gold Zone seats at other UCSB games (i.e. men's basketball) through the priority system.
To offer flexibility, pledges can be made towards donor seating areas. Fans are encouraged to pay at least half of the required per seat donation prior to receiving season tickets and parking.
Donations to the Gaucho Fund can be earmarked to directly support the scholarship and operational costs of men's or women's basketball (or both).
Olé Bobblehead
To reward the great Gaucho basketball season ticket holders, a free bobblehead of UCSB's mascot - the edgy but always classy Olé - will be given for every two season tickets purchased by Dec. 1. Additional Olé bobbleheads can be purchased at the UCSBgauchos Shop located in the Thunderdome lobby on game days or through this special promotional offer, starting in November, online at UCSBgauchos.com, while supplies last.
Legends of the `Dome
With such a rich history on the hardwood, UCSB Athletics will honor the inaugural class of five legendary Gauchos during the season. Large banners will be unveiled of each legend inside the Thunderdome on the following dates: Saturday, January 23 vs. Cal State Fullerton (first men's basketball legend), Thursday, February 11 vs. UC Riverside (first women's basketball legend), Saturday, February 13 vs. Long Beach State (second men's basketball legend) and Saturday, February 27 vs. Cal Poly (second women's basketball legend). A legend from the women's volleyball program will also be raised Friday, October 16 vs. Pacific. In subsequent years, fans will be able to decide the "legend" to be honored in the Thunderdome.
In addition to the new wall of legends, the Thunderdome will feature new banners hanging above a re-painted court.
Groups Wanted
For every game, UCSB Athletics will reserve 750 tickets to give away free to any youth or non-profit group as part of the "Gauchos Give" community outreach program. Any youth or non-profit group can enjoy a Gauchos game with up to 50 free tickets to a selected game by emailing your request here or by calling 893-UCSB.
Groups of 10 or more can also receive a discount on tickets to most games with the Gauchos "Group Strength" offer. Groups will receive a deal of $3 per ticket, plus two parking passes for every 10 tickets, a welcome by the PA announcer and a group picture with Olé.
For groups information contact the UCSB Athletics Ticket office at (805) 893-UCSB.
New Saturday Hours!
Purchasing season tickets and making donations have never been easier by calling (805) 893-UCSB, by visiting the UCSB Athletics Ticket Office inside the Intercollegiate Athletics (ICA) building or online at UCSBgauchos.com. The Ticket Office is open Monday through Friday from 9 a.m. until 4 p.m. and now on Saturdays from 10 a.m. until 1 p.m. Two free parking spaces next to ICA (Ocean Drive) and Rob Gym are available.
Gaucho basketball... Stop at Nothing.


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According to Information Week Government, data that NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory scientist John Grotzinger told National Public Radio was "for the history books," will be revealed in early December. The annoucement is expected to come during a meeting of the American Geophysical Union, December 3 - 7 in San Francisco.
NASA's Curiosity rover has another, even bigger, apparently history-making discovery that might just change everything about the universe as we know it — but they aren't telling anyone what it is, exactly, until scientists can be absolutely sure it's not a dud. Thanksgiving nerd speculation, of course, is go for launch.
John Grotzinger, the principal investigator for the mission, tells NPR's Joe Palca in an interview that aired today that his team has found something really, really cool on Mars with Curiosity's SAM soil-collecting device: "This data is gonna be one for the history books. It's looking really good," Grotzinger exclaimed. Unfortunately, NASA won't be telling us what said cool secret is until they run a bunch of tests to make sure what they found is authentic.
The scientists thought they had made an exciting breakthrough earlier, when a tool picked up some methane in the Mars atmosphere, which would have been a first — and could indicate that life previously existed on Mars. They had to test to make sure the methane didn't travel with the Rover from earth, though, and once they did their due diligence it turned out the methane piggy-backed from earth. The team was predictably deflated.
Read more at The Atlantic Wire.
Mark Micheli contributed to the update of this story.