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5 Hashtag Feminism, #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen, and the Other #FemFuture.
Susana Loza.
Hashtag feminism makes visible what was never truly invisible, but what people refuse to see.
– Sarah Kendzior, Blame it on the Internet Perhaps a feminism that has not responded to the needs of its constituents needs to die.
– Rebecca Walker, Feminist in fighting On August 12th, 2013, the hashtag #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen trended worldwide.
In four short days, it was tweeted over 75,465 times (Topsy 2015).
Coined by Mikki Kendall (@Karynthia) during a Twitter debate about the downfall of prominent white male feminist Hugo Schwyzer (4th Wave Feminist 2013; Al Jazeera 2013b; Anderson 2013; Dzodan 2013a; Dzodan 2013c; Grace 2012; Grenoble 2013; James 2013; Mamzelle 2013; Rawls 2013b; Trudy, 2013a; Vazquez, 2013; Vingiano and Testa, 2013; White Feminist Collection Agency, 2013), the hashtag called out "digital feminists" like Feministe's Jill Filipovic, Jezebel's Jessica Coen, Jessica Valenti (formerly of Feministing), and Slate's Amanda Marcotte for providing Schwyzer a platform which he "confessed, was based partly on putting down women of color and defending white feminism" (Kendall 2013b).
It was also meant as a stinging rebuke to American feminism's brand of solidarity, one which "centers on the safety and comfort of white women" at the expense of women of color (Kendall 2013b).
The hashtag quickly morphed from an insular discussion about Schwyzer, his white feminist defenders, and how they collectively antagonized and alienated a coterie of WOC feminist bloggers and writers (Aura Bogado, blackamazon, brownfemipower, Flavia Dzodan, and Mikki Kendall), to an impassioned debate about the continued exclusion of nonwhite women from mainstream feminism (Al Jazeera 2013b; The Daily Mail 2013; Plank 2013).
In "The Discomfort of #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen," Mandy Van Deven opines that white feminists have yet to internalize the seminal theories contained in works like The Combahee River Collective Statement, This Bridge Called My Back, and the INCITE.
[This] refusal to accept the perspective s of women of color regarding our shared history means white women continue to resist, dismiss, and ignore the same critiques when they are made today.
(Van Deven 2013) Is mainstream feminism destined to remain the terrain of white women.
Or can the digital media praxis of women of color, their hashtag feminism and tumblr activism, their blogging and livejournaling, broaden and radically redefine the very field of feminism.
As I type these words, women of color are congregating in Google Hangouts and Skype, on Twitter and Tumblr.
Jamie Nesbitt Golden testifies to the critical importance of social media to WOC feminist praxis: We share frustrations, triumphs and failures.
Many of us have been fans of each other for years but have never met face-to-face.
We create our own safe space s when the safe spaces created by others fail.
We mount up against Internet trolls, lend emotional support, and publicize people and projects generally overlooked by popular feminist outlets.
Social media has made it possible for black feminists in Johannesburg to connect with black feminists in St.
Louis and all points in between.
Blogs written by women of color from one side of the globe become topics of discussion on the other side in a matter of minutes.
(2013b) Social media has made it possible for women of color to speak to each other across borders and boundaries.
I would like to utilize the #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen hashtag and the subsequent aftermath to consider the perils and promise of Twitter, Tumblr, and other social media platforms for (re)forming mainstream American feminism.
By delving into the discourses generated by the key participants in #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen debate via their tweets, posts, and social media statements, I hope to reveal how this contemporary discussion tragically replicates the failures of previous feminist waves.
I will then consider how hashtag feminism implicitly – and sometimes explicitly – challenges the Digital Feminism articulated by Courtney Martin and Vanessa Valenti in the 2013 report entitled #FemFuture: Online Revolution (2013a).
For it was the impassioned online discussions around #FemFuture in April, that first revealed the long-standing fissures in the American feminist movement.
Finally, I will consider the growing white feminist backlash to WOC-led twitter campaigns.
But before I go any further, it is important to historically situate these debates.
Since the beginning of what has come to be known as second wave feminism, US women of color have questioned the racial myopia of US white women and its insistence on organizing along the binary gender division male/female alone (Sandoval 2000, 44).
US feminists of color have long understood that race, culture, sex, or class can deny one "comfortable or easy access to any legitimized gender category, that the interactions between such social classifications produce other, unnamed gender forms within the social hierarchy" (Sandoval 2000, 44).
In Methodology of the Oppressed, Chela Sandoval meticulously documents the emergence of what she calls US Third World Feminism: These signs of a lived experience of difference from white female experience in the United States appear repeatedly throughout 1980s U.
third world feminist writings.
Such expressions imply the existence of at least one other category of gender, reflected in the very titles of books written by U.
feminists of color during that period.
All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, but Some of Us Are Brave (1982); and This Bridge Called My Back (1981) indicate that feminists of color exist in the interstices between normalized social categories.
This in-between space, this third gender category, is also recognized in the early writings of such well-known authors as Maxine Hong Kingston, Gloria Anzaldúa, Audre Lorde, Alice Walker, and Cheríe Moraga, all of whom argued that an eccentric coalition of U.
third world feminists is composed of "different kinds of humans," new "mestizas," "Woman Warriors" who live and are gendered, sexed, raced, and classed "between and among" the lines.
These "sister outsiders" (1984), it was argued, inhabit an uncharted psychic terrain that Anzaldúa in 1987 named "the Borderlands," "La Nueva Frontera." (45) Despite the powerful protests and potent writings produced by feminists of color, racism was never successfully integrated into feminist theory and practice (Sandoval 2000, 49).
The feminist movement's inability to honestly reckon with the challenges lodged by U.
feminists of color indicates a "structural deficiency within feminist praxis" (Sandoval 2000, 49).
In her classic 1989 essay, "Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: a black feminist critique of anti-discrimination doctrine, feminist theory, and anti-racist politics," Kimberlé Crenshaw affirmed that these structural deficits remain and that it seems that contemporary white feminists inherit not the legacy of [Sojourner] Truth's challenge to patriarchy but, instead, Truth's challenge to their forbears (Ain't I a Woman?).
Even today, the difficulty that white women have traditionally experienced in sacrificing racial privilege to strengthen feminism renders them susceptible to Truth's critical question.
When feminist theory and politics that claim to reflect women's experience and women's aspirations do not include or speak to black women, black women must ask: 'Ain't We Women?' If this is so, how can the claims that 'women are', 'women believe' and 'women need' be made when such claims are inapplicable or unresponsive to the needs, interests and experiences of black women.
(2011a, 33) #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen "inadvertently granted women of color permission to express the pain of being silenced and ignored and dismissed, of being relegated to a footnote in a movement that promised sisterhood" (Vazquez 2013).
XO Jane's Lauren Walker poetically lamented, "Solidarity is for white women when the contributions of women of color to feminism's founding are completely ignored.
Solidarity is for white women when your very existence is considered a dividing force.
Solidarity is for white women when this discussion is still happening, centuries later" (2013).
Admittedly, this is a not a new problem but one embedded in the foundations of American feminism.
Since its inception, "white feminism has argued that gender should trump race… That rhetoric not only erases the experiences of women of color, but also alienates many from a movement that claims to want equality for all" (Kendall 2013b).
The hashtag "vividly illustrated the ways in which white women shut out, silence and ignore women of color, intentionally and accidentally" (Clayton 2013).
It allowed women of color to decry how white feminist voices still dominate the public/digital sphere, how their "voices take over the conversation and articulate struggles that are selective and often patronizing" (Malik 2013).
#SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen resonated with Tina Vazquez because it encapsulated her frustration with white feminists "who want to talk for us, but not listen to us" (2013).
In her view, "Mainstream feminism has been showing women of color who they are for years and for many, the message was clear: sisterhood—as defined as 'bonded in solidarity'—is bullshit" (Vazquez 2013).
Some feminists, however, were troubled by the sweeping generalizations and false binaries the hashtag created (Brittos 2013, Gay 2013, and Matthews 2013).
Gay maintains that #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen encourages us to see all white feminists as racist and women of color as traitors to feminism (2013).
It also erases the feminists of color active in digital feminist communities (Samhita Mukhopadhyay, Anna Holmes, Daisy Hernandez, Rinku Sen, Latoya Peterson, Carmen Van Kerckhove, Mecca Jamilah Sullivan, Mia McKenzie and many others) (Gay 2013).
Filthy Freedom's Lindsey Yoo calls on us to rethink the way the term "women of color" operates in these hashtag debates (2013).
Too often the "struggles of Asian, Latina and other women who fall outside the black-white binary" are excluded from discussion (Yoo 2013).
Daniela Ramirez also takes issue with the lumping together of women of color because it flattens critical differences and creates a "myth of representation" (2013).
She wonders: "If the only thing that unites us is our exclusion from the mainstream movement (and our justified opposition to that exclusion) we do not have solidarity either.
When we don't recognize that even our own practices can be essentialist and exclusionary, we cannot claim that we are doing solidarity, intersectionality, or even feminism better" (Ramirez 2013).
It is worth remembering Kimberlé Crenshaw's injunction that "intersectionality applies to everyone – no one exists outside of the matrix of power, but the implications of this matrix – when certain features are activated and relevant and when they are not – are contextual.
Intersectionality represents a structural and dynamic arrangement; power marks these relationships among and between categories of experience that vary in their complexity" (2011b, 230) #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen started a critical discussion about who and who isn't included in white and WOC feminisms.
For Mikki Kendall, the most important question remains unanswered: "whether or not feminism will be receptive to the critiquing and to doing the work required to resolve the problems" (2013b).
Jill Filipovic, one of the digital feminists implicated in the Hugo Schwyzer debacle, penned a seemingly heartfelt apology (2013).
And during an appearance on NPR to discuss the racism of the contemporary feminist movement, she confessed: "We all ostensibly know that the centering of white middle-class heterosexual women's interests is a reality and a problem.
Yet the response to it, particularly from white feminists, is largely performative.
It's the ability to use the right academic lingo in feminist spaces, to declare your dedication to intersectionality, to be the first to point out when you think some other white feminist is doing it wrong.
What actually needs to change, as you say, is who has a seat at the table" (Demby 2013a).
Unfortunately, based on Filipovic's enthusiastic endorsement of Michelle Goldberg's recent piece on hashtag feminism ("Feminism's Toxic Twitter Wars"), it seems that she is only willing to allow WOC a seat at the feminist table if they temper their criticisms.
Goldberg's piece, which I will discuss more later, .
This may not be performative feminism, but it is certainly perfunctory.
As for Kendall, she is convinced that "Twitter is changing everything.
Now, people are forced to hear us and women of color no longer need the platform of white feminism because they have their own microphones" (quoted in Vazquez 2013).
Since the viral success of #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen, Kendall and other feminists of color have crafted popular and intersectional Twitter hashtags that illuminate issues that the mainstream feminist movement has not properly addressed: poverty (#EconomicViolence), racial and sexual stereotypes (#NotYourAsianSidekick), cultural invisibility of [email protected] (#SecretLivesofFeministas), Black sexism (#BlackPowerIsForBlackMen), media bias (#NotYourNarrative), the sexual exploitation of black girls (#FastTailedGirls), and the erasure of trans women (#GirlsLikeUs).
In many ways, these hashtags are a direct indictment of the parochial vision of online feminism articulated in the #FemFuture report.
Beyond #FemFuture: Towards a Coalitional Feminism.
White women used to simply and straightforwardly ignore difference.
In their theorizing, they used to speak as if all women as women were the same.
Now they recognize the problem of difference.
Whether they recognize difference is another matter.
— Maria Lugones There is a dangerous ignorance in assuming #FemFuture is a first, a start, or new.
— Jessica Marie Johnson, In the spring of 2012, Courtney Martin and Vanessa Valenti partnered with the Barnard Center for Research and Women to convene "a powerful group of bloggers, online organizers, and feminist educators in a proactive, inspired spirit of collaboration to look at what the field of online feminism is and what it could be" (2013b).
Based on this meeting, Martin and Valenti authored a report in which they offered a "compelling vision to make the landscape of feminist writers and activists online stronger; to create a sustainable force that would build on existing alliances among feminist movements and between online feminists and their institutional counterparts; and to develop an infrastructure of support for these important voices" (BCRW 2013).
In April 2013, they posted this report online as a PDF.
Critique of the report was instantaneous and relentless (Arreola 2013; Dzodan 2013b; Factora-Borchers in Mirk 2013; Luther 2013; McEwan 2013; Rawls 2013a;) Utilizing the #FemFuture hashtag, bloggers, activists, educators, and organizers took the participants and the report to task for what appears to be U.
S.-centric, mainstream, feminist elitism and historical erasure of radical women of color spaces and communities (Johnson 2013).
Further complicating matters, some of the participants represent digital spaces (Feministe, Feministing) that have proven historically hostile to women of color bloggers (Johnson 2013).
To feminists of color "[t]hese are wounds that have never healed and cannot be healed unless this past is acknowledged, reconciled and dressed.
Time and again the communal memory of radical bloggers has been pushed to the margins or glossed over instead of centered in the story of the revolt" (Johnson 2013).
In "#FemFuture, history & loving each other harder," Assistant Professor of History Jessica Marie Johnson explores the problematic manner in which Martin and Valenti, the white feminists credited as authors of the report, sample the theoretical insights of the handful of women of color that were invited to attend the #FemFuture convening.
She notes how the report's refrain, "feminist blogs are the consciousness-raising groups of our generation," is not attributed to Samhita Mukhopadhyay of Feministing (Johnson 2013).
To Johnson, this is emblematic of the larger problem with the gathering and mission of the project.
In other words, the base of knowledge appears to be generated and propelled by black feminist and [radical] woc online activity; the citation, attribution, and support of this work appears to be missing; and those who stand to benefit most from the visibility and exposure [of ]the report appear to be digital feminism's elite, women who already have professional capital, publications, and institutional funding.
It may be that the report was meant to be a communal, co-authored venture, but if so, this isn't stated clearly.
If only because of this history, it should be.
(Johnson 2013) It seems that Valenti and Martin may be guilty of being lovingly, knowingly ignorant.
According to Mariana Ortega, this is a condition suffered by the well-meaning white feminist who "sees herself as someone who really understands women of color, who is putting the voices of these women on the map, who is 'giving' them a voice" (2006, 62).
Unfortunately, this loving, knowing ignorance "goes hand in hand with the production of knowledge about the experience of women of color.
The result of this ignorance is that women of color continue to be misunderstood, underrepresented, homogenized, disrespected, or subsumed under the experience of 'universal sisterhood' while 'knowledge' about them is being encouraged and disseminated and while feminism claims to be more concerned and more enlightened about the relations between white women and women of color" (Ortega 2006, 62).
While the erasure of women of color from the future and past of feminism may not have been the intention of #FemFuture, the result is another narrative that assimilates not just the voices in the room but also the ones "who could not or were not asked to 'show up:' youth, transgender and genderqueer activists, non-US writers and thinkers, disability activists, single mothers, undocumented, incarcerated, and more" (Johnson 2013).
As Johnson warns, "There is no hopscotching over these conflicts into a #FemFuture or we will find the future includes only certain feminists and a certain kinds of feminism" (2013).
The production of the #FemFuture report is emblematic of the white liberal feminist approach to its perceived exclusivity: symbolic multiculturalism.
That is, mainstream feminist organizations have increasingly chosen to welcome marginalized women "into their ranks as long as the multicultural difference they make has no significance for how these organizations will define the work.
Inclusivity has therefore come to mean that we start with an organizing model developed with white, middle-class people in mind, and then simply add a multicultural component to it" (Smith 2006).
Native American activist and feminist scholar Andrea Smith recommends that mainstream feminism stop fixating on superficial inclusion and instead center its analysis and organizing practice on the marginalized.
By pursuing a politics of re-centering rather than inclusion, Smith believes that feminism will begin to "see the issue differently, not just for the group in question, but everyone" (2006).
Given its focus on symbolic inclusion, it is not surprising that #FemFuture failed to "build or sustain long-standing feminist coalitions across lines of race, class, sexuality, and nationality" (Keating 2005, 91).
In part, this is because #FemFuture recognizes difference but not the relational nature of those differences.
Specifically, the fact that "white women and women of color not only live different lives but white women live the lives they do in large part because women of color live the ones they do" (Brown 1992, 298).
The failure to build a coalitional feminism, one that recognizes the relational and shifting nature of difference, is not just a failure of #FemFuture but of feminism itself.
As Black feminist Barbara Smith maintains, "Feminism is the political theory and practice that struggles to free all women: women of color, working class women, poor women, disabled women, lesbians, old women—as well as white, economically privileged, heterosexual women.
Anything less than this vision of total freedom is not feminism, but merely female self-aggrandizement" (Smith 1990, 25).
But how does one build a feminist movement that is not built on female aggrandizement but rather on the liberation of all women.
In her influential essay, "A Cyborg Manifesto," Donna Haraway suggests that we begin by acknowledging: "There is nothing about being 'female' that naturally binds women.
There is not even such a state as 'being' female, itself a highly complex category constructed in contested sexual scientific discourses and other social practices" (1985, 439).
Haraway urges white feminists to stop yearning for a "natural matrix of unity" (1985, 441) and to give up the "feminist dream of a common language, [for] like all dreams for a perfectly true language, of perfectly faithful naming of experience, [it] is a totalizing and imperialist one" (456).
It is time to accept that there is no such thing as feminism, no sole position from which to critique patriarchy: "such a position has been fractured ever since Sojourner Truth said "Ain't I a woman too?" (Bhandar and Ferreira da Silva 2013) Mia McKenzie, the founder of the Black Girl Dangerous blog, recently echoed Haraway's call for a feminism based on affinities rather than essences.
In a post entitled "The myth of shared female experience and how it perpetuates inequality," McKenzie declared "possession of vaginas in and of themselves are neither what define women nor what bond women to each other.
Shared experiences of the world, which include experiences of race, sexuality, (dis)ability, economic class, any number of nuanced vulnerabilities… is what bonds women to each other" (McKenzie 2013).
Feminists of the digital age must refuse the nostalgic discourse of authentic selves, of natural bodies, of fixed communities and instead attend to the "structures and relations that produce different kinds of subjects in position with different kinds of technologies" (Nguyen 2003, 302).
The coalitional and intersectional feminist subject does not, as some fear, spell the end of feminism.
It signals the end of a certain conception of feminism, a (neo)liberal conception that may have applied, at best, to that fraction of womankind who had the wealth, power, and leisure to conceptualize themselves as autonomous beings exercising their will through individual agency and choice (Hayles 1999, 286).
Instead of mourning the death of the "recombinant liberal subject of feminism" (Nguyen 2003, 284), we should remember that there are and have always been other forms of feminist being (Sandoval 2000, 32).
If, as Nancy Fraser argues, feminism has become "capitalism's handmaiden" (2013), this means that first world feminists have entered the "psychic terrain formerly inhabited by the historically decentered citizen-subject: the colonized, the outsider, the queer, the subaltern, the marginalized" (Sandoval 2000, 27).
Surviving the neocolonial and globalizing conditions of late capitalism requires returning to the heyday of second wave feminism: the 1970s.
It was during the 1970s that U.
feminists of color "identified common grounds on which to make coalitions across their own profound cultural, racial, class, sex, gender, and power differences.
The insights gained during this period reinforced a common culture across difference comprised of the skills, values, and ethics generated by a subordinated citizenry compelled to live within similar realms of marginality" (Sandoval 2000, 52).
This eccentric cohort of feminists developed many critical conceptual tools but, for Sandoval, the most potent was what she terms "differential consciousness." Differential consciousness engages "ideology, citizenship, and coalition as masquerade" (Sandoval 2000, 31).
It requires a consciousness-in-opposition that "perceives itself at the center of myriad possibilities all cross-working—any of which is fodder for one's loyalties.
Such loyalties, once committed, can be withdrawn and relocated depending on survival, moral, and/or political imperatives" (Sandoval 2000, 31).
It requires a coalitional subject, a feminist being mindful of intersections and contradictions, one willing to seek kinship with strangers.
Does hashtag feminism bring such a subject into consciousness or further divide feminists.
That is the question that I will take up in the final section.
Toxic Twitter Wars, White Feminist Backlash, and Digital Feminist Praxis.
I cannot hide my anger to spare your guilt, nor hurt feelings, nor answering anger; for to do so insults and trivializes all our efforts.
Guilt is not a response to anger; it is a response to one's own actions or lack of action.
If it leads to change then it can be useful, since then it is no longer guilt but the beginning of knowledge.
– Audre Lorde We have to shift from catharsis and reckoning to change.
It's time to build on the important work rising out of the hashtag.
We have serious problems to deal with.
We have a painful, infuriating history to reconcile — one where the concerns of heterosexual, able middle-class white women have too often been privileged at the expense of everyone else.
– Roxane Gay In "#SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen, #BlackPowerIsForBlackmen, but many are still brave," Mychal Denzel Smith declares these hashtags speak to an "unfortunate truth.
Across movements, WOC are still being silenced, their concerns are going unaddressed, and their work is being policed in a way that leaves them with Twitter hashtags as the most visible means of fighting back" (Smith 2013).
While some dismiss the potential of hashtag activism (Gay 2013, Goldberg 2014, Hobson 2013, Murphy 2013, and Wilde-Blavatsky 2013), Jamie Nesbitt Golden sees it as way of "engaging people on social media, allowing them to share their stories, to heal, to build — it's a life-changing thing" (2013a).
On December 3, 2013, she co-created the hashtag #FastTailedGirls with Hood Feminism Co-Founder Mikki Kendall to discuss the sexualization of black girls and the devastating consequences.
Within a few hours, the topic trended nationally on Twitter, men and women talked about how the label impacted them.
The response was overwhelming and heartbreaking.
It included "survivors of sexual abuse who had been too afraid to speak up, victims of sexual assault who were too afraid to report out of fear they'd be called 'fast tailed girls'" (Golden 2013a).
Two weeks later, writer and activist Suey Park's hashtag #NotYourAsianSidekick ignited a "vibrant dialogue about race, gender, privilege, feminism and intersectionality" (McDonough 2013).
For Park, the hashtag was about opening up a "third space" (Bobadilla 2013) for Asian-American, Pacific Islander and Native Hawaiian women to critique patriarchy in Asian American spaces and racism of white feminism (Chen and Jha 2013).
To Park's delight, it became a space to talk about "queerness, disability, immigration, multiracial/biracial issues, compulsory coalitions, challenging anti-blackness, mental health, body image, and all things feminism … [A]ll of the things we were told to never talk about" (Chen and Jha 2013).
Park sees the hashtag as but one small step in a plan to take down "white, hetero, patriarchal, corporate America" (O'Connor 2013).
Just as the tweets inspired by #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen revealed the historic nature of feminist divisions, #NotYourAsianSidekick illuminated issues that Asian Americans have been battling for the past half century.
This prompted law professor and critical race theorist Mari Matsuda to tweet: "We theorized #NotYourAsianSidekick ideas since the 70s but kids gotta learn it from a damn hashtag.
Still no Asian Am Studies at most U's" (Yang 2013).
Matsuda is sadly correct.
This conversation is not new and is "as old as the notion of Asian America itself "(Yang 2013).
Ultimately, the challenge for contemporary activists is how to learn from past struggles and channel the passion of social media into something more lasting: a grassroots movement.
One of Park's final tweets emphasized that this is was her goal: Park has since partnered with Asian American advocacy group 18 Million Rising to turn the hashtag into a sustainable movement.
The same week that #NotYourAsianSidekick trended globally on Twitter (it was featured in 50,000 tweets that came from over 60 countries and appeared in over 95 million timelines) (Al Jazeera 2013a), Megan Murphy penned a post entitled "The Trouble With Twitter Feminism" that officially launched the white feminist backlash against predominantly WOC-led hashtag feminism.
In it.
"a place where intellectual laziness is encouraged, oversimplification is mandatory, posturing is de rigueur, and bullying is rewarded … a place hateful people are drawn towards to gleefully spread their hate, mostly without repercussion" (2013).
She also decries the fact that "the women who built this movement… [are] relegated to snarky quips by third wavers whose postmodern indoctrination have them believing feminism is a series of made-up words and that identity politics are radical" (Murphy 2013).
Murphy pointedly cites an essay by Ngọc Loan Trần in which they offered "calling in" as an alternative to calling people out for problematic behavior (2013).
Calling out, Murphy argues, is an "unproductive and a fear-based response" (2013).
Murphy, of course, fails to note that Trần envisioned "calling in" as a practice for parties that already have common ground and a certain measure of trust (Johnson 2013), elements that are often lacking in interactions between white feminists and WOC feminists online and off.
Murphy ends her diatribe by demanding that Twitter Feminists remember that "feminism is a political movement to end patriarchy, not a popularity contest" (2013).
Two days later, The Huffington Post UK published an essay entitled "Stop Bashing White Women in the Name of Beyoncé: We Need Unity Not Division" that made remarkably similar points.
In it, Adele Wilde-Blavatsky accused Mikki Kendall of "white women bashing" for her "dreadful Twitter campaign #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen" (2013).
She also suggested that Kendall had "blackened" the "work and efforts of white women in the feminist movement" by portraying them as the "enemy" of women of color (2013).
Wilde-Blavatsky closed by proposing a hashtag campaign called #stopblamingwhitewomenweneedunity because: "If we allow race and 'culture' to divide rather than unite women then the patriarchs have won.
On the other hand, women united can never be divided" (2013).
Like white feminists in the first and second wave, Murphy and Wilde-Blavatsky universalize gender, minimize racism, and erase other vectors of difference that impact how patriarchy is experienced.
Their calls for "unity" around "patriarchy," instead of something more comprehensive like what bell hooks memorably christened white supremacist capitalist patriarchy (Jhally 1999), suggest that what Murphy and Wilde-Blavatsky truly seek is homogeneity and white feminist hegemony.
Trudy of Gradient Lair reminds us that "this quest for 'unity' through erasure and silence has another word for it: oppression" (2013b).
"Feminism's Toxic Twitter Wars," the most high profile attack on hashtag feminism thus far, comes from Michelle Goldberg, a senior contributing writer for The Nation.
Goldberg, the author of controversial gems like "Sympathy for Justine Sacco" and "The Absurd Backlash Against Sheryl Sandberg's Lean In," begins the piece with a full-throated defense of #FemFuture (John and Jones 2014), which she describes as "earnest and studiously politically correct" (2014).
She portrays Martin and Valenti, the authors of #FemFuture, as wanting to "bolster the voices of writers from marginalized communities" by investing in online feminism (2014).
Goldberg depicts the critics of the report as filled with "coruscating anger and contempt" (2014).
She condemns the "slashing righteousness of other feminists" and blames them for poisoning the feminist blogosphere: a place that "just a few years ago … seemed an insouciant, freewheeling place, revivifying women's liberation for a new generation" (Goldberg 2014).
That is, .
a bully feared by other feminists.
For Goldberg, Kendall symbolizes the archetypical angry black woman, killing white feminist joy by daring to point out racism within feminist politics (Ahmed 2013).
Goldberg clearly has Kendall in mind when she writes: "the expectation that feminists should always be ready to berate themselves for even the most minor transgressions … creates an environment of perpetual psychodrama, particularly when coupled with the refusal to ever question the expression of an oppressed person's anger" (2014).
She concludes by suggesting that people are "disengaging from online feminism" because of the toxic tactics of hashtag feminists like Kendall.
Unsurprisingly, Goldberg's article set the feminist Internet ablaze.
Veronica Arreola of Viva La Feminista, was insulted by Goldberg's defense of #FemFuture, which erased the myriad critiques of Latinas, Asian women, and Native women by solely focusing on the response of Black feminist Twitter (2014).
AnaYelsi Sanchez, founder of #SecretLivesofFeministas, reminded Goldberg that It isn't just Black women pushing back.
It's all women of color.
The sort of gaslighting and marginalization in Michelle Goldberg's article is what sparked #SecretLivesOfFeministas and other similar movements.
It's easier to ignore us and focus on vilifying the "angry black woman" than to acknowledge the legitimacy of all of our anger.
We're not going away.
We're not sitting down.
We're not shutting up.
(Arreola 2014) Several feminist commentators suggest that the real issue is power not tone (Daniels 2014; Kaba and Smith 2014; Kendzior 2014; Trudy 2014a; Park and Leonard 2014) and that equating criticism of mainstream feminism with bullying effectively silences the voices of WOC, queer women, trans women, and poor women (Crommunist 2014; Hopkins 2014; Trudy 2014b).
Like Murphy and Wilde-Blavatsky, Goldberg demands that "those who are the victims of oppression be more accommodating and sensitive to the needs of the oppressor" (Crommunist 2014).
Jessie Daniels, cyber-racism scholar and CUNY professor, sees the dismissal of hashtag feminism as toxic, as a reflection of the "lack of reading, understanding and deep intellectual engagement with black feminist thought by the vast majority of white women and most white feminists" (2014).
While there is no denying that the Internet can be a nasty and brutish place, the narratives of Murphy, Wilde-Blavatsky, and Goldberg reimagine the digital realm as "a democratic nirvana … disrupted by angry, disruptive, and divisive feminism" (Park and Leonard, 2014).
Their narratives portray the incivility and toxicity as unidirectional and confined to social media (Kama and Smith, 2014) and ignore the fact that "power, privilege, and structures of inequality remain in operation online" (Park and Leonard, 2014).
This is what WOC feminists object to: the white feminist "inversion of the way bullying and marginalization generally works in the world of gender activism" (Imani Perry as quoted in Park and Leonard, 2014).
In "Interlopers on Social Media: Feminism, Women of Color and Oppression," Miriama Kaba and Andrea Smith emphasize the fraught consequences of these characterizations for black women in particular: "Under this frame, black women's stories of harrowing racist and sexist attacks are easily dismissed.
Black women are portrayed as the bullies and never the bullied.
As Saidiya Hartman and Jared Sexton have noted, black suffering is always made illegible.
Yet white women are portrayed as sympathetic and worthy of our concern" (2014).
In the end, "The commitment to narratives of white female innocence does far more damage to feminism than Twitter arguments" (Imani Perry as quoted in Park and Leonard, 2014).
What is currently taking place on Twitter, tumblr, Facebook, and other digital platforms is not a popularity contest between the mean girls of social media as NPR offensively suggested in a recent segment on Michel Martin's "Tell Me More," (Martin 2014) but rather "a raucous and contentious discussion about who owns feminism" (Kaba and Smith, 2014).
And while Murphy, Wilde-Blavatsky, and Goldberg see this as a balkanization of feminism, feminists of color, trans feminists, queer feminists, working class feminists, and their allies see this as the birth of a new liberation movement that is not necessarily 'feminist' in nature but rooted in "a history of oppositional consciousness" (Sandoval 2000, 53).
Like their feminist predecessors of color, hashtag feminists have found common ground and are beginning to build coalitions across profound cultural, racial, class, sex, gender, and power differences (Sandoval 2000, 52).
The work is not easy but they realize that the only way to make feminism less toxic is to "actually end white supremacy, settler colonialism, capitalism and patriarchy" (Kaba and Smith, 2014).
That means that "the feminist revolution will be tweeted, hashtagged, Vined and Instagrammed" (Irwin 2013).
It will take place online and off.
And if feminists like Murphy, Wilde-Blavatsky, and Goldberg want a place in this brave new #FemFuture, they will have to learn to see the potential of anger.
For as Audre Lorde fittingly reminds us, The angers between women will not kill us if we can articulate them with precision, if we listen to the content of what is said with at least as much intensity as we defend ourselves against the manner of saying.
When we turn from anger we turn from insight, saying we will accept only the designs already known, deadly and safely familiar." (2007) References.
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—CITATION— Loza, S. (2014) Hashtag feminism, #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen, and the other #FemFuture.
Ada: A Journal of Gender, New Media, and Technology, No.5.
doi:10.7264/N337770V This article has been openly peer reviewed at Ada Review.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.
Susana Loza.
Her research and teaching interests encompass science fiction and horror; digital media and cybercolonialism; the politics of online fandom; and power, privilege and cultural appropriation.
Professor Loza is currently working on a project entitled Post-Racial Performativities: Race, Sex, and Popular Culture in 21st Century America.
Reconstructing Gendered Narratives Online: Nudity for Popularity on Digital PlatformsMake, Share, Care: Social Media and LGBTQ Youth Engagement 20 thoughts on "Hashtag Feminism, #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen, and the Other #FemFuture".
Pat says: July 21, 2014 at 4:54 am I really appreciate this well-researched overview and the copious references.
I know an article like this has to cut off somewhere, but do you have any insight on the role of 4chan trolling in these events.
2014 at 9:50 pm Dear Pat: I am afraid my focus was mainly on Twitter so I did not explore how 4chan or Reddit might amplify what some see as trolling or toxic behavior.
I would be very interested in how different social media intersect and compound the issue.
Pat says: July 22, 2014 at 12:47 am Thanks for the reply – I was actually referring to twitter, to the 4chan members who made so many false feminist twitter accounts for the purpose of sowing discord among feminists on twitter.
A long list of them has been collected under #yourslipisshowing.
Since the hoax was apparently started as long ago as 2013, I'm wondering how much of the twitter conflict you describe was exacerbated by 4chan trolls posing as feminists.
After all, people began to complain about anti-white feminist hostility on twitter at just that time.
I'm sure somebody is doing the legwork on that one – I can't be the only person who's noticed the coincidence of dates.
2014 at 8:16 pm I see.
Well, I cannot speak to that but I suppose that's because my piece was more concerned with unpacking the hostility generated by the WOC feminist hashtags, particularly the virulent mainstream white feminist responses.
Thanks for bringing that hashtag to my attention.
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Cowan says: December 1, 2014 at 12:47 pm Susana, what a powerhouse essay — you've traced so much of the detail from those online/continuing moments.
I'm so happy to be in the same issue with you.
Thanks for doing this important massively citational work of cataloging and conversing with this archive.
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Her research and teaching interests encompass science fiction and horror; digital media and cybercolonialism; the politics of online fandom; and power, privilege and cultural appropriation.
Professor Loza is currently working on a project entitled Post-Racial Performativities: Race, Sex, and Popular Culture in 21st Century America.
Susana Loza.
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The Senate Leader, Senator Victor Ndoma-Egba, has said the last general elections where the incumbent President, Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was defeated by opposition candidate, General Muhammadu Buhari of All Progressives Congress (APC), was a significant landmark in the country's democratic experiment.
Ndoma-Egba, representing Cross River Central Senatorial District in the outgoing National Assembly, made the remark in an interview in Abuja.
According to the three-term Senator, the incoming government of Buhari must put in its best to meet the yearnings and aspirations of the Nigerian people who effected the change as seen in the just concluded elections.
"I think it is the major milestone of our democracy because our current democracy is the longest in our post-colonial history. It has been the longest unbroken episode of our democracy. And I believe that with the last elections our democracy has come to stay because we have moved from one President getting a second term to one President handing over to another President but within the same political party, and then from a Vice President assuming the functions of the President while the President was incapacitated. And from that acting President becoming President; and now a President from one party handing over to an incoming President from another party.
"This actually is the defining moment of our democracy. It means that our democracy has survived every stress point and is now on the roll. But that doesn't mean we should take things for granted because democracy is a culture. It is a state of mind. It is an endless journey. There is no destination that you call the democratic destination. It is a continuous journey. But the yardsticks have been defined now. And so, we expect to see minimum level of political behaviours in subsequent elections."
On whether the poor performance of the PDP in the last 16 years necessitated the demand for change by the people, he said: "The electorate is entitled to demand a change for whatever reason. It could be for want of meeting their expectations. It could be for no reason at all other than we just want a change. The important thing is the will of people that we listen when they speak. So, if they have spoken, so be it, for whatever reason. But again, like I said it is good for our democracy, because if it is for want of meeting their expectations, then, it puts the incoming government on notice; that the day you will fall short of meeting the people's expectations; they also reserve the same right that they have exercised in bringing you in to send you out."


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Yesterday marked the started of this year's OCD Awareness Week (#OCDWeek), a campaign set up by the International OCD Foundation and supported by hundreds of people and organisations across the world.
Now of course, raising awareness of OCD mustn't be contained to a single week, and we work tirelessly with our volunteers to do this 365 days a year, but it's important to shout as loudly as possible during campaigning weeks to ensure that our voices are heard. Educating others is the first step to creating positive change. We see this happen every time we challenge the misuse of OCD – whether it's writing to a shop to try and get a stigmatising product removed, or working with the media to get real facts in an article or programme – the first step is always educating and informing.
When discussing ideas for how we could support #OCDWeek, one of our fantastic volunteers Mairead came up with the idea of asking people with OCD what they wanted others to know about the condition. It's so important that your voices are heard, and that's what we want to use our platform for this this week.
We have asked some of our volunteers and people in the community to share their top 3 things that they wish people understood about OCD. Using the hashtag #3forOCD (with thanks to one of our volunteers for coming up with this!) we will share these 3 things across our social media platforms throughout the week, and invite you to share your own using the hashtag.
We will continue to work behind this scenes this week and every week to improve access to good quality treatment, to challenge discrimination and misunderstanding, to support people with OCD and their families and to ensure that your voices are heard. If you'd like to support our work by joining our fantastic volunteer team and helping us to carry out these actions, then please get in touch!
And don't forget, in February we will once again be running OCD Week of Action, where we will be providing materials, ideas and opportunities for people to take action against OCD and actions to improve access to quality treatment and support, so keep an eye out on our website for more information about this, coming soon!


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While the distance was just 145 miles (234km) for today's stage of the 2018 BMW Motorrad GS Trophy in Mongolia, the fact 118 of those miles were off-road meant the intensity for the riders was high. That said, the day started gently with a scenic ride over rocky outcrops as the course weaved its way out from Camp Tsagaan Survaga toward a huge sand and grass plain, 20 miles (30km) across – an experience that was akin to surfing as the R1200GS motorcycles floated over the terrain.
The semi-desert then changed in nature at the 60 miles (100km) mark becoming a gravel plain that led to a rock formation in the shape of a camel's head. There a special test called "Camel Head" required the teams to ride a sand and rock trials course, this time simultaneously as a team.
Immediately after the test the terrain changed in nature again, this time to deep sand, which required fine balance and throttle control at slow speeds. By now noon had come and gone, and the air temperature was 90°F (32°C) – with no cooling breeze. As the course wound its way up a narrow valley the sand remained deep, deeper still in the dried up river beds, and many a GS rider came to a halt. Teamwork comes to the fore at times like this, as the team members pushed, pulled and helped guide each other through the sand-maze.
The valley led to a high plateau with several rocky outcrops to navigate around before reaching a dry lake (a clay pan) where the riders found special test five that required them to ride a tight snaking course against the clock, with a defined stop box at the finish. While again slow speed, this test required fine balance and throttle and clutch control as the fastest riders drifted in and out of the tight turns.
With the afternoon heat staying at the 90 degree mark, the teams were thankful to find a "shortish" final 30 miles (50km) section along gravel tracks to the finish.
Unfortunately, a few riders have fallen today. Each received immediate attention from the professional medical team at the event and were transferred to a hospital.
The voting on the photo contest has been postponed by 24 hours and voting for the first photo competition will now open at 23:59 Mongolian time (11:59 AM EDT) on June 5.
BMW Motorrad International GS Trophy 2018 Central Asia.
Day 1 overall standings:
1 USA 33 points
2 Argentina 32
2 Korea 32
4 China 26
4 Latin America 26
4 South Africa 26
4 Germany 26
8 Russia 24
9 France 21
10 Japan 20
12 India 16
13 Australia 13
13 Canada 13
13 Mexico 13
16 Ausamerica (female team) 12
17 Southeast Asia 11
18 Euafrica (female team) 3
Results for Day 2 have not yet been announced. Expect them with tomorrow's news.


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- This event has passed.
Psychedelics In Africa: The Untold Story [ONLINE]
October 1 @ 11:00 am - 1:00 pm
Are you interested how psychedelics have been used for thousands of years on the African continent, and why they continue to help societies today?
Learn how this knowledge can help you to use psychedelics consciously, and how ritual can supercharge this already powerful experience!
Darren Springer will share his knowledge and experience through the lenses of ancient history and mythology. Darren is known for his Shroomshops and his extensive research on the indigenous usage of psychedelic plants used in ritual and ceremony on the African continent.
Although not often recognised by researchers and scientists, fungi and plants have been used by indigenous Africans for spiritual and community development for millennia. Several communities use these sacred plants in their rites of passage, initiation ceremonies and daily ritual.
This is a great interactive talk and slide show presentation that takes you into the ritual and medicinal use of psychedelics by some of the most ancient African peoples, into ancient Egypt and beyond.
Darren Springer is a grass-roots researcher and event organiser based in London, the Director of Ancient Future, the Convenor of the Psychedelia Railway Gatherings and curator at Earth Tone Arts. After setting up Ancient Future in 2006, a voluntary organisation, he has continued to develop workshops and projects geared around creative arts, personal-development and African-Caribbean spiritual systems in his community. Collectively his work aims to inform and empower individuals from diverse backgrounds to cope with social challenges and contribute to community development as well as self-improvement in an innovative, creative, culturally-aware style.
He has presented at the Breaking Convention in London, the Detroit Entheogenic Conference, Ozora in Hungary, Altered in Berlin and numerous consciousness gatherings around Europe, the U.S and Africa. Darren is a knowledgeable and dynamic speaker who is passionate about sharing his research on African Entheogenic plants and their various applications on the continent and the diaspora. By day Darren is an Organic Horticulture and Food Enterprise tutor and teaches young people in east London. He's also a keen mushroom grower and for the last seven years has been growing edible mushrooms and has translated his home growing experience into a commercial experiment.


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We live in an age of innovation, where palm-size computers and intelligent gadgets continue to change our daily lives in ways large and small—from our morning commute to our nightly sleep. Of course, that extends to our beauty routines, too, as a wave of clever new high-tech tools transforms our hair and makeup—no trip to the dermatologist's office required. Here, six devices that prove the future of beauty is now.
This handheld nano-current device, when linked to your iPhone or iPad, delivers one of four electrical facials geared toward anti-aging, sensitivity, acne, or treating the delicate eye area. When paired with a conductive gel and swept across your face once a day, the promised results include firmer and brighter skin after four to five sessions.
ZIIP Beauty Full ZIIP Beauty Kit, $495, Buy it now
The micro-needling roller head, which uses safe, stainless steel micro-tips, promises to trigger collagen production, tighten skin, and decrease fine lines by creating microscopic injuries that the body then repairs. An added LED red light boosts the skin's absorption powers and improves texture, as well.
Beauty Bioscience GloPro Beauty Facial Tool, $199, Buy it now
This fully customizable facial wand, launching in July, has three LED chromotherapy lights for easy 10-minute dermatological treatments: Try red to repair, yellow to add glow, and blue to soothe oily or sensitive skin. Low-frequency therapy stimulation helps sculpt and lift the face, while stimulating circulation.
Skin Inc Optimizer Voyage Tri-Light, $265, Available at Sephora and iloveskininc.com from July 2016
New York acupuncturist Shellie Goldstein's facial acupressure kit promises a nonsurgical facelift, thanks to a magnetized steel wand that, when placed on specific pressure points on your face, smooths and tones skin, wherever you are.
Touch + Glow Facial Acupressure Kit, from $98, Buy it now
This glossy, palm-size disc from South Korea functions much like a dermatologist you can slip in your pocket. Connected to a mobile app by Bluetooth, the device is embedded with sensors that provide readings of everything from moisture levels and UV rays to the air temperature and humidity levels, providing near-constant readings of your skin's state and tips on how to care for it best.
Way, $129, Buy it now
A 3-D printer for makeup, this uses a digital pen to craft custom color cosmetics. Simply upload a photo to the Mink Makeup app, pull a specific shade from the image to find the CMY color values, then use that information to program the pen and add ink to a matte or shimmer powder, which is then mixed with mediums to make lipsticks or cheek stains.
Mink Makeup Pen Starter Kit, $295, for information: hellomink.com
The post 6 High-Tech Skin Gadgets That Prove the Future of Beauty Is Now appeared first on Vogue.


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Lighting is often overlooked when it comes to decorating a space. Many people will spend hundreds if not thousands on furnishings and accents and floor coverings but often neglect the lighting as part of the décor.
It is often discounted as something necessary to see when it is dark and left at that. But no matter what your décor style, lighting fixtures can really add to a space and not just to light the way. They can reflect your personality.
Industrial Styling
If you love the simple and rustic design of industrial then getting lighting that matches will really make your place pop. I used to work for an electrician and some of the jobs she did was to rewire old industrial and warehouse lighting to be part of a warehouse style condo with exposed brick walls and even new builds that wanted a more rustic look.
You used to have to dive into thrift shops and antique stores and maybe the odd garage sale to find something suitable as most lighting stores tend to be more on the traditional side of things. But as I have been researching this topic, I have come across very safe, affordable and awesome looking industrial table lamps and desk lamps to add to your space. They don't have to be 60 years old to give you the look you want!
Maybe you have this style in your home, and wouldn't mind taking it a step further with decorative and useful lighting for your coffee tables, side tables and that old antique desk you found and want to use. Check these styles out and see if they don't get you motivated to add this look to your place.Credit: amazon.com
Amazon Price: $63.00 Buy Now
(price as of Sep 21, 2016)
Water Pipe and Wood Industrial Desk Lamp
This is a really cool lamp that has been created using old water pipes and attached to an old wooden base. If you put the right bulbs in it, it really looks the part as in the picture. These are online and affordable. No more digging through old dusty second hand stores and then going to the expense of rewiring. (Never use the original wiring from another era, even if it plugs in and works, it can be a fire hazard!).Credit: amazon.com
Amazon Price: $104.99 $69.99 Buy Now
(price as of Sep 21, 2016)
Franklin Iron Cage Style
This is a very simple fixture yet makes a great statement. This would be perfect on a side table or desk especially if you love that warehouse caged look for lighting. It has an inline switch to make it easy to turn off and on. When not in use as lighting these look really cool on end tables, or even your bedroom side table.Credit: amazon.com
Amazon Price: $299.99 $159.95 Buy Now
(price as of Sep 21, 2016)
Elegant Meets Industrial
If you love the idea of a lamp shade, but still want a more rugged and rustic look, this style can give you both. It will work with most décor but also gives you that shade to soften the look.Credit: amazon.com
Amazon Price: $254.99 $149.95 Buy Now
(price as of Sep 21, 2016)
Large Rust Metal Table Lamp
This old rustic cage houses 3 bulbs which is perfect if you want more light in your room. Would be a perfect accent on an entry table, or against a wall or as an end table. This will really make a statement and also gives off a lot of light.Credit: amazon.com
Amazon Price: $199.99 $49.99 Buy Now
(price as of Sep 21, 2016)
Water Pipe Industrial Desk Lamp
If you want something very simply and yet rustic for your desk as extra light, this one speaks volumes. Very simple old metal water pipe with an Edison style bulb to give you that extra lighting. Would be great in a dorm or office scenario, especially on an old antique wood desk. Modern lamps on old antique desks, just don't look right in my opinion.Credit: amazon.com
Amazon Price: $22.99 Buy Now
(price as of Sep 21, 2016)
Edison Style Bulbs Complete the Look
You can get the look but with safety in mind. Don't ever use the old wiring or bulbs that may have come with an old fixture you found in an antique store. They are not up to modern standards, and if you wish to actually use them as a lamp then you need to get them rewired or risk fire.
But I have found the ones online look the part without the worry of safety.
Don't Hide Your Lighting
I have been to houses where so much effort was put into the décor and furnishings, only to see those builder style flat fixtures still on the ceilings or those basic plain lamps on the end tables that don't reflect the personality of the room. Many people want lighting to hide, so they will leave them simple and plain, and yet the right fixture will add to your room and reflect your personal styling.
You don't have to have one of those warehouse retrofitted condos to enjoy this styling. This works well with basic furnishings as you can see in the picture. It doesn't have to be an old building to enjoy the effect.Credit: amazon.com
Now that you can get the Edison style bulbs, you can complete the effect because it simply doesn't look right with a plain modern white bulb, so don't forget to order those to have on hand for your lamps.
Many traditional lighting stores simply don't stock much of this style, around me at least. So finding so many of them online now, is a really cool way to add some "awesome" to your space. There are so many to choose from too. Many designers have got very creative. This is such an affordable way to add to your rooms.
You can get industrial pendant lighting, or that rustic bathroom vanity fixture and more. There is so much to choose from if you love this look.


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Driving ban for hoon who ruined fence
A MIDDLE-AGED driver with a "nasty" and "disgraceful" history of driving offences was criticised by a Mackay magistrate for his hoon driving after the intoxicated man crashed through the timber fence of a North Mackay house.
More than two times the legal alcohol limit, Jay Thomas Hayward (right) lost control of his Holden before crashing through the fence in McMahon St.
Hayward fled the scene, but not before the home owner and a neighbour wrote down the registration number of his damaged vehicle as it disappeared down the street.
A more repentant Hayward revealed in Mackay Magistrates Court that after police tracked him down, he later paid for a new timber fence and painted it white for the owner.
Hayward pleaded guilty to driving without due care and attention on August 2, mid-range drink-driving, and failing to give his particulars at the scene of a crash.
Prosecutor Sergeant Sabine Scott said police saw tyre friction marks on the road, showing the car had fish-tailed along the street.
Sgt Scott said Hayward told officers at his house that "he gave it to it", accelerating heavily, causing it to fish-tail and him to lose control.
Solicitor Andrew Wiseman made an application for his client to receive a work driving licence so Hayward would not lose his job, saying he was "deeply remorseful" and was now a responsible adult with responsibilities.
Instead, Magistrate Damien Dwyer refused and was scathing in his criticism of Hayward's driving, calling it "hooning".
"He's got a nasty history. This is a hooning offence," Mr Dwyer said.
"You have a disgraceful history. You were hooning at the time of the accident," he said.
Mr Dwyer refused the application, fined Hayward $1750 and disqualified him from driving for seven months.


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Sheffield Wednesday are pleased to announce details of the 2013/14 home kit launch – at which supporters are invited to an open training session with Dave Jones and the players.
This special event will see the Owls unveil not only the team's full new home strip, but also its sponsor for the forthcoming Championship campaign.
Bartercard have already been confirmed as the club's away sponsor but who will be adorning the front of the new home shirt?
Find out at the official kit launch, which will take place at Hillsborough this coming Thursday, 1 August.
Supporters are invited to attend from 11.45am and will be housed in the North Stand only. Entrance is via Gate 18 to the North Stand.
The brand new Sheffield Wednesday home kit for 2013/14 will be available in the Owls Megastore and online by CLICKING HERE.


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Let me be clear: There is no greatest of ease when flying on that trapeze! At least not for this first-timer. There is nothing we do on ground to prepare you for all of the bodily sensations you experience when you're on the flying trapeze. Your arms, back and shoulders get stretched as you reach for the bar. The shoulder sockets get a good tug as you step off the platform and swing back and forth. You've never been aware of your core muscles like you are as you are swinging and pulling your legs up to your chest to hang upside down on the bar.
A day later, I cough and my ribs hurt. I stretch my arms above my head and feel muscles in my armpits I've never felt before. The pads of my palms sting and I feel the vice grip I used to hang on for dear life in my fingers and joints.
I posted on Facebook a photo of myself with the trapeze behind me. A former co-worker who had introduced me to the idea of trapeze class in the first place asked, "Did you love it?!?
There in the middle of the experience, I had my answer.
"No, not really."
Don't get me wrong, I wasn't mad or disappointed or ready to quit. Crossing this item off my list was a relief and so much different than the other physical challenges. I wasn't feeling a "trapeze high" the way I experienced the high of finishing the 5K.
After this experience, I have a much deeper respect for those whose job it is to perform above the net, in front of an audience, and swinging from platform to platform. But I do not aspire to follow in their footsteps.
The thing is...swinging from the trapeze is HARD. It is physically challenging. It is mentally challenging. I climbed the ladder four times. I stepped off the platform four times. I swung upside down three times. I landed one time and rolled on my neck in a "wish I hadn't done THAT" sort of way. I trembled after each turn. I expected that that reaction would tone down with more practice.
That was not the case for me. There is nothing natural about the trapeze.
I am really glad trapeze class was on the 40/40 list. I got to see myself from a different vantage point. Literally. What I learned: I have trust issues. I trust so easily. On that platform, I put my body and my safety in the hands of strangers and didn't think twice about it. I listened to their instruction and did it to the best of my ability.
I'm hard-wired to trust the way others are hard-wired to be distrustful. This truth about my trusting nature has a double-edged sword. Being so trusting makes me vulnerable to be easily hurt, which I have been repeatedly. But on the positive side, my trusting nature opens doors to amazing experiences and relationships I might not have if I'd been more guarded. It was good to be reminded of this and to be reflective. Being more acutely aware of this inclination to trust can help me as I navigate future interactions and relationships.
I was reminded that underneath this tall, svelte figure of mine is a determined, fierce and focused spirit. I set my mind to trying the upside down swing and when I didn't manage it on the first try I didn't give up. I was scared. I did it anyway. This will be one of the lingering legacies of this blessed 40/40 list.
I also learned that I have a healthy respect for my own limitations. On what would end up being my last turn, I tried "the catch" where someone swung from another bar and reached out to grab me by the arms—a real circus move. Our timing was off. He made contact with my arms, but wasn't able to get a good grasp. I fully intended to try it again, but then with just a few people ahead of me I felt this definitive moment of being done. I was tired. I knew the effort each turn required and after the wait from one turn to the next, fatigue had set in. My head wasn't in the game anymore and I knew I needed mental and physical toughness to attempt the catch.
I didn't feel one bit bad for saying I'd had enough. I'd done far more than I expected I'd be able to do and I was satisfied with my achievements. Knowing our limits and respecting them is a great life skill. I'm really grateful that I am developing it.
I was also confronted with the constant notion that I think too much. I couldn't get out of my head enough to confidently try doing a back flip. The others in my class who did do it told me, "Just don't think about it. Follow the instructions you hear and just go for it." Nope. I couldn't turn this noggin off long enough for something so sensible. And again. There's one of my limitations, and I'm completely okay with it. I'm not even curious about what it might have been like.
I also thought about how different the experience would have been if I hadn't already trained for the 5K or been doing daily yoga. I'm the strongest mentally and most physically fit I've ever been, and it was still really hard. I tried to imagine if I'd done this when the trapeze season opened in April. I'm really glad I did it late in the season. I'm also really glad to have it crossed off the list.