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- Living, learning and searching for where I belong in life. This blog chronicles the ups and downs of my life. From home improvement, my never ending job search, parenthood, education to running a small business. I'm a student of all, but a master of none. If you have a question, I might have an answer for you, or know where you can find it. Magic is my middle name, Btown is my home, and knowledge is what I'm always seeking.
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A New and Improved Space
We officially finished the remodeling portion of our basement area over the weekend. Rachel, Taylor and I applied the epoxy basement floor coating on Friday night. It required 24 hours to fully cure, so by the time her family arrived … Continue reading


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Google Custom search which provides websites with a much better way to allow users to search content seems to be down. I tested the same on Techie Buzz as well as several other sites with the same results.
Not sure what is wrong, but when users use the custom search box to search for content, they will see an error as seen below.
No idea how long this has been for, but this issue might get rectified before the post hits the deck.
Update: The custom search seems to be working very slow not, 6-10 times it has been hitting the error screen, which suggests that there is something wrong with it.

subset: commoncrawl


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- Marfan syndrome definition and facts*
- What do some of the characteristics of Marfan syndrome look like (pictures)?
- What is Marfan syndrome?
- Who gets this syndrome?
- What are the symptoms of Marfan syndrome?
- What causes Marfan syndrome?
- How is Marfan syndrome diagnosed?
- What types of doctors treat Marfan syndrome?
- What treatment options are available for Marfan syndrome?
- What are some of the emotional and psychological effects of Marfan syndrome?
- What research is being conducted on Marfan syndrome?
- Where can people find additional information about Marfan syndrome?
Marfan syndrome definition and facts*
*Marfan syndrome facts medical author: William C. Shiel Jr., MD, FACP, FACR
- Marfan syndrome is a disease of connective tissues that is inherited.
- The severity of Marfan syndrome varies from one individual to another and it typically progresses over time.
- A tall, slender build is characteristic of Marfan syndrome.
- Marfan syndrome affects the skeleton, eyes, heart and blood vessels, nervous system, skin, and respiratory system.
- Marfan syndrome can cause dislocation of the lens of the eye and detachment of the retina, resulting in vision loss in patients with the condition.
- The child of a patient with Marfan syndrome has a 50% chance of have the disease.
- Mitral valve prolapse is common in patients with Marfan syndrome.
- Abnormal aortic dilation (aortic aneurysm) can be a serious manifestation of Marfan syndrome.
- The syndrome is caused by a defect, or mutation, in the gene that determines the structure of fibrillin-1, a protein that is an important part of connective tissue.
- There is no specific laboratory test, such as a blood test or skin biopsy, to diagnose Marfan syndrome. The doctor and/or geneticist (a doctor with special knowledge about inherited diseases) relies on observation and a complete medical history and examination.
- There is no cure for Marfan syndrome. However, a range of treatment options are designed to minimize and prevent complications.
What do some of the characteristics and symptoms of Marfan syndrome look like (pictures)?
One characteristic or symptom of Marfan syndrome is skin tumors, called syringomas. Syringomas occur most commonly around the eyes and eyelids, but other areas of the body can be affected.
Image Source: Color Atlas of Pediatric Dermatology Samuel Weinberg, Neil S. Prose, Leonard Kristal Copyright 2008, 1998, 1990, 1975, by the McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. All rights reserved.
Image Source: Color Atlas of Pediatric Dermatology Samuel Weinberg, Neil S. Prose, Leonard Kristal Copyright 2008, 1998, 1990, 1975, by the McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. All rights reserved.
What is Marfan syndrome?
Marfan syndrome is a heritable condition that affects the connective tissue. The primary purpose of connective tissue is to hold the body together and provide a framework for growth and development. In Marfan syndrome, the connective tissue is defective and does not act as it should. Because connective tissue is found throughout the body, the syndrome can affect many body systems, including the skeleton, eyes, heart and blood vessels, nervous system, skin, and lungs.
What are the signs and symptoms?
Marfan syndrome affects different people in different ways. Some people have only mild symptoms, while others are more severely affected. In most cases, the symptoms progress as the person ages. The body systems most often affected by the syndrome are:
- Skeleton. People with the syndrome are typically very tall, slender, and loose-jointed. Because Marfan syndrome affects the long bones of the skeleton, a person's arms, legs, fingers, and toes may be disproportionately long in relation to the rest of the body. A person with the syndrome often has a long, narrow face, and the roof of the mouth may be arched, causing the teeth to be crowded. Other skeletal problems include a sternum (breastbone) that is either protruding or indented, curvature of the spine (scoliosis), and flat feet.
- Eyes. More than half of all people with the condition experience dislocation of one or both lenses of the eye. The lens may be slightly higher or lower than normal, and may be shifted off to one side. The dislocation may be minimal, or it may be pronounced and obvious. One serious complication that may occur with this disorder is retinal detachment. Many people with the condition are also nearsighted (myopic), and some can develop early glaucoma (high pressure within the eye) or cataracts (the eye's lens loses its clearness).
- Heart and blood vessels (cardiovascular system). Marfan syndrome patients have problems associated with the heart and blood vessels. Because of faulty connective tissue, the wall of the aorta (the large artery that carries blood from the heart to the rest of the body) may be weakened and stretch, a process called aortic dilatation. Aortic dilatation increases the risk that the aorta will tear (aortic dissection) or rupture, causing serious heart problems or sometimes sudden death. Sometimes, defects in heart valves can also cause problems. In some cases, certain valves may leak, creating a "heart murmur," which a doctor can hear with a stethoscope. Small leaks may not result in any symptoms, but larger ones may cause shortness of breath, fatigue, and palpitations (a very fast or irregular heart rate).
- Nervous system. The brain and spinal cord are surrounded by fluid contained by a membrane called the dura, which is composed of connective tissue. Marfan syndrome patients grow older, the dura often weakens and stretches, then begins to weigh on the vertebrae in the lower spine and wear away the bone surrounding the spinal cord. This is called dural ectasia. These changes may cause only mild discomfort; or they may lead to radiated pain in the abdomen; or to pain, numbness, or weakness in the legs.
- Skin. Many people with Marfan syndrome develop stretch marks on their skin, even without any weight change. These stretch marks can occur at any age and pose no health risk. However, people with Marfan syndrome are also at increased risk for developing an abdominal or inguinal hernia, in which a bulge develops that contains part of the intestines.
- Lungs. Although connective tissue problems make the tiny air sacs within the lungs less elastic, people with Marfan syndrome generally do not experience noticeable problems with their lungs. If, however, these tiny air sacs become stretched or swollen, the risk of lung collapse may increase. Rarely, people with Marfan syndrome may have sleep-related breathing disorders such as snoring, or sleep apnea (which is characterized by brief periods when breathing stops).
Is Marfan syndrome genetic or inherited (causes)?
Marfan syndrome is caused by a defect, or mutation, in the gene that determines the structure of fibrillin-1, a protein that is an important part of connective tissue. A person with Marfan syndrome is born with the disorder, even though it may not be diagnosed until later in life.
The defective gene that causes Marfan syndrome can be inherited: The child of a person who has Marfan syndrome has a 50 percent chance of inheriting the disease. Sometimes a new gene defect occurs during the formation of sperm or egg cells, making it possible for two parents without the disease to have a child with the disease. But this is rare. Two unaffected parents have only a 1 in 10,000 chance of having a child with Marfan syndrome. Possibly 25 percent of cases are due to a spontaneous mutation at the time of conception.
Although everyone with Marfan syndrome has a defect in the same gene, different mutations are found in different families, and not everyone experiences the same characteristics to the same degree. In other words, the defective gene expresses itself in different ways in different people. This phenomena is known as variable expression. Scientists do not yet understand why variable expression occurs in people with Marfan syndrome.
Are there tests to diagnose Marfan syndrome?
There is no specific laboratory test, such as a blood test or skin biopsy, to diagnose Marfan syndrome. The doctor and/or geneticist (a doctor with special knowledge about inherited diseases) relies on observation and a complete medical history, including:
- Information about any family members who may have the disorder or who had an early, unexplained, heart-related death.
- A thorough physical examination, including an evaluation of the skeletal frame for the ratio of arm/leg size to trunk size.
- An eye examination, including a "slit lamp" evaluation.
- Heart tests such as an echocardiogram (a test that uses ultrasound waves to examine the heart and aorta).
The doctor may diagnose Marfan syndrome if the patient has a family history of the disease, and if there are specific problems in at least two of the body systems known to be affected. For a patient with no family history of the disease, at least three body systems must be affected before a diagnosis is made. Moreover, two of the systems must show clear signs that are relatively specific for Marfan syndrome.
In some cases, a genetic analysis may be useful in making a diagnosis of Marfan syndrome, but such analyses are often time consuming and may not provide any additional helpful information. Family members of a person diagnosed with Marfan syndrome should not assume they are not affected if there is no knowledge that the disorder existed in previous generations of the family. After a clinical diagnosis of a family member, a genetic study might identify the specific mutation for which a test can be performed to determine if other family members are affected.
Recently, doctors discovered a connective tissue disorder known as Loeys-Dietz syndrome, which has several characteristics that overlap with those of Marfan syndrome. When making a diagnosis, it is important to distinguish between the two disorders: Loeys-Dietz is more likely to cause fatal aortic aneurysms, and treatment for the two is different. A diagnostic test for Loeys-Dietz syndrome is available.
What types of doctors or other health care professionals treat Marfan syndrome?
Because a number of body systems may be affected, a person with Marfan syndrome should be cared for by several different types of doctors. A general practitioner or pediatrician may oversee routine health care and refer the patient to specialists such as a cardiologist (a doctor who specializes in heart disorders), an orthopaedist (a doctor who specializes in bones), or an ophthalmologist (a doctor who specializes in eye disorders), as needed. Some people with Marfan syndrome also go to a geneticist.
How is Marfan syndrome treated, and can it be cured?
There is no cure for Marfan syndrome. To develop one, scientists may have to identify and change the specific gene responsible for the disorder before birth. However, a range of treatment options can minimize and sometimes prevent complications. The appropriate specialists will develop an individualized treatment program; the approach the doctors use depends on which systems have been affected.
- Skeletal. Annual evaluations are important to detect any changes in the spine or sternum. This is particularly important in times of rapid growth, such as adolescence. A serious malformation not only can be disfiguring, but also can prevent the heart and lungs from functioning properly. In some cases, an orthopaedic brace or surgery may be recommended to limit damage and disfigurement.
- Eyes. Early, regular eye examinations are essential for identifying and correcting any vision problems associated with Marfan syndrome. In most cases, eyeglasses or contact lenses can correct the problem, although surgery may be necessary in some cases.
- Heart and blood vessels. Regular checkups and echocardiograms help the doctor evaluate the size of the aorta and the way the heart is working. The earlier a potential problem is identified and treated, the lower the risk of life-threatening complications. Those with heart problems are encouraged to wear a medical alert bracelet and to go to the emergency room if they experience chest, back, or abdominal pain. Some heart-valve problems can be managed with drugs such as beta-blockers, which may help decrease stress on the aorta. In other cases, surgery to replace a valve or repair the aorta may be necessary.
1 All medicines can have side effects. Some medicines and side effects are mentioned in this publication. Some side effects may be more severe than others. You should review the package insert that comes with your medicine and ask your health care provider or pharmacist if you have any questions about the possible side effects.
Surgery should be performed before the aorta reaches a size that puts it at high risk for tear or rupture. Because blood clots can form around artificial heart valves, people who have a valve replaced must take the blood-thinning drug warfarin for the rest of their lives. They must also take extreme care to prevent endocarditis (inflammation of the lining of the heart cavity and valves). Dentists should be alerted to this risk; they are likely to recommend that the patient be prescribed protective medicines before they perform dental work.
Because warfarin carries a risk of some serious side effects, including excessive bleeding, and because it is dangerous to unborn babies, doctors are increasingly opting for a newer aortic root replacement procedure that enables people to keep their own valves. The procedure involves removing and replacing the enlarged part of the aorta with a Dacron tube, and resuspending the natural valve into the tube so that the tube supports the valve. The procedure is often performed at an earlier stage than traditional valve replacement. It may also be offered to women with aortic enlargement who are considering becoming pregnant, because it can prevent the rapid aortic growth and possible tearing that sometimes occur during pregnancy.
- Nervous system. If dural ectasia (swelling of the covering of the spinal cord) develops, medication may help minimize any associated pain.
- Lungs. It is especially important that people with Marfan syndrome not smoke, as they are already at increased risk for lung damage. Any problems with breathing during sleep should be assessed by a doctor.
Pregnancy poses a particular concern due to the stress on the body, particularly the heart. A pregnancy should be undertaken only under conditions specified by obstetricians and other specialists familiar with Marfan syndrome. In some cases, valve surgery prior to pregnancy may be warranted. The pregnancy should be monitored as a high-risk condition. Women with Marfan syndrome may also seek genetic counseling concerning the likelihood that they will pass the disease on to their children.
Although eating a balanced diet is important for maintaining a healthy lifestyle, no vitamin or dietary supplement has been shown to help slow, cure, or prevent Marfan syndrome.
For most people with Marfan syndrome, engaging in moderate aerobic exercise is important for promoting skeletal and cardiovascular health and a sense of well-being. However, because of the risk of aortic dissection, people with the syndrome should not engage in contact sports, competitive athletics, or isometric exercise.
Living with Marfan syndrome
Being diagnosed and learning to live with a genetic disorder can cause social, emotional, and financial stress. It often requires a great deal of adjustment in outlook and lifestyle. A person who is an adult when Marfan syndrome is diagnosed may feel angry or afraid. There may also be concerns about passing the disorder to future generations or about its physical, emotional, and financial implications.
The parents and siblings of a child diagnosed with Marfan syndrome may feel sadness, anger, and guilt. It is important for parents to know that nothing that they did caused the fibrillin-1 gene to mutate. Parents may be concerned about the genetic implications for siblings or have questions about the risk to future children.
Some children with Marfan syndrome are advised to restrict their activities. This may require a lifestyle adjustment that is hard for a child to understand or accept.
For both children and adults, appropriate medical care, accurate information, and social support make it easier to live with the disease. Genetic counseling may also be helpful for understanding the disease and its potential impact on future generations.
While Marfan syndrome is a lifelong disorder, the outlook has improved in recent years. As early as the 1970s, the life expectancy of a person with Marfan syndrome was two-thirds that of a person without the disease; however, with improvements in recognition and treatment, people with Marfan syndrome now have a life expectancy similar to that of the average person.
Where can I find information about clinical trials and research that's being conducted on Marfan syndrome?
Several years ago, National Institutes of Health (NIH)-funded researchers found that losartan, a common blood pressure medication, also affected a molecular pathway involved in aortic weakening and rupture, an often fatal complication of Marfan syndrome.
Numerous studies are underway that should lead to a better understanding of Marfan syndrome and its treatment. They include a plan to identify the factors responsible for the cardiovascular manifestations of Marfan syndrome, a study to better understand the process that leads to skeletal manifestations, and studies to clarify the role of a chemical messenger called transforming growth factor-beta (TGF-β) in the disorder. Some of the most recent studies are identifying new potential therapeutic targets for Marfan syndrome.
Scientists are conducting research on Marfan syndrome from a variety of perspectives. One approach is to better understand what happens once the genetic defect or mutation occurs. How does it change the way connective tissue develops and functions in the body? Why are people with Marfan syndrome affected differently? Scientists are searching for the answers to these questions both by studying the genes themselves and by studying large family groups affected by the disease. Mouse models that carry mutations in the fibrillin-1 gene may help scientists better understand the disorder. Animal studies that can provide preliminary information for gene therapy are also underway.
Other scientists are focusing on ways to treat some of the complications that arise in people with Marfan syndrome. Clinical studies are being conducted to evaluate the usefulness of certain medications in preventing or reducing problems with the aorta.
Where can people find additional information about Marfan syndrome?
National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases (NIAMS)
Information Clearing House
National Institutes of Health
1 AMS Circle
Bethesda, MD 20892-3675
Phone: 301-495-4484 or 877-22-NIAMS (877-226-4267)
Fax: 301-718-6366
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.niams.nih.gov
Other Resources
National Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI)
National Institutes of Health
Website: www.genome.gov
NHGRI Genetic and Rare Diseases Information Center
Website: www.genome.gov
National Marfan Foundation (NMF)
Website: www.marfan.org
National Organization For Rare Disorders (NORD)
Website: www.rarediseases.org
March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation
Website: www.marchofdimes.com
American Heart Association
The NIAMS gratefully acknowledges the assistance of the following individuals in the preparation and review of the original version of this booklet: Bernadette Tyree, Ph.D., NIAMS/ NIH; Priscilla Ciccarielo, Director Emeritus, National Marfan Foundation, Port Washington, NY; Harry C. Dietz, M.D., Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, Baltimore, MD; Carolyn Levering and Eileen Masciale, National Marfan Foundation, Port Washington, NY; Francisco Ramirez, M.D., Mount Sinai School of Medicine of the City University of New York, NY; and Joel Rosenbloom, M.D., Ph.D., University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA.
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Syringoma Image Source: Color Atlas of Pediatric Dermatology Samuel Weinberg, Neil S. Prose, Leonard Kristal Copyright 2008, 1998, 1990, 1975, by the McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. All rights reserved.


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Dec 19, 2016
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text: The largest telescopes in the world are antennas that collect the long wavelengths of light known as radio waves. Arrays of radio telescopes form the most gigantic eyes on the sky, with the largest spanning over 5,300 miles across. Dish-shaped antennas are the most accurate radio telescopes ever built, and the NRAO runs the most powerful of them.


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Brass Tee Piece 25mm Female
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When I started writing "The Revolution Will Not Be Televised," less than six months ago, the conventional wisdom (who are those guys, anyway?) was that George Bush would raise over $200 million for his reelection campaign, while John Kerry would be lucky to break $100 million before the Democratic convention opened in Boston on July 26th.
As you'll read in the introduction to the book that follows, it was Howard Dean, Kerry's vanquished rival, who had broken all previous fundraising records for a Democratic presidential campaign, including a then-staggering $15.8 million raised in the last quarter of 2003— half of that on the Internet. At the same time, Kerry's fundraising, which relied heavily on major donors who could write $2,000 checks, was dead in the water. In December of 2003, nobody wanted to write a big check to a guy that the media had predicted was certain to lose in Iowa and New Hampshire and therefore would never be president.
Not for the first time in his political career, people had underestimated John Kerry's resilience. In a move which proved to me that he had the strength and determination to go all the way, Kerry ignored his own obituary and took out a $6 million mortgage on his home in Boston. He bet on himself when no one else would.
The rest, as they say, is history.
But here's where it gets interesting: In each of the four months since he clinched the nomination, Kerry has raised more than $30 million, more than doubling the Dean campaign's record take last December. Still more amazing, the Kerry campaign even eclipsed some of the fundraising records of the Bush campaign, something that was previously unthinkable for any Democrat to achieve.
The Kerry campaign has taken in more than $150 million this year, for a total of $182 million announced last week. $44 million of that was contributed online in just the last three months. The Bush campaign did reach its goal, reporting $216 million raised to date.
What those numbers reveal, aside from the sad truth that fundraising drives presidential campaigns as surely as box office receipts drive movie-making (Bush-Cheney '04 = Spiderman 2), is that the playing field between Democrats and Republicans has been all but leveled. Mary Beth Cahill, John Kerry's campaign manager, credits it to "the strength of the small donor."
Remarkably, the average donation to the Kerry campaign online in May was $108, down dramatically from the first three months of the year where his average gift was a whopping $956.
Is this a revolution? You bet. And like the Boston Tea Party that launched a democratic revolt more than two centuries ago, it started small— in this case it began sixteen months ago with 432 supporters of Howard Dean each pledging to find one more person to contribute whatever they could to his nascent campaign. Nine months later, the Dean campaign had 650,000 supporters and had raised more than $50 million, in average contributions of $77. More important, when the time came to decide whether Howard Dean should forego public financing— and the restrictive fundraising and spending limits that go with it— those same small donors voted overwhelmingly in an online referendum to opt-out of the system.
What few remember now was that it was that decision—the first time a presidential campaign ever put its strategy to an online vote—that not only triggered Dean's action, but led to John Kerry's decision to opt-out of public financing as well. I am convinced that when the story of the 2004 election is written, that moment will be seen as the turning point of the entire campaign. By freeing himself from the restrictions of public funding, John Kerry put his trust in the people to sustain his campaign. What's truly revolutionary is not merely that Kerry's faith in his supporters was rewarded by their financial support, but that any candidate would let his campaign's fundamental strategy be dictated, even indirectly, by a online plebescite.
John Kerry has adapted quickly to the possibilities and responsibilities of building an Internet constituency. Four years ago (or even four months ago) who would have predicted that the vice presidential announcement, the single most important decision a nominee can make, would be revealed first not to party leaders and big donors, but to the one million grassroots activists supporting him through johnkerry.com – the new political "bosses" who Kerry describes as "the people who've helped carry this campaign…and [who will] be the first to know what my decision is."
When the Dean campaign, eighteen months ago, set as its fundraising goal the then-unimaginable sum of raising $200 million by this July, you could almost hear the laughter reverberating through press rooms across the nation. Karl Rove was telling people that he was rooting for Dean to be the nominee, so certain was he that this was the impossible dream of a bunch of grassroots idealists. Well, he was wrong.
Here's what I predict: in the 24 days remaining before the last day of the Democratic Convention, when Kerry formally accepts the nomination and the lump sum payment which goes to the nominee (and precludes him from further fundraising), he will realize the fanatastic goal set by the Dean campaign by catching and exceeding George Bush's total of $216 million (money raised largely through the old paradigm of $2,000 checks bundled together by "Rangers" and "Pioneers.") And he'll do it with average contributions that are less than $100 each. Which means that the stronger Kerry gets financially, the bigger his base of support will become – and vice-versa.
This is what I mean by a revolution. It will continue to unfold quietly, without a shot ever being fired. And because, as the title "The Revolution Will Not Be Televised" plainly suggests, there won't be pictures of this revolution that can be easily shown on television, I promise you that I'll do the best I can to give you regular reports from the virtual front lines, both on MSNBC and right here on msnbc.com.
Joe Trippi
July 5, 2004
December 2003
My guy is about to crash and burn in an Iowa cornfield.
I can feel it. I have a sense about these things, especially in Iowa. I have a kind of clairvoyance in Iowa. I can smell death in Iowa.
While the candidate smiles and some of the staffers daydream about White House posts, our campaign has grown sick with all the symptoms of the old politics: infighting and petty jealousy among the campaign staff, gaffes by the candidate, cannibalistic ads by the other Democratic contenders—all of it beneath the steady eyes of the scavenger political press, always on the lookout for stray hunks of flesh.
No, we're going down.
And the worst part is this: There is nothing more I can do. After months of scraping and cajoling and pleading just to get the plane down the runway, now that we're finally aloft—and the rest of the crew is celebrating — I look out the window and the wings are coming off.
And I'm the only one who sees it.
I desperately want out.
Every fiber of my being is telling me to get out.
But I can't.
Now, here it is the end of 2003, and we're actually on top, ahead in the polls, in the process of raking in more than $50 million, $15.8 million in this fund-raising quarter alone—a record—most of it from small donations of $100 or less. And whose fund-raising record are we beating? Our own! From the quarter before. We have an army of almost 600,000 firedup supporters, not just a bunch of chicken-dinner donors, but activists, believers, people who have never been politically involved before and who are now living and breathing this campaign. Through them, we have tapped into a whole new vein of democracy and proven the Internet as a vibrant political tool. Now everyone is paying attention. The labor unions are beginning to endorse us. Al Gore has endorsed us. The media that we had to beg for coverage a few months ago has all but coronated Howard Dean as the Democratic nominee. We got the covers of Time and Newsweek. We are the story. And finally the other people in the campaign are beginning to mumble what I've been screaming for a year: Hey, we 're gonna win this frickin' thing.
Only I don't believe it anymore.
The Iowa caucuses are a little more than a month away and we are bleeding. Our momentum is gone. Our message is getting lost. We're spending all our time and energy deflecting attacks from other campaigns. Our guy has become an unmitigated disaster on the road. The unscripted candor that served him when he was the longest shot is now being played like a sort of political Tourette's. The press continually mangles the context of what he says, amping up his words in their own cynical version of "Twist and Shout." We've got no adults with him on the road—no seasoned political people—and so, naturally, he's gaffing his way across Iowa. The young Dean staffers—all energy and idealism—have no idea what's about to happen. For most of them, this is their first presidential and they don't realize that the only thing longer than the hours are the odds of winning. Some of them—the really crazy ones—have caught the bug and might work a second presidential. There could even be the odd addict or death-wisher among them who might someday forget how hard this was and work a third.
This is my seventh.
And I can see it coming apart. I can see that we've gone to the lead too soon, that the other candidates are bearing down on us. I know what hell there is to pay when an insurgent catches the mainstream party leaders off guard. I can practically hear the guns swinging around, the sights settling on our back. I've worked too many caucuses in Iowa to not immediately recognize the signs of this thing: the squabbling, the spending, the negative ads, the constant press scrutiny. I can see all of it beginning to take its toll.
Most of all, I can see that we just weren't ready. Not for this.
Before Howard Dean launched his presidential campaign, he made the dubious decision to seal many of his records as governor of Vermont for a decade—saying that he didn't want "anything embarrassing appearing in the papers at a critical time in any future endeavor." Well, it's a critical time now, and his decision has come back to bite us in the ass, this candidate who promised a new, open style of democracy hiding more than eleven years' worth of memos and files from the only major office he's ever held.
So here we are, in early December 2003, and the senior staff has decided to meet with the governor to plead our case for releasing the records. About fifteen of us have gathered in the long conference room on the third floor of a stale office building in South Burlington, Vermont—where this rebel campaign had its unlikely rise. We explain that everything is about to hit critical mass, and that we are under a new kind of pressure here. He is now the frontrunner—everything he does and says will attract new scrutiny—and he can't say out of one side of his mouth that he wants to clean up politics, while out of the other side say that his own records are off-limits for a frickin' decade.
We tell him that it's starting to show up in the polls. We can survive a lot of things, but we can't survive having people see him as just another double-talking politician. The Dean for America campaign is the antithesis of that . . . a grassroots, reform candidacy breaking all the old rules and making people believe in politics again.
"You've got to release the records, Governor."
His eyes are set, and his open face is pulled back defensively into that tree-trunk neck. "But there's nothing in there."
"If there's nothing in there, then we should release them."
"But there's nothing in there."
"That's why we have to release them."
"But why should we release them when there's nothing in there?"
We go around in circles like this until Governor Dean—whose running mate could have been stubbornness—ends the debate by saying he's done talking about it. "I would rather withdraw from the race than release those records.
We're all quiet. The frontrunner in the 2003 Democratic presidential campaign is threatening to quit, while he still has the lead. The meeting ends, Governor Dean nods in my direction and chokes out the words, "Follow me, Joe."
I try to keep up, but he's striding down the hallway toward my office, and I'm straggling fifteen feet behind him, reassuring staffers as I move down the hall.
My office is in the corner of the third floor, a long narrow gash of a room—a crash site of paper, CD cases, and empty Diet Pepsi cans. Howard Dean is standing against the wall, his back to me. He's shaking.
"You made this too easy," he manages to say.
"What?" I ask.
"This. I never thought it would go this far. I was going to raise my profile, raise health care as an issue, shake up the Democratic Party. Help change the country. But I never thought this would happen. Don't you understand?" He turns and faces me. "I never thought I could actually win. I wanted to . . . but I never really thought it could happen."1
I've spent my life moving from one election to the next, living out of suitcases, motel rooms and rental cars, sleeping on couches, knocking on doors, leaf leting neighborhoods, writing ads and speeches and snappy debate comebacks trying to get a succession of Democrats elected to every office you can imagine—from city attorneys to U.S. senators, from mayors to several unsuccessful runs at electing the president of the United States.
In twenty-eight years, I would guess that I worked on more than a hundred campaigns. I won more than my share, some that I shouldn't have, and lost some that, to this day, still break my heart. I nearly killed myself for some of these people, a few of whom seemed born to lead, some of whom I would've had trouble punching the hole for myself.
Occasionally, I worked for a candidate who tapped into the original well of idealism that first got me into politics—an eleven-year-old boy watching on TV as Bobby Kennedy walked off the stage toward his assassination, a gauntlet of hands, black and brown and white, reaching out to him, for more than just his plan to erase poverty or to end the Vietnam War. Hands that seemed to reach out for some kind of deliverance.
Like a lot of sick twists who practice politics as a career, before 2003, elections for me were always about the candidate. I would do anything for the candidate. I would work to the point of exhaustion. I would use every tool at my disposal. I would write television attack ads that made the opponent look like a polluting, Medicare-hating, bribe-taking sociopath who spooned every night with fat-cat businessmen and convicted murderers. I would do anything for the people I was trying to elect. My loyalty to them was everything.
And then this thing happened.
When Howard Dean's bid for the presidency finally did its crash-and-burn (not in an Iowa corn field, as it turned out, but onstage in an Iowa ballroom), a cynical, middle-aged campaign consultant who thought he'd seen it all, who thought he knew it all, an old pro who'd made it his life's work to win elections at all costs, learned the most profound and unexpected lesson of his life.
This time, it wasn't about the candidate at all. It was about the people. This was never about him. It was about them.
An amazing thing happened in the presidential contest of 2004: For the first time in my life, maybe the first time in history, a candidate lost but his campaign won.
When Governor Dean stood in my office and admitted that even he hadn't expected to be thrust into the lead for the Democratic presidential nomination, he was saying what I'd known for months. That this was bigger than him. Certainly bigger than me. Bigger than the Democratic Party. Bigger even than determining who ran against George W. Bush in the general election.
This was nothing less than the first shot in America's second revolution, nothing less than the people taking the first step to reclaiming a system that had long ago forgotten they existed. This was democracy bubbling to the surface, f looding the landscape, and raising all of us—an obscure Northeastern governor, his inexperienced supporters, and a handful of old political warhorses—along with it.
The Dean for America campaign arrived at just the right moment—a pivotal point in our political history, when forty years of a corrupt system had reduced politics to its basest elements—the race to raise money from one-quarter of one percent of the wealthiest Americans and corporate donors in exchange for dictating the policy of the country. Then, the side with the most money simply bought the most television ads to manipulate the most people—while instant polling, focus groups, and message testing ref ined the struggle to a few swing voters in a few key districts in a few key states, blurring any significant differences between the monolithic parties and destroying honest debate about issues like health care and the war in Iraq. Until every candidate sounded exactly the same, and a member of either party could proudly stand up and proclaim that his party had passed a Patients' Bill of Rights—an utterly meaningless bill that, incidentally, didn't provide health care for one single American.
If there is a playbook for this type of checkbook, top-down, cynical politics and governing, it was being written by George W. Bush's administration. Simply tell the voters that you're going to be compassionate, and then turn over the keys to the rich guys who wrote the checks. Hand the economy to the special interests. Turn the environment over to the oil companies. Wage war for the people who wrote the checks.
Against this backdrop of transactional politics, campaigns have become more vicious, more media savvy, more technologically advanced, more expensive and intensive, longer, bigger, and stronger in every way except one.
Somewhere along the line, they lost the voters.
As television transformed political campaigns, people began viewing elections as no different than any other product someone was trying to sell them—a new Chrysler, a new bacon-Monterey cheeseburger, a strapless pair of shoes. So they channel surfed. They tuned out. When the networks call elections before voters have even been to the polls, when they turn our political system into just another TV show (and not a very good one at that, something between the World Wrestling Federation and The Real World) all they do is encourage people to turn the channel.
So that's what we did. We turned the channel.
From that seminal moment when I watched Robert Kennedy declare victory and then turn and walk toward his death in 1968, until now, the involvement of Americans in all levels of politics has fallen precipitously. I'm not talking just about the decline in the number of voters in the presidential election (which fell from 62.8 percent in 1960 to below 50 percent in recent years). The percentage of people who worked for a political party also plummeted, by about 42 percent in the past 30 years. The number who served on a committee for some local organization fell by 39 percent. Thirty-five percent fewer attended public meetings. Thirty-four percent fewer attended a political rally or speech.2
Across the board, Americans—made hopeless by a hope-killing process—have been leaving politics in droves.
I should know. I was one of them.
While I kept working in politics throughout the 1990s—mostly on TV ads for Senate and House candidates—I eased away from managing campaigns and began pursuing my other passion, technology. I worked for several computer and Internet companies, innovative, risk-taking twenty-first century businesses that threw away the old templates and began looking for new ways to do things.
Being a political junkie at heart, by the late 1990s I began daydreaming about a campaign that would be run the way these revolutionary companies were being run—not from the top down, with a $200 million TV ad budget and a detached board of directors, but from below: A campaign run by the people.
And that's when Howard Dean came along, an underdog so far out of the race we had no choice but to test this strategy, blending my two passions, bringing to the political world the things I'd learned in the technological world, taking democracy to the last place where democracy stood a chance.
The Internet.
I'd be lying if I said that when I made the f irst inquiry about using an obscure web site called MeetUp.com to link Howard Dean supporters together from around the country, that I knew in a year we'd have 600,000 people passionately committed to our cause. That these people would raise up the one candidate who actually seemed to have convictions, who rejected the old politics, who took the people seriously by engaging them and empowering them in the one place where they could meet him, the one place where the ubiquitous presence of television couldn't distort his message—on Internet bulletin boards and web sites, chat rooms and web logs.
Certainly, I had known that politics would eventually come to this point, just like every other aspect of our society will eventually come to this point. I'd seen for years that the ingredients were there for overthrowing a decaying political system and replacing it with something responsive and revolutionary.
But I'd also be lying if I said that Howard Dean was the only person in my off ice that day stunned by the sudden power surge of Americans banding together to take back a system that had failed them miserably.
Everyone knows by now how the Dean campaign ended, in a looped tape of seemingly misplaced, eleventh-hour enthusiasm ("And Oklahoma! And Arizona! And North Dakota!"). Challenged by something they didn't create, couldn't control, and never understood, the networks and news media flexed their atrophying muscles and repeated that clip over and over, as if it were Ronald Reagan being shot, the space shuttle Challenger exploding, John Kennedy's Lincoln making its sad way along the Dallas streets in 1963, or that heat-seeking missile in Gulf War I, zigging through the dark and hitting its target over and over again, sometimes in slow motion.
It was hard to miss the glee with which the old media ran that clip.3
In the days and weeks that followed the end of the Dean campaign, the judgments against the governor and his army of followers were harsh.
His brief burst of momentum had been a f luke. A blip. Most of all, it had been just another Internet fad, a dot-com crash—long on capital, short on substance.
This is simply wrong. It was, in fact, a dot-com miracle.
In fact, it was a stunning victory that will resonate long after the election of 2004 is forgotten.
In fact, it was the opening salvo in a revolution, the sound of hundreds of thousands of Americans turning off their televisions and embracing the only form of technology that has allowed them to be involved again, to gain control of a process that alienated them decades ago. In the coming weeks and months and years, these hundreds of thousands will be followed by millions, and this revolution will not be satisf ied with overthrowing a corrupt and unresponsive political system. It won't stop at remaking politics. And it won't pay attention to national borders.
In fact, if every business and civic leader in every sector of the economy and in every segment of society doesn't think that in the next decade they're in for Howard Dean-style surprises from the people they've been treating with total condescension, they haven't been paying attention. Every business that spends $20 million on television advertising and just $20,000 to post a static web site that is updated once a month had better watch their backs. Every institution that doesn't understand that the technology is finally here to allow people to reject what they're being given and demand what they want had better start paying attention.
The revolution comes for you next.
When the Dean campaign ended and I sat down to write this book, several people asked if it would be a standard campaign memoir, a tell-all with all the juicy behind-the-scenes details about what went right and went wrong during Howard Dean's dramatic rise and sudden fall.
These people still don't get it.
The truth of this campaign, the "tell all," the juicy behind-the-scenes details are these: a woman who sold her bike for democracy and inspired hundreds, maybe thousands of people to do the same; a man who raised $400,000 in one week by himself by doing nothing more than sending out an e-mail; an eighty-nine-year-old man who said that he thought he was done living until the Dean campaign re-engaged his life with meaning and civic purpose.
Yes, this book is the story of a long-shot presidential campaign. But it's far more than that.
For me, it's the story of a person who spends his life reconciling two vastly different worlds—politics and technology—and wakes up one morning to find himself standing at the place where they're about to converge, to crash together and begin reversing fifty years of political cynicism in one glorious explosion of civic re-engagement.
It's the story of dozens of committed people who waged a political campaign unlike any in history. It's about the things that we did right, the mistakes we made, and the lessons we learned that can be applied to every election, every product, every issue in America. It's about the man we rallied behind, a politician who had the courage to stand up and question the country's path when all the others seemed to want nothing more than to hide.
But most of all it's the story of people standing up and making themselves heard. It's the story of how to engage those Americans in a real dialogue, how to reach them where they live, how to stop selling to them and start listening to them, how to make better use of the most revolutionary idea to come along since the f irst man learned to light a fire.
No, I'm not talking about the Internet. Or computers. Or telecommunications.
I'm talking about democracy.
1Slightly different versions of this story have appeared in various media reports quoting Howard as saying he didn't want to be president. It's worth noting that only Howard Dean and I were in the room that day.
2Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000).
3Of course, the Internet played a big part in spreading the "I Have a Scream" speech too, proving in the most perverse way just how powerful the medium had become.


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Joined: 26 Aug 2010
Posts: 94
Posted: Tue 02 Apr 2013, 21:13
Post subject:
New xdg menu for Puppy
Here is a taste of the project that I have been working on. The subject of the Puppy menu system came up again in the AlphaOS thread today, so I thought I would post this.
Here is a screen shot from my slacko 5.5. Notice anything? Is anyone curious?
2401 Time(s)
/root for the home team
Last edited by Mobeus on Wed 03 Apr 2013, 13:05; edited 1 time in total
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Joined: 06 Nov 2008
Posts: 808
Location: the Western Reserve
Posted: Tue 02 Apr 2013, 22:08
Post subject:
Subject description: ..
First off, alphabetic sorting of top-level cats
2nd, no jwm basemenu (just my pref) for jwm-specific items
3rd, too many Caps (again my pref) with longish names in subcats
one way around that
4th ..
cool sig
There's such a variety of ways to do menus, a glove for every hand
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Joined: 26 Aug 2010
Posts: 94
Posted: Wed 03 Apr 2013, 13:08
Post subject:
Hi 'foo,
Point #1 is the difference. The screen shot is a menu generated by a freedesktop.org compliant xdg menu system I composed for Puppy.
Linux OS menus have always been a sore point for me. To say it's too hard for the casual user to personalize a Puppy menu would be an understatement at least. There are a couple of good Puppy menu editors that let you add/remove/rename application entries but anything further like adding to or modding the root menu isn't available that I know of. To complicate it further some panels used in Puppies have hard coded root menus that require editing of the source code to change. Then if you compile a newer panel, the menu doesn't work. Not dissing the system developers here, hard coding the menus is one way these panels will work with the stock Puppy menu system.
I set out to create a menu editor for myself that would allow full editing of my Puppy menus including the root menu. Lightweight, compiled in C and only depends on gtk2 or gtk3 and gnome-menus, which are standard Puppy components. Menu editors from other OSs mostly have dependencies like perl or python or java. After studying the freedesktop.org spec I realized that Puppy's menu system could be simplified and would actually conform to the spec better than it does now. So, I reworked it and built the menu generator that produced the menu in the screenshot above.
So far the system will generate menus for icewm, jwm, and openbox/lxpanel, which are the ones I use mostly. It even supports openbox/lxpanel with menu-cache. It should also support other desktops or panels that use freedesktop.org xdg menus. I plan to add fbpanel too, if there is any interest. The system and editor will support individual user menus too, should that ever be desired.
Anyway, I just wanted to toss this out here and see if there is any community interest in it.
/root for the home team
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Joined: 25 Apr 2010
Posts: 1350
Location: England
Posted: Wed 03 Apr 2013, 14:01
Post subject:
PupMenu-3.1 from radky is a flexible and brilliant menu
editor/launcher which works across a wide range of pups.
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Joined: 26 Aug 2010
Posts: 94
Posted: Wed 03 Apr 2013, 16:05
Post subject:
So Jasper,
Do you think the Puppy menu system could be better, for both users and system developers? Or no?
/root for the home team
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Joined: 25 Apr 2010
Posts: 1350
Location: England
Posted: Wed 03 Apr 2013, 17:46
Post subject:
Hi Mobeus,
Well my menu set up is perfect for me thanks to radky and
others. I'll be pleased to send you a PM which explains my
complete menu system together with screenshots if you wish.
I use Precise 5.4 on a multi-session-live-DVD, using what is
almost certainly a rare assembly of superb apps and tips
which are combined in a simple design to my full satisfaction.
My regards
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Joined: 26 Aug 2010
Posts: 94
Posted: Wed 03 Apr 2013, 19:06
Post subject:
Hi again Jasper,
I would like that but I don't want to be a bother, so it's up to you. I always like seeing what others have done with Puppy.
There doesn't seem to be much interest here, at least not yet. That's OK too. The project is a development experience for me, and it's teaching quite a bit. I am positive it would enhance the experience of Puppy so I will see it through. You never know.
One other thing I neglected to mention. Having a freedesktop compliant menu system would put an end to software installations from other distro repositories failing to show up in the menu. I get the feeling that people do not realize that the Puppy menu system is not that far off the mark. A drastic change isn't needed.
Well, maybe someone will find it useful when it's past the semi-vaporware stage
/root for the home team
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Joined: 21 Apr 2008
Posts: 86
Posted: Wed 03 Apr 2013, 21:57
Post subject: Perfect timing
Hi Mobeus,
the timing of your post is fantastic...
Few days ago, I posted a question about lxpanel and its menu structure in particular in the Slacko 5.5 thread and got no response yet (see
I was wondering why some apps show up in the menu and some don't. I'm not familiar with menu structures in general, but looking around in the filesystem a bit, I found the /etc/xdg/menus folder and started to try to understand the thing and force the applications show up in the menu (all the missing apps have an associated .desktop in /usr/share/applications, and I made sure these work fine by themselves).
What kind of stopped me in my track is the "template" file with a big "do not edit" comment at the beginning:
<!-- aragon: this is the menu template for lxpanel based on the puppy menu-structure. don't edit! -->
<!-- Médor: add layout entries for Puppy menu-structure. don't edit! -->
<!-- f00: edit -->
It seems you mastered the xdg stuff, so here are specific questions:
- is there a script or an executable to make all .desktop from /usr/share/applications appear in the menu?
- if not, how or what make the applications appear in the menu?
Thanks in advance for your enlightenment.
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Joined: 25 Apr 2008
Posts: 3794
Posted: Wed 03 Apr 2013, 23:31
Post subject:
desktops or panels that use freedesktop.org xdg menus.
Wouldn't this make Puppy more flexible and, specifically, able to use LXDE without any menu trouble? Would programs installed by PPM automatically show up on the xdg menu--that is, does it run like fixmenus after PPM and at start of X? Thanks.
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Buck Huffman
Joined: 09 Apr 2010
Posts: 5
Posted: Thu 04 Apr 2013, 00:38
Post subject:
Great idea!
I was just looking for such a tool a week or so ago for Fatdog 64.
Could not find one and ended up searching for hours for just the
right lines in just the right config files.
Felt like I was using a sledge hammer to drive screws.
Would like to see your program in action. it is sorely needed.
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Joined: 25 Apr 2010
Posts: 1350
Location: England
Posted: Thu 04 Apr 2013, 02:13
Post subject:
Hi again Mobeus,
It'll be no trouble to PM you, but as it'll be comprehensive
I'll make a substantial start today though I'll not rush to
complete it.
My regards
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Joined: 23 May 2010
Posts: 2549
Location: near here
Posted: Thu 04 Apr 2013, 02:55
Post subject:
This is a great idea to make Puppy more compliant with xdg. is there a standard way to solve for the short comings 'foo mentioned, what do other distros do?
helping Wiki for help
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Joined: 19 Jun 2010
Posts: 3493
Location: www.eussenheim.de/
Posted: Thu 04 Apr 2013, 05:00
Post subject: Re: Perfect timing
gulk wrote:
...What kind of stopped me in my track is the "template" file with a big "do not edit" comment at the beginning:
<!-- aragon: this is the menu template for lxpanel based on the puppy menu-structure. don't edit! -->
<!-- Médor: add layout entries for Puppy menu-structure. don't edit! -->
<!-- f00: edit -->
That is OK
Instead edit /etc/xdg/templates/_root_.jwmrc
I have done so:
my edited /etc/xdg/templates/_root_.jwmrc
<?xml version="1.0"?>
<!-- IMPORTANT, ONLY EDIT /etc/xdg/templates/_root_.jwmrc -->
<!-- jwm menu for puppy Linux -->
<RootMenu label="Menu" labeled="false" height="24" onroot="3">
PUPPYMENU jwm-xdgmenu /etc/xdg/menus/puppy-desktop.menu
PUPPYMENU jwm-xdgmenu /etc/xdg/menus/puppy-setup.menu
PUPPYMENU jwm-xdgmenu /etc/xdg/menus/puppy-system.menu
PUPPYMENU jwm-xdgmenu /etc/xdg/menus/puppy-utility.menu
Then run
jwm -restart
Thus I am thinking now.
You need just a text editor (.. and the know how what to edit)
another difference I see is
You have
no separations
inside main menu
Creating a GUI for this is a nice exercise
maybe to be integrated into official jwmconfig
sequence changed only
2013 Time(s)
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Joined: 06 Aug 2012
Posts: 145
Location: England. Dpup. Dell Inspiron 1501
Posted: Thu 04 Apr 2013, 07:22
Post subject:
I think menu standardization plus a light weight editor is a good idea.
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Joined: 26 Aug 2010
Posts: 94
Posted: Thu 04 Apr 2013, 12:58
Post subject:
Thank you all for your interest. It's very encouraging.
What kind of stopped me in my track is the "template" file with a big "do not edit" comment at the beginning: .....
- is there a script or an executable to make all .desktop from /usr/share/applications appear in the menu?
- if not, how or what make the applications appear in the menu?
Ignore the template files, unless you need to change jwm or icewm specific things like key assignments etc. You
hard code menus there if you really want to. But that's not the freedesktop spec way to do it.
No script that I know of, although it could be written.
What determines where the apps show up in the menu is the category. The category in the *.desktop file for the app must match a category in one of the <menu> defs in the *.menu file. In short, if you want an app to show up in a certain menu in a standard Puppy, just find the *.menu file in /etc/xdg/menus and note it's category line for the specific <menu>. Then edit the category line in the apps *.desktop file to one of those categories. The *.desktop files are in /usr/share/applications.
Wouldn't this make Puppy more flexible and, specifically, able to use LXDE without any menu trouble?
Yes, unless someone has hard coded the panel or window manager menu to suit Puppy.
Would programs installed by PPM automatically show up on the xdg menu--that is, does it run like fixmenus after PPM and at start of X?
How and when the program shows up in the menu is panel and/or window manager specific. With some, like lxde/lxpanel/menu-cache, the apps will show up right away. Menu-cache will regenerate their menus automatically.
Others like jwm need to have a new menu constructed and a restart of jwm or reboot. Openbox needs a specific command or a reboot. So it would have to be run after PPM for jwm, icewm and openbox for example.
BTW, there is normally a "Other" <menu> with some specific settings that catches all unassigned (no matching category found) *.desktop files for the user. This is one of the things missing in Puppy's menus.
I was just looking for such a tool a week or so ago for Fatdog 64.
Interestingly, I started development on Slackbones64 (a bare bones Fatdog64). The lxpanel in Slackbones has a hard coded menu so I imagine Fatdog does too. One of the existing Puppy menu editors can handle application entries for you now.
@ jasper
No hurry. Looking forward to it though.
@ darkcity
The way to deal with them now is to use a menu editor for the app listings along with manual editing of Puppy's *.menu/*.directory files for the root menu titles. The root menu title is the name=xxxxx line in the *.directory file. If there is no directory file for a <menu> then the text from the <menu> def in the *.menu file is used. There may be an existing Puppy menu editor that handles the root menu titles, but I'm not aware of one.
My menu screen shot was just a applications.menu I cobbled together for testing. I didn't pay much attention to the separators
And yes it is a nice exercise, in several areas. Gtk for one.
/root for the home team
Last edited by Mobeus on Fri 05 Apr 2013, 19:25; edited 1 time in total
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UN Glossary [fr]
Our glossary is available here in alphabetical order:
38th floor
In the main building of the United Nations Headquarters in New York, the 38th floor was occupied (before the current renovations) by the offices of the Secretary-General and his cabinet. The metonym "this comes from the 38th floor" means that the item in question comes from the Secretary-General's office.
3G (Global Governance Group)
Created in 2009, at the instigation of Singapore and as a response to the structuring of the G20 at the level of Heads of State, the 3G gathers 28 non-member states of the G20. Its objective is to voice, through a constructive dialogue, the position of the non-member states of the G20 on matters decided upon by the G20. The 3G advocates a G20 that is "more consultative, inclusive and transparent," namely through UN-framed consultation.
Absent (from a vote)
Said of a delegation that does not cast a vote. It may be in the room but either not entitled, or choosing not, to vote.
(Bolivarian Alternative (Alliance since 2009) for the Peoples of Our America) ALBA was created in December 2004 at the instigation of Venezuela and Cuba in order to act as a counterbalance to the economic model proposed by the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). It aims to promote political, social and economic cooperation between socialist countries in Latin America and the Caribbean and establishes the State as an engine for economic development and as a market regulator. ALBA currently has 9 member countries: Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, Ecuador, Antigua and Barbuda, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. The member countries regularly coordinate with each other at the United Nations with respect to economic and development issues.
A procedure whereby a conference adopts a proposal
without a vote, all delegations having indicated their support for it, e.g. by applause.
A modification to a proposal (draft resolution, decision or
other text) under debate or negotiation, formally proposed by someone other than the sponsor(s) of the proposal.
Alliance of Small Island States: A caucus group of 43 small island and low-lying coastal States in the climate change negotiations. Has also functioned at a number of other conferences in the UN system.
Any Other Business : allows a Security Council member to raise an item that is not on the agenda of a closed meeting of the Security Council.
See also "Security Council/consultations".
or ("Arria Formula") Under Security Council practice, only delegations, government representatives and UN officials are authorized to speak during sessions and consultations of the Council. In 1992, during the crisis in former Yugoslavia, Venezuelan Ambassador Diego Arria by-passed this restriction by inviting Security Council members to gather over coffee in the delegates' lounge in order to listen to the story of a Bosnian priest. This practice has since then been put to general use, and the "Arria Formula" now allows Security Council members to hear, during informal meetings outside the Council Chambers, people whose expertise may be helpful to the Council.
Designates the delegation which is responsible, at the General Assembly, for the negotiations for a resolution on behalf of the European Union, when this delegation is neither the EU delegation nor the delegation of the country holding the presidency of the EU.
or Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations: It is a committee of the General Assembly created in 1965 and whose mandate is to carry out a comprehensive study each year on the issue of peacekeeping operations.
Chapter VII
Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, entitled "Action with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression," authorizes the Security Council to impose enforcement measures (sanctions, use of force), in the case of failure of Chapter VI (which deals with "Peaceful settlement of disputes"). It is the keystone of the collective security system. The commonly used phrase is "Chapter VII resolution."
Committees of the General Assembly
(GA) Due to the large number of issues it must address, the United Nations General Assembly divides the items on its agenda between six main committees. Resolutions adopted by the committees are then adopted in plenary meetings.
The First Committee is concerned with disarmament and international security.
The Second Committee deals with economic and financial issues.
The Third Committee is concerned with social, humanitarian and cultural issues.
The Fourth Committee, dubbed "The Special Political and Decolonization Committee," deals with all issues not dealt with by the other committees.
The Fifth Committee deals with administrative and budgetary matters.
The Sixth Committee deals with legal matters.
Committee on Information
Dealing with the United Nations public information policies and activities.
A text is said to be adopted by consensus when all the members of the organ tasked with taking the decision give their tacit consent. No voting takes place. Consensus differs from unanimity which is an explicit agreement, resulting from a vote in which all members cast a vote. In summary: a consensus is obtained without voting when no one opposes the decision, and unanimity is when everyone agrees and votes in favour of the text.
Co-sponsor or co-author
Co-sponsors are member States which commit, through their sponsorship, to voting for a resolution. Their names appear at the top of the resolution document.
An expert is a diplomat of a permanent mission, usually at the level of first secretary, in charge of a particular issue. The Permanent Mission of France has some thirty experts (3 responsible for African issues, 3 responsible for human rights, etc.). An expert meeting brings together diplomats from a number of missions in charge of the same issue.
Explanation of vote (EOV), explanation of position
When a text is adopted by the General Assembly or the Security Council, Member States have the opportunity to explain their national position and the reasons for their vote before (explanation of position) or after (explanation of vote) it. These statements have primarily political purposes and may be intended to recall an essential element of the negotiation or something that the Member State considers poorly reflected in the compromise text.
At the United Nations, a facilitator is a diplomat who volunteers to lead unofficial negotiations on a draft resolution and to work toward obtaining a consensus. In case of a deadlock, the facilitator offers, if necessary, a compromise proposal. In order to ensure impartiality, there are often two designated facilitators, one from a Western country, and another from the South (from the G77, see definition). They are called co-facilitators.
The Group of 77 at the United Nations is a coalition of emerging economies and developing countries, founded in 1964 by 77 countries to promote the collective economic interests of its members and to boost their capacity for negotiations at the United Nations. The Group has since expanded and now includes 132 member States. China is often associated with this group; when speaking, the representative of the G77 speaks "on behalf of the G77 and China."
The G193 informally designates all the member countries of the United Nations, or more specifically the General Assembly, in comparison to the G20 in particular. This designation serves as a reminder that the United Nations' legitimacy stems from the fact that the UN represents the entire international community. The term G173 is sometimes also used to by opposition to the G20.
Humanitarian space
Rather than a physical area, the concept represents a symbolic space in which humanitarian agencies can operate freely and in relative security, regardless of any political, military and economic agendas. It is therefore a space for negotiations and compromises between humanitarian agencies and the parties in power (states, local government, non-state forces). It enables an independent needs assessment, humanitarian access to vulnerable populations and the freedom to verify the distribution of aid.
Indonesian Lounge
Lounge located next to the General Assembly, favoured by diplomats thanks to its quiet and cozy atmosphere, often used for private discussions. The lounge was named after two Balinese sculptures offered as a gift by the government of Indonesia and representing peace and prosperity.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), created in 1988 by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), is an intergovernmental organization whose mandate is to assess objectively changes and risks associated with human-induced climate change and to propose solutions. The IPCC provides a clear scientific view through its analyses (assessment reports and technical documents) in order to assist negotiations undertaken within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Close to 3 000 scientists and economists contribute to the IPCC.
Meditation Room
See Quiet Room
Ministerial Week
This is the busiest and the most "star-studded" week of the year at the United Nations. Most Heads of State and Government come to New York City during the third week of September for the opening of the new session of the General Assembly. Numerous events are organized concurrently with the ministerial week.
NAM (Non-Aligned Movement)
The Non-Aligned Movement was created in 1956. It represented a group of countries which claimed to be neither with nor against any major power bloc. The movement continued after the Cold War, and now has 118 member States. As a group, these countries negotiate issues related to disarmament.
No-action motion
At the General Assembly, a no-action motion interrupts the debates between member States on a draft resolution. The motion is put to a vote and requires a majority vote.
Official languages and working languages
The UN recognizes six official languages: English, Arabic, Chinese (Mandarin), Spanish, French and Russian. Representatives from member countries can express themselves in one of these six languages; their speeches are then translated into five other languages. It is possible to communicate in a language other than these six; however, this can be done only when an interpreter is provided, who then interprets in one of the six official languages and becomes the intermediary for the other five. Official documents must be available in the six official languages.
The working languages used by the United Nations Secretariat are English and French.
- View of the Arabic interpretation booth during a Security Council meeting - 24 October 2019
- © UN Photo/Manuel Elias
Order of precedence at the Security Council
The order of precedence at the Security Council is firstly determined by the speakers' rank. The Heads of State and Government speak before the ministers, who speak before the permanent representatives. After that the first-come, first-served rule is applied: each State asks to be registered on the list of speakers. The Security Council President (monthly rotation) speaks last, regardless of his/her rank.
The P5 refers to the five permanent members of the Security Council: China, the United States, France, the United Kingdom, and Russia. We use the phrase "a meeting of the P5" (a frequently used format for the negotiations on a draft resolution before the text is distributed to all the Security Council members). The P3 includes the United States, France and the United Kingdom. The term E10 ("Elected Ten") is sometimes used; this refers to the 10 non-permanent members.
Peacebuilding Commission
Intergovernmental subsidiary advisory body of the Security Council and the General Assembly established in 2005. It aims to institutionalize and systematize the links between peacekeeping operations, post-conflict operations and donors international network of support and mobilization. Learn more on peacebuilding.
Pen holder
This term refers to the delegation which is the author of the first draft of a resolution. For example, France has traditionally been a pen holder for Security Council resolutions related to.
Permanent observer
Permanent observers are entities which do not have the status of a member of the United Nations and no voting rights. Three observers, the Holy See, Palestine ("non-member States") and the European Union ("intergovernmental organization") have specific rights which allow them to participate actively in debates.
Permanent representative
The permanent representative is the head of a permanent mission. He/she has the same rank as an ambassador. The deputy permanent representative (DPR) is the number 2 of the mission. (Do not confuse the "Ambassador, Permanent Representative of France to the UN" with the "Ambassador of France in Washington.")
The President of the General Assembly (PGA) is elected by the members of the Assembly for a non-renewable, one-year term. The presidency rotates annually between the five regional groups.
- Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande, (Nigeria), President of the 74th General Assembly - New York, 2019
- UN Photo/Evan Schneider
President of the Security Council
On a rotational basis and in alphabetical order (in English) of the names of member States, each State holds the presidency of the Security Council for one month.
(abbreviation for "Presidential Statement"): A presidential statement is an official document of the Security Council. It is adopted by consensus at a formal meeting of the Security Council and read by the President of the Security Council on behalf of the Council.
See also "Security Council".
Put in blue
At the Security Council, when a State wishes to put a draft resolution in blue, this means that it wishes to present it for a vote. The draft resolution is then printed in blue ink and officially distributed by the Secretariat to the Security Council members. In general, a draft resolution is put in blue 24 hours before the vote.
Quiet Room
Located next to the main Security Council chamber and the Council's consultations room, this room is the Council's anteroom, accessible to the delegates of non-Member States of the Security Council, but not to the press. It is in fact an important meeting place which can be noisy, in contrast with its name. This room shouldn't be confused with the Meditation Room, a small quiet room, open to the public, next to the General Assembly and next to a stained glass window by Marc Chagall. It is dedicated to world peace for people of all faiths and religions. Its creator, former Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld, also called it the "Room of Quiet."
Regional groups
Member States of the United Nations are divided into five regional groups: Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean (GRULAC), Asia, Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), and Western European and Others Group (WEOG). These groups allow for an equitable rotation and division of the positions within the UN (i. e. for the President of the General Assembly) and seats (i.e. for the non-permanent members of the Security Council). The regional groups do not however reflect geopolitical reality. For example, the European Union members are spread out across three regional groups (WEOG, CEE and Asia for Cyprus).
Right of rebuttal/reply
The rules of procedure of many conferences provide that a delegation which so requests must be given an opportunity to make a brief statement in reply to a statement made by another delegation if it believes that its own position has been misunderstood or misrepresented. Also used in practice to respond to remarks which are considered injurious.
Right of veto
The right of veto gives each of the five permanent members of the Security Council (China, the United States, France, the United Kingdom, and Russia) the option of opposing a resolution. Regardless of the number of votes in favor, one veto is enough to ensure that a draft resolution is not adopted. In practice, and despite the Charter of the United Nations which requires an affirmative vote from the five permanent members in order for a resolution to be adopted, if one permanent member abstains, the resolution can still pass.
Sanctions Committee
a subsidiary organ of the Security Council created by the Security Council in accordance with a resolution which sets out its objectives and its mode of operation. Each committee consists of all the members of the Security Council and is chaired by the permanent representative of a non-permanent member of the SC, selected by consensus. A sanctions committee is named after the resolution that created it (for example, 2140 Committee on Yemen, 1970 Committee on Libya). Sanctions committees sometimes also include an expert panel (for example, 1718 Committee on North Korea). The range of sanctions can include comprehensive economic and trade sanctions, or more targeted measures (arms embargoes, travel bans, freezing of assets).
Security Council: Types of Meetings
Public debate: A public debate, in contrast to a private session, is a debate which is broadcast live on the United Nations website, via the UNWebcast, UN TV and for which verbatim report are available.
Private session: The debate is not open to the public. The verbatim report of the meeting is reserved only for the United Nations Secretariat and is not meant to be distributed.
Open debate (open session): An open debate of the Security Council is a debate in which non-member States of the Council or observers can participate.
Closed debate: The debate is only for the member States of the Council, and, if applicable, for the parties directly involved (can still be either public or private).
Briefing: Presentation of regular reports by a member of the Secretariat (Secretary-General, Under-Secretary-Generals, special representatives or special envoys) to the Security Council.
Consultations: Informal meetings between permanent representatives of member States of the Security Council on the topics listed on the agenda. These meetings take place behind closed doors and in an adjoining room; there are no meeting minutes for consultations.
Security Council: How the Council Expresses Itself
The Charter only mentions "decisions." In practice resolutions and PRSTs are decisions:
Resolution: Resolutions are legally binding for all members of the United Nations. In order for a resolution to be adopted, it must be approved by at least nine members of the Security Council, without a veto by one of the five permanent members.
PRST (abbreviation of the words "Presidential Statement"): A Presidential Statement (officially "Statement by the President of the Security Council") is an official document that also constitutes a Security Council decision and is read out in the Council chamber by the president. Just like the resolution, a presidential statement has a classification number and is translated into the official languages of the Council. In contrast to a resolution, a presidential statement is not subject to a vote. A consensus (see above) is therefore required.
Press statement: This is a document adopted by the members of the Security Council in order to present the Council's position on a topic listed on the meeting agenda. The document is read out during the Security Council "stakeout" (see below) by the Council President. It is an official document of the Security Council and as such is assigned a classification number.
Elements to the press: These are minimal public expressions of opinion by the Security Council. The approved lines are not necessarily written down. The Security Council members agree on the main ideas they wish to convey and task the Security Council president with communicating them to the press following the meeting.
Stakeout: A media stakeout is an opportunity for members to address the journalists as they exit the Security Council or a meeting room (for example, "the Ambassador is holding a media stakeout"). The term also refers to the place where the stakeout is held (for example, "the Ambassador is at the stakeout"). If an ambassador addresses the journalists before entering the Security Council, then this is called a media stakein.
Turtle Bay
This is the name of the Manhattan neighborhood in New York, along the East River and approximately between 40th and 50th Streets, where the UN Headquarters are located. The term is used as a metonym for the world of the UN diplomats and personnel.
see Consensus.
UNCA (United Nations Correspondents Association)
: professional organization of journalists from around the world accredited to the UN. The association represents the interests of the UN press corps at the Secretariat.


text:
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'Cavaillon Aromas'?! Helpful, and Hysterical Wine Notes
A thoughtful tasting note can help wine lovers find something worthy to drink with dinner. But some wine store employees and critics take creative liberties. "On Wine" columnist Lettie Teague discusses the line between helpful and hysterical. (Photo: AP)
This transcript has been automatically generated and may not be 100% accurate.
... I ... write muscular core just look and said err in essence a floral bouquet that allows as it entertains to the finish ... he added but that is my first wine no I'm ... not sure if I'm thirsty or ... turn on a little bit but we do have Lettie Teague here cheesecloth into a wine connoisseur ... to explain what a wine tasting is now on the trails on steroids ... but first I was mainly due to the line note tonight that I'm I'm going to ponder that while I'm I'm just catching my breath testing in effect I think General besides like I getting into being a potentially making three straight wants hers was to accomplish a lot of things ... in essence once well meaning there is a business to make you want to drink the one pound and yen it bought an in and to make a sudden Retailing isn't in it doing there ... and in the same thing they're going to make you want to find on ... aam ... said adding that is ... the isthe Engel own house accomplished whether ... buying of such killings are ... presenting to the day I might I'm in and it's going on in SL we can ... I'm very prolific and wordy write something to worry where I in in in a there's there's actually I think people that have the frustrated lately ambition in and have decided to ... to be a fun all their talents into this this fifty words Amen and perhaps there ... and say they're they're at Chicago ... aam you know capabilities to the full extent of the one on water and the end of wine spirits net weighed on ... the site took on a wine spectator critical he thought was to worry if I didn't read this to the public he said was very funny some ... moles were he's referring to the way it ... has to be get has created what can only be described as an amazing body of work in various sources the senses with a persistent e e Cummings ... combined intimate and I and many not for my own I don't want a ... license if into a wild one line is just an average age is the key to unlocking secrets ... of the human side clout ... the email sent on mean firmly plant I is his to his amazement planted firmly in the steamy was reluctance for that kind of view well I can read TVN binned and zodiac sign sell pens is expanded as a tour de force of a free ... write them up says is to send him home and one in the tone of the picture with Porges until a couple white peach and cuddling on melon fruit aromas and flavors lined with honeysuckle have been complaining concealing through the long stint ... in mineral framed ... Finch okay well I'm I'm I'm extremely happy I just wanna know if it's you know that he could with other was in ... a ... couple of words like maybe describe the thing is this like put me off trains the needle on what's going to make you sick of my Conlan sees that one and at what the ... heck is that I mean ... what the cab I don't know and if you did it for months pushing up ALM so I mean that is the intention as opposed to same ... EU ... will need to get a CD and drinking now in which use the up and got someone here to say that no one knew me and ... nobody else is there I went to business uses ... the internet you can present as an it services and out of it like this is all about a way ... that no one is is that and and and nobles were innocent write to anyone you are letting teeth at ... current ... prices on ... one thing is really lovely floral next Will floral and citrus ... and it's in the big time in eleven eighty women for being now I'm going to do with the NSA leak and fitted in India it has a really really the thing is ... really really love them ... I ... he went on a snow for about ... a nineteen year about five minutes on their ... part to keep drinking them without wanting to be anything that can really really succulent on the palate really ... really ... you and the Billy Wright lush full bodied that but also really good acidity and is connected to the point