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The Revd Christopher Woods, National Worship Development Officer
Louis Vierne, the end of 19th/start of 20th C French organist and composer, with whose beautiful and sumptuous music we praise God this morning at this Festival Eucharist, did not have an easy life. He was born virtually blind, but at the age of only two was recognized with the extraordinary musical ability. He had the great fortune of being tutored by excellent French organist maestros and managed to secure the best organist position of the time in continental Europe – Notre-Dame de Paris. 1900-1937. Vierne had spiritual, emotional and physical difficulties, much of which would have caused any great person to give up, but he had a steely determination to praise of God through composition and performance. All of this is expressed and apparent in his musical work. He died at the organ during a live performance. The textures, flourishes, lilts and sonic experiences never fail to touch the depths of even the most hard-hearted of us, even if we would find it hard to admit it.
The beautiful and fairly obvious lesson about the life of a composer such as Vierne, is the God-given talent which shines through despite all the frustrations and hindrances which life throws at us. Vierne was lucky – he discovered his God-given talent at a young age and never let God's spark which was burning in his life disappear once it was discovered.
What is your God-given gift and talent? Each one of us has a talent, some have several talents, and many of us do not discover them until we are much older, but God has bestowed upon each one of us the gift of life and within that life there are sparks of talent which we can offer as gifts to others to help human communities flourish. We just have to recognize them, unlock them and help each others unlock them.
And this is crucial: to help others unlock their God-given gifts so that their life and the lives of others might flourish. And this is in many ways part of the great task and commission which Our Lord gave to the seventy in the Gospel reading this morning – Go on your way..I am sending you out like lambs into the midst of wolves…Whenever you enter a town and its people welcome you, eat what is set before you; cure the sick who are there and say to them, "the kingdom of God has come near to you".
In sending out the seventy (which is a symbolic number), Jesus is entrusting us to share the great gift of faith with the world and to tell them through actions, words and talents that the kingdom of God has come near to you. God through Vierne's music and the splendour of the liturgy is encouraging us to recognize that the kingdom of God has come near to us. Jesus taught his disciples, he made sure they were prepared before he sent them forth. It is the Church's task to do the same for all of us. And that is why we come to Church. It is the supreme reason why we come here on a beautiful Sunday morning like this rather than stay in the garden and sunbathe.
Because it is in the liturgy and worship of the Church that we are given the strength and courage and wisdom to share our talents and our faith with others in the coming week. It is at the altar when we receive the body and blood of Christ himself that we are anointed afresh to go into the world and live the life which God has called us to live. It is when we are blessed and told to Go in Peace to love and serve the Lord that we are given again the call to go out in to the world and tell others 'the kingdom of God has come near to you'. We might be rebuffed, we might be laughed at, we might be ignored, but that is part of the risk. We take the rough with the smooth, but one thing is certain – God is holding us in the palm of his hand.
The contemporary Church might easily claim that the passage in today's gospel is the mandate for mission, and that is true, but that word has become clouded with a lot of baggage, and in actual fact the word mission comes from the act in the liturgy itself which i have just mentioned – the Dismissal – the sending out – Go in peace to love and serve The Lord. It is from this passage in Luke that we are tasked with the the responsibility and calling to be sent out, to go out into the world, encouraging each other and supporting each other along the way. Jesus did not send just one person out alone to share the gift of faith – he sent many out together. So as we go into our separate lives later today, may we remember that we are together, bound together by the love of God in community to fulfil the task of sharing the beauty and mystery of God with others.
The language which Luke attributes to Jesus – sending out like lambs into the midst of wolves is rather battle hardy in an attempt to prepare us for the trials and bruises which we might sustain along the way. Nothing which involves sharing something of ourselves for the sake of others and of God is going to be an easy ride or plain sailing.
And there in a sense is the link between our talent and the mission of the Church – that nothing beautiful is ever without some small amount of pain or sacrifice. If we think about that a little more deeply and perhaps reflect on our experiences or the experiences of others whom we know and have known, whom we admire and have admired, we know it to be true – there is a cost with Christian discipleship. But in the end that can only add to the overwhelming joy in sharing our talent and our faith with others, because they will then know the measure of that sacrifice too.
And today here in the Minster you are celebrating the great talents and gifts of music, theatre, art- all of which are a great gift which unlock the beauty and mystery of God for the world around. But what is it all for? Is it to simply enjoy the talent for its own sake, or is there more to it than that? Surely it must always be to know this: 'The kingdom of God has come near'?
Readings on the Sixth Sunday after Trinity
2 Kings 5: 1-14, Galatians 6: 7-16, Luke 10: 1-11, 16-20


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Tax increases would affect millions of middle class Americans and prevent an expiration of long-term unemployment benefits for the jobless. This could hit the US economy hard.
His remarks Friday capped the end of yet another frustrating week during which Obama's Democrats and opposition Republicans, led by House Speaker John Boehner, were unable to reach an agreement on avoiding the so-called fiscal cliff.
On Thursday, Boehner signaled that he was still open to talks with Obama but said he didn't know how the combination of automatic tax increases and spending cuts would be avoided.
"How we get there, God only knows," he said. Economists fear the combination of across-the-board tax increases and steep spending cuts scheduled to kick Jan. 1. could deliver a blow to the U.S. economy.
The president spoke at the end of a day in which stocks around the world tumbled and congressional leaders squabbled as the fiscal cliff drew implacably closer. Obama insisted that he still wants a bill that requires the well-to-do to pay more. "Everybody's got to give a little bit in a sensible way" to prevent the economy from pitching over a recession-threatening fiscal cliff, he said.
He spoke after talking by phone with Boehner and meeting with Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid. "I still think we can get it done," Obama said as he struggled to pick up the pieces of weeks of failed negotiations and political maneuvering.
Boehner earlier this week tried to come up with his own deficit reduction plan to counter Obama's, but was forced to cancel a vote on it Thursday after it became clear that he didn't have enough support from members of his party.
had proposed letting taxes rise only on households making $1-million or more a year, but some Republicans, especially conservatives and members of the small-government tea party movement, don't want higher taxes at all.
Obama's latest proposal was pushing for higher tax rates for Americans making more than $400,000. Boehner's plan, introduced abruptly this week, had been unlikely to pass the Democratic-controlled Senate, and Obama had threatened to veto it.
But Boehner had hoped it would rally Republican troops and strengthen his position in talks with Obama on how to make up for the country's chronic deficit spending. Instead, the withdrawal of his plan was an embarrassment and a major personal defeat.
It also added uncertainty to prospects for any bill clearing the House. Any compromise reached with Obama would almost certainly include terms even less appealing to Republicans than the plan Boehner had put forward.
We had a number of our members who didn't want to be perceived as raising taxes,' Boehner said Friday. There was no immediate response from his office to the president's remarks. Boehner may now have to rely on the support of the House's Democratic minority if any plan is to get through the chamber.
That could damage his standing within his party and affect his prospects for retaining the speaker's position when the newly elected Congress takes office in January. The White House said Obama will press ahead with Congress on a plan to avoid the fiscal cliff. But Thursday's events left little time for a deal.
The House will not meet again until after Christmas, if then, and the Senate is expected to meet briefly on Friday, then not reconvene until next Thursday. The question of raising taxes on the wealthiest Americans has been the biggest sticking point in talks.
Tax cuts approved during President George W. Bush's presidency are set to expire at the end of the year. Obama campaigned for re-election calling for the cuts to be extended for anyone earning less than $250 000.
Republicans opposed taxes going up for anyone. Boehner and Obama had seemed to be making progress in negotiations. Boehner's plan proposed allowing taxes go up for those making $1-million or more. Obama had offered a compromise $400 000 level. In the negotiations, Obama and Boehner are separated by relatively miniscule dollar differences, by Washington standards.
Obama wants to raise taxes by about $20-billion a year more than Boehner. The two men differ over spending cuts by roughly the same amount.
By almost any measure, $20-billion is real money. Yet compared to the $2.6-trillion the government expects to collect next year and to the $3.6 trillion it plans to spend, $20 billion barely registers – less than 1 percent of what the government already is on track to raise and spend.
Relative to the U.S. economy, which should weigh in at well over $15 trillion next year, $20-billion is even smaller.
"The policy implication is very slight," Robert Bixby, executive director of the Concord Coalition, a non-partisan anti-deficit group, said of the gap. "It's not worth the price of not getting a deal."

subset: commoncrawl


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Scarborough police: Pedestrian struck by train
Amtrak delayed for more than an hour
Scarborough police said a person was struck by a train Sunday morning.
Sometime before 8:30, police reported to the tracks in an area under Black Point Road near the intersection with Highland Avenue.
Amtrak has issued an alert for train 692. The website reports an incident on the tracks involving a "trespasser on the tracks."
WMTW News 8's Katie Thompson was on the scene and said the train began moving again just before 10 a.m.
The Scarborough Fire Department said the male victim was taken to Maine Medical Center in Portland with extensive injuries. The victim was conscious and alert when he was found on the track next to the train.
According to officials, the victim appeared to have been walking across the tracks when he was hit.
Scarborough police and railroad police are investigating.


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Judge Judy
Presided over by outspoken former family court judge, Judge Judith Sheindlin, the top-rated series continues to serve as a benchmark for the increasingly popular courtroom genre. With her no-nonsense, hard-hitting, decisive and witty approach to justice, Judge Sheindlin establishes herself as a pop-culture icon for a new generation of viewers. As a result, she has been featured numerous times on "Entertainment Tonight," "The Today Show," CNN's "Larry King Live," "The Tonight Show," "The View," "20/20," "Dateline NBC" and "Saturday Night Live," to name a few. In addition, profiles of Judge Sheindlin include "Nightline," A&E series "Biography," E! Entertainment Television's "E! Celebrity Profile," MSNBC's "Headliners and Legends" and Lifetime Television's "Intimate Portrait." Judge Sheindlin has also been featured in People, TV Guide, New York Times, Los Angeles Times, USA Today, Parade, Entertainment Weekly, McCall's, Ladies' Home Journal, Modern Maturity, Family Circle, Good Housekeeping, Redbook and Time.
Judge Judy selects actual court cases from across the nation and places them before the charismatic Judge Sheindlin, a credible arbitrator well known for her decisions on some of the toughest cases in New York. The series focuses on small claims disputes, which most often center on family and/or interpersonal relationship issues. Ultimately, the cases usually involve relationships in conflict where Judge Sheindlin applies her unique ability to act as a true moral compass for people seeking guidance, insight and resolution in their often complicated lives.


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EVENT DATE: Feb 15, 2013
FUNDRAISER SET UP DEADLINE: Jan 25, 2013
Welcome to the 2013 UNC Dance Marathon!
We fund what medical insurance cannot for patients and their families at N.C. Children's Hospital. We believe that our community can make a difference by helping remove the burdens associated with hospitalization, such as travel expenses, food and electricity for medical equipment. By removing these burdens and providing the funding for research and additional pediatric programs we can all help provide the fullest possible care to children. Learn more about the 11 specific programs UNC-DM funds here.
The mission of the UNC Dance Marathon is to unite the University, community and state in fostering emotional and financial support that improves the quality of life for the patients and families of N.C. Children's Hospital.
The Event
The 2013 marathon will begin on February 15 at 7:30 pm and end 24 hours later on February 16. The marathon takes place on the UNC campus in Fetzer Gym and any UNC student can sign up as a dancer. Motivator and Volunteer registration is open to anyone who wants to get an inside look at the UNC Dance Marathon. So now that the details are out of the way, what actually happens? The marathon is 24 hours filled with not only dancing but also:
Performances - bands, a capella groups, dance groups and more
Games - cheer pong, basketball, guitar hero, four square - just to name a few
Food - lots of catered, delicious food!
Activities - sunrise at Kenan Stadium, an afternoon on Hooker fields and making cards for kids
Being a Dancer
Signing up to dance at the marathon means a few things:
You are pledging to stand for 24 hours at the marathon - we stand for 24 hours to show our support for the patients and families of N.C. Children's Hospital. This represents the 24 hours patients and families fight every day to get better.
You are committing to raise $150 by February 15 - $150 can pay for a family's electricity bill for one month, 150 slices of pizza to feed families on Thursday night Pizza Dinners, or phone cards for 30 families to make calls from the hospital.
You are signing up to make an emotional and financial difference in the lives of the patients and families at N.C. Children's Hospital.
Being a Motivator
Motivating is a great way to contribute to UNC Dance Marathon! Not only does it give you a chance to participate in this magnificent event, but it also gives you a chance to interact with and motivate the dancers. Motivators are an essential part of the marathon since they keep the dancers excited about the cause during the 24 hours of the marathon. Each shift lasts about six hours and Motivators get to dress up costumes related to that shift's theme. Motivators commit to raising $60 for their first shift, plus $30 for each additional shift they sign up. Get a glimpse of what UNC-DM is about by signing up to motivate!
Being a Volunteer
Volunteers are an integral part of the marathon and help with various activities from helping with meals to cleaning up to manning key areas, all necessary activities to keep the marathon running smoothly! Each shift lasts about three hours and you're invited to volunteer for as many shifts as you'd like. Volunteers commit to raising $25 for their first shift, plus $10 per additional shift. Regardless if you've volunteered or danced in the past, sign up today and get a glimpse of what UNC-DM is about!
Still have questions? Click here to visit the UNC Dance Marathon website to learn more about what we do and how you can get involved!
Twitter: #uncdm2013
Happy FDOC Tarheels! In just one week we will be holding interest meetings for anyone who thinks they might want to… https://t.co/oZRfZIlODH
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On-line version ISSN 2309-8392
Print version ISSN 0018-229X
Historia vol.55 n.2 Durban Nov. 2010
"The story of a disease": African horsesickness and its direct influence on the necessary development of veterinary science in South Africa c. 1890s-1920s
"Die verhaal van 'n siekte": Afrika-perdesiekte en die direkte invloed daarvan op die noodsaaklike ontwikkeling van veeartsenykunde in Suid-Afrika vanaf ongeveer die 1890's tot die 1920's
Stefanie Vandenbergh*
Veterinary science was underdeveloped in South Africa prior to the early twentieth century. Horses were crucial to the country's (economic) development, and therefore the health of these animals became very important to South Africa; any horse disease had a major impact on the country's progress. A study of AHS is not only about sick or dead horses; it goes beyond the obvious and uncovers the many social implications that animal disease can cause. AHS has been encountered in South Africa since the first horses arrived in the Cape when Jan van Riebeeck disembarked and even today the disease is not uncommon. Due to its active presence, AHS had an impact on far more than the economic development of the country.
Keywords: African horsesickness (AHS); horses; veterinary development; Arnold Theiler; Duncan Hutcheon; animal disease; rinderpest; colonial veterinarians; Contagious Disease Act; Department of Agriculture; Louis Botha; Onderstepoort
Voor die vroeë twintigste eeu was veeartsenykunde in Suid-Afrika onderontwikkel. Perde was in daardie stadium van deurslaggewende belang vir die land se (ekonomiese) ontwikkeling. Die gesondheid van hierdie diere was dus baie belangrik in Suid-Afrika aangesien enige perdesiekte 'n groot impak op die land se vooruitgang gehad het. 'n Studie van Afrika-perdesiekte gaan daarom nie net oor siek of dooie perde nie; dit strek verder as die voor die hand liggende feite en belig die vele sosiale implikasies van 'n dieresiekte. Afrika-perdesiekte kom in Suid-Afrika voor reeds sedert die eerste perde saam met Jan van Riebeeck aan die Kaap geland het, en dit is vandag steeds 'n baie algemene siekte onder perde. Weens die hoë voorkoms daarvan het Afrika-perdesiekte 'n impak wat veel verder strek as die ekonomiese ontwikkeling van die land.
Sleutelwoorde: Afrika-perdesiekte, ontwikkeling van veeartsenykunde; Arnold Theiler; Duncan Hutcheon; dieresiekte; runderpes; koloniale veeartse; Wet op Aansteeklike Siektes; Departement van Landbou; Louis Botha; Onderstepoort
This article will position the African horsesickness1 (AHS) disease within the context of the broader development of veterinary science in South Africa. It is important to understand the role of the horse, and specifically the effects of AHS, in order to comprehend the rapid development of veterinary science in South Africa during the period stretching from the 1890s to the 1920s.
Relative to Europe, veterinary science was underdeveloped in South Africa in this period. At present, rapid developments in veterinary science are influenced by major changes in societal attitudes but this was hardly the case with early veterinary medicine in South Africa. At the time, horses were the backbone of the country's economic development, therefore AHS, of which there were several serious outbreaks, had the potential to exercise a significant negative impact on the economic development of the country. Interest in the health of horses increased, especially finding a cure for AHS. The outbreaks clearly indicated the need for more profound and better-developed veterinary science.
This article will discuss the importance of animal disease, focusing on AHS in South Africa by illustrating the initial awareness of the disease; the strategies originally developed to combat it; the consequences of and the reactions to AHS; and the history of veterinary science in South Africa. In this way, the necessity for the restructuring and amalgamation of veterinary science in the country will become evident. Finding a cure for AHS was an economic necessity; the disease was the reason behind the rapid and necessary developments in veterinary science in South Africa during the period from the 1890s to the 1920s.
The role of the horse and African horsesickness in South Africa
Although AHS has attracted a great deal of attention, the topic has not been extensively researched from outside the perspective of the natural sciences. It has been mentioned when dealing with the effects of animal diseases, but a broad history of the social impact of the disease has not been adequately addressed.
AHS was already encountered in South Africa when the first horses were imported.2 One of the earliest documents on animal diseases prevalent on the African continent was by Father Monclaro, a missionary who wrote travel stories. It was he who made the first reference to a disease that can be interpreted as AHS.3 In his account of the journey of Franciso Baro in 1569 to East Africa, he mentioned that horses brought from India had died, and that their death was thought to be on account of poisoning by the natives. He tells of a stallion that was led to the water but fell and cast up "yellow matter". Arnold Theiler4 recorded that this yellow matter must have been the path gnomonic symptom of AHS, and in his view the experiences of the early Portuguese pioneers can be regarded as the first records of AHS in the Zambezi estuary.
The disease captured the imagination of early commentators. One described it as a scourge akin to the biblical plague suffered by the Egyptians for their detention of the Israelites.5 Certainly, during the Egyptian war of 1882, the horses imported from England, Syria and other eastern countries were greatly affected by AHS. Because they were imported they were weaker and unaccustomed to the environment and unlike the local horses they had no resistance to the disease. Veterinarians realised more than ten years later, that it was not as widespread as originally thought, but claimed that it was a disease peculiar to South Africa.6 Erring on the side of geographical insularity, they called it South African horsesickness.7
At first, breeders were not really interested in the avoidance or prevention of the illness because the disease was endemic, affecting only a limited number of horses. It was only after the 1854-55 outbreak (the official number of mortalities came close to 65,000, which at the time was a staggering 40 per cent of the entire horse population of the Cape of Good Hope8) that the huge losses caused alarm. According to the Graaff Reinet Herald, "The horse sickness of 1854-55 devastated the Cape Colony to such an extent that everyone felt interested in the discovery of its cause, with a view to its prevention and cure."9 Horse breeders did their best to curb falling horse stocks. The Cape of Good Hope Agricultural Society issued an application to ascertain "the nature of the complaint, its stimulating cause, most successful treatment, and the possibility of arresting its progress, or mitigating its ravages on any future occasion".10 Unfortunately, interest was still relatively low because many farmers and horse owners underestimated the seriousness of the disease and at that time, the country was expanding and developing, causing other problems that were of greater importance and required immediate attention.
Not only was the interest in the disease quite low, but scientists, researchers and farmers (including horse owners and breeders) did not see eye to eye on AHS. Duncan Hutcheon11 described every single case in an extensive report,12 but his views were not always shared by researchers and horse owners. T.B. Bayley, an Anglo-Indian who moved to South Africa and became a well-known horse breeder and author of Notes on the Horse Sickness at the Cape of Good Hope, in 1854-'55, and another farmer, Way, observed that once a horse recovered from the AHS, it was not subject to a second attack. This was subsequently proved incorrect in an experiment when salted horses13 from the Cape were sent to Mashonaland, and died of AHS.14 Since the scientists were unaware of the different strains of AHS, they explained the death of these horses as being on account of the "Mashonaland disease". Alexander Edington15 subsequently proved in his experiments that "true immunity in horses against this disease is never acquired".16 It is known today that different strains of AHS exist and although a horse may recover from a particular strain, it is not safeguarded from others. Although early researchers and farmers had limited knowledge of the disease they were correct in their observation that once a horse had become infected and recovered it would not fall ill again as easily. This would only be true, however, if the horse was infected with the same strain of AHS. Way stated:
I have alluded to a curious fact in the history of the complaint, namely, that horses which have had the disease and recovered, are, as a general rule not subject to it a second time. In the colony, where horses are plentiful, and the disease occasional, this fact is, I believe, little known, and still less appreciated; but among the boers over the Vaal it becomes an essential consideration in the purchase of a horse. Is he "gesout" [salted]; has he had the disease? [This] is the first question; the value of the animal being increased double or treble his natural value by the circumstance.17
Thus if a horse was fortunate enough to outlive an AHS epidemic during that time, its value increased, and if it recovered from the disease during an epidemic, its value would rise even higher.
Taking a closer look at the history of the development of veterinary services in South Africa, it becomes clear that the characteristics of AHS were not fully known. Horse owners and farmers who encountered the disease in the early years of white settlement of the African continent did not make any notes about the sickness, nor did they keep track of the symptoms of AHS. Researchers and scientists were virtually non-existent and the first colonial veterinarian was only appointed in 1876.18 Even the causes of babesiosis, anthrax19 and blackquarter were unknown, and were regarded as the same disease that manifested itself in different forms. Today, it is common knowledge that AHS is an endemic20 non-contagious viral disease that can affect all Equidae species.
Initial awareness of and reactions to African horsesickness
During the nineteenth century, many causes of infection were proposed, investigated and disseminated. Green food was thought to cause AHS as was the early morning dew on the grass.21 Some thought the grass itself contained poison22 or that there were germs on the ground.23 There was a general belief that the bitter-tasting dew, having a brown colour, poisoned the blood of the horses. They therefore believed that the sun had to warm the air thoroughly, dispelling the dew of the night. As soon as the dew was dried, horses were allowed to go outside and graze.24 Hutcheon strongly believed that heavy dew was always present at night during AHS outbreaks.25 Bayley refused to agree that dew was the culprit because he had never encountered brown dew, except for the "mountain dew" of Scotland.
Blaming the presence of dew for AHS was not too far-fetched, because during some outbreaks, dew was indeed prevalent. The weather was calm with a clear sky at night followed by a hot day26 and the casualties of the disease were more often that not the horses that were kept outside for the entire day and night. Researchers became aware of the fact that their understanding of AHS needed to improve if they were to search for preventative methods or even a cure, so they gradually began to search for less obvious factors that might have prompted the AHS outbreaks. Hutcheon noticed, for example, that the disease rarely occurred on high mountains, and he ascribed this to the fact that hardly any dew settled on mountains. He thus warned against leaving horses overnight in deep ravines or in low-lying valleys.27 Horses roaming on the hills during AHS outbreaks appeared to remain free of infection, whereas those that went down into the valleys became susceptible. Hutcheon also believed that the dewy atmosphere in the early mornings (before being evaporated by the sun) was a possible infector, because he claimed that horses contracted the disease not only via their mouths, but also through their nostrils during breathing.
Herbs and cobwebs were also treated with suspicion. Hart of Somerset stated that "the cause of the horsesickness is occasioned by a very minute insect of the spider tribe, either the insect itself, or web, or both, and is dependent on the atmosphere".28 Nor was Hart alone in this belief. Hartman of Victoria and C. Penny agreed with his theory. Hartman noted that "when the horse sickness broke out in January last, there had been for some time before much rain, heavy fogs, clammy dews, and the grass and trees were covered with filaments resembling cobwebs".29
C. Penny, furthermore, stated that he was led to observe "an extensive and sudden rise of a great quantity of cobwebs from the grass and bushes". Foss and White of Swellendam thought that the disease was contagious under certain circumstances as well as epidemic. Foss observed: "The disease appears to me, without doubt, to be epidemic, and for this reason I have applied the above name [epidemic catarrh]. I also am of opinion that it is contagious, and I think many circumstances tend to induce this idea and to prove it."30
However, proponents of these early theories could not substantiate their conclusions and did not agree with Way and Bayley who claimed that AHS was not contagious, because kraaling was a widely-used preventative measure. If the disease was indeed contagious, there would not have been as many survivors because kraaling entailed restricting the horses' movement by putting them in a small enclosure. This close contact between the animals would have been the ideal breeding ground for the disease. This was not the case - there was no apparent increase in the death toll of horses kept in kraals as compared to those roaming free on the veld.
Hutcheon proclaimed that no other animals were susceptible to the disease except horses, even when deliberately exposed to or injected with the disease.31 Like others he established that the incidence of the disease increased when the seasons were warm and moist, having been preceded by a dormant winter.32 These conditions were not only dangerous for AHS in South Africa but could be compared to climatic conditions that generated intermittent fever in the fens of Lincolnshire, the jungle fever between the tropics, the cholera in Bengal and the plague on the banks of the Nile.33
During the mid-nineteenth century, AHS was often likened to cholera. Medical men such as Hutton compared the diseases as they both have "a poisonous atmospheric agency".34 The ideas about changes in the atmosphere, such as cold and moisture, suggest that there was still a vague understanding of the disease. These environmentally entrenched representations of disease had many supporters during the Victorian era (1837-1901), and were not immediately abandoned when the concept of germ theories emerged.35 In addition, experimental treatment was impossible, because a bill was passed in England in 1822 "to prevent cruel and improper treatment of cattle".36 This law outlawed cruelty to larger domestic animals such as cattle, horses, sheep, asses, cows and steers (while still excluding bulls, dogs, cats, pigs, goats, birds and wild animals). Furthermore, legislation passed in England in 1876, namely the Cruelty to Animals Act and the Antivivisection Act, regulated the use of experimental animals in British biological and medical research and teaching.37 Experimentation was illegal on dogs, cats, horses, asses and mules under any circumstances, except under complete anaesthesia.38 The Act to Amend the Law Relating to Cruelty to Animals, passed in England in 1822, was reinforced by a new Cruelty to Animals Act in 1876 and received the royal assent and support of the editor of the British Medical Journal.39 These measures were of great importance because they limited the research and study of AHS in South Africa, which was a British colony at the time. South Africa was also obliged to adhere to English legislation because some of the veterinary research was conducted in Britain due to a lack of specialised research veterinarians in the country. South Africa passed its own Cruelty to Animals Act in 1888,40 further limiting the methods used by the few scientists researching AHS in the country.41
Some of the research and testing of cures was not entirely painless for the horses, because the scientists tried many methods and remedies in order to assess their efficacy. However, Victorian scientific culture was marked by change; discoveries in medicine, mathematics and physical science were continually modifying the way people understood life. There was a shift from a focus on theory to a focus on basic observation.42 The aims of the humane and the anti-vivisection political and moral protest movements of nineteenth-century England were not always identical, although their concerns did overlap.43 The Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals44 (SPCA) was more inclined to acknowledge the demands of science than of other organisations, such as the above-mentioned movements exclusively concerned with animal experimentation. At about this time, British government recommendations, which were later passed to South Africa, were issued to prevent painful experimentation, but the public was aware of the value of scientific research and relied on the humane concern of the majority of the experimenters. All these elements influenced the research on AHS, and accounted for the slow investigation of the cure and transmission of the disease.
Most of the veterinarians during that time were very much a product of this confident Victorian science. Gradually, however, there was a change in scientific ideas. Researchers and scientists called on the help of the farmers and horse owners in order to gain a full picture of the disease; they needed information on the day-to-day use of horses. The more research that was conducted the better the researchers and farmers began to comprehend the disease and were able to draw certain theories and conclusions.
Experimental treatments and preventive measures
Because AHS was a disease that impaired the daily routine of horse users and thus affected people economically, many individuals became involved in finding a cure. Most horse owners had no background whatsoever in science and relied only on "practical experience", doing their best to cure and safeguard their horses.45 This concern for the wellbeing of their horses was triggered and stimulated by the government's offer of prizes for finding cures for animal diseases. A cure for Redwater was rewarded with £25,000, and there was "a similar sum for the cure of horsesickness".46 The colonial secretary wrote recommending "... the offer of rewards for the discovery of a practical preventative or cure of Horse Sickness and of Rhodesian Redwater or Tick Fever...',47 which suggestion was later duly accepted by the legislative council.
The government was not granting the appointed researchers the necessary time to find cures, as time was a luxury they did not have; the longer the farmers had to wait for remedies, the more animals were dying and the greater the economic loss to the country. This was a sensitive topic for the scientists appointed by the government, as such cash prizes challenged numerous people to find cures. Sometimes less scholarly remedies (with no scientific background), were peddled by horse owners whose horses had recovered from AHS. Many such "remedies" were published and bought by horse owners without any guarantee from scientists or researchers on their effectiveness. This undermined the authority of the scientists. Indeed, AHS and the quest to find a cure even attracted attention overseas, and people started writing from Britain, Australia and New Zealand professing to have discovered cures.48 Another problem that arose from the cash incentives on offer was the enormous number of letters (all of which had to be investigated) received from people who claimed to have found cures and who demanded money before revealing their cures and treatment.49 Hutcheon warned against the remedies published by quacks, requesting increased support from the government for research undertaken and proposed treatments developed by bona fide scientists.50
Researchers often tried to inoculate horses with the disease to gain a better understanding of AHS and possible treatments for the disease. It is interesting to note that when the researchers received permission from the government to buy horses for experiments, it was specified that high-bred horses were unsuitable for this purpose because those breeds were more severely affected by equine diseases than veldt horses.51 This is a theory still existing today. For example, a hardened South African breed, such as the Boerperd, is less inclined to fall ill during an AHS outbreak than a Dutch imported Friesian.
Another so-called remedy demonstrating a lack of specific knowledge of AHS and revealing a hint of desperation, came from a certain Cooper of Somerset. He published a remarkable treatment method that a sick horse should be "hung up by his hind legs from the beam of the stable three or four times a day for a few minutes, so that the discharge from his lungs may run out mechanically".52 W.K. Steen wrote to the colonial secretary to distribute with all haste in all government gazettes and local papers the following cure:
As soon as the animal is attacked with sickness, saturate sponge with pure ether, place sponge in [nose] bag in one pint of water, put half the six oz bottle of ether quantity, drench and then put nose bag on horse. Two days after, drench the horse with 3 oz glycerine and one pinch [sic?] water.53
Lambert, a horse breeder and owner, was cautious in the use of nose bags. This method was used during the Anglo-Zulu war to filter the night air and stop the horses from eating the dewy grass, but it remained unclear whether it made the horses less liable to contract AHS than those not wearing a nose bag.54 P.J. van der Merwe from Worcester encountered AHS on his farm, and found the following treatment very effective "out of experience". He would paint a line about two inches wide with a paintbrush soaked in tar along the length of the stable so that the sick horse constantly inhaled the smell of the tar.55 He found that when he employed this method on infected horses, it drove the disease away quickly. Hutcheon had his doubts whether the tar had an arresting effect on the spread of the disease among stabled horses, or if it cured the disease.56 Although warning horse-owners about the dangers of using tar for a prolonged period of time, he did recognise the disinfectant character of tar in such circumstances, but only in helping to prevent the spreading of certain germs. But he was reluctant to believe that such a small line of tar could prevent the spread of the disease in a stable full of infected horses. P.J. van der Merwe's remedy was simple and inexpensive, but his personal experience was insufficient to persuade Hutcheon to appoint tar as the acknowledged preventative method for diseases such as AHS and strangles.57
Hutcheon recommended arsenic and sulphur as the only two remedies that horse owners could use repeatedly during AHS outbreaks without impairing the general health of the horse.58 Giving sulphur in small quantities was regarded as safe because only a little is converted into sulphides and sulphured hydrogen, which is very destructive to plant life. Arsenic could also be given in small doses without causing bad side effects. His recommendations were liquor arsenicals, one fluid ounce daily, together with a teaspoonful of flowers of sulphur mixed with some bran or spread over the forage. One of the most effective treatments that Hutcheon stood by was the use of repeated stimulants, hot blankets and fresh air. Mustard was used as a counter irritant.59
Hutcheon was also very explicit when it came to the method of administering medicine to a horse. He regarded it as cruel and unnatural to pour medicine directly into a horse's nostril, as this is extremely stressful for the animal, especially when dosing with the irritant substances and stimulants that were often used in experimental AHS treatments. He wrote: "The unfortunate animal cannot, however, help swallowing the medicine when it is poured down his nostril; hence it is the attendant's ease and comfort which is studied, not that of the horse."60
Marshall Campbell of Natal used a totally different treatment for AHS. He claimed to have cured 20 of 21 cases by administering intoxicating doses of alcohol. "Brandy, cheap quality used in doses of half a bottle with a wine glassful of water added; this dose is repeated every quarter of an hour, until the animal becomes intoxicated. From two to three bottles are sufficient to produce the desired effect."61
Hutcheon expressed his hesitation in accepting this treatment. He argued that alcohol's initial effect was to stimulate the heart, exciting the cerebral circulation, while the secondary effect paralyses different parts of the brain. He therefore only recommended the first part of the treatment and administering alcohol to the horses on the verge of paralysis, although he thought there was a possibility that the alcohol could also slow down the germs causing AHS.
Korsensky also believed in the curative qualities of alcohol. His remedy was a mixture of half a pint of brandy or wine and a teaspoon of ground black pepper.62 Bleeding was another method often used, and Hutcheon was in favour of bleeding sick horses - on condition that it was done in the early stages of showing AHS symptoms.63 This method was traced back to a custom in the Victorian era when this was also used as a remedy for human diseases. Wiltshire had, however, proclaimed years earlier that bleeding could only be used as a last resort because it was often carried too far, impairing the recovery process of the horse or even killing the animal.64
Rutherford did not insist on medical treatment for AHS, arguing that the disease progressed too fast.65 He found from experience that the most effective treatment was administering a pint of raw linseed oil, followed by a powerful stimulant such as brandy or whisky given in a frequent dose. The horse's chest, liver and any swellings had to be kept warm using hot blankets, but the animal's head and nape of the neck were to be cooled with a cold, wet cloth. He recommended that the food be soft, palatable and nutritious and be followed by a quarter-ounce dose of nitre and some carbonate of ammonia in the horse's drinking water. Rutherford also believed in the beneficial remedial properties of carbolic acid, giving 60 drops three or four times a day with a pint of water and one or two wineglassfuls of oil to prevent the mixture from burning the throat. He did not believe in curing AHS by bleeding or blistering sick horses.66
The most effective way of preventing AHS was not ointments, medicines or infusions, but simply stabling the animals. This was discovered relatively early by horse owners and farmers, and was encouraged by researchers. Some horse owners were more cautious, however, and claimed that stabling would protect the horses but not entirely safeguard them from the disease.67 Breeders started to work their horses only during the day, stabling them early. Kraaling was used as an alternative when breeders had insufficient or no stables, but this was bad for pregnant or feeding mares and young foals, because they were chased into the kraal every day, thus stressing them unduly. This preventative method did help when the kraals were erected on elevated sites, where the night air temperature was warmer and where the body temperature of the horses helped to counteract the change of temperature after sunset.
It had already been widely observed simply through the farmers' practical experience, that horses grazing on higher lands were relatively AHS free. Mountainous areas were therefore often reserved by local authorities as sanctuaries for the horses in the surrounding vicinity. This sometimes caused friction among livestock holders because they did not always understand why horse owners enjoyed preferential treatment from the field cornets.68 A livestock holder, Lodewyk Wiese, wrote to the civil commissioner of Clan William that his cattle should also have the right to graze on the higher ground. He was denied that right, however, because these pastures were reserved for horses during the AHS seasons.69 Although AHS was a disease that had a serious impact on horses and the evolving industry, it was not always well understood by farmers or people who had no horses, or those who were uninformed on the importance of horses. This again demonstrated the lack of awareness of the disease, and indirectly affected the seriousness of outbreaks due to the lack of practical measures taken to prevent friction among farmers.
As previously mentioned, dew and grazing were also considered a definite risk. Hutcheon subscribed to this view and recommended the use of properly constructed nose bags made of very porous cloth, kept moist with a carbolic acid solution or similar disinfectant and placed on the horses' heads when exposed to the night air.70 However, he did warn against the continuous use of carbolic acid and tar derivatives, as they could be dangerous if used for a lengthy period, and could impair the health of the animal.
Bleeding was another method used by horse owners and scientists either as a treatment or a preventative measure. A veterinarian was summoned to provide "medical treatment" when an owner suspected that a horse was infected (a dull animal, disinclined to feed). It was not uncommon that a horse was bled more than once. Some animals did survive the bleeding, but again it was unsatisfactory to attribute a definitive cure for AHS to bleeding, because the first signs of sickness could have been indicative of any of a number of other diseases.
It was recommended by veterinarians that horses that died from AHS should be buried six feet deep in poor, dry soil together with all the debris (froth, manure, excrement) and set apart, confined by bush or rails.71 Cremation was regarded as an even better method against the spread of the disease, as it was still a common belief that AHS was highly contagious. Rutherford even warned against handling carcasses, because he believed that it was possible to contract blood poisoning if the blood of the dead horse entered the handlers' bloodstream.72 Drainage of swamps was also an effective preventative method and remains so today. In those years it was believed that swamps harboured the deadly disease germ. No one had yet made the connection between mosquitoes and midges that are very prevalent around swamps and ponds.
The preventative measures outlined above reveal the primitive state of the data on AHS, and of scientific progress itself, during that time. Most of these techniques were developed from the practical knowledge of the farmers and adopted by the scientists, who carried out research on them. Furthermore, they were often the cause of the high death rates during AHS outbreaks, as many owners insisted on implementing these defensive measures or treatments, which were, as was later discovered, completely ineffective. This insistence on the part of the horse owners and farmers to persist with such measures indirectly slowed down the scientific research, because the researchers tended to focus on the practical knowledge they accumulated from horse owners and farmers.
AHS outbreaks were an eye-opener for the government. It was clear that some policies had to be changed, developed or adapted to provide better protection for horses, a valuable commodity in the economy. Because the country was developing, there were more imports and exports, putting South Africa at greater risk of importing diseases.
The above-mentioned experimental treatments and preventative measures used against AHS demonstrate the early, under-developed status of veterinary science in South Africa and the desperation of farmers and horse owners to cure their horses of this disease. Although most of the treatments discussed here seem absurd today, it must be kept in mind that horse owners were dealing with a disease of which they had incomplete knowledge. They could also count on only partial support from the scientific world, because a limited number of researchers were involved in investigating AHS. The early preventative methods used demonstrate this lack of practical knowledge and the inadequacy of science. This state of affairs was, however, about to change.
Development of veterinary science in the country: Colonial veterinarians
While Europe was already stable and established, South Africa was a new territory that needed to develop into a successful colony. Veterinary medicine was not always on top of the 'necessary development' inventory, especially in the early years of colonisation. However, with the rapid growth of the colony, it was soon realised that disease had to be curbed. The outbreaks of various animal diseases placed stress on agricultural production and increased the proximity of residential areas to those where animals had died.
The roots and foundation of South African veterinary knowledge came from Western tradition but most South African animal diseases were unknown to British veterinary science. The first veterinarians were from Britain and were only familiar with British veterinary science; they brought this knowledge when they came to South Africa. They were able to deal with familiar diseases but were out of their depth when it came to the many animal diseases indigenous to the country. This created a problem in formulating and executing an effective veterinary policy. The veterinarians were required to investigate illnesses unknown to them, making them dependent on the knowledge and experience of stock owners. Basically, they worked on a trial and error basis. Not only did the effects of AHS cause alarm, but other animal diseases also needed their attention.
The rinderpest epizootic of 1896-1898 had major consequences, and made it clear to farmers that it was time for a reaction from the government on the control of animal diseases.73 Not only did the lack of specific knowledge make it difficult to combat stock disease but professional rivalry and the superstitious (non-scientific) treatments used by the farmers and stock owners made it no easier. Veterinary policies were based on the British model of quarantine and slaughter,74 but this was unsustainable in the developing colony because it was politically controversial and unaffordable, especially for AHS. Slaughter came to be seen quite early as useless. As Hutcheon wrote: "You may kill every horse and mule in the Colony, and introduce an entirely new race, but the wholesale slaughter would not affect the prevalence of horsesickness one bit",75 because, quite simply, the disease was not contagious.
The difficult situation between livestock holders and researchers was exacerbated by the fact that veterinarians had a great deal of political power, and there was no communication platform between farmers and scientists. The assistance of farmers, breeders and stock owners was necessary for the veterinarians because they needed not only their knowledge but also their participation in experiments. Researchers began to apply scientific methods based on immunology, using local knowledge to develop techniques of preventative inoculation. Legislation was passed for the isolation of infected cattle during the lungsickness epidemic in the 1860s, and lines were drawn in the battle over scab control, another indigenous disease. The Cape government passed a Scab Act in 1874 to advise farmers on the control of the disease by limiting animal movement.76 This was not well received, largely because the farmers resented the external interference. Although the epizootic was responsible for the death of many animals, it prevented the government from continuing its policy of regulating veterinary policies. The regulations produced political tension because they helped to spread scientific ideas and techniques across the colony while government policy was based on voluntary programmes to deal with the rinderpest disease.77 Furthermore, although the efforts to control the disease were directed primarily at European farmers, the indigenous population regarded veterinary science as an instrument the colonists were using against them.
The first scientists at the Cape, researchers and veterinarians such as Edington, Hutcheon and Theiler, did not initially have the resources to conduct more profound research. The "laboratories" used by the first scientists were very primitive and small, and the number of personnel manning them hardly capable of coping with the many demands and experiments. The veterinary services received more attention during the rinderpest epizootic, however, which was one of the worst pandemics of animal disease to hit the country. Once again, the authorities had to face the need for an effective veterinary service and the necessity of proper investment in this initiative. The epizootic taught the Cape to deal with a serious disease outbreak effectively, since more money was made available for extensive research and experiments, and veterinary positions in the Department of Agriculture were reinforced. The specific duties that government and individuals had to employ to promote and protect the health of their animals became clearer, as did the areas in which the government lacked guidance. For example, the Cape Colony realised that it needed urgent assistance, and appointed a German physician, Robert Koch, to undertake research on AHS. Meanwhile, Natal employed Watkins-Pitchford78 in 1897 and he founded the Allerton Laboratory the next year.79 Two years later, the government established the first bacteriological institute in Grahamstown, under the professional eye of Alexander Edington, who had already set up a laboratory for investigating modern methods of bacteriological investigation to tackle the most destructive stock diseases in South Africa.80 In this new institute, intensive research was conducted into diseases common to the area, including AHS. But because there was no uniform legislation and no centralised institution in the country to which the scientists had to report, problems arose. In minutes dated 30 May 1905, taken at the Cape prime minister's office, there is support for Hutcheon's investigation into AHS and Koch's preventative inoculation trials, but it was pointed out that several experts were engaged in similar studies in different parts of the country.81 Due to a lack of coordination, therefore, many of the scientists were working along similar lines simultaneously, and this was a recipe for friction, which added to the pressure they were under to find cures for all of the "new" tropical diseases. They were often too early in proclaiming a cure, and frequently found they had to contradict themselves and one another,82 which did not reassure the public.
Even though there were only a few veterinary scientists in an isolated country, they were in communication with the British Medical Association, conveying their findings. The government rarely permitted its appointed veterinary scientists, such as Edington and Koch, to travel to foreign institutes to keep themselves up to date with new developments in the field, and the few accounts appearing in French, English and German journals were short, incomplete and often useless. These two factors contributed to making the South African-based veterinary scientists independent in their ideas and authority, because there were no outside influences on their thinking.83 The communication between the South African scientists and the British Medical Association, and the rare travels to foreign institutes, helped them to receive international attention when they eventually conducted further research, following the establishment of Onderstepoort years later.
The South African Republic later appointed Arnold Theiler,84 a Swiss veterinarian arrived in South Africa in 1891. As the Transvaal's first state veterinarian, Theiler was given the specific task of combating rinderpest and AHS in 1902.85 Theiler took this responsibility seriously and established a field laboratory in Marico, which was later moved to Waterval, north of Pretoria. In 1897 he founded Daspoort, originally a military barracks,86 and turned it into a permanent laboratory. The government recognised the need for veterinary research, and was highly supportive of the activities at Daspoort and other state-run laboratories.
Although the researchers seemed to struggle to discover the causes and appropriate cures for certain diseases, some were successful. In 1895, various major discoveries included the identification of the trypanosome that causes nagana, and the tsetse fly as its vector. Five years later, a specific tick was identified as being responsible for causing heartwater.87 These discoveries strengthened the belief and the trust of the government in the need for well-qualified researchers and scientists and for the expansion of laboratories.
These developments came to a standstill with the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War (South African War) in 1899. The widespread destruction of farms and livestock during the war and the desperate economic straits once peace was declared, made the development of veterinary services extremely difficult. The situation was worsened by the outbreak of new diseases arising from the importation of horses for the British army.88 The country was still unaware of a number of indigenous diseases and the expansion of AHS, but soon encountered them when colonisation expanded to parts of the country not yet claimed. Animal diseases, both indigenous and imported, spread rapidly. The imported diseases were regarded as particularly serious; they had a major influence on the development of the country, largely because South Africa was still heavily dependent on the use of animals. The government was desperate to find solutions to cure and curb such diseases and in 1903 issued a resolution to conduct joint negotiations with the governments of Cape Colony, Natal, Orange River Colony and Rhodesia. A prize or bonus was offered for the discovery of practical prevention or cures for AHS, Rhodesian redwater and tick fever.89
Hutcheon and Theiler realised that many of the prevalent diseases shared similarities; others had no specific symptoms, making them unrecognisable in some instances. Alternatively, some diseases were only known under local names. For example, lungsickness and redwater in cattle have similar characteristics and this made curing these diseases particularly difficult. Although scientists were well aware of their existence, they did not realise immediately that they were perhaps dealing with a known disease that locals had given a different name.90
Until 1902, the Cape Department of Agriculture was the most important generator of knowledge on southern African animal diseases and their prevention.91 Thereafter, information was increasingly produced in the Transvaal, particularly through the efforts of Arnold Theiler.
At that time it was not only in South Africa that there was a growing interest in animal diseases. Other countries also began to take greater interest in tropical diseases of animals, giving southern Africa international attention in the veterinary field. The founding of new journals, both nationally and internationally, increased the flow of information and the generation of knowledge became less autochthonous, even for AHS. AHS was closely followed by the Central Veterinary Medical Society in Paris, and the preliminary findings were communicated in the Veterinary Record.92 Professor John MacFadyean, principal of the Royal Veterinary College in London, experimented with infected blood from South Africa and used the blood to repeat Edington's experiments in Britain.93 He communicated his findings in the Journal of Comparative Pathology and Therapeutics that was widely read by researchers in South Africa. The International Convention of Veterinarians, held at Budapest in 1905, also created public interest in issues of veterinary hygiene practised in South Africa.94
Daspoort eventually became unsuitable for Theiler's widening range of research. It was also too small to cater for the increasing demand for vaccines.95 Besides, the laboratory was unhygienic, which made it a dangerous threat to human health. Theiler lost several assistants to typhoid fever.96
Louis Botha was also a farmer, and Theiler and Botha became well-acquainted when both served during the Anglo-Boer War. Theiler benefited greatly from this relationship97 because Botha, who became prime minister and minister of agriculture of the Transvaal in 1907, attended promptly to urgent requests from Theiler and was able to convince parliament to invest £80,000 to modify De Onderstepoort farm into Onderstepoort Laboratory in 1908, only seven years after the conclusion of a devastating war.98
Establishment of Onderstepoort
Onderstepoort Veterinary Laboratory (today called Onderstepoort Veterinary Institute) officially opened its doors on 8 October 1908, and soon became an important centre in the international network of veterinary science in South Africa. The Transvaal government purchased the land north of Pretoria, chosen by Theiler for its location and large acreage, for £1,500.99 Onderstepoort was ideally situated in the bushveld close to Pretoria, the capital of the Transvaal, and had good access to a rail network. There was a railway siding at the laboratory that made it possible for animals from infected areas to be sent directly through to the laboratory and placed in quarantine with the least possible delay.100 Onderstepoort was also connected by a telephone line to Pretoria Central Exchange, making communication possible with Johannesburg and the whole of the Witwatersrand, as well as Pietersburg, Klerksdorp, Potchefstroom and Zeerust. It was also an ideal study field, since AHS and poisonous plants were very prevalent in the Transvaal. The chief architect at the Public Works Department, Patrick Eagle, drew up the plans for the institute according to the specific suggestions Theiler made after a visit to Europe.101 He aimed to make Onderstepoort the most up-to-date bacteriological institute, and his plans included creating laboratory buildings and stabling for a variety of animal species. He also made provision for farm services, staff quarters and transport.
Onderstepoort was so revolutionary that it was dubbed the "Extravagant Palace of Science". The white locals and black workers called it the 'Sick Line' because horses were often lined up to undergo experiments.102 The "Palace of Science" included facilities for small animals such as dog kennels, a piggery, and an isolation stable. There were also forage stores, workshops, a farrier, a saddler and sheds for buggies, wagons and farm implements. Hygienically it was a great improvement on Daspoort; all rooms were planned with a flue, and a large incinerator was built for the disposal of refuse and carcases.103
All these buildings, which are still in existence more than a century later, are proof of the serious intentions of Onderstepoort as a veterinary research centre. It was here that veterinary research was, for the first time, centralised around comprehensive buildings with all the necessary facilities to aid human and animal health.
Starting with a total budget equivalent to R17 294 and a staff comprising six professionals, five technicians and twelve auxiliary personnel, the laboratory made some ground-breaking discoveries.104 Theiler found the East Coast Fever organism (later named Theileria parva) and its vector; and Watkins-Pitchford developed the dipping routines that eradicated the disease. Theiler also discovered the causal organism of gallsickness, with blue tick as its vector. He identified Trypanosoma Congolense as the main cause of nagana and, by means of filtration experiments he was able to prove the viral nature of AHS and blue tongue. Importantly, the first steps were taken towards preparing a vaccine for AHS.
Onderstepoort was extremely successful as a research station, especially during the interwar years and probably at least until the 1960s, producing many important research papers on plant toxicology, immunology, nutrition and increasingly effective AHS vaccines.105 Disease prevention and control in South Africa made remarkable strides and the need to control and prevent disease became more readily accepted by livestock farmers. The services provided by the Veterinary Department promoted this trend because it made dipping and vaccination widely available, even though they were often compulsory.
Not long after the establishment of Onderstepoort, it became clear that South Africa had a shortage of veterinarians, and that this need was likely to increase in the future because the stock industry expanded and farming methods became more intensive. No school in Europe could offer South African students all the facilities they required to equip them for their future careers. South African students needed to have a background of Western medical tradition of animal science, but also required the specific practical experience relevant to southern Africa. This was impossible to learn overseas. The first South African veterinarian students graduated from the veterinary college at Onderstepoort in 1926.106
The first colonial veterinarians in South Africa came to the country with expertise in Western animal science. They soon realised that this was hardly adequate for the task of improving the general health of animals in South Africa. Their Western knowledge, however, was a firm foundation that helped them, with additional practical experience, to reach a better understanding of the tropical diseases distinctive to southern Africa.
AHS presented the country with significant hurdles for horse breeding and farming in South Africa. Arnold Theiler, the founder of Onderstepoort and head of veterinary research, was driven to find a remedy "which would mean so much to the prosperity of the horse breeder, the welfare of South African agriculture, and last but not least, the mitigation of a great mass of animal suffering annually sustained by man's patient friend and servant - the horse".107 Onderstepoort and its scientists did ground breaking research and contributed to a better understanding of AHS. It reflected the notion that AHS research and indeed research on other diseases could be conducted on a bigger scale and in a better environment.
AHS is attracting much more attention today; people have begun to realise the many serious implications of the disease. It has become clear that AHS not only has an impact on the number of horses, but has complications that are far-reaching. AHS is a disease that is largely ignored except by those involved in its scientific study. Many articles continue to be written on the scientific minutiae of the disease; however, comprehensive and accessible information for those outside the scientific discipline is comparatively scarce. This is changing somewhat today, because South African books and articles about horses do provide general information on the impact of AHS, and often mention this disease in separate columns or under specific headings. AHS is also included when the effects of diseases in animals are discussed, but a broad history of the social implications of the disease has not yet been adequately addressed.
AHS had a major impact on South Africa's early development because it reduced the number of working horses. Serious outbreaks of animal disease such as AHS were indicative of the need for a more profound and better developed veterinary science. AHS thus pressurised the South African authorities to reassess the adequacy of existing veterinary facilities and contributions to veterinary science, and was the motivation to erect one of the most influential veterinary research facilities in the country. The veterinary developments that grew from the initial research into AHS also made a major contribution towards fighting other devastating animal diseases like rinderpest. However, scientists are still trying to develop improved vaccinations against AHS. By indicating that a cure for AHS was and still remains a necessity, this article has demonstrated that the disease was the reason behind the rapid and highly necessary development in veterinary science in South Africa from the 1860s to the 1920s.
* Stefanie Vandenbergh would like to thank Prof S. Swart for her contribution to this article. Stefanie received her Masters degree in History, with distinction, on a socio-environmental analysis of African horsesickness in historical perspective. She is currently working towards her doctorate at the University of Stellenbosch. Email: firstname.lastname@example.com
1. African horsesickness (AHS) is classified as an Orbivirus of the Reoviridae family. It is a vector-born, non-contagious viral disease that affects all Equidae species, having a mortality rate of 70-90 per cent. The vector hosts are Culicoides midges spreading the nine serotypes of the AHS virus. Wild Equine species such as zebras are resistant to the disease. Symptoms include high fever; difficulty in breathing, with mouth open and head hanging down; frothy discharge from nose; swelling of head and eyes; colic symptoms; and the inability to swallow.
2. For more on the impact of horses on South African history, see S. Swart: "High Horses: Horses, Class and Socio-economic Change in South Africa", Journal of Southern African Studies, 34, 1, 2008; [ Links ] and '"Horses! Give me More Horses!': White Settler Society and the Role of Horses in the Making of Early Modern South Africa", in K. Raber and T.J. Tucker, (eds), The Culture of the Horse: Status, Discipline, and Identity in the Early Modern World (Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2005). [ Links ]
3. A. Theiler, "African Horse Sickness (Pestis Equorum)", Department of Agriculture, Science Bulletin, 19, 1921, p 1. [ Links ]
4. Arnold Theiler, a Swiss veterinarian who immigrated to South Africa in 1891, became the first state veterinarian. He wrote one of his major published articles about AHS in 1921. "African Horse Sickness (Pestis Equorum)" is still regarded today as one of the first, most complete and comprehensive pieces written about the disease.
5. C. Rutherford, "Horse Sickness of South Africa", Reprinted from Cape Times, August 1885, p 1.
6. A. Edington, "South African Horse Sickness: Its Pathology and Methods of Protective Inoculation", Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, 67, 1900, p 292. [ Links ]
7. Cape Archives (hereafter KAB), Government, Colonial and Conference Reports (hereafter GCCR), H. Watkins-Pitchford, Colony of Natal: Horse Sickness Investigation, Introductory, 1903, p 2. [ Links ]
8. "African Horsesickness (Perdesiekte)", available at www.nda.agric.za (accessed 23 March 2008).
9. The Graaff Reinet Herald, 11 October 1856.
10. KAB, GCCR, T.B. Bayley, Notes on the Horse Sickness at the Cape of Good Hope, in 1854- '55, Complied from Official Documents, 1856, p 5.
11. The need for veterinarians in South Africa became apparent by the end of the nineteenth century; people realised that one expert on animal diseases was not enough in a country that was dependent on livestock. When Europe was rapidly expanding in veterinarian medicine, South Africa appointed its second veterinarian surgeon, Duncan Hutcheon, a Scot who graduated from the Royal Veterinary College in Edinburgh in 1869. He was appointed as colonial veterinary surgeon in 1871.
12. KAB, GCCR [A73-'81], D. Hutcheon, Report of the Colonial Veterinary Surgeon on Horse Sickness, 1881.
13. Salted horses are horses that were previously infected and survived; they are therefore less susceptible to the disease.
14. KAB, GCCR [G73-'96], F. May, Reports in Regard to Horses sent to Mashonaland, after Experimental Treatment against Horse Sickness at the Colonial Bacteriological Institute, Graham's Town, 1896, p 7.
15. Alexander Edington was the bacteriologist of the Cape Colony and later became the director of the Bacteriological Institute.
16. Edington, "South African Horse Sickness", p 305.
17. T. Maclear, "Horse Sickness in South Africa", Cape Monthly Magazine, 1, February 1857, p. 70. [ Links ]
18. D. Gilfoyle, "Veterinary Science and Public Policy at the Cape Colony, 1877-1910." PhD thesis, University of Oxford, 2002, p 43. [ Links ]
19. Babesiosis, or piroplasmosis, is a collective term used for animal diseases caused by Protozoa; cattle, horses, dogs, sheep, goats and pigs are affected. Anthrax or splenic fever is caused by the Bacillus anthracis. It is a very acute disease for ruminants. Local splenic fever occurs in pigs, horses, dogs and cats, affecting their throat and intestines.
20. Endemism is the continuous presence of a disease within a certain geographical region and affecting a certain group of people or species. It is not a sudden outbreak of disease, but a situation that exists for years with a constant number of infections. A sudden outbreak of disease on a bigger scale and with a higher number of infections is called an epidemic.
21. Commercial Advertiser, 20 July 1856.
22. KAB, GCCR, S. Wiltshire, Government Notice 192, 1878, p 2.
23. KAB, GCCR, J. Lambert, Government Notice 448, 1881, p 3.
24. Commercial Advertiser, 24 July 1856.
25. KAB, GCCR, D. Hutcheon, Horse Sickness, 1892, p 6.
26. Maclear, "Horse Sickness in South Africa", p 71.
27. D. Hutcheon, Diseases of the Horse and their Treatment (W.A. Richards & Sons, Cape Town, 1899), p 7. [ Links ]
28. Bayley, Notes on the Horse Sickness at the Cape, p 90.
29. Bayley, Notes on the Horse Sickness at the Cape, p 93.
30. Bayley, Notes on the Horse Sickness at the Cape, p 23.
31. KAB, Secretary for Agriculture (1876-1913) (hereafter AGR), Box 252, D. Hutcheon, "Paardenziekte", Gouvernementsbericht 41, 1892, p 1.
32. Maclear, "Horse Sickness in South Africa", p 71.
33. Maclear, "Horse Sickness in South Africa", p 71.
34. Bayley, Notes on the Horse Sickness at the Cape, p 34.
35. K. Brown, "Frontiers of the Disease: Human Desire and Environmental Realities in the Rearing of Horses in 19th and 20th Century South Africa", unpublished paper, p 8. [ Links ]
36. H. Ritvo, "Plus ça Change: Anti-Vivisection Then and Now", Science, Technology, and Human Values, 9, 2, 1984, p 58. [ Links ]
37. R. French, "Anti-vivisection and Medical Science in Victorian Society", Isis, 69, 2, June 1978, p 306. [ Links ]
38. R.D. Ryder, Animal Revolution: Changing Attitudes towards Speciesism (Oxford, Bergh, 2000), p 110. [ Links ]
39. Ryder, Animal Revolution, p 111.
40. This act was preceded by the Cruelty to Animals Act, No. 3 of 1875, but was later replaced by an act of 1888 to include all domesticated animals and birds. It also included all captured non-domesticated animals or birds.
41. Act No. 18 of 1888, Acts of Parliament, Session of 1889 (Government Printer, Cape of Good Hope, 1889), p 2573. [ Links ]
42. B. Lightman (ed), Victorian Science in Context (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1997), p 180. [ Links ]
43. Ritvo, "Plus ça Change", p 58.
44. Founded in England in 1824 as a control group for the reinforcement of the cruelty acts, it received the prefix "royal" a year later from Queen Victoria.
45. KAB, AGR, Box 252, Letter to Secretary of Agriculture, 27 July 1892; and Transvaal Archives, Pretoria (hereafter TAB), Lieutenant Governor (1902-1907) (hereafter LTG), Box 54 [4066], Letter High Commissioner, Johannesburg - Lieutenant Governor, Transvaal, 10 November 1903; Letter Director of Agriculture, Pretoria - Lieutenant Governor, Transvaal, 29 September 1903.
46. TAB, Colonial Secretary (1900-1910) (hereafter CS), Box 424 [785], Letter John Turton, Pretoria - Colonial Secretary, 29 January 1904.
47. TAB, Legislative Council (1902-1907) (hereafter LC), Box 129 [567/03], Letter Under Secretary, Pretoria - clerk of Legislative Council, 29 September 1903.
48. TAB, CS, Box 351 [7713], Letter Mackinnon, London - Colonial Secretary, 8 July 1903; TAB, CS, Box 351 [7722], Letter John McMahon, Wellington - Transvaal Government, 8 July 1903; and TAB, CS, Box 351 [7738], Letter Colonial Secretary - Australian Minister of External Affairs of Commonwealth, 12 August 1903.
49. KAB, AGR, Box 252 [105], Letter E. Korinsky - Colonial Secretary, 4 April 1894.
50. KAB, AGR, Box 252 [455], Letter D. Hutcheon - Colonial Secretary, 17 January 1898.
51. KAB, GCCR, [A12-'95], A. Edington, Correspondence Relating to the Investigations by Dr A. Edington, Director of the Bacteriological Institute, into the Nature and Causes of Horse Sickness, 1895, p 5.
52. Bayley, Notes on the Horse Sickness at the Cape, p 30.
53. KAB, Colonial Office (hereafter CO), Box 7273 [46], Letter W.K. Steen, Mashonaland - Colonial Secretary, 2 August 1899.
54. Lambert, Government Notice 448, 1881, p 3.
55. P.J. van der Merwe, "The New Disease among Horses", Correspondence, Agricultural Journal, 1, 15, 1888, p 129. [ Links ]
56. D. Hutcheon, "Diseases of the Horse", Agricultural Journal, 2, 1, 1889, p 154. [ Links ]
57. Strangles is a critical infectious disease caused by the Streptococcus equi bacterium. It produces abscess of the lymph glands in horses.
58. Hutcheon, Diseases of the Horse and their Treatment, p 9; R. Wallace, Farming Industries of the Cape Colony (King, London, 1896), p 322. [ Links ]
59. Wiltshire, Government Notice 192, 1878, p 2.
60. Hutcheon, Horse Sickness, p 13; Hutcheon, "Paardenziekte", p 5.
61. Hutcheon, Diseases of the Horse and their Treatment, p 9.
62. KAB, AGR, Box 252 [105], Letter D. Hutcheon - Minister of Agriculture, 16 September 1892.
63. Hutcheon, Horse Sickness, p 11.
64. Wiltshire, Government Notice 192, 1878, p 2.
65. Rutherford, "Horse Sickness of South Africa", p 6.
66. Rutherford, "Horse Sickness of South Africa", p 6.
67. Lambert, Government Notice 448, 1881, p 3.
68. KAB, CO, Box 4015 [657], Letter from memorialist C. Holtman re Lodewyk Wiese - Major General Sir George Thomas, 10 October 1842.
69. KAB, CO, Box 4015 [657], Report from Field Cornet A. van Zyl, 29 November 1842.
70. Hutcheon, Diseases of the Horse and their Treatment, p 9.
71. Rutherford, "Horse Sickness of South Africa", p 7.
72. Rutherford, "Horse Sickness of South Africa", p 8.
73. W. Beinart, The Rise of Conservation in South Africa: Settlers, Livestock and the Environment, 1770-1950 (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003), p 132. [ Links ]
74. D. Gilfoyle, "Veterinary Research and the African Rinderpest Epizootic: The Cape Colony, 1896-1898", Journal of Southern African Studies, 29, 1, March 2003, p 133. [ Links ]
75. D. Hutcheon, "Diseases of Animals, Review: Horses and Cattle Diseases in the Colony", Agricultural Journal, 16 November 1893, p. 447. [ Links ]
76. Beinart, The Rise of Conservation in South Africa, p 135.
77. Gilfoyle, "Veterinary Research and the African Rinderpest Epizootic", p 133.
78. In May 1896, an Englishman, Herbert Watkins-Pitchford MRCVS, was selected by the Natal government for the post of principal veterinary surgeon.
79. D.W. Verwoerd, "A Brief Historical Review of Research Achievements by the OVI during the 20th Century against the Background of Socioeconomic and Political Developments in South Africa", Journal of the South African Veterinary Association, 71, 4, 2000, p 210. [ Links ]
80. Notes on the Department, Agricultural Journal, 11 February 1892, p 1.
81. KAB, Government House (hereafter GH), Subject File Series (1881-1911), Box 35/125 [96], Minute from Prime Minister's Office, Cape Town, 30 May 1905.
82. KAB, CO, Box 7273 [46], Letter N.K. Steen - Colonial Secretary, 18 July 1899; and Letter Edington - Colonial Secretary, 30 April 1900.
83. KAB, Cape Colony Publications (1652-1910) (hereafter CCP), Box 1/2/1/91 [A13-'95], Application from Edington, colonial bacteriologist, 1895; and KAB, AGR, Box 252 [A13'95], Correspondence re investigations by Edington, director of Bacteriological Institute, into the nature and causes of horsesickness, June 1895.
84. For more information on Arnold Theiler, see T. Gutsche, There was a Man: The Life and Times of Sir Arnold Theiler, KCMG, of Onderstepoort (Timmins, Cape Town, 1979). [ Links ]
85. P.J. du Toit and C. Jackson, "The Life and Work of Sir Arnold Theiler", Journal of South African Veterinarian Medical Association, 7, 4, 1936, p 136. [ Links ]
86. R.D. Bigalke, "Onderstepoort Today Yesterday and Tomorrow", Commemorative lecture, Onderstepoort Journal of Veterinary Research, 52, 3, 1985, p 126. [ Links ]
87. Verwoerd, "Brief Historical Review of Research Achievements", p 210.
88. One of the most serious new diseases introduced into the country by the importation of livestock from East Africa in order to restock, was East Coast Fever.
89. Free State Archives, Bloemfontein (hereafter VAB), CO, Box 189 [4972/03], Letter Colonial Secretary, Pretoria - Colonial Secretary, Orange River Colony, 9 July 1903.
90. KAB, AGR, Box 252 [193], Letter Department of Foreign Affairs, Pretoria - Under Secretary for Agriculture, 3 September 1895.
91. Gilfoyle, "Veterinary Science and Public Policy", p 293.
92. M. Nocard, "Horsesickness in South Africa", Veterinary Record, 16 February 1901, p 435. [ Links ]
93. D. Gilfoyle, "Veterinary Immunology as Colonial Science: Method and Quantification in the Investigation of Horsesickness in South Africa c. 1905-1945", Journal of the History of Medicine, 61, January 2006, p 35. [ Links ]
94. A. Theiler, "Veterinary Hygienic Principles Applicable to Stock in South Africa", Transvaal Agricultural Journal, 5, 1906, p 567. [ Links ]
95. G. Theiler, Arnold Theiler, 1867-1936: His Life and Times (Publication of the University of Pretoria, Pretoria, 1971), p 8. [ Links ]
96. Bigalke, "Onderstepoort Today, Yesterday and Tomorrow", p 126.
97. R.D. Bigalke and D.W. Verwoerd, "A Century of Research Achievements by the Onderstepoort Veterinary Institute", Transactions of the Royal Society of South Africa, 63, 2, p 32. [ Links ]
98. No author, "The Onderstepoort Veterinary Research Laboratory, 1908-1958", Onderstepoort Journal of Veterinary Research, 28, 4, p 573. [ Links ]
99. K. Brown, "Tropical Medicine and Animal Disease: Onderstepoort and the Development of Veterinary Science in South Africa, 1908-1950", Journal of Southern African Studies, 31, 3, September 2005, p 518. [ Links ]
100. KAB, GCCR, [TG35-'09], "Veterinary Bacteriological Laboratories", Transvaal Department of Agriculture, 1909, p 1.
101. Bigalke and Verwoerd, "Century of Research Achievements", p 32.
102. Bigalke and Verwoerd, "Century of Research Achievements", p 33.
103. Theiler, Arnold Theiler: His Life and Times, p 10.
104. Verwoerd, "Brief Historical Review of Research Achievements", p 210.
105. K. Brown and D. Gilfoyle, "Introduction: Livestock Diseases and Veterinary Science in Southern Africa", South African Historical Journal, 58, 2007, p 4. [ Links ]
106. A. Theiler, "Hoe Wetenskap die Veeboer kan Help: Ondersoek en Onderwys op Onderstepoort", Boerdery in Suid-Afrika, December 1926. [ Links ]
107. H. Watkins-Pitchford, "Horsesickness and its Prevention", Agricultural Journal, 34, 1909, p 236. [ Links ]


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Lil Wayne On Maury For Paternity Test (Starring Lauren London & Nicki Minaj) [Cartoon Parody]
Lil Wayne on Maury for a paternity test (cartoon parody). Video provided by BeYourOwnBoss (BYOB) Ent.
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It's been a heck of a year for games. We've had our highs and we've had our lows, but more importantly, we've all turned those highs and lows into animated GIFs for the rest of the internet to behold.
With that in mind, let's see what the best ones were. We'll start with a few of our favorites. Please add yours below.
Up top: Hadouken Baby knows when he's beat. Also, is adorable.
Here's Peter Molyneux almost fist-bumping correctly, via NeoGAF
Megaman meets Adventure Time, is an adorable recipe for success.
Transformers: Fall of Cybertron has the best bro-fist in the history of games about robots that also turn into cars.
Here's where the real fun begins: we're opening this up to you, the Kotaku readership. Toss your favorite gaming-related GIFs below, for all to behold and help turn this post into an ever-moving, ridiculous celebration of gaming in 2012.


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Visiting the archive
Access conditions for the archive
While using the Gallery's archive, we request that all researchers observe the following conditions:
- Bring photo ID such as a drivers licence or student card and complete an access application form (see right).
- Do not smoke, eat, drink or talk on a mobile phone while in the archive.
- Do not take bags, briefcases, coats or enclosed containers into the archive.
- Write only with a pencil.
- Handle all records carefully. Any damage found in material issued should be reported to staff.
- Do not rearrange or interfere in any way with the order of archival material.
- Where appropriate, the archive requires that a copy of any book, journal article or other 'end product' which has appeared as a result of substantial use of Art Gallery of NSW material be deposited at the archive.
- Where research at the archive results in publication based partly or wholly on Gallery records, and permission has been obtained for quotation, acknowledgment should be made to 'the Research Library and Archive, Art Gallery of New South Wales'.
- Researchers who wish to reproduce artworks from the archive must follow correct procedure for doing this, according to the copyright laws of Australia. Permission for publication must be sought from the artist and the correct artist fees paid, where appropriate.
Legal access to the archive
The State Records Act 1998 governs public access to state records and promotes the principles of accountability and access. It requires public sector bodies to create records of their business and administrative transactions and to ensure that records of significant value are preserved. The underlying principle is that all relevant records of enduring value will be publicly available in due course. According to this Act, those Art Gallery of NSW records which are open for public use are ones at least 30 years old.
For a record to be available under the Act it must be the subject of an 'open to public access' direction. An access direction is a direction that a series, group or class of records is open to public access (an 'OPA direction') or closed to public access (a 'CPA direction'). Although most records more than 30 years old are open to public access, some contain information, such as sensitive personal information, requiring a longer period of closure. Records may also be withheld from public access to ensure their safe custody and proper preservation. If a record is not the subject of an access direction, you can apply to the responsible public office for an OPA direction to be made. There is no application fee and the public office must deal with your application within 30 days.
The archive of the Art Gallery of NSW preserves and makes available both the Gallery's own records and a wide range of deposited manuscript or private records. As the State Records Act does not apply to the records of private individuals, researchers should be
aware that access to these records will be governed by relevant legislation, such as the Privacy and Personal Information Act and the Code of Practice for the Use of Public Sector Agency Records for Research Purposes, as well as by specific access conditions for deposited collections.
Archive access application form (PDF 60.5 KB)
Are you planning to visit?
Although general access to the library and archive is not currently possible, researchers can make an appointment to visit, specifying the resources they wish to use in advance, with at least two days' notice.
10am-4pm, Tuesday-Friday
Tel 02 9225 1785
Contact the library and archive
Tel 02 9225 1785
Make a reference enquiry
Archive access application form (PDF 60.5 KB)
Do your research online
Search the research library and archive's online catalogue


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We will be pleased to answer any question about this property, without obligation, and can arrange for a private showing.
MLS listing data on MichaelSaunders.com is updated every fifteen minutes. Some properties appearing for sale on this web site may have sold and are therefore no
longer available. The data relating to real estate for sale on this web site comes in part from the IDX program of My Florida Regional MLS DBA Stellar MLS. Real
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but not guaranteed. The information is provided for consumer, non-commercial use only and may not be used for any purpose other than to identify prospective
properties consumers may be interested in purchasing. All information displayed on this website should be independently verified if any person intends to engage
in a transaction based upon such information.
Take in the open waters of Sarasota Bay and be surrounded by luxury homes within the gates of Whitakers Landing! This large canalfront lot is ready for a new single family home. Over 15,000 sq. ft. of land to build your dream home th... more.at will enjoy gorgeous views and sunsets. There is 116 feet of newer seawall and a boat dock on Whitaker Bayou. Whitakers Landing is a hidden jewel surrounded by tree canopied streets and Old Florida with rich history, south of the Museum Area and just to the north of downtown Sarasota. The location is also convenient to the University Pkwy corridor, SRQ airport, and I75. The Bay Sarasota is a master plan that will bring Sarasota arts & entertainment, dining, and shopping almost to your doorstep! This location is magnificent!


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Ice Hall, Helsinki
Whitesnake released their latest album NEVERMORE in March. The album has received great response and it marks the bands return more into its bluesy roots. The band has been regular visitors here in Finland since their rebirth in 2003 and this tour didn't make any exception. It seems that there's still good demand for Coverdale and his Snakes when approximately 4000 fans found their way to Old Hall in Helsinki.
REVIEW AND PHOTOS By MARKO SYRJÄLÄ
After Finnish support band Milestones ended its 45 minute set it was Whitesnake's turn to take to the stage. The show opened up with GOOD TO BE BAD album track "Best Years" followed by a string of Whitesnake live standards like: "Give All Your Love", "Is This Love" and "Love Ain't No Stranger" before they headed into a highly welcomed set of NEVERMORE tracks. Coverdale was in really great spirits and all the classic "moves" were seen repeatedly during the show. It's great to see how a man in his early 60's still keeps himself in such good shape compared to many other artists at the same age. As expected, Coverdale had some problems with vocals higher parts during the show but in general his voice was now working better than on the last tour. The tour just started some weeks ago so it's going to be interesting how well his voice will last after few months on the road?
The revised band worked out extremely well and there's no doubt that this is the strongest Whitesnake line up in ages. Guitarists Doug Aldrich and Reb Beach, who are the only remaining members since band re-union in 2003, did some tremendous playing during the show. It did seem that when Aldrich was earlier clearly the main guitarist in the band, Beach now had much bigger role on stage. Practically the solo parts were now divided equally between those two and that did work great because Beach and Aldrich do have really different styles to play.
The new Snakes: bassist Michael Devin, drummer Brian Tichy and keyboardist Brian Ruedy were all great additions to the band. They did bring loads of fresh energy on stage and everyone also turned out to be excellent singers which of course did help Coverdale a lot. Special mention goes to Tichy, who was downright superb behind his kit. I have seen Tichy playing with many bands during the years including: Billy Idol, Lynch Mob, Slash's Snakepit, Foreigner and Pride & Glory. He's always been impressive and now he literally added fresh extra kick for the old classics.
As a whole this was strong and entertaining performance but it had its own shortcomings. There were only thirteen songs on the set and it was more than disappointing. Overlong guitar and drum solos didn't help either, as a whole the solo parts did last almost 30 minutes. It's understandable that Coverdale's voice needs some rest during the show but that long solos was simply too much when the whole concert did last about 100 minutes. The set list was somewhat as expected, no big surprises there. Once again, the main set was built around the 1987 album. In addition to that there were five new songs included from NEVERMORE. Especially the massive title track and "Evil Twin" worked out great but like said before, no surprises, and that was a little disappointing when there's such a large discography behind to choose from. All in all, there's still plenty of life left in old Snake but some more changes would be more than welcome. Maybe next time then?


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