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text: image 7 Wednesday, 23 November 2011 6:52 Posted by We the People USAimage 7 Written by We the People USA We The People is a nationally recognized directory which assists customers in locating independently owned and operated offices for various legal document preparation needs. The We The People brand has been the most trusted name in Legal Document Preparation for more than 25 years. See our store directory for a location near you. View all posts by: We the People USA « Previous post Next Post » No Comments Yet. Leave a Reply Click here to cancel reply. Name (required) Mail (will not be published) (required) Website

subset: commoncrawl


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EVERY FILLING EVER: Many a foodie out there boasts many an interesting gourmand-y type goal. Some eaters want to try the state food of every state in the nation; some want to each a slice of pizza from every pie palace in a single large city. Both are good goals, but we must doff our hat to those adventurous diners who have a rather epic and eminently flavorful enterprise in mind: Eat a tamale with every type of filling ever. Now, of course, a tamale can pretty much take it all: lobster, cheese, carne asada, chicken, calabacitas, pumpkin, you name it. No, seriously, you name it: Masa and husks make a nearly perfect drawing board for every sort of bite imaginable. But we wouldn't want to say that the masa is merely the delivery system for a tamale's savory or sweet filling. Masa mavens would argue that it is the corny doughy kernel-nice layering that lends the packet-sized food its best character. It's a lovely argument to have, though, and we expect it will go down, in good humor, in Indio over the Dec. 7 and 8 weekend. Why? Why that's the International Tamale Festival, of course.
TAMALES AND BEYOND: Your first step upon arriving in the Coachella Valley in December is to, well, enjoy the Coachella Valley in December. It's a beautiful month, with perfect temps and chilly nights, meaning one thing: time to love on some serious tamales. All sorts are made at the fest, and there's a contest, too. And beyond the trays piled high with husk-laden heaven? Folklorico music, a car show, a tamale-eating contest, and a carnival. Yep, it is hard to stray from tamale consumption once it begins, but this old-school fest -- it's been around for two decades plus two years -- fills up the weekend with family-cute to-dos. Pack some cash for tamale purchasing, but not for admission, though: It's free.


text:
Exploring Kafr Batna's … Rebel Gas Chambers?
By Adam Larson
May 22, 2014
Note: Originally posted here at the CIWCL site after a few tries to get it somewhere with a higher profile. I re-posted this article here November 24, 2014 in the hopes of getting more fresh views; as far as I can tell, this story and the report it's based on have not yet gotten the attention they deserve.
(the author acknowledges Denis O'Brien, Dan Kaszeta, Charles Wood, and "Pmr9" for direct input on this report)
As a refresher, the "official story" of the August 21, 2013 Ghouta Chemical Massacre is that the x-hundred fatalities * were killed by the nerve agent Sarin, delivered by Syrian government rockets fired into the rebel-held Ghouta region(s) of rural Damascus. By now, this has been seriously challenged; anti-Assad insurgents clearly had a good motive to get their enemies blamed, and increasingly the evidence suggests they would have the means as well.
* (unclear: 3-500 at least, probably more than that, perhaps over 1,000, 1,429 per the Obama administration, and higher yet by other counts – x-hundred is used here – overwhelmingly civilian)
One aspect generally shared by both sides of the blame debate, at least so far, is that the alleged Sarin rockets actually killed the x-hundred; whose copies of the rockets, and whose type of Sarin, remain the foci of dispute. But while those might be the key questions so many take them for, it's worth a mid-sized pause to consider a recent report challenging the entire debate as it stands.
This possibly crucial twist is based on an unprecedented visual study of one segment of the massacre - about 100 victims in a certain morgue. This allowed focused findings that, here, strongly suggest death by Carbon Monoxide or Hydrogen Cyanide gas, likely in the basement of the same rebel-held building they were later displayed in.
One victim who survived the gas was slaughtered right there in the morgue. That last fact was not quite hidden by a couple of sheets, and yet missed by all researchers until now.
By these findings, it seems the victims here were enemies and captives of the insurgents, cashed-in on a bid at outside military support. If this is true, the same is suggested for the entire massacre - batches like this added up for massive impact. Unless this is just a bit of rebel "exaggeration" tacked onto the regime attack...
But before delving into the details of that startling new material, it's best to review just how solid the "Sarin myth" it challenges really is.
Sarin in Ghouta: Facts and Gaps
Initial "fears" that Sarin was responsible had a political flavor and lacked evidence. But they were soon made near-gospel by the findings of the U.N. investigation led by Swedish expert Ake Sellstrom.
His team had arrived in Damascus a day before the Ghouta attack, in part to look into a previous, alleged, rebel gas attack. Their original work interrupted, they were able to visit two sites; the Zamalka district of East Ghouta where several rockets landed, and Moadamiyah to the south, which had a separate alleged Sarin attack at the same time. The Sellstrom team conducted interviews with rebel-selected alleged survivors, collected environmental and biological samples, and then had the samples assessed in OPCW-certified laboratories. As we all know, the "feared" nerve agent turned up, confirmed with science.
But less people are aware of the gap in that science at least the size of the massacre itself; the investigators failed to collect a single sample from any of the x-hundred who actually died.
This was a conscious choice, they said, and not a limit forced on them. UN disarmament chief Angela Kane, who accompanied the "inspectors" to Damascus, explained "there were so many victims who are still alive that there was really no need to exhume bodies." Her bizarre and completely incorrect reasoning: "a dead body can't tell how the person dies … a living person can tell you that." [1]
|Angela Kane (right) to RT's Oksana Boyko: "a dead body can't tell you how the person dies."
In that light, what the Sellstrom team gathered was circumstantial evidence with many possible explanations. For example, Sarin and its degradation products turned up with the Zamalka rockets and impact sites. This could be from the August 21 impacts, either as a main cause of death (as presumed), or just seeded to show up later. Or, it could have been planted at the insurgent-controlled site at any later time.
The human samples show that some people in the area were exposed to Sarin; there are ways to fake exposure, but the tests used apparently rule that out. [2] But there's nothing to say just when and how it happened, other than the accounts they gave. These are made of words, delivered by rebel-screened people. Such words might be true, but there is a Jihad going on and lying to infidels is allowed. Their propaganda-to-plausibility ratio merits some scrutiny.
Finally, investigative reporter Gareth Porter recently analyzed the U.N. report and decided the subjects probably had "extremely low" exposure to the agent. [3] If so, that leaves an unexplained gap between the subjects and those who supposedly died all around them. It also makes "voluntary" exposure by Jihadi fakers more plausible than one might think.
The Myth in Action
All these gaps matter when neither common sense nor the visual evidence ever suggested Sarin.
In the first murky days, renowned CW expert Jean Pascal Zanders had said "everyone is saying Sarin ... but not everything is pointing in that direction," and "we – the public – know very little beyond the observation of outward symptoms." [4] CRBN expert Dan Kaszeta reviewed those and said that the deaths "probably were not caused by Sarin," noting the indicators "are not widespread or are present in confusing manners." For example, some supposed miosis (pinpoint pupil) victims "are clearly having a bright light shined in their eyes." [5]
But the U.N. team's findings, flawed as they are, apparently resolved the early doubts. Zanders seems to have said relatively little since confirmation. And Dan Kaszeta has pursued a case that it wasn't just Sarin, but the kind and quantity only the government could have deployed. [6]
Asked how his current views correlate with his early doubts, Kaszeta said by e-mail: "I always thought Sarin was a possibility. But several things erased the uncertainty in my mind." He cites three points, two being the UN findings (field, and human). He also saw how "other theories and explanatory narratives began to crumble," sometimes under his own analysis. Asked specifically for anything in the visual evidence, Kaszeta instead pointed to the limitations of video diagnosis ("telemedicine"), and even of the textbook symptoms to compare them to. [7] His points are technically valid, but limited in their relevance. It's as fair now as it was last fall to note that it just doesn't look right.
Even those who question the government's guilt tend to see through the same Sarin-misted lens. "Sasa Wawa" of the research blog Who Attacked Ghouta, Gareth Porter, Seymour Hersh, and others focus on rockets filled with the stuff, but the rebels' improvised version of it (which exists) and fired by the rebels (which is the best reading). [8] But in fact those rockets, and both sides' Sarin supplies, might be largely – or totally - irrelevant to what happened that night.
Consider one case where that's evident: a set of 9 alleged victims (including at least 5 children) found on the 22nd at an unfinished building, dubbed by researchers "Zamalka Ghost House." It's right amongst the rocket impact sites, but the signs say these victims were executed there at least two days before the attack. While they seem mainly intact (potentially poisoned), it appears that the man and one boy were shot in the head, and one woman has a sliced arm at least. And the fluid from some of their mouths, like the rest of the horrible things wrong with them, are most consistent with … 4-7 day's worth of decay, as seen about 36 hours after the attack. [9]
Even though they landed all around the crime scene, August 21 Sarin rockets probably don't explain those nine fatalities. But the other small and larger sub-totals, making up the entire x-hundred killed, remain open to question.
Enter the "SunMorgue"
Denis O'Brien is a different kind of expert skeptic - not as renowned as Zanders or Kaszeta, but more tenacious and central to this article. A former attorney and professor, with a PhD in neuropharmacology, O'Brien first laid out his worries with a September 9 letter sent to Congress as they were debating a measure to allow military strikes. His first analysis was thorough, but based only on the "Feinstein package" of 13 videos. He asked the legislators to go ahead and really look, and to "please ask President Obama and his administration to explain how scores of people could be exposed to lethal doses of Sarin and yet not show physiological effects that should be evident." Mass vomiting, urination, and defecation were some of the unpleasant signs that didn't appear at all. [10]
It doesn't seem he had much effect with his letter, but he didn't stop there. In contrast to the other critics, O'Brien dug deeper into a narrowing study of the images from Ghouta. A sub-set of people and places solidified into one, with a defined story he could see emerging. This he developed and relates in a massive (200-page) but engaging report, released April 14, titled Murder in the SunMorgue: A Critique of the Sarin Myth and a Cyber-Investigation of the Ghouta Massacre Mystery (hereafter MITSM) [11]
The study centers on one building in the East Ghouta district of Kafr Batna (or KB), just southeast of Zamalka. Early opposition reports said 150 died here (so at least 10% of the total, likely more). MITSM concludes about 120-125 victims are visible in the complex, with "about 100" seen dead; the total number here could be higher, but not lower. [12] Other researchers have geo-located the apparent building in KB. [13]
|Confirming the location: Inside the 4 windows is/would be the SunMorgue. Campared - nighttime arrival scene (panoramic) vs. 2009 satellite imagery. (see here for more graphics and discussion on the location matching)
The most widely seen video (dubbed SM-a) shows at least 80 children, men, and women laid out in close rows in a simple, white-tiled, sun-lit room. Activists mill about between the bodies, collecting blood samples, saying Allahu Akbar, and making their own videos. [14] O-Brien named this the "SunMorgue" of the report's title.
|The "children's corner" of the SunMorgue (still from Sm-a)
Sarin Doesn't Slice Throats
"Compared to the DarkMorgue," O'Brien writes, the SunMorgue seems "almost cheerful," mostly from the natural light and that "its occupants are past their final suffering." But one man at least – dubbed victim M-015 - seems to have passed it right there in the morgue. His blood across the floor is evident in video SM-a and elsewhere, but just where it's coming from only becomes clear with the kind of all-sources study O'Brien did here.
|Victim M-015 (center) (rotated video still from video SM-a)
If one has followed his exhaustive run-down of each image and each possibility, It's hard to disagree with O'Brien on this analysis. M-015 was brought in not bleeding, a white cloth over his face, and laid on a blood-free floor with his hands relaxed, laid cross his chest. Later, the face cloth is over his neck, there's blood everywhere, and the victim has clenched his fists; his right hand is still where it was, but it's gripping his shirt now. That was the last grasp on life he tried for, it seems, and it was not a helping hand he got back.
Further, in the same array, O'Brien identifies blood-caked possible victim of a throat-slicing prior to the morgue. That one (another adult male, dubbed M-012) is less clear; either a washed-up neck wound left completely uncovered, or an odd necklace-and-blood coincidence. [17]
From this reminder of Islamist slaughter culture, an upsetting alternate version of the brightly-lit SunMorgue emerges, like a photo negative. This is a place to collect and exploit death, and finalize it if needed. It might not be a massacre site, but could well be networked with one. The basement, for example, might be a good spot. Other signs become suspect. Just what are those hissing 44-liter gas cylinders emitting into the air down in the DarkMorgue? And what about the emptied ones all over? There's a compelling possibility emerging on the MITSM discussion page; one set of tanks poisoned the air here, and another set with oxygen was used to clean it up. It seems okay at filming time. [18]
Consider now the death toll for the Ghouta massacre: 3-500 at the low end, and as many as 1,700 alleged. The entire range is far beyond the usual toll of an alleged CW attack in Syria, with or without enclosed spaces: from zero to around 30 killed. Something employing gas chamber efficiency is suggested here, and this might be a glimpse of that process as it unfolded on the Kafr Batna front.
What was the Poison?
Despite the dramatic power of victim M-015's obvious in-situ murder, it's clear that O'Brien considered the more crucial part of his study to be the challenge it lodges to the dangerous "Sarin myth."
He's not an expert in assessing the dead, but he at least has enough medical background to know where to look. The "biological mystery" he follows to the molecular level is related in Part C. [19] It should be noted for the critics that in Kafr Batna, there are high-quality photographs, besides the usual video sources. And in contrast to Ake Sellstrom's mission, at least this study looks at the alleged Sarin victims that really matter.
One of the first things O'Brien noticed was the overall healthy pink color of the victims. This he first took to mean that they might be alive, and briefly pursued a "Juliet hypothesis." But upon noticing their Pallor Mortis (the paleness of death) and Livor Mortis (the redness of it), that ended. As the heavier red blood cells settle with gravity in the hours following death, lower parts become red and upper parts pale, in an effect that fades within 10-12 hours. He notes many blood samples drawn are just straw-colored plasma, proving that separation and the absence of life.
|Distinct line between Pallor Mortis and deep red
Livor Mortis on an adult male victim
(in the far back of the above image)
It then fell into place that a "rubigenic" poison, one that locks the hemoglobin in its red state, was to blame. The two examples that occurred to him were the gasses Hydrogen Cyanide and Carbon Monoxide. While there could be other candidates, research and visual observations bore out the theme. Combining entries from appendix I, table III and IV, here's the short list of useful Sarin signs vs. what's seen in the KB morgues:
- Prominent salivation – Sarin: incidence high – Observed: no examples seen
- Fecal Incontinence – Sarin: incidence high – Observed: no examples seen
- Ante-Mortem Skin Color – Sarin: high incidence of cyanosis, low to nil instance of rubicundity – Observed: very high incidence of rubicundity, no cyanosis observed.
- Pallor Mortis color – Sarin: Exclusively bluish grey - Observed: red/pink consistently observed w/ minor questionable exceptions.
- Livor Mortis color – Sarin: exclusively dark blue to purple - Observed: Red/pink consistently observed. [20]
The conclusions, taken together: strongly supports Carbon Monoxide, supports Cyanide, and strongly contradicts Sarin. Nothing here can totally rule out that even these victims - let alone others gassed elsewhere - might have Sarin, trace amounts or higher, included in their engineered last breaths. But this best visual assessment of the KB victims says the basic mechanism of their deaths was of another sort.
A final crucial point is the presence of at least two sorts in this same morgue; an apparent gender difference in the post-mortem color. The color details above apply to the majority of KB victims – all of them men and children. The fewer women are usually covered, but when seen (not terribly well), they seem to have no color issues. This could be Sarin, or a "normal" non-toxic death, but it's different from what the others received. The report accurately notes that they were likely raped along the way, but in the end the women of the SunMorgue may have just been suffocated. [21]
Who Were the Victims?
If in fact insurgents executed the Ghouta victims themselves, then the records they provide – the only ones available – will not be trustworthy. What these say about the SunMorgue victims, for example, probably gives no direct clue why they and their handlers were on such bad terms. It's a vague but real impression from the morgue videos, best highlighted by the murder of M-015. That was not a friendly action.
It could be that these corpses in rebel custody were that way when alive. It's been presumed that the victims came to this "clinic" from elsewhere, and two nighttime videos show a couple of arrivals. But those might be the only arrivals and filmed for that reason, while most people were there all along. The apparent gender-segregation of death is a chilling clue; a cloud of Sarin vapor doesn't differentiate like that, but jailers and executioners might.
Further, it seems unlikely a mass killing in Kafr Batna would coincide with a government Sarin attack in other areas. More likely, it would be just one point in a massive rebel crime spree across the area, played out mainly on controlled captives. Recall the Zamalka "Ghost House" victims - they were dressed like prisoners, the two women wearing their winter coats in August, all with no other possessions. [9]
Now consider mass-scale execution of hostages in previous massacres that were blamed on the government. In rebel-held Khalidiya, Homs, on February 3, 2012, reports said army shelling killed whole families in their homes. But opposition records show the 138 dead were strictly male and 94% adult – probably hostages executed by the "terrorists," like the government and locals had said. [22]
Daraya, Damascus, August, 2012: Hundreds of hostages were held by rebels in basement prisons as talks broke down, the Army moved in, and rebels started "finding" sex-segregated people executed by the army - in basements and in the same insurgent-run mosque they retreated to and buried the dead at. Death toll unclear: at least a few hundred – some opposition sources said it was over 1,200. [23]
A year after Daraya and a few miles northeast, the Jobar district of Ghouta claimed hits in the Sarin attack, now discredited. An added cause of death there, a rebel medic said, was people burning tires while they hid in basements. [24] If this bizarre claim reflects anything real, it cannot be good. On December 2, 2012, insurgents from al-Houla kidnapped around 500 Alawite civilians in Aqrab, Hama province. They denied them food and water, and made them breathe heavy smoke from burning tires. Half were freed in swaps, and the other half reportedly massacred on December 9 and 10. One likely victim was shown on rebel video - a young girl coated with smoke, her skull hacked open as if by a sword. Army shelling was blamed. [25]
Considering, then, what opposition fighters in Syria sometimes do with their "human resources," imagine what they might do with those plus access to Sarin, other poisons, rockets, and many enclosed spaces. Imagine that choice being made on the fringes of Damascus, by the anniversary of Obama's "Red Line" offer, which came just after the UN's "inspectors" had landed in the capitol.
Motive, means, and opportunity are all evident in spades. The means included the capability to generate "human resources" on the scale we see. in the first days of August. Islamist rebels in the north of Syria abducted at least 4-600 "enemy" civilians (mainly Alawites and Kurds, including women and children) [26] But any link between these freshly "displaced people" and East Ghouta is only so likely. Claims that child victims have been identified are inadequate for an issue of this gravity. [27]
Initial suspicions that the victim videos were filmed in the north is countered by the geo-location of several in East Ghouta, including the SunMorgue. And so the distance issue is a problem for the northern captures theory. But there are quieter abductions, closer to the crime scene, or longer ago in time, that could easily fill a gas chamber system in Ghouta.
More must be learned, since these shady victim patterns continue with the recent CW attacks now being pursued by Human Rights Watch. [28] Opposition reports say "displaced" civilians from neighboring Morek were under the chlorine barrel bomb that fell on Kafr Zita April 11. Only two of these - a baby girl and an elderly man - actually died, and that was from head injuries caused, activists said, by the bombing. [29] In February, the Alawite village of Maan - right next to Morek - had a reported 80+ citizens abducted, following its second rebel massacre. In both cases, women and children had their heads cut off or at least cut in half. [30]
Conclusion: Settled Lies and Re-Claimed Sunlight
Recall Angela Kane's Orwellian inversion of the truth-to-death ratio: "a dead body can't tell you how a person died," but a living, insurgent-screened person can be trusted to tell you for them. Rather, like the blood settles after death into that striking livor mortis, so too does the ability to lie settle after death, leaving brutal honesty alone on the surface.
The study encapsulated in MITSM reveals the story hidden in plain view, by re-claiming the same sunlight the insurgents used to illuminate these cancelled Human Beings. With the same obvious motive they always had, and evidence of a chemical massacre well within their means, it can't be ethically ignored any longer - the handlers of at least this hundred in Kafr Batna, and their foreign backers, may have lied to us about who and what is to blame.
Again, the American threats of force against Syria last year were cancelled only by maneuvers on the world stage, and did nothing to change the perceived truth. The pretext that pushed us there once lingers, awaiting another push. Truth is the best solution to that, but the Sarin myth may be blocking our view of it. In this corner of Hell at least, we now have one cleared view that is brightly lit and should be widely seen.
(ACLOS = A Closer Look On Syria, a research wiki site the author contributes to)
[1] RT October 3, 2013. 'No sarin detected in West Ghouta environment, only in human samples' - UN's Angela Kane. RT video, published October 3, 2013. (time-stamp: 12:29) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CcfIj6WLqRkNote: The author asked both Dan Kaszeta and Denis O'Brien what they thought of that. Kaszeta countered (see note 7): "you can tell a lot from a dead body. Principally the same protein adducts that would be analyzed by fluoride regeneration as from a live body. It would have been great to get some bodies and do some testing." The remarks reminded O'Brien of an "old Mickey Spillane quip" that "dead men don't tell lies." (e-mail message from Denis O'Brien to the author, April 27, 2014) See also criticism here.
[2] ACLOS member Pmr9 cites "fluoride ion regeneration test" (see here). A search indicates that exact name isn't usually used, but a test like that exists. Dan Kaszeta mentioned "a much newer method, one that forced me back to the library to read up on, called fluoride regeneration or fluoride reactivation." (see also note 1) Both agreed this rules out the known methods of fakery (like ingestion of IMPA powder) and/or proves actual Sarin exposure.
[3] New Data Raise Further Doubt on Official View of August 21 Gas Attack in Syria By Gareth Porter, Truthout, April 29, 2014.
[4] Syria: Chemical Weapons Expert Jean Pascal Zanders Says Gas Might Not Be Sarin, Urges Caution By Mehdi Hassan, Huffington Post, August 30, 2013. - Is It Possible The Syrian Rebels (Not Assad) Used Chemical Weapons? by Eyder Peralta, National Public Radio, The Two-Way. August 27, 2013. Note: In the latter, he also warned "we need to keep our minds open that the events of last Wednesday could in whole or partially have alternative explanations."
[5] What Happened? If it isn't Sarin, what is it? By Dan Kaszeta PDF (revised 26 August - original version was Aug. 23)
[6] (for example) Why Nigel Farage Has It All Wrong: Smoking Guns, Hexamine, And Syrian Sarin Dan Kaszeta, guest post on Brown Moses blog
[7] E-mail message from Dan Kaszeta to the author, May 2, 2014. Kaszeta cited the low number of human cases, problems with translating animal studies, unknowns about victim age and health, and unknowns regarding how Sarin interacts with other chemicals in the weapon or environment, or smoke. "Because of these considerations," he said, "I have to say that what the "received wisdom" in the manuals is about signs and symptoms is an educated guess more than a definitive known fact."
[8] Gareth Porter: See note 3. - Seymour Hersh December 19, 2013: Whose Sarin? - Sasa Wawa, Nov. 2, 2013: The Conclusion.
[9] ACLOS: Zamalka/Ghost house The house has been geo-located in Zamalka – someone even marked it on Wikimapia The decay reading is the author's own, informed by prior study on body decay.
[10] Lack of Pharmacological Proof of a Sarin Attack at Damascus: An Open Letter to Congress. By Denis R. O'Brien, Sep 09., 2013. PDF link Note: he also brought it to ACLOS. sparking our early contact. Note: In MITSM (see note 11), O'Brien explains he enlisted the help of congressman Rand Paul, an ophthalmologist, to warn Congress "that before they authorize any bombs, they better have a closer look at the evidence from a pharmacological point of view." But: "the only thing I got for my efforts was being put on Paul's weekly Email list, which I have not been able to escape from yet."
[11] Murder In The SunMorgue. A Critique of the Sarin Myth and a Cyber-Investigation of the Ghouta Massacre Mystery. by Denis R. O'Brien. August 14, 2014. Project page. Report in four parts (A-D), with appendices, and a discussion page where new evidence is still being considered. Part A offers a good overview. Direct PDF link
[12] See MITSM part A, pages A-4, A-13. Victims of special interest, but not all, are given identifying numbers like M-015. Some are given nicknames, like the girl "Bunny" to whom (along with her playmates) MITSM is dedicated.
[13] ACLOS: Kafr Batna hospital. Identified by Petri Krohn 7 Sept., 2013. His "town hall" description is not confirmed; these are buildings. Location-video match confirmed by the author 26 April, 2014 with graphics. The location given in MITSM (p. A-13) is incorrect (points to Zamalka) Actual coordinates,: 33° 30' 55" N, 36° 22' 27" E Google Maps link
[14] Video SM-a, previously listed as Video 011a in the MITSM videos index (MP4 downloadable) (#11 in the "Feinstein Package"),
[15] "Connecting the SunMorgue to the DarkMorgue" MITSM part B, pages B-28-39
[16] "The in situ death of corpse M-015" See MITSM, part D - pages D-11-22 direct PDF link
[17] "Another Slit Throat?" MITSM part D, pages D-25-28
[18] The gas cylinders are discussed throughout the report, with a new video and discussion about the hissing and the theories on the MITSM discussion page This is still nebulous; no one is even sure yet what the two colors (pale green, bright blue) usually mean in this (Syrian/ international) context.
[19] MITSM, part C: Read Their Lips: The Ghouta Massacre as a Biological Mystery. Direct PDF link
[20] MITSM, Appendix 1 - Tables. Direct PDF link
[21] MITSM part C, pages C-34-35
[22] ACLOS: Khalidiya Massacre Part of: Homs Massacres
[23] ACLOS: Daraya Massacre: Hostages
[24] If rockets only hit Zamalka, and winds were to the E-SE, Jobar (west) would be unaffected. In this video, a "Jobar medical point doctor" describes a CW attack on Jobar and Ain Tarma (S-SE) alone. At time-stamp 3:45, as he explains how victims put themselves in basements and started fires, including "burning tires" - "putting tires on fire added insult to injury." He suggests an education campaign to counter that behavior.
[25] Unverified report that the final 235 (88 of them children and women) were killed then. [ACLOS: Aqrab Massacre
[26] Latakia: Civilians, primarily women and children , were captured by terrorists during the horrifying conquest of 11 small mountain towns. At least 200 killed (confirmed) during a joint FSA-al-Nusrah-ISIS assault. ACLOS: Latakia Massacres. – Kurds: ACLOS: Talk:Tal Abyad massacre Captives taken before and after a massacre (of 70?) August 5. Kidnappings preceded this and continued after: at least 263 by August 11, possibly 400 total. Homs: Aug. 17 raid on Christian Marmarita, apparently turned back; civilians killed, but no mention of abductions. ACLOS: Marmarita Massacre
[27] There have been reports of child victims identified by families in Latakia. If true, these would have weight, but no details are provided and the source (an activist nun) is of sporadic reliability. Amateur attempts are worth trying, but all so far are inadequate for an issue of this gravity. SeeACLOS: Latakia connection? See also the MITSM discussion page. – O'Brien pans some attempts.
[28] Syria: Strong Evidence Government Used Chemicals as a Weapon Human Rights Watch, May 13, 2014
[29] ACLOS: Alleged Chemical Attack, April 11, 2014
[30] The first Maan Massacre was Dec. 25, 2012, ACLOS: Maan Massacre The second one was Feb. 9, 2014, ACLOS: Maan Massacre, 2014 Syria News.cc reported "the missings list extends to 80 civilian." Woman's head chopped in half explained: ACLOS Al-Taman'ah Bus Victims


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I've been thinking quite a lot about Jason's post from Monday night, though I feel reasonably confident that I still don't understand it completely. I've decided to carry the conversation forward with a post of my own rather than simply taking it up the subject in the comment thread, both because I'm hoping (in vain?) it will spur me to return to posting and because it gives me the opportunity to get into a couple of loosely-related ideas I've been kicking around for some time now.
Having read through Jason's post three or four times, I'm still trying to put my finger on just what exactly the problem is that he describes. I take it that he basically agrees with Mark Safranski, whose diagnosis seems reasonably straightforward to me. Here's how I read it: in a democratic society, decision-makers will often select policy options that are reflective of an approval-seeking need to do something—to signal a certain position or preference to a domestic audience rather than to accomplish a considered aim and effect a new reality. This can lead to suboptimal outcomes for the simple reason that the decision-maker's calculus is largely indifferent to outcomes: his incentive structure rewards superficially correct action more than it does substantively beneficial results.
If this isn't what Mark meant to say, then I'll stand corrected. But if it is, then I agree with him.
But here's the part where I get confused: even if civilian policymakers are prone to this sort of error (and I agree that they are), and even if, as Jason writes, "our strategy in Afghanistan is guided by process" (and I agree that it is)... I still don't understand how or why those two conditions should be causally related. Let me put it this way: the fact that our campaign planning in Afghanistan is process-focused seems to me largely disconnected from the fact that our politicians care more about doing right-looking things than right-ending things, because campaign plans and operational concepts aren't the purview of those politicians.
I'm willing to concede that the line between civilian and military reponsibilities in strategy formation and the associated operational planning is a blurry and unstable one, and that what I've laid out as the normative standard isn't always the way things play out in reality. You certainly shouldn't take anything I've written above as an exculpatory argument for our elected officials. But more on this a bit later.
As for our man Carl: Jason's choice of Clausewitz quote is simultaneously interesting and surprising to me. Committed students of the sage will recognize it from perhaps the most remarked-upon pages of On War: Book Eight, Chapter 6B. (If it were an episode of "Friends," they'd call it The One With the Politics By Other Means.) The language Jason excerpted is from the 19th-century Graham translation; just for the purpose of clarity, let's look at the somewhat more fluent Paret/Howard version:
In making use of war, policy evades all rigorous conclusions proceeding from the nature of war, bothers little about ultimate possibilities, and concerns itself only with immediate probabilities. Although this introduces a high degree of uncertainty into the whole business, turning it into a kind of game, each government is confident that it can outdo its opponent in skill and acumen. (606)This is a pretty difficult passage (especially as I present it here, mostly out of context) but I take it to mean that governments are little interested in ruminations on war's escalatory momentum in the direction of its absolute form, but rather in how violence may be used to achieve concrete political goals. But the paradoxical reality is that addition of violence to politics – violence that is fueled in part by hatred and enmity, violence that is fundamental to war's nature and sets it off as distinct from all other human activity – actually re-shapes the character of the political contest. War's essential violence pressures the political contest to take on the character of a duel or a sporting event; without the harness of policy, war risks becoming a self-contained competition conducted according to its own rules, one where victory is not the mere accomplishment of political objectives but rather a revision of the relationship between the two competitors such that the victor is free to enact his preferences.
The "high degree of uncertainty" that Clausewitz concedes is introduced "into the whole business" is produced by divergence between the things we do in war and the things they are meant to achieve. In limited war, our actions are conceived as violent but discrete and purposive acts of policy, while as war moves toward its absolute form our actions are increasingly divorced from discrete political objectives short of the destruction of our enemy. To put it simply, shit gets crazy in war.
But "policy converts the overwhelmingly destructive element of war into a mere instrument," Clausewitz continues.
It changes the terrible battle-sword that a man needs both hands and his entire strength to wield, and with which he strikes home once and no more, into a light, handy rapier—sometimes just a foil for the exchange of thrusts, feints and parries. (606)Of course, for the military instrument to be used effectively, its employment must be strategic—that is to say, it must be reasoned.
In the Kings of War post that Jason referenced, Kenneth Payne talks about what behavioral economists and psychologists call "choice-supportive bias"—our tendency to feel a preference more strongly after we've made a choice in its favor than we did when considering the whole range of options. (Payne incorrectly labels this as the "endowment effect," which describes a different cognitive bias – our tendency to value more highly those things that we already possess and stand to lose than those things we might gain – that's closely related to loss-aversion, but that small error is not germane to his point.)
Preferences are not revealed by choices, so much as created by them. That's particularly true if the choice we make is emotionally engaging, as war is—passionately so, ofttimes.I feel a bit like a broken record, but Clausewitz talked about this, too: war's violent nature and appeal to primal hatred and enmity give it a tendency to escalate toward the absolute, to break free of its harness to policy, to unbalance "the remarkable trinity" that ensures it is purposive and endows it with meaning.
What I take from Payne's brief post is that modern discoveries in behavioral psychology and neuroscience are highlighting just exactly how difficult it is for individuals to behave "rationally," which has a complicating effect on strategy—the method we use to plan and undertake purposive action to achieve our goals. I very much agree with this, but I suppose it's worth including a reminder that while the science may be new, the behaviors that it observes and seeks to explain are not. Strategy has always been complicated by our flawed rationality; it's only now that we're beginning to achieve a more granular understanding of the biases impacting it than the somewhat more homespun generalizations Clausewitz offered on the subject.
That said, I very much disagree with what seems to be Payne's prescription: that we should give up on efforts at "balancing ends ways and means, or even discerning them," and instead conceive of strategy as a sort of elevated form of reactive planning.
Instead it's perhaps better to think about strategy in its less 'grand strategic' sense—and instead to conceptualise it as the organisation of power in the moment, in response to contingencies. Stop trying to anticipate the future so much, because, as Philip Tetlock has shown, we are rather bad at it.Stipulated! But this form of "strategy" is an exercise in throwing the baby out with the bathwater, conceding initiative to our enemies and foregoing even the possibility of imposing our own preferences on the environment. Strategic thinking will not always be effective, even when the inputs are perceived correctly. But it beats the alternative, doesn't it? And how does Payne's model escape the very same pitfalls of bounded rationality? Even if we "conceptualise [strategy] as the organisation of power in the moment, in response to contingencies," are we not dogged by the same cognitive biases and flawed rationality that impinge on our ability to plan over the longer term?
The problem of modern strategy isn't that we make so many miscalculations—that's to be expected, and it's the very reason that strategy formation and adaptive planning are meant to be iterative processes. The main issue is that the so-called "strategy bridge" is still absent: we are failing to adequately specify – even to ourselves! – how successful operations will create the political effects we seek. When we pretend to do so, we speak in buzzwords, cliches, and generalities.
This is a failing on both sides of the political-military divide. Our elected leaders are responsible for ensuring that we undertake wars that have meaning—wars that can plausibly achieve the objectives set out in policy. And our uniformed leaders must ensure that those meaningful wars are executed sensibly, in a manner that maps military action to intended effect—whether that's the wholesale destruction of the enemy, conquering and holding a sliver of territory, deterring an adversarial regime, or whatever. I feel like I say this a lot, but this is the essence of strategy: developing a theory of victory, a reasonable concept of how the actions you take with the resources at your disposal can combine to achieve the objectives you seek.
The "strategy bridge" is the causal, conceptual link between the accomplishment of military objectives and the creation of political effects, something that is all too often missing in today's strategic thought. We fill that chasm only with bromides, wishful thinking, and specious "plans," then wonder why no one can walk across.
I suppose this is where I come to my issue with Jason's post, which I understand to be saying that the main problem with our strategy in Afghanistan is a failure to recognize that we've met our initial objectives.
We're still fighting a war against al Qaeda in Afghanistan even though they're no longer there because the policy has not adapted. So the military has experimented with various ways (as the means have been dominated by policy-makers) to achieve ends that have effectively been achieved. But we can't say that we've won because there is still so much violence in Afghanistan, so we toil longer and talk about 'winning'—and yet the original policy's ends still have not changed.The policy objective in Afghanistan is, and presumably always has been, the one the president identified at the completion of the Af-Pak strategy review in March of 2009: "to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qaeda in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and to prevent their return to either country in the future." He further articulated the component parts of that overall objective several months later in the West Point speech announcing the escalation:
To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan. We must deny al Qaeda a safe-haven. We must reverse the Taliban's momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government. And we must strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan's Security Forces and government, so that they can take the lead responsibility for Afghanistan's future.Looking at those intermediate objectives and at the overall policy goal, isn't it obvious that the crippling and fundamental issue has nothing to do with a failure to revise ends in line with progress and change in conditions and everything to do with the government's determination to pursue political aims that were almost certainly unachievable and inaccessible to military action?
The problem in Afghanistan isn't strategy—it's policy. (The more I think about it, the more Jason seems to agree.)
Even if U.S. military operations over, say, a five-year period actually did achieve what the president hoped to – if al-Qaeda were effectively denied a safe haven in Afghanistan for so long as U.S. forces actively operated there; if the Taliban were held off or even decisively defeated over that time period; and if the GIRoA and ANSF were made capable and effective in the maintenance of the country's own internal security – there simply wasn't any plausible explanation presented for how the creation of those conditions would conclusively produce the end states we desired: al-Qaeda's disruption, dismantling, and defeat in Afghanistan and Pakistan and the prevention of its return to either country in the future.
The only conceivable justification for our continued refusal to do this is that winning just isn't all that important to us. And so we've come full-circle back to what Mark Safranski wrote: "the net result becomes burning money and soldiers' lives to garner nothing but more time in which to avoid making a final decision, hoping to be rescued by chance." As long as we're doing something, maybe something good will happen. The same logic animates a great deal of the anti-authoritarian interventionist sentiment we've seen in recent months, but that's a whole separate conversation.
I read a paper recently with the extremely lede-burying title, "The Myth of Military Myopia: Democracy, Small Wars, and Vietnam," by Jonathan Caverley. The thesis can be boiled down to this: those who argue that the military lost Vietnam through the application of flawed doctrine generally fail to recognize that the adoption of militarily sub-optimal courses of action was in fact a result of a rational policy determination by the country's political leadership.
Caverley oversimplifies quite a bit in his assumptions about optimal strategy, but the basic idea is that because the average voter cared far less about the financial cost of war than about the human cost (including not only casualties, but the possible expansion of the draft, etc.), politicians were incentivized to "substitute capital for labor"; i.e. to fight a technology-intensive style of war that was sensitive to the electorate's preference for limiting human costs, even while it was more expensive and less militarily effective. In short, politicians cared less about losing the war than they did about doing what the average voter seemed to want. (Which is, of corse, sort of what democracy is about.) I have some significant problems with the paper and am not sure the conclusions are all that sturdy, but it's an interesting hypothesis.
It's even more interesting if you read it in tandem with Patricia Sullivan's "War Aims and War Outcomes: Why Powerful States Lose Limited Wars," which is one of the most thought-provoking papers I've read in a really, really long time. Sullivan argues that the primary determinant of success for powerful states in small wars is the degree to which prewar expectations about the cost of victory match with reality: a state is most likely to pack up and quit when a war proves more difficult than expected. This often happens with limited wars because of the difficulty of accurately assessing the probability of victory (and associated casualties, duration, etc.) when accomplishment of war aims depends on concessions or lack of resolve on the part of the enemy rather than his wholesale defeat—in short, it's easier to predict how difficult it will be to destroy an army and conquer a state than to accurately project how many sorties are required to compel the enemy to make different political choices. I'm not doing the paper justice, and you ought to read it yourself.
What the hell does any of this have to do with what we were talking about earlier?, you're wondering. Surely I've just gone off on some stream-of-consciousness rant, spilling all the lost blog posts of the last two months into one text box. Well, there's a little bit of that. But try this one on for size: what Sullivan's and Caverley's papers both show is that powerful states often engage in wars that are not particularly important either to the government or to the electorate, and that they often wage them ineffectively and quit early as a result. In other words, states quite literally waste lives, money, and materiel on impulsive trifles, undertakings designed to send a message or show hardness or keep a campaign promise or give the appearance of doing the right thing.
And all of these things are perfectly acceptable uses of military force, perfectly acceptable instrumentalizations of policy... if you can show how the means you've chosen have even the faintest hope of accomplishing those political ends! I'm not at all suggesting that violence should only be used to conquer territory, or to destroy the enemy—not at all. What I am suggesting is that we cease to use military force in an unconsidered fashion. This isn't even an argument for choosing the right wars, but for figuring out whether the things we can do in war have any hope of creating meaning from war. If not, then we really are wasting lives—and those of us who fancy ourselves strategists are wasting our own. It's our job to build the damned bridge.
P.S. I am completely in love with the Kelly-Brennan monograph (pdf) MK mentioned in his comment on Jason's post—I have been since I first read it. I had hoped to discuss it here, but let's be serious: you can't take any more of this right now.


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Founded in 1917, the Allen Memorial Art Museum (AMAM) has outstanding holdings of nearly 15,000 works of art that provide a comprehensive overview of the history of art. The 2010-2011 building renovation and endowment effort ensured that the museum will continue to provide deep educational and aesthetic experiences for Oberlin College faculty and students and the public. It also allowed us to preserve our historic building and improve the way we care for and provide access to our art collections. The renovation project was completed in May 2011. The summer of 2011 was spent reinstalling the museum's permanent collection into the galleries, and the 1917 Cass Gilbert building reopened on the first day of the fall semester, September 6, with the Ellen Johnson Gallery reopening in October 2011 - marking the first time all museum galleries have been open to the public since 2008.
With your support, we can ensure the continued excellence of the Allen Memorial Art Museum. For more information or to make a gift, please contact the AMAM Office of the Director at (440) 775-8665.
Renovation Overview, 2010-2011
Since 2005, museum staff worked to plan for the replacement of the AMAM's 30-year-old mechanical system with a new one that will meet the museum's complex climate control requirements. Our partners in this effort were Samuel Anderson Architects (SAA) of New York City and McClure Engineering of St. Louis.
For more information on the museum's building renovation and schedule, see the Building Renovation Schedule.
To listen to podcasts on the renovation project, click here. Renovation videos are available here.
Other Sources:
Renovation Blog Archives
Opportunities for Support
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East Gallery
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Historic Renovation
Hazel B. King Sculpture Court: Clerestory and Ceiling
Samuel Yellin Ironwork
Plaster Casts
Curatorial Positions
Other Endowed Funds
Charles P. Parkhurst Art Conservation Fund


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Immigration stance may put Rubio on GOP's short list
- Senator has tried to soften his party's often harsh rhetoric about illegal immigrants
- Adding fuel to the speculation is Rubio's trip next week to Iowa
- In the past, Rubio has downplayed national ambitions
WASHINGTON — Some Republicans eager to look past Mitt Romney's disappointing defeat Tuesday are looking to Marco Rubio.
Much of the hand-wringing by conservatives about Romney's loss to President Obama centers on the former Massachusetts governor's dismal performance among Latino voters. Only about one in four Hispanics supported the GOP nominee, according to various exit polls.
Enter Rubio, 41, the charismatic Cuban-American senator from West Miami who has tried to soften his party's often harsh rhetoric about illegal immigrants.
Rubio believes that instead of focusing simply on tightening borders and deporting foreigners in the country illegally, federal policy should also look at sensibly accommodating those who have been on American soil for years.
He has proposed a version of the DREAM Act that would allow children brought to the United States illegally at an early age the opportunity to stay in the country and seek legal residency provided they complete high school and have no criminal history. Many Republicans oppose amnesty, but Rubio said it's time to change the conversation.
"The conservative movement should have particular appeal to people in minority and immigrant communities who are trying to make it, and Republicans need to work harder than ever to communicate our beliefs to them," he said in a statement issued Wednesday, less than two hours after Romney's concession speech.
Some pundits viewed the timing and nature of his remarks as a sign that the freshman senator Romney once considered for his running mate wants to do more than represent the Sunshine State.
In the past, Rubio has downplayed national ambitions even when his name came up constantly last summer as a vice presidential contender.
The father of four young children, Rubio cited family obligations as a key reason to focus on his job as Florida's junior senator. Family was one of the reasons mentioned when Rubio earlier this week declined Senate GOP leader Mitch McConnell's request to lead the party's 2014 efforts to retake the Senate.
But Romney's dismal showing among Latinos has Republicans and independent pundits talking up Rubio as a potential nominee four years from now.
Adding fuel to the speculation is Rubio's trip next week to Iowa, where he will headline a fundraiser for GOP Gov. Terry Branstad. The Hawkeye State plays a key role in the presidential nomination process.
Rubio spokesman Alex Conant said the senator's trip shouldn't be interpreted as a presidential foray because Branstad extended the invitation to Rubio during the Republican National Convention in Tampa this summer.
Rubio was not available for comment.
In the wake of Romney's defeat, some prominent conservatives are rethinking their previous opposition to amnesty for illegal immigrants.
Nationally syndicated columnist Charles Krauthammer wrote Friday that a comprehensive GOP policy that emphasizes border security as well as amnesty could be a winning card four years from now — delivered by the right messenger.
"Imagine Marco Rubio advancing such a policy on the road to 2016," Krauthammer wrote. "It would transform the landscape. He'd win the Hispanic vote. Yes win it."
Romney won only 23% of the Hispanic vote Tuesday, far less than the 40% George W. Bush captured in 2004, said Gary Segura, a political science professor at Stanford University. The data is based on polls by Latino Decisions, a political opinion research firm that Segura co-founded. Segura doesn't think Latinos will be voting for Republicans in droves any time soon. And even if Rubio were to win the nomination, Segura said he'd still have much work to do to convince most of the nation's Hispanics, two-thirds of whom are of Mexican heritage, that a more conservative Cuban-American has their interests at heart.
But he said there's an opportunity to make inroads with the nation's fastest-growing minority group if GOP lawmakers moderate their immigration stance. And he believes Rubio will lead the effort while positioning himself for a White House run.
Ultimately, Rubio and his party's chances of luring more Hispanics — and recapturing the Oval Office — rests heavily with whether GOP lawmakers back measures to give deserving Latinos a chance to attain citizenship, Segura said.
"If they don't fix the immigration reform issue, you could have seven Marco Rubios (and) it's not going to change the party's reputation," he said.


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Form 720-TO(redirected from 720TO Form)
Form 720-TO
A form that the owner of a terminal where certain liquid material (such as gasoline) is stored must file with the IRS to report the liquid material that has come into and gone out of the terminal. Form 720-TO helps the IRS to keep track of liquid materials subject to federal excise taxes. The form must be filed each month. See also: Form 720.


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Before leaving DC, there was one restaurant I had to try: Estadio, the newly opened Logan Circle tapas bar that has garnered much attention from The Washington Post's Jane Black and Metrocurean's Amanda McClement. Black wrote about Estadio owner Mark Kuller (who also owns Proof) and chef Haidar Karoum's journey through Spain to find the most authentic, delectable tapas to serve at their restaurant. McClements provided a sneak peek of the restaurant, full of delicious photos, and later gushed about Estadio's now infamous slushitos (adult alcoholic slushies). I was salivating after reading both articles, and rushed over for my last supper in DC.
Estadio is a food blogger's dream to photograph, with its gorgeous Spanish tiles, Gothic wrought ironwork, and antique chandeliers. The space is warm and welcoming, especially with the bar located in the center of the restaurant–it made for a more convivial atmosphere.
After being told we had an hour-long wait for a table ahead of us, we decided to order some drinks. Of course, I had to try the slushito ($9) with quince, paprika, lemon, sherry, and scotch. And yes, it did live up to the hype. The quince added a complex fruitiness to the drink, and tempered the strong alcohol taste of the sherry and scotch. Perfect for a hot DC summer night.
Fortunately, we were seated after only half an hour. We started off the meal with marcona almonds (around $4-6), olives, and pintxos of jamon-wrapped figs, cabrales cheese, and marcona almonds ($2.50 each). I adored the almonds, which were coated in a spice mixture that packed subtle heat. The pintxos, bite-sized tapas from Spain's Basque region, were simple but delightful, and really showcased the sweetness of the figs and saltiness of the jamon.
Next came the patatas bravas, tortilla espanola ($8), and crispy stuffed squash blossoms ($7). The most memorable out of the three dishes was the tortilla espanola, served with aioli and sweet hot pepperts. The peppers made a classic tapas dish seem new again, adding a spice element that enhanced the flavors nicely. I also enjoyed the squash blossoms, stuffed with a spinach and cheese mixture that oozed out when you bit into the battered, crunchy exterior.Proteins were a bit disappointing. The hangar steak with crushed potatoes and mojo verde ($14) was all right, but nothing special. The potatoes had an unappealing, mealy texture to me and there was barely enough mojo verde to dip the meat in. Duck breast with baby chard, quince and ginger sauce ($14) was overcooked and chewy, and the quince and ginger sauce had no flavor at all. Plus, portions for both dishes were pretty small considering the pricetags.
Dessert was a pleasant surprise after the less than stellar mains. We ordered the panna cotta with strawberry gazpacho ($8): a milky vanilla bean custard sitting atop a pool of refreshing ruby red strawberry gazpacho, dotted with pearls of sweet meringue. It was a light and refreshing way to end the meal.
Though the food wasn't perfect, I do think Estadio has an appealing atmosphere and fantastic drinks. It's a great place to meet friends for a drink and share a light meal. But if you're hungry and in the mood for something more substantial, Estadio might not be your best bet.
1520 14th St. NW
Washington, DC 20005
(202) 319-1404


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Bob Vago has found routines and rituals that help him and his wife of 62 years stay connected
Bob Vago wakes up each day well before the sun burnishes a small lake between his backyard and Oscar Scherer State Park in Osprey. The peaceful, marshy view, with herons and eagles, bobcats and deer, is what compelled him and his wife, Kay, to claim this spot after exploring the Florida coast from Tampa to Fort Myers.
Now Kay lives across town, with a less-expansive window looking out on a tidy little lawn. When he reaches her room it is usually still dark, and she is half-asleep.
"Is that you, Bob?" she asks, a note of panic detectable in her familiar Scottish burr. "Did you just get up?"
An engineer by training and character, Bob doesn't like to lie.
"I got up early," he tells her. "Would you like a cup of tea?"
As he makes the tea, her mind is on the cozy breakfast they will share in bed. When he gives her a jam half-sandwich and she declares it the best she's ever had, Bob knows he has once again succeeded in keeping Kay's anxiety at bay for the next 24 hours.
The two have been almost inseparable since meeting at a dance in 1950 on Jersey, in the English Channel Islands. Kay moved with Bob from England to Canada, Chicago and eventually Florida, his full partner in a career that took him from avionics to cryogenics and produced 20 U.S. patents.
So when she turned to him one day in their Osprey home and insisted that he was her grandfather from Glasgow, it was a wrenching moment he had not seen coming.
But with the logic and intellect that have fueled his working life, Bob approached the devastation of Kay's Alzheimer's disease as a problem to be solved. For now, this means he rises early to be at her side in a locked memory support unit when she awakens. They chat and sip their tea, and after a few hours he tells her he's off to work.
"You know what it's like in engineering," Bob reminds Kay. "I can't say when I'll be back — but I will be back."
Then he returns to the home they once shared, and toils on a new patent application he hopes will revolutionize the business of aquaculture. His work with ultrasound wound care led to a water purification technique, using sound waves to create bubbles, or "cavitations," that cleanse the water at a molecular level. His company, Cavisonic Inc., is the legacy he hopes to leave for his two sons.
At the same time, Bob has another urgent goal: He wants more people to realize that when it comes to caring for people with mild to moderate dementia, we're doing it all wrong.
"For most of these people," he says, talking about the residents of memory care facilities, "once you go in there, you're like a subhuman race. When you first get there, you do have talents, and the only thing missing is your short-term memory. But with the way they're handled, and the drugs they have to have, all the life goes out of these people."
Bob understands what makes families detach themselves from day-to-day life inside the locked ward, and what causes them to slip into a pattern of occasional duty visits. It nearly broke his heart to see his own wife treat him as a stranger, and threaten to become a stranger herself.
But he wants others to discover what he has learned — that the kind of faithful, consistent connection he has forged with Kay can give moderate-dementia patients what every human craves: a sense that their lives have continuity and meaning.
"The whole root of the whole problem is that they were part of a family," he says, "and now they're not."
A person with taste
Bob Vago is a slight man in a big-shouldered sport coat and sprightly tie, with ginger-colored hair and a raspy voice straight out of London. He was born there in 1926, into an Anglo-Italian family descended from 19th-century sculptor Ambrose Lewis Vago.
When it was time to choose a profession, an aunt he was close to pointed out that he was always inventing things. So began his vocation of devising solutions that had eluded others — and being pretty persistent about it.
"When you suggest something, you always get the trite response of, 'We tried that and it didn't work,' " Bob explains. "That's enough for me to say, 'It does work, but these people don't know how to do it.' "
During the war years, Bob studied mechanical and electrical engineering. By 1950 he was doing aircraft wiring for an electronics firm when his two-week summer holiday came around.
"I wanted to go somewhere different," he says.
Jersey was a popular vacation spot in the lean years after the war; cows on the island were the source for the town's milk bars, where city people could drink their fill of something they had gone so long without. You could take a girl to a milk bar on a date — though you did have to find her first.
"The only way you could meet a girl was to go to a dance on Saturday night," Bob recalls. "For me a dance was a chore. I'm not very good at it. I was sitting there and I looked up — this was July 10, 8 o'clock in the evening — there was Kay. She was the only one in the hall with a long evening gown. She had gloves up to here; she had a wonderful little haircut. She looked like a person with taste."
When Bob returned to his job in London, the first thing he did was send Kay a telegram in Glasgow. It didn't take them long to arrange a visit.
He went up to Scotland for the weekend, and "she met me at the train. I still remember how she was dressed. She had a kilt on, and a tammy and a sweater," he says. Then, for a few difficult minutes, he can't say anything more.
In their 1951 wedding photo, the Vagos gaze at each other like the only two people in the room. They very nearly were; at the church ceremony the three witnesses were Kay's London landlady, and Bob's mother with her second husband.
They moved around England for a time. The young aviation engineer was easily bored; when he got restless, Kay would find him a new job in the newspaper. One ad that intrigued her was for an interview in London, but it turned out the position was in Canada.
"She said: 'Why not? It'd be an adventure,' " Bob recalls.
In 1956 they moved to Ottawa with their boxer, Butch, and $3,000 in savings. In a few years they had two sons, Blair and Robert Jr.
"I've never made men friends to go out with on the weekends; she never made girlfriends. So our relationship was one-on-one," Bob says. With other women he met before Kay, "all they wanted to talk about was things I didn't want to know anything about. But Kay you could talk to like a man. She used to proofread everything I did; we had a partnership."
Bob Jr., a software engineer now living in St. Petersburg, remembers early life in a "tight family circle." His parents were disciplined, and work came first.
"But they were very loving," he says. "They would do anything for me; they always have. They've always been content with themselves, and don't need a lot of outside friends. They both had broken families growing up, and they tried to keep our family close. It's worked, I believe; I'm still very close with my brother."
Three years ago, it was Bob Jr. who helped his father see that Kay needed a safer place to live. Neighbors had noticed her odd behavior, and Kay refused to discuss the $7,000 she had withdrawn from their bank account with the old man she wanted gone from her house.
"Who do you think I am?" Bob asked her.
"You're my grandfather," Kay replied.
"How do you figure that?"
"When I was 4 years old, you used to wash my hair in a cold bucket of water. You've got to get out of here; you're going back to Glasgow."
Bob Jr. found what would be the first of three facilities for Kay, and took care of the move when her husband couldn't. He also came up with an ingenious way to help her believe that Bob was indeed her husband.
"Maybe it's your gray hair that makes her think you're so much older than she is," he told his father. "Why don't you try dying it?"
It worked.
'An atom bomb'
Kay Vago sits in her room at the end of a long hall, behind a closed door. When Bob brings her visitors, she is limp and absent, reluctant to stand or put on the stylish suit jacket bought long ago in Chicago. Bob jokes with her softly, reminding her that a photographer is here to take a picture, buttoning her blouse and shrugging her into the beige wool. She answers him tartly, wife to husband, and as she chides him and he accepts it, you can see the lights turning on inside her.
By the time she and Bob sit for the photos — on the double bed he had installed so they can be together — she is once again the lively, beguiling girl from Glasgow.
"Where'd you get the fancy camera?" she wants to know. "It's so lovely seeing you, and thank you for doing what you're doing. That takes real class, to do what you do."
A gracious hostess, she shows off photos of her sons and a black-and-white shot from their wedding. Bob says they've been married for 62 years, and her response easily sounds like just another playful joke between them.
"Sixty-two years! Not me! I'm only 21."
When Bob excuses himself to escort their two female visitors to the front door of the locked facility, she calls after him, another loving taunt laced with highland grit: "Aye, no further than the door!"
Research suggests that dementia is not the "loss of self" most people think it is. Short-term memories do vanish, but self-concept remains. Bob has found ways to reinforce Kay's sense of who she is, and minimize the agitation that strikes Alzheimer's sufferers when they lose their bearings.
The strategy he discovered on his own is what specialists in the field call "person-centered care," which is part of a movement, underway for years in the long-term care business, beyond ingrained institutional practices. This year the Dementia Initiative, a national coalition, issued a report calling for a departure from treating dementia mainly as a medical condition, and a greater emphasis on social support.
"Wow," says Len� Levy-Storms — a Dementia Initiative leader and geriatric researcher at the University of California-Los Angeles — on hearing about the Vagos' tea ritual. "That's amazing dedication."
The familiar morning routine works to anchor Kay, Levy-Storms thinks, "basically because she is able to engage in her intact long-term memory, and there is a strong emotional connection between them. He's tapping into the basic desires and feelings that don't go away with the disease."
Memory care facilities resist person-centered care, Levy-Storms says, because "at face value, it seems to cost more." Instead they remain intent on getting necessary tasks done — toileting, dressing and feeding — in the shortest time with the smallest possible staff.
"The institutions are a business," she says. "Given their budget and their priorities, they're focused on the wrong thing. And because of that, their approach is going to be geared toward the efficiency of the institution rather than the well-being of the person."
The facility where Kay lives now is the best her family has found. But Bob asked that its name be kept private, to avoid affecting the care she receives. He constantly struggles — here and during hospital visits when she has fallen and fractured a bone — to resist the widespread practice of giving dementia patients antipsychotic drugs.
"It's a shortcoming of these places, that serves to make the situation for the inmate worse," he says. "They all drug these people when they feel that they're being obstreperous. They wanted to give Kay drugs, because they felt she was causing too much trouble for the staff. I was dead against it, but said, 'Well, let's see what you're going to do.' What they did was absolutely destructive."
In response to studies showing that mood-altering drugs for dementia patients often do more harm than good, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services launched in 2012 a national initiative to reduce their use in nursing homes by substituting proven behavioral therapy practices. In California, a partnership between the state, nursing home owners and patient advocates reports a 15 percent reduction in unnecessary antipsychotic drugs.
But Patricia McGinnis, executive director of California Advocates for Nursing Home Reform, says the real figure is more like 7 percent. She believes much more needs to happen to change a culture of drugging patients instead of interacting with them. Quoting the late Mark Beers, a Harvard geriatrician whose research in the 1980s first revealed the downsides of drug use in nursing homes, McGinnis says, "Giving a nursing home resident an antipsychotic to treat dementia is like using an atom bomb to kill an ant."
McGinnis compares her group's effort — which began in 2010 with a lawsuit — to the early days of trying to convince nursing homes not to restrain residents in their wheelchairs and beds.
"There are other ways to treat the symptoms of Alzheimer's," she says. "The thing with antipsychotics is that you've got Big Pharma behind this, and it's seen as easier and cheaper to give somebody a pill."
Bob Vago is convinced that memory care units will never hire enough staff to wean themselves from dependence on pills. He believes it's up to families to supply the behavior modifications that can suppress dementia-related anxieties.
"It's taken me three years now to come up with what we all should be doing in this regard," he says. At first, "I was going through the routine they give you all the time, about how you don't need to be there very often — two or three times a week; a half-hour's enough."
This advice, he thinks, caters to the guilt and relief that surround the decision to place a dementia patient in long-term care.
"By the time the family puts them in, they're like, 'Thank God for that,' " he says. "But all of these places need far greater participation from the families than they're getting."


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Gladiolus Ecklonii (Yellow, White, Red) - Bulbs
(Inclusive of all taxes)
Todays Deals
Description for Gladiolus Ecklonii (Yellow, White, Red)
Gladiolus are available with flowers in a huge range of colours, including apricot, blue, burgundy, pink, gold, red, orange, and white, as well as multicoloured varieties.
The plants bloom in midsummer; however, you can prolong the bloom period by choosing early, mid, and late season types and staggering planting times. Height ranges from 2 to 6 feet.
Today's gardeners can choose from a wide range of flower forms, colors, and heights, so there s certainly a gladiolus for everyone s taste. Gladiolus are generally grouped by flower size into classes from miniature to giant.
Planting and care
Gladiolus plants grow wonderfully in the warm weather of summer. You can produce these flowers in sequence by planting some corms every few weeks or so. Learning how to take care of gladiolus will reward you with a huge array of colors and they also work out great for cut flowers.
You have to plant the gladiolus deeper than usual because they have a tall sheaf of leaves. This will help anchor them against strong winds that might blow them over to the ground.
Caring for Gladiolus Ecklonii
- Put a 2 to 4 inches layer of mulch around your gladioli to keep your soil moist and help prevent weeds.
- If you get less than 1 inch of rain a week, water your plants regularly throughout the summer.
- Otherwise, water them moderately when in growth to keep the soil moist.
- Remove the faded/dead flowers to ensure continuous growth. Once all the flowers on a stalk have gone, cut off the stalk.
- Be sure to leave the plant intact so it can mature and rejuvenate the corms for the next season.
If you re growing gladiolus so you can cut blooms for bouquets, flower spikes should be cut on a slant when the lowest flowers on the stalk begin to show colour. When cutting the flower stalk, leave at least four leaves on the plant to feed the corm for next year s blooms. Immerse the cut end of the flower spike in water immediately after cutting.
Typical uses of Gladiolus Ecklonii
Special features: Flowers
Culinary use: NA
Ornamental use: There is no flower more stunning in an arrangement than gladiolus. They are popular curt flowers for all occasions, from weddings to funerals. Even though they are mostly know as a cut flower, gladiolus look beautiful in the flower garden as well, especially when grouped together and planted next to complimentary flowers.
If you want colour, gladiolus is your flower. Varieties are available in almost any colour of the rainbow, with many having frilly flowers and bi-coloured blooms. The sword-like leaves yield a spiky flower stalk with individual flowers that bloom from the bottom up.
Medicinal use: NA
- http://www.gardeningknowhow.com/ornamental/bulbs/gladiola/care-of-gladiolas-how-to-grow-gladiolas-in-your-garden.htm
- http://gardeningwithcharlie.com/how-to-grow-gladiolus.html
Tuesday, 18 February 2020
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Is this a fregrance flowering plant.
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Not all limo companies are created equal. Some companies are small and run with just a single limo while others have a whole fleet of limos, cars and buses. This article may help you decide on which type of vehicle to rent for your upcoming occasion or transportation need. Limos are not rented only for special occasions. Often times it's needed for basic transport and chartering for large groups of people.
4-Door Sedans
Commonly known as the Lincoln Town Car or you may also see some companies carry luxury sedans like Mercedes, BMW and the Chrysler 300. Often times, the sedans are spacious to accommodate comfortable seating and room for luggage during airport transfers, which is what they are used for the majority of the time. Other times they are rented for charters for 1-4 passengers.
Pretty much used for the same purpose as a sedan except can accommodate more people and luggages. You will often see 7-passenger types like the Escalade, Yukon, Suburban.
Traditional Stretch Limo
Most people are familiar with the classic Lincoln Town Car stretch limo which usually comes in different sizes– 6, 8, and 10-passenger. You will also see other types of stretch limos like the Chrysler 300 stretch which has gotten popular and has a more sleek and modern look than the old-fashioned Lincoln. These vehicles are equipped with basic limo amenities like TV, DVD and CD players, fiberoptic lighting, full bar with complementary drinks, sound system, music hook up with iPod, leather seating. They're perfect for any occasion such as weddings, prom, birthdays, wine tours, anniversaries, and more.
SUV Stretch Limo
Like the name says these are SUVs that are stretch out to accommodate 12-22 passengers. With more room and height compared to a traditional stretch, these vehicles typically include the Escalade stretch limo, Hummer stretch, Expedition stretch, Excursion stretch, Navigator stretch, and so forth. Like the traditional stretch limo, the SUV stretches also come with fun amenities like TV, DVD and CD player, full bar and complementary drinks, leather seats, sound system with music hook up, fiber optic lighting. They are fabulous for any occasions.
Party Bus
The party bus has gained popularity over the years and is requested quite frequently over the limousine. Many people like to have room to move and stand and this is the perfect vehicle for it. Party buses nowadays are not used just for parties anymore. You will see them rented for wine tours, concerts, sporting events, prom, quinceaneras, weddings, family reunions, and more. They come with all the same great features as the limousines.


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Selected Winners Will Have Their Product Photos Used in Next ATN Catalog and a Chance to Win Fabulous ATN Products.
South San Francisco, CA –-(Ammoland.com)- American Technologies Network, makers of military, law enforcement, security and outdoor night vision and thermal applications, today announced their first ever night vision photo contest.
As one of the most innovative brands of Night Vision Optics, Goggles, Scopes, Monoculars and Daytime Rifle Scopes, ATN has thousands of products in use throughout the world.
The problem is they rarely get to see them in action. Because of this, ATN has called upon its fans to help build their photo library with images of ATN products in actual use out in the field.
Selected winners will have a chance to win some fun prizes, plus a chance to be featured in the next ATN catalog. ATN is looking for photos of their product line used in military, law enforcement, security, and / or outdoor scenarios. In order to qualify, photos must be submitted to the ATN Facebook wall with a brief description of the product used, the scenario in which it is used in, as well as the location of the photo, no later than June 30, 2012.
Prizes for the top photos chosen by ATN include:
- 1st Prize – ATN PVS14-3
- 2ND Prize – ATN Night Spirit-CGT
- 3rd Prize – ATN 10x43RF binoculars
- 4th Prize – ATN J600 Tactical Flashlight
- 5th Prize -ATN 7x30RF binoculars
- Any photo that ATN decides to publish (except on the ATN Facebook page) will receive an ATN J68 Tactical Flashlight.
Submitted photographs must not contain imagery of profanity, nudity and / or use of illegal substances, cruelty to animals, defamation of property or people of any race, religion or gender. Such photographs will be immediately disqualified. An ATN product of your choice must be shown or used in the photograph. All photographs must be posted on ATN's Facebook page no later than June 30, 2012. Entrants are limited to one photograph per entry.
Contestants may use their current ATN products for their photographs or purchase one at www.ATNCorp.com.
All selected winners must sign a release waiver upon notification. ATN will reveal the winners through an official press release, as well as through their social networks, in mid July 2012.
This contest is open only to legal residents of the contiguous United States (excluding, without limitation, Puerto Rico and other US territories), who currently reside in the US and who are 18 years of age or older at the time of entry. To view the full Terms and Conditions of the contest, please visit here.
For more information, visit www.atncorp.com and check us out on Facebook.
You may DOWNLOAD the official ATN Photo Contest Announcement PDF here and the Terms & Conditions here.
About American Technologies Network, Corp.:
Headquartered in South San Francisco, California, ATN is a leading manufacturer of precision optics that includes night vision, daytime scopes, thermal imaging and binoculars. With over 100 models and over 15 years' experience in producing precision optics, ATN offers the world's largest selection from 1st Generation to 4th Generation. www.atncorp.com


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Under Armour Contender Backpack - Black/Silver
Browse all deals at Lady Foot Locker
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* This offer may contain time-sensitive information and offers. Please check with Lady Foot Locker to confirm actual price & availability.
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About Me
I'm Luca, a 28 years old ui / ux designer from Parma, Italy.
I love to design clean and minimal user interfaces for websites, mobile applications and anything digital.
Luckily, that's my everyday job @Caffeina.
In my spare time I love to play basketball and listen r&b, dance and pop music.
Caffeina | 2012 > Present
As a senior ui/ux designer i spend most of my time crafting user interfaces for responsive websites, mobile applications, web application etc etc.
I sometimes create visual designs, newsletter templates for clients social channels.
Some of the clients projects I've been involved into: ActionAid, FAI Fondo Ambiente Italiano, Genialloyd, Hogan, Monster, Sightsavers and many others.
Lumata | 2011 > 2012
As a creative digital designer my main job was to create interfaces for the web.
Many of them were for websites, mobile sites, interactive adv rich media banners and newsletter templates. Sometimes I also coded my graphics and developed them into static html/css.
Some of the clients projects I've been involved into: Audi, Intesa Sanpaolo, Nissan, Mercedes-Benz, MTV, Rolling Stone Magazine, TIM, The Space Cinema and many others.
Buongiorno | 2006 > 2011
Starting as a junior designer, my first job was to create promotional websites, newsletter templates and direct emails. After that, I started creating some Flash websites/banners and more complex projects as my experience increased.
I became a senior designer before moving to Lumata's Milano offices after the acquisition by the new company.
Some of the clients projects I've worked for: Ford, Kellogg's, Mini, Subaru, Q8 to name a few.


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Toledo Mud Hens Tickets
The Toledo Mud Hens is an amazing team that plays baseball within the minor league. It is located within Toledo, Ohio and has been playing baseball for a long time. This amazing minor league baseball team is an affiliate of the famous Detroit Tigers, a major league baseball team that can be found fifty miles near the city of Toledo, towards its north. The Toledo Mud Hens have been playing baseball for over a hundred years in the city of Toledo. This team has been present as a professional club since 1883, with their present club title Mud Hens was first used as the team's name over a hundred years ago in 1896, when ownership of the team fell into the hands of Charles Strobel. This name was inspired by the place where the team was located, the BayViewPark. Next to this park was a patch of marshland in which lived the animals, the American coots, who are also known by the name Mud Hens. Thus, the name Toledo Mud Hens was fixed upon this spectacular minor league club and has been used ever since.
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Within the world of minor league baseball, the Toledo Mud Hens are part of the International League. Some of the team's latest wins are the Governors' Cup Championship 2005 and again bagged the next year, in 2006. Today, the Toledo Mud Hens can be found at the Fifty Third Field that is located in the Maumee suburbs and at the intersection of 406 Washington Street. The Toledo Mud Hens shifted here from their older home base, the Ned Skeldon Stadium. This amazing minor league team has been part of the International League as of 1965. This happened after the Richmond Virginians, a New York Yankees from 1965 to1966, the Philadelphia Phillies from 1974 to 1975, the Cleveland Indians from 1976 to 1977, and the Minnesota Twins from 1978 to 1986. The city of Toledo is in itself quite legendary and historical in baseball's history as a sport and as a culture. It became the foremost city to have tried to create a baseball team that was made up of people from the two main race that inhabited America as well as the first city to have allowed African Americans to play baseball in professional teams.
This happened back in 1884 when the professional baseball team club at that time, a major league baseball team, became the first team to have African American players, the famous brothers Moses Fleetwood Walker and Welday Walker. Before being named as the Toledo Mud Hens, this minor league baseball team had existed shortly as the Toledo Maumees, the Black Pirates and the White Stockings. The team first played at the ArmoryPark after which it moved to the Swayne Filed until the 50s. In 1927, this amazing team won the spectacular AA title pennant and by the 50s the team was active in the world of football.
In 1953, the Toledo Mud Hens bagged the Association title, their second so far, in a match that attracted around three fifty thousand fans. This was an incredible number for any baseball match at that time in the US. This awesome minor league baseball team has as its mascots Muddy and Muddonna, a male and a female mascot. The name of the team as well as its logo are regarded as the Best Selling as well as the Most Popular in the entire history of the minor league baseball. This baseball club has won around three titles; the Governors Cup championships in 1967, in 2005 and in 2006.
To wrap it up, this team that is considered as the Best Selling and the Most Popular in minor league baseball definitely has a rich history. It comes from a city that has a special place in baseball history and the team itself has been present in one form or another for over a hundred years. What's more, this team has also won three Governors Cup championships with two of them won consecutively. Now that is an awesome achievement and truly worth Toledo Mud Hens tickets. With these in hand, you can then go and watch this team that is labeled as the most popular in minor league baseball.
A record-setting attendance witnessed Toledo Mud Hens' walk-off win on July 29, 2017. A crowd of 13,406 fans filled the Fifth Third Field in which the Hens recorded a 6-5 win over the Rochester Red Wings.
Toledo Mud Hens Ticket Prices
The average price for Toledo Mud Hens Tickets start from $20. The minimum get in price is $7 for Toledo Mud Hens Tickets at the Victory Field, Indianapolis. For a detailed look at ticket prices and amazing discounts, visit our website.
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