Although the international narrative tends to label the situation as a racial conflict, doing so does not do justice to its complexity — and turns attention away from other, not least important factors that exacerbate it.
It’s estimated that around four hundred and sixty thousand immigrants of Haitian origin currently live in the Dominican Republic, a country that has historically sustained a turbulent relationship with its neighbors in the small island of La Hispaniola, the Haitians. Although the international narrative tends to label the situation as a racial conflict, doing so does not do justice to its complexity – and turns attention away from other, not least important factors that exacerbate it. In a recent visit to the country, I had the opportunity to speak with several people who, in one way or another, are affected by this issue. Their perspectives, though divergent, point to the gravity of the situation and to the multiple past and present factors that feed into it. Below I share some of their comments, as well as their proposals to solve this growing problem.
Emilio calls himself a “handyman,” doing construction, agriculture and other sporadic jobs. He left his country at a time of big instability, during which Haiti was facing an increase in civic violence, political conflicts and deteriorating institutions. After twenty-six years, two daughters (a twenty-four year old and a three year old) and two grandsons — who have never visited Haiti and don’t even speak Creole —Emilio faces a possible deportation, under the Dominican government’s National Regularization Plan for Foreigners.
Dr. Ciriaco Cruz is a renowned professor in the Faculty of Economic and Social Sciences in the UASD, the first university in the Americas.
"It is clear that when you are in a country where the characteristics and socioeconomic indicators are like what the Haitian government offers; where you basically have a level of poverty of between 60 and 70 percent of the population; and where levels of malnutrition and illiteracy are very high, then I believe that there is clear a failure of the political class.
"First of all, we are an island. I believe that it’s necessary to find an element that unites us, an element of cooperation that allows us to maximize our relations, because we need to consider the fact that Haiti is the second big trading partner of the Dominican Republic. That is the reality. At the margin of everything, there are Dominican companies that operate in Haiti, and there’s very fluid commerce. These are elements that, I believe, we must maximize.
"I think the Dominican Republic has failed in explaining the Dominican-Haitian situation well. For a long time, the Dominican Republic kept its distance from international organizations, which allowed them to condemn us at the Human Rights Commission, at the OAS (Organization of American States). We didn’t know how to defend our position. I believe that in many ways, we are harvesting our weakness in international relations.
"On the other hand, there is something that goes on in the imagination of Dominicans: Dominicans associate poverty with blackness. It is a situation that historically has been so. And the ruling class has acted thusly. And so, it is like they [Dominicans] don’t want those type of people next to them. I think that Haiti will have a different image to the extent that it works to improve its quality of life.
"Things will also change in the future to the extent that Dominicans become conscious of their origins. Education has much to do with this, the kind of education we’ve been given. As education changes, and with it educational levels, people will change their profile, the way they see others. We must have a more inclusive education [in our country], in which one recognizes oneself, one’s origins and limitations. I believe that, with time, this is going to change.
The National Commission of Human Rights works to defend the fundamental rights of human beings. They provide guidance, and negotiate and monitor Haitians' cases in order to prevent the abuse of their individual and civil rights.
"There are people who have vested interest in making Haiti fight against our country. It’s a question of economic interests. Since the times of Trujillo, up to the present, these [groups] that bring Haitian brothers [into the country] continue to exist. And they bring them to be slaves, to use them here in the harvesting of sugar cane. Now it’s not so much the case, because Haitians are waking up, and they now come to work in construction. Dominicans complain about that the Haitians are taking up their space of terms of labor because it’s easier for [Haitians] to find work and they are more dedicated.
"Then there are also the traffickers, the people who bring them. The ones who bring them are not poor people. They’re powerful people who invest and sell [Haitians] to the construction industry, to companies. What they do is human trafficking. That is illegal. The fact that these people are treated as slaves is prohibited in the United Nations resolution. [Haitians] accept this because they’re looking to improve [their condition]. But we also see the mistreatment they get. There’s also the humanitarian aspect of things, in terms of health. Many Dominicans complain that the Haitians are taking up medical treatment meant for Dominicans, but the right to the health is everyone’s right. Everyone in the world must have health, housing, and education."
"We [the Commission] have been conclusive in our rejection of the ruling from the constitutional court. It was exclusionary. The very people who issued it are children of immigrants. This ruling must be reviewed again, and amended in order to give [Haitians] the opportunity to obtain their documents.