Deych T.L.. The U.N. and security problems in Africa and on Arabic East // Conflict Studies / nota bene. – 2016. – № 3. – P. 171-182. DOI: 10.7256/2409-8965.2016.3.21969.
Review: The object of this research is the effort of the United Nations and the U.N. Security Council to solve the issues of international security. The subject of the paper is the role of U.N. and U.N. Security Council in conflict resolution in Africa and Arabic East. Special attention is paid to the position of Russia as a Permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, and its contribution to conflict resolution and the fight against terrorist threat. The task of this study is to evaluate positive and negative aspects of the work of this international organization, which remains a unique tool for the prevention and resolution of conflicts for 70 years, by analyzing its steps in overcoming challenges and threats in a given region. The methodological basis of this research includes comparative political approach, the methods of analysis and synthesis. The scientific novelty of this work is that, despite the fact that the U.N. has been a subject of many publications, this particular aspect of its peacekeeping efforts and Russia’ role in these efforts hasn’t been in the spotlight of attention. The analysis of this topic is relevant in light of certain state's attempts to regulate crises by force, bypassing the Security Council and the U.N. Charter leading to the escalation of violence. The acuteness of this research is defined by the fact that U.N. peacekeeping efforts often become criticized. The author draws the conclusion that, although the U.N. manages to achieve its main objective to prevent a global disaster, its efforts in regional conflict resolution may not always be efficient largely due to the different geopolitical priorities of member countries. This demands necessary steps to be taken in order to raise the efficiency of U.N. S.C., to improve its ability to meet the demands of regional security.
Keywords: international security, conflict, Africa, Arabic countries, Syria, terrorism, Russia, international cooperation, Security Council, U.N.
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Filippov V.R.. French neo-colonialism: the evolution of "Françafrique" // Conflict Studies / nota bene. – 2016. – № 2. – P. 114-128. DOI: 10.7256/2409-8965.2016.2.20972.
Review: The subject of research is the dynamics of France's African policy in the post-colonial period. The focus of attention is given to consideration of the complex phenomenon of "Françafrique", which is a special system of clientelist relations between the Fifth Republic and its former overseas territories, the military-political mechanism to monitor the implementation of the French neo-colonial policies on the African continent. The author considers the peculiarities of the evolution of the "Françafrique" policy in the periods of government of various leaders of France: Charles de Gaulle, Georges Pompidou, Jacques d'Estaing, Francois Mitterrand, Jacques Chirac, Sarkozy, F.Hollande. The method of historical reconstruction which is used in this article permits to identify the factors which determined the characteristics of the African policy of the Elysee Palace during the reign of different presidents. The author concludes that the French neo-colonialism, above all, is born of the "energy hunger" of the Fifth Republic, the need to provide the raw materials for the numerous and powerful nuclear power plants, which cover about 75% of the energy needs of the country. France is ready to have a strategic alliance with the USA and other NATO countries because new players appeared the African market of raw materials, especially China.
Petrenko A.I. Sarkozi & Olland: sravnitel'nyy analiz psikhologicheskikh portretov sovremennykh politikov Frantsii // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. 2012. № 1. C. 139 - 144.
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Filippov V.R. Burkina Faso: politicheskiy krizis 2011 goda // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2013. - 4. - C. 424 - 438. DOI: 10.7256/2305-560X.2013.4.9721.
Filippov V.R. De Gol' u kolybeli «Fransafrik» // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2015. - 1. - C. 50 - 62. DOI: 10.7256/2305-560X.2015.1.12302.
Pripisnova E.S. Podkhody ES k uregulirovaniyu etnicheskikh konfliktov v Afrike // Natsional'naya bezopasnost' / nota bene. - 2016. - 4. - C. 553 - 558. DOI: 10.7256/2073-8560.2016.4.17205.
Filippov V.R. Politika Frantsii v Gabone // Pravo i politika. - 2016. - 1. - C. 71 - 82. DOI: 10.7256/1811-9018.2016.1.16066.
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Filippov V.R. Sil'vanus Olimpio – pervaya zhertva «Fransafrik» // Politika i Obshchestvo. - 2015. - 8. - C. 1014 - 1025. DOI: 10.7256/1812-8696.2015.8.16040.
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Filippov V.R. Rol' Parizha v kongolezskoy drame // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2016. - 3. - C. 227 - 236. DOI: 10.7256/2305-560X.2016.3.17692.
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Filippov V.R.. Republic of Biafra as a focus of French foreign politics // Conflict Studies / nota bene. – 2016. – № 2. – P. 99-113. DOI: 10.7256/2409-8965.2016.2.18324.
Review: By the means of historical reconstruction the author inquires into the causes and the nature of the 1967-1970 civil war in Nigeria, which was one of the bloodiest conflicts on the African continent of the post-colonial period. A comprehensive analysis of historical sources, including media publications, witness recollections, investigations by the press, interviews with prominent politicians and diplomats, allows to shed light on the motives, both obvious and obscure, that drove both sides of this bloody conflict. The author focuses attention on defining the role of the United Kingdom, France, the USA, Soviet Union and certain African countries (such as the Republic of Gabon, and the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire) in igniting the civil war in the republic of Nigeria. The author also makes an accent on the effects of the Françafrique geopolitical doctrine in this conflict. The methodological basis of this work includes the systemic, structural-functional, comparative political approaches, as well as the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, observation.This work points out the firm connection between the events in Nigeria and the genocide of the Igbo people in the Biafra region of Nigeria. The author substantiates a conclusion that the Élysée Palace supported the separatists of Biafra for three years, offering logistical and military support, as well as political and diplomatic patronage to the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra in order to protect the economic and political interests of Paris in this oil-rich region. The author considers that the civil war in Nigeria was a prominent sign of the hidden struggle between France, on one hand, and the Anglo-Saxon side (the USA, the UK). The author also substantiates the conclusion that the aid that Soviet Union offered Nigeria's federal government was intended as a means to spread the influence of communist ideology to the countries of tropical Africa. This research was performed with the financial support of Russian humanitarian science foundation, project № 15-01-00363 "Foreign intervention into third world country affairs during the Cold War period: multi-layered analysis experience".
Kuznetsov I.I. Vliyanie demonstratsionnykh effektov na stanovlenie politicheskikh institutov // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2015. - 4. - C. 412 - 425. DOI: 10.7256/2305-560X.2015.4.17162.
Gyuler K. Bel'giyskiy federalizm kak forma upravleniya etnopoliticheskimi konfliktami // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2015. - 4. - C. 426 - 430. DOI: 10.7256/2305-560X.2015.4.17196.
Kosenko S.I. Faktor «myagkoy sily» v kul'turnoy diplomatii Frantsii // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2015. - 2. - C. 197 - 208. DOI: 10.7256/2305-560X.2015.2.10167.
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Bunevich D.S.. The polish diaspora as a tool of "soft power" of Warsaw in the East // Conflict Studies / nota bene. – 2016. – № 1. – P. 20-28. DOI: 10.7256/2409-8965.2016.1.17905.
Review: The article is dedicated to the study of main aspects of the history and the here and now of Polonia in the East: Polish organizations, Polish-speaking media and the government support provided to them. The purpose of this research is to determine the role of the "Polonia" project in the implementation of Poland's eastern policy at the present time. The object of this study is the Polish diaspora in Russia and the CIS as a tool of soft power. Polonia is obviously a political project: Warsaw tries to maintain and strengthen its influence in the former Soviet republics with its help, using it as a primary resource loyal to the Polish diaspora. The methodological basis of the study is a systemic, structural and functional, comparative political approaches, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, observation. The Ukrainian crisis of 2014 marked the beginning of the acute phase of the next stage of geopolitical confrontation that stretches from the Baltic to the Black Sea area, a zone of collision of interests of Russia and Poland for centuries. Official Warsaw strongly declares its "lack of interest" in the fate of land in Western Ukraine that belonged to the Polish state for centuries, while accusing Moscow of allegedly making secret proposals to "divide Ukraine." But the history of the previous five centuries suggests that the Polish elite have always considered the land located to the east of Poland, the main direction of its foreign expansion.
Filippov V.R. Deetnizatsiya territoriy v noveyshey istorii Rossii // Federalizm. 2006. № 2. S. 125-142.
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Kappeler A. Rossiya — mnogonatsional'naya imperiya. Vozniknovenie, istoriya, raspad. — M.: Progress-Traditsiya, 2000. C. 165.
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Khabenskaya E.O.. Senegal and Guinea-Bissau: the Casamance conflict viewpoint (1959-1998). // Conflict Studies / nota bene. – 2015. – № 3. – P. 271-282. DOI: 10.7256/2409-8965.2015.3.16181.
Review: This article explores the situation is Casamance (a southern province of Senegal, which gravitates towards Guinea-Bissau, both culturally and historically), which, across several decades, is a major influencing factor. The author's attention is focused on political, ideological and cultural determinants of the tensions between the two countries. The main cause for those tensions, according to the author, are fundamental differences of the ideological values, and thus, political orientations of the ruling elites of Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. The intensity of the Casamance conflict, according to the author, is explained by the transparency of the state borders, and the social, cultural, linguistic and confessional kinship of the tribal groups (Diola, Balante, Mandingo), living in adjacent territories. Using the method of historical reconstruction, the author analyzes the dynamics of the relations between the two neighboring countries of the West African region in the context of the prolonged conflict in Casamance - the southern Senegalese province, bordering on the Guinea-Bissau and claims to secession. The author concludes that the nature of relations between the two countries largely depended on their domestic situation: Guinea-Bissau, which is constantly in a "fever" of military coups and leadership changes, has demonstrated an inconsistent position towards the separatist movement in Casamance. However, the mutual problems with security and control over the border areas of the two countries, the leaders were forced to overcome ideological differences and cooperate against the separatists.
S. 28-39. 23. Filippov V.R. Africa in one hundred years // RUSSIAN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS COUNCIL. № 77 № 013839523 01.03.2013 24. Manoylo A.V. Ukrainskiy krizis i «upravlyaemyy khaos»: sled «tsvetnykh revolyutsiy» Arabskoy Vesny. // Vlast'. 2014. №4. S. 24-28. 25. Manoylo A.V. Informatsionnoe protivoborstvo v usloviyakh psikhologicheskoy voyny. // Zakon i pravo.-2003.-№12. – S. 31-34.
Karpovich O.G. Ideologicheskaya baza separatizma v sisteme koordinat sovremennoy mirovoy politiki // Politika i Obshchestvo. - 2014. - 11. - C. 1339 - 1352. DOI: 10.7256/1812-8696.2014.11.12959.
Manoylo A.V. Sravnitel'nyy separatizm // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2015. - 1. - C. 98 - 108. DOI: 10.7256/2305-560X.2015.1.12671.
politikov Frantsii // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2012. - 1. - C. 139 - 144.
Filippov V.R.. Gabon in "Franceafrique's net" // Conflict Studies / nota bene. – 2015. – № 3. – P. 256-270. DOI: 10.7256/2409-8965.2015.3.16067.
Review: Using the method of historical reconstruction, the author reveals the essence of the French neo-colonial policies in relation to Gabon after World War II. Comprehensive analysis of the less well-known historical sources (materials of legal and journalist investigations, testimonies of well-known politicians and diplomats) allows to show the reader the fundamental reliance of the political elite of this small but oil-rich African country on purely pragmatic interests of the owners of the Elysee Palace. This dependence is based, primarily, on the oil and uranium needs of the Fifth Republic. The methodological basis of the research includes the systemic, structural and functional, comparative political approaches, methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, observation. The author reached a substantiated conclusion that the implementation mechanisms of such policies are typical of latent foreign policies of France: it includes creating corruption schemes, arranging secret agreements between political, military and business elites of the two countries. The Fifth Republic brings puppet leaders to power (and, if necessary, and keeps them in power), and they, in turn provide the absolute preference of Paris in the economic, political and military cooperation.
Poquin J.J. Les relations economiques exterieures des pays d Afrique Noir de lUnion Francais 1925-1955. P., 1955. P. 37.
Reed M.C. Gabon: a Neo-Colonial Enclave of Enduring French Interest // The Journal of Modern African Studies V. 25. № 2. 1987. R. 283-320.
Filippov V.R. Serdtse Chernoy Afriki: zaplanirovannyy infarkt // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. 2014. № 2. S. 164-179.
Filippov V.R. Blez Kompaore: izgnanie s Olimpa // Geopoliticheskiy zhurnal. 2015. № 1 (8). S. 52-72.
Geveling L.V. Kleptokratiya. M., 201. S. 9.
Tur'inskaya Kh.M. «Afrikanskiy Davos» i N'yu-Yorkskiy forum-Afrika // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. 2012. № 11. S. 21.
Manoylo A.V. Glava 5. Strategii «upravlyaemogo khaosa» v mirovoy politike kak istochnik global'noy neopredelennosti. / V kn.: Vneshnyaya politika Rossii v usloviyakh global'noy neopredelennosti: monografiya / pod red. P.A. Tsygankova. – M.: Izdatel'stvo «Rusayns», 2015. S. 84-114.
Budaev A.V. Sravnitel'nyy analiz "myagkoy sily" vo vneshney politike Rossii i Brazilii. // Latinskaya Amerika. 2014. № 4. S. 24-31.
Manoylo A.V. Nesilovoe regulirovanie mezhdunarodnykh konfliktov. Kul'turno-tsivilizatsionnye paradigmy. // Kosmopolis.-2008.-№2. – S.168-174.
Manoylo A.V. Psikhologicheskie operatsii: modeli i tekhnologii upravleniya konfliktami. // Politeks (Politicheskaya ekspertiza).-2008.-№3 .-S. 62-73.
sovremennoe sostoyanie i dinamika razvitiya // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2012. - 1. - C. 46 - 53.
Karpovich O.G. Demokraticheskie instituty i ikh rol' v sisteme gosudarstvennogo upravleniya // Politika i Obshchestvo. - 2015. - 3. - C. 387 - 394. DOI: 10.7256/1812-8696.2015.3.14781.
Karyakin V.V.. Civil War in South-East of Ukraine: a scenario analysis and prediction of politico-military background // Conflict Studies / nota bene. – 2015. – № 1. – P. 31-44. DOI: 10.7256/2409-8965.2015.1.14127.
Review: This article is focused on the critical geopolitical situation inside and around Ukraine that presents new challenges and direct threats to national interests and security of Russian Federation. The scenario analysis of regional politico-military background and evolutional modeling of international systems, as exemplified by the Ukrainian crisis, demonstrates that this crisis is a direct result of Western country efforts intended straight to turn Ukraine into its strategic foothold for pressuring Russia in order to prevent it from becoming a leading world power. The methodological basis of this research is constituted of systemic, structural-functional, comparative-political approaches, and the methods of analysis, synthesis, observation and modeling. Ukraine, as a piece on the Global geopolitical chessboard, is still a small piece for lead actors of international politics in their antagonism towards Russia in a struggle for global and regional leadership. If Moscow wins in this conflict, Russia will have a solid spot among the great powers, and will fortify its influence on the international arena considerably, giving the new, multipolar world a new geopolitical dimension.
Keywords: scenario analysis, prediction, evolution modeling, politico-military background, international systems, Ukrainian crisis, Russia, USA, EU, security.
V.L. Shul'ts Stsenarnyy analiz v upravlenii sotsial'noy bezopasnost'yu // Natsional'naya bezopasnost' / nota bene.-2012.-6.-C. 4-21.
Karyakin V.V. Myslit' geopoliticheskimi kategoriyami – patrioticheskiy dolg rossiyskoy elity (zametki po istorii sovetskoy i noveyshey rossiyskoy elitologii) // Vestnik Chelyabinskogo gosud. Universiteta. 2007, № 23, SS. 28-42.
Abaev L.Ch. Ob aktual'nykh podkhodakh k modelirovaniyu mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniy // Problemy natsional'noy strategii. M:. RISI, № 2(7), 2012, ss. 31-48.
Karyakin V.V. Evolyutsionnoe modelirovanie geopoliticheskoy obstanovki // Svobodnaya mysl'. № 5/6 (1633), 2012.
Bartosh A. Gibridnye voyny budushchego – prognozirovanie i planirovanie // Nezavisimoe voennoe obozrenie. 19 dekabrya 2014 g.
Dashichev V.I. Novaya "kholodnaya voyna" SShA protiv Rossii // Trendy i upravlenie.-2014.-4.-C. 345-356. DOI: 10.7256/2307-9118.2014.4.13010.
Bajrektarevic A.. 25 years after 9/11 — How many Germanies should Europe have? // Conflict Studies / nota bene. – 2015. – № 1. – P. 24-30. DOI: 10.7256/2409-8965.2015.1.13572.
Review: Ever since the Peace of Westphalia, Europe maintained the inner balance of powers by keeping its core section soft. Peripheral powers like England, France, Denmark, (Sweden and Poland being later replaced by) Prussia, the Ottomans, Habsburgs and Russia have pressed and preserved the center of continental Europe as their own playground. At the same time, they kept extending their possessions overseas or, like Russia and the Ottomans, over the land corridors deeper into Asian and MENA proper. Once Royal Italy and Imperial Germany had appeared, the geographic core «hardened» and for the first time started to politico-militarily press onto peripheries, including the two European mega destructions, known as the two World Wars. Therefore, this new geopolitical reality caused a big security dilemma lasting from the 1814 Vienna congress up to Potsdam conference of 1945, being re-actualized again with the Berlin Wall destruction: How many Germanies and Italies should Europe have to preserve its inner balance and peace? At the time of Vienna Congress, there were nearly a dozen of Italophone states and over three dozens of Germanophone entities — 34 western German states + 4 free cities (Kleinstaaterei), Austria and Prussia. The post-WWII Potsdam conference concludes with only three Germanophone (+ Lichtenstein + Switzerland) and two Italophone states (+ Vatican). Than, 25 years ago, we concluded that one of Germanies was far too much to care to the future. Thus, it disappeared from the map overnight, and joined the NATO and EU — without any accession talks — instantly. West of Berlin, the usual line of narrative claims that the European 9/11 was an event of the bad socio-economic model being taken over by the superior one — just an epilogue of pure ideological reckoning. Consequently — the narrative goes on — the west (German) taxpayers have taken the burden. East of Berlin, people will remind you clearly that the German reunification was actually a unilateral takeover, an Anschluss, which has been paid by the bloody dissolutions affecting in several waves two of the three demolished multinational Slavic state communities. A process of brutal erosions that still goes on, as we see it in Ukraine today.
Nye Joseph S. Jr. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. New York: Public Affairs Group, 2004.
Hale H.E. Democracy or autocracy on the march? The colored revolutions as normal dynamics of patronal presidentialism. // Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 2006. Vol 39. №3. pp. 305-329.
Filiu J.-P. The Arab Revolution. Ten Lessons from the Democratic Uprising. / London: Hurst &Co. 2011. 195 p.
Evseev V.V. Siriyskiy krizis pod uglom rossiysko-amerikanskikh otnosheniy // Natsional'naya bezopasnost' / nota bene. - 2013. - 6. - C. 111 - 121. DOI: 10.7256/2073-8560.2013.6.10128.
Kurilkin A.V. Evolyutsionnoe razvitie psikhologicheskoy bor'by: ot propagandy k psikhologicheskim operatsiyam // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2014. - 3. - C. 472 - 474. DOI: 10.7256/2305-560X.2014.3.11855.
Bairektarevich A.. Why Is (The Korean Peninsula and East) Asia Unable to Capitalize (on) its Successes: Asia Needs Asean-Ization not Pakistanization of its Continent // Conflict Studies / nota bene. – 2014. – № 1. – P. 59-64. DOI: 10.7256/.2014.1.13520.
Review: Speculations over the alleged bipolar world of tomorrow (the so-called G-2, China vs. the US), should not be an Asian dilemma. It is primarily a concern of the West that, after all, overheated China in the first place with its (outsourced business) investments. Hence, despite a distortive noise about the possible future G-2 world, the central security problem of Asia remains the same: an absence of any pan-continental multilateral setting on the world’s largest continent. The Korean peninsula like no other Asian theater pays a huge prize because of it.Why is it so? Asia’s success story? Well, it might be easier than it seems: Neither Europe nor Asia has any alternative. The difference is that Europe well knows there is no alternative — and therefore is multilateral. Asia thinks it has an alternative — and therefore is strikingly bilateral, while stubbornly residing enveloped in economic egoisms. No wonder that Europe is/will be able to manage its decline, while Asia is (still) unable to capitalize its successes. Asia — and particularly its economically most (but not yet politico-militarily) advanced region, East Asia — clearly does not accept any more the lead of the post-industrial and post-Christian Europe, but is not ready for the post-West world. How to draw the line between the recent and still unsettled EU/EURO crisis and By contrasting and comparing genesis of multilateral security structures in Europe with those currently existing in Asia, we can easily remark the following: Prevailing security structures in Asia are bilateral and mostly asymmetric, while Europe enjoys multilateral, balanced and symmetric setups (American and African continents too). These partial settings are more instruments of containment than of engagement. Containment will never result in the integration through cooperation. On contrary, it will trigger a confrontation which feeds the antagonisms and preserves alienation on the stage. Therefore, irrespective to the impressive economic growth, no Asian century will emerge with deeply entrenched divisions on the continent, where the socio-political currents of the Korean peninsula are powerful daily reminder that the creation of such a pan-Asian institution is an urgent must.
Keywords: international relations, foreign, political conflicts, political stability, Asia, interests, values, security.
Jakobsen P.V. Nordic Approaches to Peace Operations: A New Model in the Making? London: Routledge, 2006.
Ackermann A. The Idea and Practice of Conflict Prevention // Journal of Peace Research. 2003. Vol. 40 (3). 2003.
Overland I. A Gap in OSCE Conflict Prevention? Local Media and Inter-Ethnic Conflict in the Former Soviet Union. Oslo: Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt, 2003.
hruelsen P.D. International Organisations: Their role in Conflict Management. Copenhagen: Royal Danish Defence College, 2009.
Karpovich O.G. Konflikty tsivilizatsiy: aktual'nye problemy // Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. - 2014. - 1. - C. 62 - 67. DOI: 10.7256/2305-560X.2014.1.9000.