later influence of Iranian languages on Proto-Slavic. There are obvious drawbacks in the theory. First, the two sounds must have been very close (r/l), so that both could have triggered the change in Indo-Iranian. Second, there are no real examples of this change working in Slavic, and it is also doubtful that only this change (ruki) and no other such change of sibilants (e.g. > h) was borrowed into Slavic. The syllabic laryngeal *H̥ becomes *i in Proto-Indo-Iranian, and this also triggered RUKI. A later extension of RUKI was particular to the Iranian languages: *s, *z shift to *š, *ž also after the labial stops *p, *b, including even secondary *s from Proto-Indo-Iranian *ć < PIE *ḱ. Nuristani The Ruki rule also displays a rather different behavior in Nuristani, conditioned by the following factors: The reflex of the Proto-Indo-European sequence *ḱs is Nuristani *c (pronounced [t͡s]), the same as that of plain *ḱ, thus in this context there is no evidence of the operation of RUKI. E.g. the word for 'bear', reflecting Proto-Indo-European *h₂ŕ̥tk̂os (Sanskrit rkṣa "bear", Avestan arša) shows a dental affricate in most Nuristani languages as ic or oc. Proto-Indo-European sequences *ks and *kʷs become Nuristani *č. Thus Proto-Indo-European *ksu-ró "razor" reflects as kṣurá in Sanskrit, and churi ("sickle") in Kati, and čūr ("large knife") in Waigali. Various cases where the Ruki law failed to operate after *i and *u in Nuristani exist. Hegedűs notes that these all seem to trace back to PIE etyma where the *us and *is sequences were earlier *uHs and *iHS, meaning the laryngeals seem to have blocked the operation of Ruki. For example, PIE *muHs "mouse" > Sanskrit mūṣ-, Avestan mūš, but Kati mussā, Prasun mǖsu, while the Waigali word is of dubious etymology, and the Ashkun form shows a variation in articulation due to secondary phenomena. Proto-Indo-European *rs and *ls merge into a Nuristani *ṣ, thus after *r we do actually see proper Ruki-like behavior in Nuristani. Albanian According to Orel (2000: 62), Albanian shows a limited RUKI-like development, where *s becomes sh only after PIE *y, *w (including their vocalic counterparts *i, *u). E.g. lesh 'wool, fleece, hair' < *laysa, cf. Slavic *listъ 'leaf' < *leys-to- dash 'ram' < *dawsa, cf. Germanic *deuzą < *dʰews-om pishë 'pine' < *pisā, cf. Latin pīnus 'pine' < *pi(t)snos prush 'ember' < *prusa, cf. Latin prūna 'ember' < *prusnā; Sanskrit ploṣati 'to burn' <