relations are often the bond that holds the group together. Within an aldeia (comparable to a village or a neighbourhood), a widespread family usually dominates and it is not unusual that this aldeia also corresponds to the territory of an MAG. Thus, conflicts between MAGs are mostly actually conflicts between families or villages that mobilise their youth as fighters. Thus, the dispute over the ownership of a field from the rural regions of the country can also spill over to relatives in Dili and escalate here. The parallels to the traditional small liurais of Timor, which built their power on family ties and blood alliances, are striking here. The MAGs take on the function of a family fighting force or vigilante group. Alliances against common enemies are not uncommon. In Dili in 2007, for example, several family MAGs joined forces to oust the PSHT from their neighbourhood of Bairo Pite. The PSHT, also known as Nehek Metan (Black Ants), is the largest MAG and one of the most controversial groups, with what it claims are 6,000 members and 10,000 students committed to four years of training. It has its origins in Indonesia, but considers itself independent of the Indonesian group. The PSHT has been involved in fights with Korka, Kung Fu Master, Kera Sakti and Colimau 2000. The chief was Jaime Xavier Lopes in 2007. From 2012 to 2017, he was State Secretary for Lands and Real Estate. A peace agreement was signed with the 7–7 on 27 August 2008. The Kung Fu Masters state their size as 7700 members. 30% are said to be women, while in other MAGs women make up less than 5%. Their leader was killed in a shootout between police and army in Tibar in July 2006. The KS has 6700 members. Ritual Arts Groups (RAG) The RAGs, in contrast to the MAGs, emphasise the Timorese origin of their rituals, even if many of these seem to be self-invented rather than really having an ancient tradition. They often refer to themselves as Kakalok (magical/mystical group) or Isin Kanek (wound). RAGs seem to be especially attractive to former fighters of the FALINTIL and other resistance groups who were left without prospects after disarmament, which is why the members are usually older than in other groups (between 20 and 50 years old). They often emerged from secret societies that fought against the Indonesian occupation. Some, like the