main banks, all state-owned, collapsed and the government was unable to pay teachers, civil servants and soldiers their salaries, nor students their grants. This caused domestic opposition to mushroom, rendering the country ‘virtually ungovernable’.20 The World Bank and the InternationalMonetary Fund (IMF) refused to provide emergency assistance because of Benin's failure to adhere to prior agreements.21 Kérékou convened a national conference to discuss the country's future course, bringing together representatives of all sectors of Beninese society, including ‘teachers, students, the military, government officials, religious authorities, non-governmental organizations, more than 50 political parties, ex-presidents, labor unions, business interests, farmers, and dozens of local development organizations’.22 Kérékou believed that he could retain control of the 488 delegates. Instead, when it met in February 1990, the convention declared itself sovereign, redefined the powers of the presidency, reducing Kérékou to a figurehead role, and appointed Nicéphore Soglo, a former World Bank staff member, to act as executive prime minister. In exchange for a full pardon for any crimes he may have committed, Kérékou peacefully ceded power. By March 1991, the Beninese electorate had ratified a new constitution and democratically elected Soglo president. Brazil In 1979, Brazil's military dictatorship—which suppressed young political activists and trade unionists—passed an amnesty law. This law allowed exiled activists to return, but was also used to shield human rights violators from prosecution. Perpetrators of human rights abuses during Brazil's 1964 to 1985 military dictatorship were never criminally prosecuted or tried. In December 2010, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights condemned Brazil for failing to investigate and convict those guilty of "arbitrary detention, torture and forced disappearance of 70 people, including members of the Communist Party of Brazil and peasants in the region" of Araguaia River basin, "as result of Brazilian army operations carried out between 1972 and 1975”, during the Araguaia Guerrilla War. However, on April 29, 2010, the Brazilian high court rejected a lawsuit brought by the Brazilian Bar Association questioning the validity of the Amnesty Law and ruled, by 7 votes to 2, that the Amnesty Law covers those accused of torture, murder, forced disappearance and sexual abuse committed by the military and other public agents during the regime. At the time, Justice Marco Aurélio said that the Inter-American Court's decision was only politically effective, but "has no concreteness as a judicial title." According to him, the practical effect of the conviction by the Inter-American Court is nothing